From Pella to Gandhara

Hybridisation and Identity in the Art and Architecture of the Hellenistic East
Edited by

Anna Kouremenos, Sujatha Chandrasekaran and Roberto Rossi

with a foreword by

Sir John Boardman.

BAR International Series 2221 2011

Published by Archaeopress Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England
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BAR S2221

From Pella to Gandhara: Hybridisation and Identity in the Art and Architecture of the Hellenistic East
Archaeopress and the individual authors 2011

ISBN 978 1 4073 0779 4

Cover image: Cybele Plate (silver and gold, d. 25 cm, c. 3rd B.C.) from Ai Khanum, the Temple with Indented Niches. Afghanistan National Museum, Kabul. Mus. No: 04.42.7. After F. Hiebert and P. Cambon (eds.), Afghanistan, Hidden Treasures from National Museum, Kabul, cover image/Pl. 11. Washington. (ISBN 978-1-4262-0295-7).

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HELLENISING THE CYPRIOT GODDESS: READING THE AMATHOUSIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES*

Giorgos Papantoniou Trinity College Dublin The complex, resilient phenomenon of the Cypriot goddess transcends the sphere of religion and cult and, irrespective of affinities with earlier and contemporary Near Eastern sacred environments and Oriental cultic practices, acquires a distinct cultural character that is readily identifiable in the islands material culture.1 INTRODUCTION1 As the above quote maintains, the image of the Cypriot Goddess transcends the domain of religion and diachronically becomes a veritable mark of Cypriot cultural identity.2 The discovery of a great number of terracotta figurines related to the image of the Cypriot Goddess at Amathous (Fig. 1) provides a good opportunity to examine the development and the importance of the cult in Cyprus, from the era of the Cypriot city-kingdoms to the Hellenistic period.3 Even prior to the Cypro-Archaic (c. 750-475 BC) and Cypro-Classical (c. 475-325 BC) periods, the island must have been divided into several political units, i.e. the Cypriot city-kingdoms, ruled by several Cypriot Basileis
This contribution derives from a relevant chapter of my Ph.D. dissertation, Cyprus, from Basileis to Strategos: Social Power and the Archaeology of Religion (Trinity College Dublin, 2008), which is currently under preparation for publication. 1 Iacovou 2007, 586. 2 Both the definition and identification of the Cypriot Goddess before the Hellenistic period are very problematic. One should, thus, remain skeptical about attaching this term to each and any figurine described in this analysis. As shown below, the presence of a single distinctive goddess, who is specifically Cypriot, and her interaction with other Mediterranean female deities before the Hellenistic period is very complex. In the following discussion, however, I refer to the Cypriot Goddess as a convenient umbrella term to describe the figurines that have been associated with a local deity by modern scholarship. All the terracotta examples used here are mostly of local clay and small in size, i.e. usually not above 25 cm. 3 The identification, distribution and interpretation of the majority of the following city-kingdom types in Cypriot sanctuaries in general are discussed in Ulbrich 2008, 65-102 and 2010; for the distribution of these types particularly in the Amathousian santuaries see Ulbrich 2008, 263-83.

(Kings).4 In the context of the struggle of the Diadochoi (Successors) of Alexander the Great, Cyprus was annexed by Ptolemy I in 294 BC and stayed in Ptolemaic hands until it became a Roman province in 58 BC. Possibly for the first time since the 2nd millennium BC, the island turned from a segmented government and administration to a unitary one, under the control of a Strategos (General), who was accountable to the king of Ptolemaic Egypt, who ruled from Alexandria. The purpose of this discussion is twofold: first, to trace the process of hellenisation of the Cypriot Goddess; secondly, considering the connection of this figure to Cypriot cultural identity, to illustrate the politicoreligious agency related to this cult, at both historical phases. More specifically, by reading the terracotta figurines found in Amathous, I aim to explore how the political change from Basileis to Strategos and the spread of the Hellenistic koine models affected the persona of the Cypriot Goddess: How are cultural and religious meanings expressed through this artistic representation? In addition, to what extent can any changes in the repertoire of the figurines be associated with sociopolitical change? It is argued that in order to better encapsulate the character of the hellenisation of the Cypriot goddess, one should first trace the previous transformations of her identity and persona, which took place within a citykingdom environment. One can therefore appreciate the vital link of this figure with both pre-hellenistic royal, ideology and popular cosmology, and the consequent
4 For a most comprehensive account on the formation, consolidation and abolition of the Cypriot city-kingdoms, see Iacovou 2002.

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FROM PELLA TO GANDHRA

Fig. 1: Map of Cyprus showing ancient sites mentioned in the text (G. Papantoniou)

attitude of the Ptolemies to provide meaningful associations with her in order to legitimise their authority. The discussion will focus on the figurines identified as the Cypriot Great Goddess, but other types will also be briefly surveyed in order to determine the various associations the cult of the local goddess received in both historical phases. Thus, the mode of enquiry will be shifted from stylistic change towards social dynamics and politico-religious agency and ideology. As I regularly refer to the terms hellenisation and cultural koine in the following analysis, I find it appropriate to briefly define these terms before proceeding to the actual material from Amathous.5 HELLENISTIC HELLENISATION AND CULTURAL KOINE The use of the so-called koine Greek as a common language has usually been taken as an indicator of the Hellenistic worlds boundaries. Hellenocentric foci, post-modern ideas about Hellenism as well as Orientalism coloured by contemporary imperialistic post-colonial beliefs and behaviours, have contributed to an overvaluation of the significance of a common language, which has been viewed on a scale of importance ranging from an originally administrative adoption to a triumph of Greek culture over other local cultures; this is the context from which the perception of the Hellenistic world as a relatively unitary and homogeneous cultural phenomenon has evolved.6 In
For further insights into hellenisation processes and cultural koine see Papantoniou 2008a, particularly 2-8, 267-71. 6 Alcock 1994, 171-2.
5

this sense, the Hellenistic world has usually been seen as something new under the sun.7 Archaeologists and historians have usually been keen to formulate and apply to any Hellenistic society cross-cultural generalisations of analytical structures. In this way, hellenisation has usually been perceived as a progressive and uniform phenomenon, which resulted almost mechanically through colonisation. This perception of a homogeneous entity, characterised as the Hellenistic oikoumene (or the inhabited world) has recently been reassessed as being misguided to a great extent.8 It has therefore been argued that locally-based regional studies can test and contradict the notion of uniformity and the impression that this entire (very farflung and diverse) oikoumene followed similar developmental trajectories.9 Consequently, recent studies call for scepticism when one uses the concept of a Hellenistic cultural or artistic koine. When it comes to the various Hellenistic artistic schools, for instance, as Stewart explains, neither the fine separation of distinct local schools, nor the notion of a koine (where every discovery immediately becomes common property from Sicily to Bactria) seem adequate to explain neither the international character of Hellenistic art, nor the vital contribution of local preferences and local movements to the formation of what appear to be genuinely regional variants upon the parent stock.10 This is also the case when it comes to the so-called Hellenistic religious koine. While religious multicultu7 8

Alcock 1994, 174. Alcock, Gates and Rempel 2003. 9 Alcock, Gates and Rempel 2003, 356. 10 Stewart 1979, 4.

36

G. PAPANTONIOU: HELLENISING THE CYPRIOT GODDESS: READING THE AMATHOUSIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES

ralism affected all parts of the Greek world to an extent, it is not valid to envisage a single form of Hellenistic religion.11 THE CITY-KINGDOMS TERRACOTTA FIGURINES Turning to the material itself, the discussion will start with the early examples from the city-kingdom of Amathous that have been associated with the Cypriot Great Goddess. The first type is the goddess with upraised hands, some of them made in the snowman technique (so called because this type is hand-modeled from a lump of clay)12 with a headdress, a cylindrical body and breasts in relief, dating to the 7th-6th centuries BC (Fig. 2).13 Some examples have been found both on the Amathousian acropolis and in the necropolis.14 Details of dress and its ornaments and jewellery are usually highlighted with black and red paint. These figurines have usually been interpreted either as the goddess herself or as her priestesses in a ritual gesture,15 but in fact, such distinctions cannot be established definitively.

Fig. 3: Amathous. Terracotta figurine, Astarte plaque (Karageorghis, J. 2005, 92, fig. 87a) The most common type of figurines related to the Cypriot Goddess comprises sixth- to fifth-century BC moulded figurines representing naked women with emphasised sexual attributes (Fig. 3).16 The goddess holds or presses her breasts; her pubic area is painted and rendered by an incised triangle and a vulva.17 Most of them, again, wear heavy jewellery, such as necklaces with a disc-and-crescent pendant, earrings, bracelets or ankle-rings painted in black and red. Their hair is plaited to resemble palm leaves. These figurines have a flat back and because of the iconographic parallels with Astarte have been called Astarte plaques. They have been found in the principal sanctuary, in the palace and in tombs. Comparative study has led modern scholars concerned with iconographic borrowings to associate them with the Phoenician goddess Astarte.18 It is important to note that Fig. 2: Terracotta figurine, goddess with upraised hands type Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (Karageorghis 1998, 4, fig. 5)
11 12

Mkalson 2006, 208. For further information on the technique see Serwint 2000, 653, 658-

9. Hermary 2000, 19; Ulbrich 2008, 67-70. When I refer to the figurines found on the acropolis of Amathous, I include these from the main sanctuary on the hilltop, but also those either from the palatial sanctuaries or from deposits related to the aforementioned or to unidentified sanctuaries on the hill. 15 Karageorghis 1998, 1-17; Karageorghis, J. 2005, 92.
14 13

Karageorghis, J. 1999, 8-28; Hermary 2000, 82-91; Ulbrich 2008, 6777. 17 In a Near Eastern context, this type of nude female has generally been associated with the goddess Ishtar in her fertility aspect, or as one of her sacred prostitutes, an interpretation, however, which is problematic according to Bahrani (2001, 83). Textual and material evidence might also link Cyprus to sacred prostitution. For information on this cult see Strong 1997 and Serwint 2002, 331. Budin (2006, 2008) highlights the prejudices imparted into the ancient texts by modern scholarship and aims to undermine sacred prostitution as a concept. 18 Karageorghis, J. 1977, 206; 1999, 1-2; 2005, 92-5; Vandenabeele 1985, 203-5; Sophocleous 1985, 94-6. Budin (2003; 2004) considers the long-held belief that Aphrodite was the Greek version of the Phoenician Astarte and concludes that the persona of Astarte as presented in the

16

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FROM PELLA TO GANDHRA

female figurines in similar poses are already found in Late Bronze Age Cypriot contexts.19 I would therefore agree with Hermary that the identification of the figurines with Astarte is often misleading.20 However, examination of textual evidence and iconographic parallels suggest that the character of the Cypriot Goddess was of great complexity and the various aspects of her persona argue for a good deal of influence from Near Eastern goddesses, such as Astarte, Hathor, Inanna, Ishtar, Anat and even Asherah.21 The deposition of these figurines in tombs, probably as amulets accompanying and protecting the dead in the afterlife, might further reinforce their divine aspect.22 A considerable number of seventh- to fourth-century BC figurines, made in the snowman technique again, have been found. The most common variation in this technique comprises a number of figurines holding a circular object, most commonly interpreted as a tambourine (Fig. 4).23 Such figurines have been found in great quantities both in tombs and on the acropolis. On some figurines, belonging to this category, the decoration in black and red is still preserved, and details of ornaments and clothing, such as necklaces, bracelets and striped dresses are therefore visible. The figures have hair similar to the moulded Astarte plaques, a sort of headdress and ear-caps. It must be noted that the breasts are usually not emphasised and the gender is not explicitly indicated, but Hermary as well as Vassos and Jacqueline Karageorghis tend to regard them as females.24 What complicates the question of their gender even further is the fact that other figurines, made in the same technique, have their breasts indicated and are thus obviously female. As Hermary argues, an Amathousian inhumation might supply supportive evidence for the gender of those figurines:25 the double inhumation in tomb 11 of the Swedish excavations,26 where seemingly a couple had been buried, might indeed illuminate the gender of the figurines: while a horseback
Levantine Iron Age evidence does not correlate with the persona of Aphrodite. She then examines how the contemporary cults of the Paphian Aphrodite and Astarte in Cyprus caused both goddesses to be viewed as the Goddess of Cyprus. She also discusses the conflation of the two deities in Classical literature. She finally provides a thorough interpretation of the origins of Aphrodite and considers the various ways by which the ancient Greeks hellenised the Cypro-Levantine goddess into Greek Aphrodite. The presentation and the complexity of the overall argument would however lead us out of the scope of this discussion. 19 Karageorghis 1993, 26-30, figs 6-9, 11, Pl. XVII, 1-7. 20 Hermary 2000, 82; also, for problems in the identification of the goddess see Sophocleous 1985, 93 and Ulbrich 2008, 73-5. 21 Serwint, 2002; Ulbrich 2008, 73. 22 Karageorghis, J. 2005, 94. 23 The interpretation of the circular object they hold is problematic. A number of interpretations have been made. It has been suggested that it schematically represents a tambourine (tympanon), a cake or bread, or a ritual disc related to the cult of the goddess, or even a baetyl (a dressed stone which represents a cult idol). For a detailed analysis see Karageorghis 1998, 30-1 and Hermary 2000, 22-3. 24 Many of these figurines had pellet breasts that broke off. Additionally, sometimes the disc is quite large and it would be difficult to fit the breasts above it (information supplied by Ulbrich). So, according to Ulbrich (personal communication) the missing breasts are not an indication for them not being female. 25 Hermary 2000, 23. 26 SCE 2: 71.

Fig. 4: Amathous. Terracotta figurine representing a person holding a circular object (Karageorghis, J. 2005, 96, fig. 91c) rider figurine was found next to the mans burial, a female figurine holding a circular object was found next to the womans burial. This example is crucial in terms of interpretation, but we do need extra contextual evidence of this sort to further confirm its validity. The horseback rider alongside this (most probably female) figurine in Amathous may well represent the latters most common male companion.27 The male figure is represented riding, with his hands on the horses head. As the horse sacrifices in the dromoi of so-called royal burials from Salamis and elsewhere record, the possession and use of a horse, not necessarily for warfare but also in daily life and ceremonies, was considered a symbol of elite status.28 Whereas many of these figurines wear a conical helmet, a limited number, four from tombs and two from the area of the palace,29 wear a different headdress: a turban wrapped around the head, with a strip of cloth running from the forehead to the back of the neck. Iconographic parallels are found elsewhere, such as on the horseback and chariot riders from the sanctuary of Apollo Hylates at Kourion30 and on a large fifth-century stone head BC from Golgoi and now in the Louvre.31 It has been suggested that this is the mitra, the Cypriot headdress worn, according to Herodotus (VII, 90), by the
27 Hermary 2000, 33-40; for the various types and the stylistic development of the rider figurine see Karageorghis 1995, 60-95. 28 Karageorghis 1995, 61; Carstens 2005. 29 From the tombs: see Karageorghis 1987, nos 113, 120, 121, 127; from the palace: see Hermary 2000, nos 206, 209. 30 Young and Young 1955; Winter 1991; Hermary 2000, 34. 31 Hermary 1989, no. 532.

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G. PAPANTONIOU: HELLENISING THE CYPRIOT GODDESS: READING THE AMATHOUSIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES

Cypriot Basileis during the Persian wars.32 Hermary wonders whether such figurines should be associated with the image of the Basileus deposited in the palatial sanctuaries for the prosperity of the city-kingdom and in the tombs for protection resulting from the royal connotations.33 Issues of royal power and ideology in relation to the goddesss cult should thus be considered.34 The complexity of the Amathousian city-kingdoms ideological system would be more easily interpreted by associating mythological texts with iconography.35 In the absence of such adequate contemporary Cypriot textual evidence, however, one is almost totally dependent on this later textual evidence and iconography. The direct relationship of the Amathousian Basileis with the local goddess can be primarily established, for instance, by the famous Cypro-Classical sarcophagus found in Amathous and now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York.36 The sarcophagus (5th century BC) is a major work of Cypriot art, and its unique iconography as well as the context of its discovery support the idea of the inhumation of an individual of important social rank or even the Basileus himself.37 As has been recently argued in detail by Petit, all the symbols and the royal ideological connotations of the Amathousian dynasty can be seen on this sarcophagus.38 On the one short side four Bes-like gods are depicted; its counterpart features four Astarte-type goddesses like those depicted on the figurines from the sanctuaries and tombs examined earlier. On its long sides, flanked by trees of life or sacred trees, there are processions of soldiers, horsemen and chariots drawn by plumed horses, perhaps depicting a royal parade from the life of the deceased, or most probably his very funeral. Based on comparative study from other areas of the Mediterranean, Petit, analysing the motifs and the iconographic elements of the sarcophagus, and the implications of a probable functional mythology, concludes that the Amathousian Basileus seems to have presented himself as an incarnation of a Bes-like god, who was the companion of the local goddess. In the 5th to 4th centuries BC the difficulty of distinguishing mortal from immortal in the female plaque figurines becomes even more apparent. The naked figurines are no longer popular.39 The moulded plaque terracotta figurines are now dressed. Hermary classifies them as korai in the Cypriot tradition (Fig. 5), and korai imitating Greek types
Young and Young 1955, 200-1; Hermary 2000, 34. Hermary 2000, 34. 34 Petit 1996; Karageorghis, J. 2008, 140-1. 35 A further strong indication of the link between royal ideology and the cult of the Cypriot Goddess comes from a landscape and spatial analysis, such as the presence of various sanctuaries within palatial contexts and the special relationship between palaces and the main urban sanctuaries. These statements are particularly relevant for the case of Amathous: for further analysis see Papantoniou 2008a, 57-8, 188; 2008b, 38 and Ulbrich 2008, 212-18. 36 Tatton-Brown 1981; Stylianou 2007. 37 Hermary 1993, 176, no. 9. 38 Petit 2004; 2006. 39 Karageorghis, J. 1999, 126-9; 186-90.
33 32

Fig. 5: Amathous. Terracotta figurine, kore in the Cypriot tradition (Hermary 2000, pl. 40, no. 599)

Fig. 6: Amathous. Terracotta figurine, kore imitating Greek types (Hermary 2000, pl. 41, no. 608)

(Fig. 6).40 Some wear a diadem and others a pointed veil. Earrings and/or necklaces with pendants are still worn. They are no longer represented holding or pressing their breasts, and their arms are placed down beside the body holding their dress by the folds, or they keep one hand on their chest or on their stomach. As one moves towards the 4th century BC the figurines become increasingly hellenised.41 They are now dressed in Greek costume, wearing a chiton and himation, and holding a fruit or a flower. Comparable limestone statuettes have been found in both the sanctuary and the palace.42 At this point, I would like to emphasise an important change in the cultic function of those female figurines. While the Astarte figurines together with the Cypriot kore type appear as votives in the sanctuaries and as
40 41

Hermary 2000, 91-101. Karageorghis, J. 2008, 146. 42 Hermary 2000, 116-25.

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FROM PELLA TO GANDHRA

burial gifts, the Greek kore type, during the 5th-4th centuries BC, appears only in the acropolis sanctuaries.43 How this relates to the significance of the figurines remains unresolved. The double-edged sword question, asking whether or not those figurines represent the goddess, has to be faced again. According to Karageorghis, they could be identified as celebrants bringing an offering to the deity, but since in Greek iconography Aphrodite herself is often represented as a kore holding a flower, they could also be images of this goddess.44 A late 5th / early 4th century BC fragmentary figurine of a woman wearing a crown (polos in the shape of a kalathos)45 has been associated with a sculpture depicting a woman with a turreted crown, who has been interpreted as the Cypriot Goddess.46 Similar crowned limestone heads have been found all over the island. Another important piece of evidence is that of a similar head interpreted as the goddess with a turreted crown appearing on the obverse of royal coins of Paphos and Salamis;47 this might further indicate the importance of the image of this local goddess in relation to royal ideology. More recently, it has even been argued that in some instances, on the reverse of these coins, another figure, usually interpreted as Aphrodite again or as an unknown goddess, should more appropriately be interpreted as a male figure,48 probably the Basileus himself. As explained above, associations with the goddess provide an excellent means for the rulers legitimation of power. According to various scholars, the Cypriots created this type of Aphrodite as protector of the cities by giving her the Assyrian and Persian turreted crown.49

received the appropriate attention from modern scholarship, since it might indeed explain the development of the local goddess iconography and the process leading to her full hellenisation. The statue portrays the goddess with clear attributes: she is now dressed in the Greek style and wears a high diadem decorated with palmettes alternating with nude Astarte figures; she wears a necklace of pendant lotus blossoms and on her left arm holds a fragmentary winged Eros, the male Greek companion of the goddess par excellence.51 The long spiral locks falling over the shoulders recall statues of Greek korai.

THE TRANSITION FROM THE CYPROCLASSICAL TO THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD: TWO REVEALING EXAMPLES It is evident that at least a number of female depictions wearing a polos represent the goddess which is to be associated with Aphrodite; this is clearly illustrated on a unique late Cypro-Classical/early Hellenistic Cypriot limestone statue from Golgoi (Fig. 7),50 With some sporadic exceptions this sculpture seems not to have
Hermary 2000, 91-2. Karageorghis, J. 2005, 102-3. 45 Hermary 2000, 106, no. 715, pl. 49; the kalathos has traditionally been interpreted as a fertility symbol, reserved for the goddesses or their priestesses: see Hermary 1982, 171; Monloup 1991, 277; Queyrel 1991, 209-11. 46 Hermary 1981, 41-2, no. 36; Karageorghis, J. 2005, 103; a group of female heads with various crowns, among them the mural one, have been interpreted as Aphrodite: see Hermary 1982; for the goddess with mural crown see also Ulbrich 2008, 95-6. 47 Hill 1964, pls XXII and XXIV; Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation 1991, 15, 20. 48 Markou 2007, 287-91. 49 Karageorghis, J. 2005, 103; Ulbrich 2008, 95-6. 50 i.e. Papantoniou 2008a, 172 and Ulbrich 2008, 91-2; Ulbrich (2008, 91-2), further analyses this statue in comparison with a limited number of similar Cypriot sculptures that she interprets as the first hellenised versions of the Cypriot Goddess.
44 43

Fig. 7: Golgoi. Limestone statue of Aphrodite with Eros Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (SCE 4(3): pl. IX, fig. 1) Apart from iconography, epigraphy further identifies this stage of assimilation between the Cypriot Goddess and Aphrodite. By the 4th century BC the identity of the Amathousian goddess is clear. Two fourth-century BC dedications found in the Amathous hilltop sanctuary provide key evidence not only about the identity of the goddess, but also about her special connection with royal power and ideology: the last Basileus of Amathous, Androkles, dedicated statues of his two sons to the goddess. The statues are missing but their bases survive.52 The first, a stone bilingual inscription written both in Eteo-cypriot and in alphabetic Greek, reads: The Basileus Androkles [has dedicated] to the Cyprian Aphrodite [the images of his sons] Orestheus and Andragoras.53 This is the earliest identification (in
SCE 4(3): 88, Pl. IX; Vermeule1976, 25, fig. 14. A Greek style marble statue of a boy has been found on the hilltop sanctuary not far from the inscription; Hermary (1983, 298; 2000, 158, no. 999) leaves open the possibility that this statue might represent the young Amathousian prince. 53 Masson and Hermary 1982. For the translation into English, see Karageorghis, J., 2005, 85.
52 51

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G. PAPANTONIOU: HELLENISING THE CYPRIOT GODDESS: READING THE AMATHOUSIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES

alphabetic script) of the goddess with Aphrodite on the entire island.54 The other, a bilingual marble inscription in Eteo-cypriot and Greek reads: The Basileus Androkles has dedicated to the Cyprian Goddess the receptacle for the offerings and this image of the beauty of his son Orestheus.55 However, the adjective in front of the name of Aphrodite in the first inscription is of great importance: she is not just an Aphrodite, she is a Cyprian Aphrodite.56 Will the goddess lose her originality and her individual character by entering into the cultural and religious context of the so-called Hellenistic koine or will she persist in her existence, being the Aphrodite of Cyprus, or even better, the Aphrodite of the Cypriots?

THE HELLENISTIC TERRACOTTA FIGURINES Let us start by introducing the Amathous Hellenistic types. All the figurines are of local workmanship, made in moulds as is characteristic for the Hellenistic period and mostly in local clay.57 On some figurines where the colour is very well preserved it can be observed that they were multi-coloured. The majority come from the deposit MX 318 and represent mainly divinities and female worshippers. An important change in the female terracotta figurines after the onset of the Hellenistic period is that there is almost always a clear distinction between deities and worshippers amongst them. The character and identity of the deities can be seen much more clearly than before, and therefore conclusions about the cult can be more easily extracted. Aphrodite figurines represent the majority of the Hellenistic deity figurines uncovered (Figs. 8, 9, and 10). Queyrel places these figurines into seven main types:58 1. dressed, 2. with one breast uncovered, 3. semi-naked and resting her left or right hand on a pillar, 4. naked and holding her breasts with her two hands, 5. with Eros on her shoulder, 6. sitting on a swan, and 7. the so-called Cypriot Aphrodite. It is evident that multiple types of the Hellenistic cultural koine shape the artistic representation of Aphrodite within the repertoire of the Amathousian figurines. For instance, the dressed Aphrodite is a common type of the Hellenistic Mediterranean koine which originated from Rhodes or Attica,59 while the type of Aphrodite with one breast uncovered is particularly common in Asia Minor.60 Nevertheless, the Aphrodite holding her breasts is represented naked in the Greek style, but the motif is
54 There is also a Cypro-syllabic inscription from Kythraia referring to the Paphian Aphrodite: see Masson 1961, 259, no. 234. 55 Hellmann and Hermary 1980, 259-66; Hermary 1984, 269; for the translation into English, see Karageorghis, J., 2005, 85. Hermary et al. (2006, 152-4) has suggested that this dedication might be related either to the practice of a sacred wedding or sacred prostitution. 56 Karageorghis, J. 2008, 146. 57 For the technique see Aupert 1981, 373-5; Queyrel 1988, 15-19; Uhlenbrock 1990. 58 Queyrel 1988, 35-57. 59 Queyrel 1988, 36. 60 Queyrel 1988, 37.

Fig. 8: Amathous. Terracotta figurine, semi-naked Aphrodite resting on a pillar (Queyrel 1988, pl. 10, no. 86)

Fig. 9: Amathous. Terracotta figurine, naked holding her breasts with her two hands (Queyrel 1988, pl. 11, no. 96)

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Fig. 11: Amathous. Terracotta figurine depicting Eros and Psyche (Hermary 2000, pl. 53, no. 755)

Fig. 10: Amathous. Terracotta figurine, restitution of the Aphrodite with Eros type (Queyrel 1988, pl. 12)

completely Cypriot, resembling the Astarte plaques examined above.61 In addition, the so-called Cypriot Aphrodite figurines represent a Hellenistic form of the goddess most probably influenced by her Cypro-Classical predecessor korai types. The fully Hellenic form of Aphrodite is sometimes accompanied by her Greek male companion: a fragmentary Eros figurine found in the deposit MX 318, along with some heads possibly representing the god, one from the so-called subterranean cult place (a subterranean tunnel) and one from a burial context (now in the British Museum), show again the arrival of perceptions relating this deity to Aphrodite in Cyprus.62 A torso statuette, depicting Eros holding a crown, has also been found in the suburb of Amathous.63 A recently discovered terracotta find from the sanctuary, depicting the god Eros with Psyche (Fig. 11),64 and a painted funeral stele of Macedonian origin,65 depicting an Eros, reinforce the funerary significance of the god and provide some further evidence about the diffusion and the nature of his cult in Amathous. I will now briefly discuss some other divine images that the corpus of the Amathousian terracottas has presented.
61 Queyrel 1988, 43; see also Ulbrich 2008, 92-3 and Karageorghis 2008, 147. 62 Queyrel 1988, 58, 241; Flourentzos 2004, 24. 63 Hermary 1981, 25. 64 Hermary 2000, 112. 65 Hermary 1986, 407-8.

Next to Aphrodite, the second important goddess represented in figurines is Isis.66 Isiac priests with the shaved head have also been found both in the subterranean cult place and the deposit MX 318.67 The connection of the Egyptian goddess and Aphrodite on the Amathous acropolis is evident. One should recall an important second-century BC inscription found in the hilltop sanctuary referring to the dedication of an offering, probably a building, in favour of king Ptolemy VIII. 68 The inscription reads: To Sarapis, Isis, Aphrodite (or Isis-Aphrodite) [and the associated (synnaoi) gods] in favour of the king Ptolemy, the queen Cleopatra, his sister, the queen Cleopatra, his wife, gods Euergetai, and their children, Sof the First Friends.69 The spread of the Alexandrian cults could primarily be related to sailors and merchants. The cults were originally established in port cities and centres of commerce.70 The cult of Aphrodite, however, progressively came to be associated with that of Isis, and is also directly related to the Ptolemaic ruler cult and royal ideology; there is, for instance, strong textual, epigraphic and iconographic evidence for the association of the Ptolemaic queens, especially Arsinoe II, with Aphrodite and Isis.71 The persona and the cult of the local goddess, together with its affiliations (such as during the period of the citykingdoms) are fully taken into consideration in the construction and reproduction of royal ideology, providing the Hellenistic rulers a means for legitimising their power. While male figurines are abundant in the preceding periods, after the 4th century BC, with the exception of the figurines of Isis priests and some male gods, such as
Queyrel 1988, 59-73. Quyrel 1988, 119-21; Flourentzos 2004, 25-6. 68 Hellmann and Hermary 1980, 268-72; for a later restitution, after the discovery of another piece of the same inscription, see Hermary and Schmid 1987, 736-9. 69 For the translation into English see Karageorghis, J. 2005, 86; for a discussion on the assimilation of Isis-Aphrodite and the synnaoi theoi see SEG 38 (1988), nos 1500-1501. 70 Dunand 1973, 70; Martin 1987, 76. 71 Fraser 1972, 197-8, 243; Thompson 1973, 20, 58-74; Marquaille 2001, 166-234; Papantoniou 2008a, 114-211 and 2009.
67 66

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G. PAPANTONIOU: HELLENISING THE CYPRIOT GODDESS: READING THE AMATHOUSIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES

Eros, Attis, and the Dioscuri, they are almost completely absent from the terracotta repertoire of the Hellenistic period.72 One should further consider the possible relationship of some of the Cypro-Archaic and CyproClassical male figurines with royalty and ideology. This evidence might be relevant to the earlier discussion concerning the figurines wearing a mitra and their possible association with the city-kingdom Basileus, who seems to have held a special connection with the cult of the local goddess. The absence of the male types may be because they no longer fit the prevailing politico-religious ideology at Amathous. The cult of the Dioscuri is also important in our effort to reconstruct the development of the local goddess cult in relation to Ptolemaic power and ideology. Some fragmentary figurines found both in the sanctuary and in the deposit MX 318, although at first interpreted as Attis,73 have convincingly been reconstructed by Queyrel as a double figure of two young men in piloi and chlamydes acting again as companions of the goddesses.74 Thanks to iconographic parallels they have been interpreted as the Dioscuri. In Egypt itself the connection of the Dioscuri cult with the Ptolemies is well attested by epigraphic and textual evidence.75 Their significance in the literary-mythological thinking of third-century BC Alexandria seems to have extended towards Cyprus as well. At Alexandria, also, the Dioscuri were associated with Isis and Aphrodite as saviour gods and protectors of travellers and the family.76 This seems to be the case for Cyprus as well where, as the excavation reports reveal, the cult of the Dioscuri is usually associated with that of Aphrodite and above all with that of Isis, because of their similar qualities.77 Their association with sailors, chthonic elements and Ptolemaic ideology (especially in relation to the queen Arsinoe II) is crucial in understanding the diffusion and nature of their cult.

opposition to the classic perception of Greek Aphrodite who has primarily been regarded as a goddess of love, desire and beauty her cult on Cyprus clearly dominates over all aspects of human life: fertility, sexuality, childbirth, death, rebirth, political, maritime and military power.79 The complexity of cultural exchange witnessed in the archaeological record of ancient Cyprus and its impact on the iconographic repertoire of divine images has recently been re-assessed by Counts, who considers the value of post-colonial theory as a model for examining the relationship between image and identity in Cypriot religion.80 Counts, taking the example of the so-called male Cypriot divinity Master of the Lion, suggests additional ways of thinking about novel identities produced in the Cypriot sanctuaries. His approach is very much based on the relevance of the post-colonial concept of hybridity, i.e. the process of blending elements of different cultures through translating and reworking various elements rather than merely combining them.81 As seen through the examination of figurines related to the goddess cult, these ideas are also relevant when approaching the cult and iconography of the Cypriot Goddess. The selection and blending of iconographic elements from different cultures in the image of the Cypriot Great Goddess have recently been re-stated, summarised and re-interpreted.82 Irrespectively of affinities with earlier and contemporary Near Eastern sacred environments and Oriental cultic practices,83 however, her figure acquires a distinct cultural character which is directly related to the local mentalit. Next to external influences, one also needs to focus on the internal responses to cultural diversity and place the development of the cult in the context of its longue dure. The process of the goddess hellenisation was already under way from the Cypro-Classical period and goes along with broader issues of cultural identity. It is paradoxical that the Cypriots, probably after having given Aphrodite to the Greeks in the 11th century BC, would have taken her back in the 4th century BC in a strange cultural give-and-take.84 It is vital at this point to state
This list of roles attributed to the Cypriot Goddess and their relation to peoples cosmology and ideology requires further discussion. This, however, due to space limitation, does not fall within the scope of this analysis. For further discussion on these roles and the functions attributed to the Cypriot Goddess in Cyprus in general, but also specifically in Amathous, see Karageorghis, J. 2005, 75-112; 2008; Papantoniou 2008a, 114-211 and Ulbrich 2008, particularly 98-102, 107-9, 253-61. For a more detailed analysis on the Amathousian cult by the excavators of the site, see Petit 1996; 2004; 2006 and Fourrier and Hermary 2006. 80 Counts 2008. 81 This term can be a useful tool when referring to both religious syncretism and cultural interaction. Nonetheless, caution is needed when using it, otherwise one can mistakenly replace the more passive notions of fusion and acculturation with a more fashionable gloss. For a brief description and the validity of the term hybridity see also Mairs, this volume. 82 Karageorghis, J. 2005 and 2008; Ulbrich 2005; 2008, 98-102 and 2010. 83 Iacovou 2007, 586. 84 Karageorghis, J. 2005, 42.
79

REITERATING THE IDENTITY OF THE CYPRIOT GODDESS: HELLENISATION BEFORE HELLENISATION Religions are continually reconstructed through various ongoing processes of synthesis and interplay and the religious, the political and the economic are all inextricably combined.78 The development of the cult of the Cypriot Goddess, which eventually is to be identified with the Greek Aphrodite, comprises the most evocative symbol of connections and associations of the Cypriot political ideology and popular cosmology, and becomes a veritable mark of Cypriot cultural identity. In
It needs to be said, however, that rider figurines in other sanctuaries dedicated to male gods might continue in the Hellenistic period as the case of Apollo Hylates sanctuary at Kourion attests. See Connelly 1991, 99; Vandenabeele 2007. 73 Aupert 1981, 381. 74 Queyrel 1985; 1988, 81-4, 212. 75 Fraser 1972, 198, 207. 76 Queyrel 1988, 82, notes 6-10. 77 Queyrel 1988, 82-3, notes 6-10; Barnard 2003, 71-2. 78 Insoll 2001, 22.
72

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Rosenzweigs recent argument that in Classical Athens a place where the Cypriot Basileis are particularly keen to formulate political and cultural relations at this time Aphrodite acquires such an important role, almost comparable to that of Athena.85 While, as shown in the terracotta repertoire, the iconography of the goddess in the Hellenistic period fully conforms to that of the Greek Aphrodite in many cases, some local variations in style are preserved. Moving from stylistic to cultic analysis is simply impossible without considering the fact that some local particularities in her cult survive well beyond the end of the Hellenistic period. The most illustrating example for this comes from the renown cult place of Aphrodite in Palaepaphos, which under Ptolemaic rule was developed into a pan-Cyprian sanctuary, where strong epigraphic evidence for the practice of the Ptolemaic ruler cult is found:86 not only the architecture of the sanctuary remains close to the traditional Cypriot temenos an open-air sanctuary from the Late Bronze Age to the end of the Roman period, but also the cult statue of the goddess keeps the aniconic shape of a baetyl.87 Such continuities should be viewed in relation to both the local cultural identity and the character of politico-religious agency and ideology, which through various accommodations seem to transform and/or reproduce the established socio-cultural norms, rather than changing them. Reviewing the complex phenomenon of the Cypriot Goddess next to the aforesaid broader cultural identity issues, one needs to take into account the fact that during the earlier Cypro-Archaic and Cypro-Classical periods, other Assyrian, Egyptian, Phoenician or Persian modes and iconography, for instance, were translated into and reworked within Cypriot traditions to express both royal ideology and popular cosmology. To put it in another way, popular, prevailing or fashionable Mediterranean and Near Eastern politics and modes influenced Cypriot politics and culture. Nonetheless, as people and objects are not passive recipients of power institutions and hierarchies, the formation of the Cypriot culture cannot be dismissed as a passive reflection of political and economic events, neither during the city-kingdom period, nor during the Hellenistic one. It is crucial, when examining issues related to the transmission and transformation of culture, to explore the complex web of other interactions that occur when a process such as trade, exchange, military conflict or social disorder take place; agency and objectification processes need to be considered when approaching ancient artefacts, as well as the cognitive systems around them, in order to avoid interpretations falling within the more passive notions of assimilation, diffusionism and acculturation.88 To approach the various layers of translation, reworking and accommodation, one has to turn to the longue dure of the specific local context, where people, consciously or unconsciously, negotiated aspects of cultural similarity
85 86

and difference; these elements are usually materialised in the archaeological record. The situation in the Late Bronze and early Iron Ages, when the first movements that incorporated Hellenism in Cypriot culture took place, is outside the scope of this discussion.89 For the purposes of the present study, it should be emphasised that strong hellenising processes in Cypriot culture were both politically supervised and culturally motivated already from the city-kingdoms period.90 In other words, this was a process which had begun to develop internally through various social contacts and the hellenising politics of many Cypriot Basileis during the 5th-4th centuries BC. While one of the main languages of Iron Age Cyprus was Greek, written in the Cypro-syllabic script, the Greek alphabet is attested in Cyprus as early as the 6th century BC,91 probably with the linguistic influence of the Greek dialect.92 From at least 460 BC, the Basileis of Amathous had Greek names recorded on the inscriptions and coinage of the city-kingdom. This is further illustrated by the dedication of the last Basileus of Amathous in the principal sanctuary in the Greek alphabet that calls the local goddess Aphrodite. Androkles of Amathous also dedicated gold in the sanctuary of Apollo at Delos in 313 BC.93 In addition to literary and epigraphic evidence, the archaeological finds from the Amathous palace have also shown a very deep Greek and especially Attic influence, leading to the conclusion that the last generations of the Amathousian dynasty adopted strong hellenising modes of life.94 As Petit argues, a process that may have well begun from the 5th century BC reached its climax in the 4th century BC: the gradual hellenisation of the city, and consequently of the goddess, in conformation with the socio-political environment of the majority of the other Cypriot city-kingdoms.95 To move from the context of Amathous, illustrating the broader cultural and political Cypriot city-kingdom space, it can be said that similar digraphic dedicatory royal inscriptions are also found not only in the case of the last Basileus of Paphos, Nikokles,96 but also in the case of the Cypro-Phoenician Basileus of Kition, Milkyaton.97 The policy of the Basileus of Salamis, Euagoras, bears an eloquent testimony to the adaptation of mainland Greek modes and the orientation towards Greek politics. Earlier,
For the most recent and detailed account on this see Iacovou 2008. Iacovou 2008, particularly 267-71 and 275-6. 91 Collombier 2003, 141. 92 Brixhe 1988. 93 Collombier 1993, 136; Cypriots, royals as well as non-royals, appear to dedicate in major pan-hellenic sanctuaries already by the Archaic period: e.g. see Pouilloux 1976. 94 As Petit (2007) argues some Black and Red-figure vases bearing narrative scenes could be signs of some cultural and/or mythical hellenisation of local elites. Pottery shapes and iconography might also suggest the introduction of more hellenised ways of life. It is also important to note that in the Cypro-Classical period, Amathous adopted foundation myths based on Homeric epics. 95 Petit 2007, 96; Papantoniou 2008a, 184-8; Karageorghis, J. 2008, 146. 96 Mitford 1960, 200-5; Masson 1961, 95-6. 97 Masson 1961, 246, no. 220.
90 89

Rosenzweig 2004. Mitford 1961. 87 See note 23. 88 Clarke 2005a, b, c, d.

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G. PAPANTONIOU: HELLENISING THE CYPRIOT GODDESS: READING THE AMATHOUSIAN TERRACOTTA FIGURINES

even if the Amathousian Basileus stayed in alliance with the Persians, the majority of the Cypriot Basileis supported Greeks during the Ionian Revolt in 499/498 BC; apart from complex identity issues, this event constitutes a major orientation on behalf of the Cypriots towards Greek politics. In the same politico-ideological orientation one should keep in mind the benevolent attitude of the majority of the Cypriot Basileis towards Alexander the Great. Cult and iconography goes along with these political orientations. It is therefore argued that the response of Cyprus to the so-called Hellenistic cultural koine should be regarded as an equally internal phenomenon guided by the trends of the new era. In some cases, human emotions in personal and individual terms are far more significant than the structures of political powers, which, like it or not, can unavoidably be more accurately reached in this analysis. The multiplicity of human experience, therefore, underlines the variable and polysemous nature of material culture, and calls for the production of multiple and complex narratives. This is well illustrated by the variety and diversity that characterises the Hellenistic terracotta figurines representing Aphrodite in Amathous, for instance. Perhaps the most significant feature of the Hellenistic period is the interaction between points of continuity and areas where new forms of conduct evolved, stemming from the transformation of the political power structures and relations. Power and knowledge are very intimately linked, and the interplay between people and social structures needs to be considered. While top-down approaches are easier to manifest, to better illustrate the co-existence of a bottomup direction of change, one should reflect on theories of social practice, i.e. the desire, from below, to follow and emulate.98 This concern is closely bound to issues of interaction between non-elite identities and politicoreligious agency and ideology: the reception of any interaction must be acknowledged by the audience as part of itself, otherwise the message will be lost.

Hellenistic period, the goddess is usually represented in a fully hellenised form, following, generally speaking, the artistic production and trends found in many other Mediterranean areas. Nonetheless, this is not to suggest that all the Mediterranean regions under the Hellenistic monarchies followed the same hellenised forms. Quite the opposite is true: as a counterpart of these panhellenising trajectories, each area seems to have had its own unique response to this Hellenistic cultural koine, a response deeply linked to its individual local histories and mentalities. This is well illustrated on some local particularities preserved in the cult and iconography of the Cypriot Goddess well after the end of the Hellenistic period. Additionally, the image of the goddess is deeply linked to the Cypriot cultural identity, and both the Cypriot Basileis and the Ptolemies with their administrators took pains to provide meaningful associations with the goddess in order to legitimise their power and authority. The repertoire of terracotta figurines of Amathous together with their cult affiliations seem to be as diverse as the society that produced them with its native elements and outside influences. Especially in Cyprus, where many elements that characterise religion in the Hellenistic period were already in place even before Alexander started his campaign, the distinction between native and external elements is even more blurred. A thorough examination of the total corpus of terracotta figurines related to the cult of the Cypriot Goddess and its associations (including both human and divine figurines) through similar theoretical lenses can indeed provide further potentials for understanding religious and social change from the Cypriot city-kingdoms to the Hellenistic period, as well as hellenisation in general. Acknowledgements I wish to thank Dr Christine Morris (Trinity College Dublin) and Dr Anja Ulbrich (Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford) for reading early drafts of this work and providing valuable criticism and improvements. Nonetheless, the present author bears full responsibility for the arguments put forward here. The refinement of this article was made possible under the tenure of an Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences (IRCHSS) Postdoctoral Fellowship. Bibliography ALCOCK, S.E. 1994. Breaking up the Hellenistic World: Survey and Society. In I. Morris (ed.), Classical Greece: Ancient Histories and Modern Archaeologies, 171-90. Cambridge. ALCOCK, S.E., J.E. GATES, and J.E. REMPEL, 2003. Reading the Landscape: Survey Archaeology and the Hellenistic Oikoumene. In A. Erskine (ed.), A Companion to the Hellenistic World, 355-72. Oxford. AUPERT, P. 1981. Terres cuites votives dAmathonte. Bulletin de correspondance hellnique 105(1), 37392.
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CONCLUSIONS AND FURTHER POTENTIALS By taking the image of the Cypriot Goddess as the paradigm par excellence to examine the transformations which took place on the islands culture from Basileis to Strategos, it has been demonstrated how complex and multi-layered these processes are. Through the artistic representation of the Cypriot Goddess and her associations in the medium of terracotta figurines, I have attempted to determine the process of her hellenisation, but also the connection of this image to the Cypriot cultural identity and politico-religious agency from Basileis to Strategos. The hellenisation of the Cypriot Goddess and her association with Aphrodite is a process which started well before the onset of the Hellenistic period. In the
For a general overview of a theory of social practice see Shanks 2005, 241.
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J.-C. In P. Flourentzos (ed.), Proceedings of the International Archaeological Conference: From Evagoras I to the Ptolemies, The Transition from the Classical to the Hellenistic Period in Cyprus, Nicosia, 29-30 November, 2002, 283-96. Nicosia. MARQUAILLE, C. 2001. The External Image of Ptolemaic Egypt. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of London, Kings College. MARTIN, L.H. 1987. Hellenistic Religions: An Introduction. Oxford. MASSON, O. 1961. Les inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques: Recueil critique et comment. tudes Chypriotes 1. Paris. MASSON, O. and A. HERMARY. 1982. Inscriptions dAmathonte, IV. Bulletin de correspondance hellnique 106(1), 235-44. MKALSON, J.D. 2006. Greek Religion: Continuity and Change in the Hellenistic Period. In G.R. Bugh (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Hellenistic World, 208-22. Cambridge. MITFORD, T.B. 1960. Unpublished Syllabic Incriptions of the Cyprus Museum. Opuscula Atheniensia 3, 177210. MITFORD, T.B. 1961. The Hellenistic Inscriptions of Old Paphos. The Annual of the British School at Athens, 56, 1-41. MONLOUP, T. 1991. The Offering-Bearers and the Great Goddess, or a Cypro-Classical Female Sanctuary at Salamis. In P. strm (ed.), Acta Cypria: Acts of an International Congress on Cypriot Archaeology held in Gteborg 22-24 August 1991. Part 2. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, Pocket Book 107, 272-87. Jonsered. PAPANTONIOU, G. 2008a. Cyprus, from Basileis to Strategos: Social Power and the Archaeology of Religion. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Dublin, Trinity College. PAPANTONIOU, G. 2008b. Cypriot Sacred Landscapes from Basileis to Strategos: Methodological and Interpretative Approaches. In G. Papantoniou (ed.), POCA 2005. Postgraduate Cypriot Archaeology. Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Meeting of Young Researchers on Cypriot Archaeology, Department of Classics, Trinity College, Dublin, 21-22 October 2005. British Archaeological Reports, International Series 1803, 37-45. Oxford. PAPANTONIOU, G. 2009. Revisiting Soloi-Cholades: Ptolemaic Power, Religion and Ideology. Cahier du Centre dEtudes Chypriotes 39, 271-87. PETIT, T. 1996. Religion et royaut Amathonte de Chypre. Transeuphratene 12, 97-120. PETIT, T. 2004. Images de la royaut amathousienne: le sarcophagi dAmathonte. In Y. Perrin and T. Petit (eds), Iconographie impriale, iconographie royal, iconographie des elites dans le monde grco-romain. Travaux du CERHI 1, 49-91. Saint-tienne. PETIT, T. 2006. MALIKA: lidentit composite du Dieu Roi dAmathonte sur le sarcophagi de New York. In
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