Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

*not to be cited or quoted without written permission of the author*

Conceptualising Martialness: The British Ascription and ReAscription of Martial Identities in Late Colonial India

Recent scholarship into the history of colonial India has focused a great deal upon the psychological and epistemological effects of colonial rule upon the colonized Indian populace, and no more is this the case than in works examining the classifications, made by men such as Lieutenant-General Sir George MacMunn, of who were and who were not the martial races of India;
Who is the great bearded Sikh with his uncut Nazarite hair? Where does the square-shouldered Musalman of the Punjab fit in the system of India, or the lithe Mahratta? Does the squat, pug-faced little Mongolian Gurkha with a Kilmarnock cap on the side of his little head fit [in] at all? to understand what is meant by the martial races of India is to understand from the inside the real story of India. [For] in India we speak of the martial races as a thing apart because the mass of the people have neither moral aptitude nor physical courage.1

It is as such that Wickremesakara concludes that the designation of some groups as martial was part of the creation of a uniform racial hierarchy that was perniciously imposed on all Indians by the British2, and Heather Streets exhorts that such a reordering of society was replicated everywhere in the British Empire from Highland Scotland to British East Africa3. Yet in this paper I will depart from these prevailing
1

MacMunn, George. The Martial Races of India. London: Sampson Low, Marston and Co., 1933. p.1-2 2 an Indian hierarchy was gradually constructed. Peoples from the north, with their fair skin and noble features were ranked closer to the Europeans and as a consequence, above the dark-skinned peoples from the south and east, among whom the Bengali came to represent the stereotypical Hindu [more] feeble of both body and mind than the European and therefore destined to be conquered.
Wickremesekera, Channa. Best Black Troops in the World: British Perceptions and the Making of the Sepoy, 1746-1805. New Dekhi: Manohar, 2002. p.21
3

this book claims that the British Army in India was neither apolitical or marginal to British culture; rather, its representatives exerted considerable efforts trying to shape the values of Victorian culture. Streets, Heather. Martial Races: The Military, Race and Masculinity in British Imperial Culture, 1857-1914. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2004. p.3

Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

approaches by challenging the notion that the British in India ever utilized a single, universal and unchanging martial race theory, and instead show that many different, and often contradictory, narratives of martiality were created by the colonial military establishment. Moreover, I shall show that these narratives were constantly being rewritten in response to the material difficulties of garnering and governing military recruits. This paper will start, therefore, with a detailed survey and critique of contemporary literature on the subject of martial race discourses in India, before turning to two case studies that show a selection of the different formulations and re-formulations of martial identities that arose under the British Raj between 1880 and 1947. The notion that a single theory of martialness existed in India, that it was a fixed and unchanging colonial construction, and that it was created, at least in part, to demean the non-martial Indian of the South and Bengal, has been commonly espoused in historical circles ever since 1930, when Nirad Chaudhuri, the Congressman and journalist, wrote in this regard4. Yet it was with the publication of Ashis Nandys The Intimate Enemy in 1983 that the concept of a homogeneous and hegemonic colonial martial theory was most forcefully made. For Nandy asserts that the demasculation and neutering of the majority of Indians, and the contrasting hypermasculation of white imperialists and Indian soldiers, was one of the chief devices used by colonialist writers to justify British rule from 1830 onwards5. This is the case because, not only were most Indian men portrayed as too feminized to rule and defend themselves, but early Indian nationalists and reformers were seen by Nandy as legitimizing this assumption further by lauding a martial masculinity in their writings and activities6. Moreover, so influential has Nandys argument

Chaudhuri, Nirad. The Martial Races; Ellinwood, Dwight C. Ethnicity in a Colonial Asian Army: British Policy, War, and the Indian Army, 1914-1918. Ellinwood, Dwight C. and Enloe, Cynthia H., Ethnicity and the Military in Asia. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction, 1981. p.90 5 Nandy, Nandy. The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self Under Colonialism. New Delhi: Oxford UP, 1988. from p.6 onwards 6 Everyone from Rabindranath Tagore to Swami Vivekananda; ibid. p.9 and 25

Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

been that seemingly everyone writing about the Indian military, from Ellinwood in the 1980s to Deshpande in 2005, feels obliged to comment in the same vein;
[Because] in the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries the orthodoxy of the martial races theory reigned supreme 7without the Indian Army there would have been no British rule in India. It was such an important constituent of the British Raj that it is taken for granted by most scholars .8

Thus it is clear that there exists, to some extent at least, a historical consensus over the apparent uniform and unchanging nature of a martial race discourse in India. Yet, just as Douglas Peers criticises many writings on the subject of the Indian military for depending on the reading and re-reading of a remarkably limited number of works9, so Nandys formulation of a single and static martial race theory can be critiqued on the same basis. For Nandy, and those others that have embraced his approach, have reached their conclusions by adroitly dissecting several published works, but have ignored the extent to which the message contained therein has been conditioned by authorial intent, the specific time in which the works were written, and the audience for which they were produced. Thus, for instance, the memoirs of Lord Roberts of Kandahar in 1897, the first Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, have been described by Stephen Cohen as the seminal texts of a climactic theory of martiality in India10, in which the closer ones home was to the cooler climes of the Himalayas the more martial one was seen as being11, when a closer reading of his memoirs reveals that they were
7

Deshpande, Anirudh. British Military Policy in India, 1900-1945: Colonial Constraints and Declining Power. New Delhi: Manohar, 2005. p.30 8 ibid. p.19-20 9 Peers, Douglas M. Those Noble Exemplars of the True Military Tradition: Constructions of the Indian Army in the Mid-Victorian Press. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 1, (February 1997). p.113 10 Cohen, Stephen P. The Indian Army: Its Contribution to the Development of a Nation. Berkeley: California UP, 1971. p.46 11 long years of peace, and the security and prosperity attending it, had evidently has upon them [the soldiers of the South], as they always seem to have upon Asiatics, a softening and deteriorating effect; and I was forced to the conclusion that the ancient military spirit had died in them, as it died in the ordinary Hindustanis of Bengal and the Mahratta of Bombay, and that they could no longer be pitted against warlike races, or employed outside the limits of southern India.

Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

more about countering criticism he had received for disbanding the old Presidency armies of India than elucidating a commonly held belief12. Similarly, George MacMunns The Martial Races of India, written in 1933, is quoted in great depth by Heather Streets because it comprehensively groups together the martial races of India as an undifferentiated whole and differentiates them absolutely from the debauched Indian of the plains13, but, as MacMunn repeatedly makes clear, his purpose in writing the work was to discredit talk of granting Dominion status to India following the Civil Disobedience movement rather than to chart established policy;
To this day the followers of Islam and those of the faith that never dies, glare at eachother, across the table, in the council chamber, and in the streets of the crowded cities. There is only one set of people among whom live and let live is a principle. The martial races of India live side by side in friendliness so long as there is a strong hand of Government to prevent their stouter hearts joining more seriously in the quarrel. 14

Indeed such is the disjunction between this published discourse of martiality and what was discussed in private, that pamphlets such as F. Yeats-Browns Martial India of 1945, impressing how manly and loyal Indian soldiers had been during the Second World War15, were written at the same time as private memoranda between generals in the Indian Army admitting that Indians in the Army had never shown real loyalty or patriotism towards Britain as Britain, not as we understand loyalty16. Therefore it is unsurprising that the conclusion that a single
Roberts, Frederick. Forty-One Years in India: From Subaltern to Commander-in-Chief, Vols. I and II. London: Richard Bentley & Son, 1897. p.383 12 [I condemn] the ignorance that was only too universal with respects to the characteristics of the different races, which encouraged the erroneous belief that one Native was as good as another for purposes of war. ibid, p.441 13 Indeed Streets believes that MacMunns work was the only monograph on the subject: Streets, Martial Races, p.2 14 MacMunn, The Martial Races of India, p.6 15 During those difficult days in 1940, when men and munitions were short, when England faced invasion, when Malta was in constant peril, the Empire, swaying like a storm-bent oak, like the oak endured. Yeats-Brown, F. Martial India. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1945 16 Typewritten minute marked Strictly Personal and Secret from General Auchinleck, concerning the effect on the Indian Army as a whole of the first trial of members of the Indian National Army, Major-General Thomas Wynford Rees Papers, Asia And Africa Collections, British Library, MSS Eur/F274/95, p.3

Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

and unchanging martial discourse has been reached so often, given that those who advocate this approach are reliant on uncritically accepting the message contained in a limited number of published sources. As such, it is only by going beyond this limited canon, to analyze recruiting handbooks, settlement reports and private memoranda, that I will show that a far greater dynamism and fluctuation of martial identities existed in India by referring to two specific examples of Sikh and Brahmin soldiers. Following the annexation of Punjab by the East India Company in 1849, the Board of Administration established to govern the new colony immediately raised five regiments of infantry and cavalry from the former Kingdom consisting of men, habituated from childhood to war and the chase17, but Sikhs, and particularly the Jat Sikh cultivating classes of the Majha or central areas of Punjab, were largely excluded from this category and their numbers were restricted to no more than two hundred in infantry and one hundred in cavalry regiments18. To some extent this changed with the outbreak of the Mutiny of 1857 and with the recruitment of 23,000 Sikhs to quash it, in that the language describing the Jat Sikh peasantry as a soldierly class came to be used in reports drafted by colonial officials in India, and in the weekly reportage of Friedrich Engels in Britain;
There are now nearly 100,000 Sikhs in the British service, and we have heard how saucy they are; they fight, they say, to-day for the British[and they are] Brave, passionate, [and] fickle.19

It was, however, only with Denzil Ibbetsons supervision of the first census of Punjab that was completed in 1883, and the subsequent Handbook for the Indian Army for the recruiting of Sikhs written in 1899, that Sikhs came to be compartmentalised further and that martial qualities were ascribed to those Sikhs that followed the correct religious beliefs, professions and cultural norms. For whereas Sikh
17

Punjab Administration Report, 1849-1851: Mazumdar, Rajit K. The Indian Army and the Making of Punjab, Delhi: Permanent Black, 2003. p.9 18 Mazumdar, The Indian Army and the Making of Punjab, p.8 19 Engels, Friedrich. The Revolt in India, published in the New York Daily Tribune, 1 October 1958. Marx, Karl, and Engels, Friedrich. The First Indian War of Independence, 1857-1859. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1988 repr. p.152

Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

Brahmans were condemned for their caste prejudice20, urban Sikh Khatris for their reluctance to take to the plough21, and low caste Sikh Mazbhis for their supposed criminality22, Sikh Jats were praised for being devoid of all these sins and blessed with an impressive stolidity and obedience;
Hardy, brave and of intelligence too slow to understand when he is beaten, obedient to discipline, devotedly attached to his officers, and careless of the caste prohibitions which render so many Hindu races difficult to control and feed in the field, he is unsurpassed as a soldier. 23

Indeed so sturdy and uncomplaining were Sikh Jats seen as being, that by 1925 they constituted some twelve percent of the 219,523 men in the Indian Army24, despite the total population of Sikhs in India being little above four million. Yet this notion of the archetypal Sikh Jat being a rather stupid yeoman farmer25, and therefore an uncomplaining soldier, was not one that was maintained for long by the colonial military establishment in India. For although, following the First World War, official histories still praised the Black Lions of the Khalsa who died nobly defending the honour of the King-Emperor26, in confidential reports examining the role of Sikh soldiers in mutinies, insurgencies, demobilization riots, and the Akali movement for the control of Sikh Gurdwaras, the conclusion was quickly reached that the character of the Sikh Jat had changed for the worse;
With the high-spirited and adventurous Sikhs the interval between thought and action is short. If captured by inflammatory appeals, they are prone to act with all possible celerity and in a fashion dangerous to the whole fabric of order and constitutional rule.27
20

Bingley, A.H. Handbooks for the Indian Army: Sikhs. Simla: Government Central Printing Office, 1899. p.37 21 ibid. p.39 22 ibid. p.49 23 Griffin, Lepel, ibid. p.93 24 Mazumdar, The Indian Army and the Making of Punjab, p.18 25 MacMunn, The Martial Races of India, p.252 26 Yeats-Brown, Martial India, p.31 27 East India Sedition Committee, 1918. Report of Committee appointed to investigate Revolutionary Conspiracies in India. London: HM Stationary Office, 1918. p.68

Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

Moreover with the advent of the Second World War this new language used to describe the Sikh soldier hardened even further, in part due to more mutinies and revolts occurring that culminated in a large number of Sikh sipahis joining the Indian National Army to fight against the British, but also because there was a preference for Sikh recruits to join technical rather than combat units, in which they could avoid battle and gain vocational training. Thus not only did the proportion of Sikhs in the Indian Army fall from the twelve percent it stood at in 1925, to ten percent in 1942 and even lower in 194628, but Sikh Jats as a whole were seen to be unsuitable military material, for whereas other soldiers were seen as being immune to the influence of Congress29, the Sikh was seen as being naturally seditious;
The Sikhs present a somewhat different problem from other classes. They are a separate, warlike, and politically minded community. 30

In contrast to what occurred with regards to Sikh Jats, Gaur Hindu Brahmins from Northern India were lauded as the closest thing to Europeans in the East before the Uprisings of 1857, and were afterwards condemned for their adherence to caste prejudice, their poor physique and being morally deep and tricky31, as Peers, Wickremesekara and others have shown32. Yet, although the recruitment of Brahmins from the United Provinces was curtailed, to the extent that they were only enlisted in two regiments of the old Bengal Army from June 189233 and only one battalion on the eve of the First World War34, the recruitment of Brahmins never ceased entirely
28

Class Composition of the Army in India, Asia and Africa Collections, British Library, (L/WS/1/456), p.31 29 ibid. p.23 30 ibid. p.24 31 Bingley, A.H., and Nicholls, A. Caste Handbooks for the Indian Army: Brahmans . Simla: Government Central Printing Office, 1897. p.15 32 Peers, Douglas M. The Habitual Nobility of Being: British Officers and the Social Construction of the Bengal Army in the Early Nineteenth Century. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3, (1991): and Wickremesekera, Best Black Troops in the World 33 Kaul, V.A. Sepoys Links with Society: A Study in the Bengal Army, 1858-1895. Gupta, P.S. and Deshpande,, A. (eds.), British Raj and its Indian Armed Forces, 18571939. New Delhi: Oxford UP, 2002. p.32 34 Statements Showing Class Composition of newly raised Indian Infantry Battalions, 1 January 1917. Class Composition of the Army in India

Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

and the perception of the U.P. Brahmin as a soldierly class came to be revived as British Imperial power in India began to wane;
Therearose [in India] a class of Brahmans [sic] who, while retaining the privilege of a Levite class, were in all essentials an agricultural people, of naturally pacific tendencies, but ready and able to defend themselves whenever occasion required. They were more docile and easily disciplined; they were quicker to learn their drill; and their natural cleanliness, fine physique and soldierly bearing made them more popular with their European officers than the truculent Muhammadans from the north, to whom pipeclay and discipline were abhorrent. 35

The first instance of this was Captain A.H. Bingley and Captain A.H. Nicholls Caste Handbook for the Indian Army: Brahmans produced in 1897, and which was less of a recruiting aid, as it was supposed to be, than it was a proselytizing tool to show that Brahmins could once again be placed on an equality with the most warlike races of India36. To that end both authors accepted that many Brahmins could be ignorant and bigoted37, thrifty to excess38 and have wearisome formalities39, but in the guise of Kanoujiya Brahmins found in the area south-west of Muthura and along the Nepal border a new reformed Brahmin was found that would not only eat animal flesh and put his hand to the plough, but who would reject all of the supposedly troublesome aspects of Hinduism;
besides the parohits there is a large body of Brahmans [among the Kanoujiya] who supplement the offerings of their clients by field labour, or who have become cultivators pure and simple. It is from these secular Brahmans that we obtain the majority of our recruits.40

Furthermore as narratives of martiality in India changed, so that those once imbued with soldierly qualities were no longer perceived as being so, it was the old valiant Oudh Brahmin that helped to fill the material gap by contributing 37,000 soldiers during the Second World War in the Artillery, Engineers, Infantry and Royal Indian Army Supply Corps41,
35 36 37 38 39 40 41

Bingley, and Nicholls, Caste Handbooks: Brahmans, p.7-9 ibid, p.10 ibid, p.18 ibid, p.42 ibid, p.42 ibid, p.20 Typewritten minute marked Strictly Personal and Secret from General

Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

and that helped to fill the gap in the psyche of the colonial military establishment by being designated, along with others, as a new manly class;
Madrassis and Brahmans of course are the oldest of the classes to be enlisted in the Indian Army. For many years past, however, the enlistment of Madrassis [and Brahmans] has been very limited, so it may be said that the great increase [in recruitment] which has taken place in the last three years constitutes an innovation.42

Thus it is clear, through an analysis of martial race narratives relating to Sikh and Brahmins, that there was no single colonial construction of martialness in India, but that this enterprise was composed of several different strands that could at times entwine and at times diverge from each other. Moreover, and perhaps more importantly, at least two of these strands had to be reworked in response to the material challenges posed by sipahis being unwilling or unable to fully embrace the martial identity that had been imposed upon them, and I dare to hypothesize that the same could be said were I to investigate other soldiers enlisted under the British Raj, be they Pathan and Garhwali, or Dalit and Adivasi;
Three or four letters have come from Master Abd-Ul-Qaiyam of which one is enclosed in this letter. This was read out before everybody and in it he says Distinguish yourself thus and thus [and prove worthy of your race]. You write and tell him that one letter of that sort is enough. He must write no more. Everybody laughed at it.Tell him not to write another letter like that. It makes everybody laugh.43

Auchinleck, p.4 42 ibid, p.1 43 Naik Ibrahim Khan, 55 Rifles attached 57 Rifles, France, to Sepoy Akbar Khan, 57 Rifles, Hospital No. 12, Marseilles, France, 29 October 1915. Reports of the Censor of Indian Mails in France, 1914-1915. Asia and Africa Collections, British Library, L/MIL/5/825, Part 7. p.1187

Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

Selected Bibliography
Unpublished Primary Sources
European Manuscripts. Asia and Africa Collection. British Library

Summaries of Articles on Criminal Tribes and the Hereditary Criminal. Indian Police Collection. MSS Eur F 161/158 Typewritten minute marked Strictly Personal and Secret from General Auchinleck, concerning the effect on the Indian Army as a whole of the first trial of members of the Indian National Army. Major-General Thomas Wynford Rees Papers. MSS Eur/F274/95
Military Department Papers. Asia and Africa Collection. OIOC, British Library

Demobilisation 1918: Progress of Demobilisation. L/MIL/7.19205 Reports of the Censor of Indian Mails in France, 1914-1915. L/MIL/5/825 Reports of the Censor of Indian Mails in France, 1915-1916. L/MIL/5/826 Reports of the Censor of Indian Mails in France, 1917-1918. L/MIL/5/827
Public and Judicial Papers. Asia and Africa Collection. British Library

Indian Associations in the U.S.A. L/PJ/12/33, File 4595/21 Reports, Summaries and Translations of Hindustan Ghadr, 1924 1929. L/PJ/12/754, File 495/24 Reports, Summaries and Translations of Hindustan Ghadr, 1934 1937. L/PJ/12/757, File 495/24 Reports, Summaries and Translations of Hindustan Ghadr, 1937 1944. L/PJ/12/758, File 495/24 Sikh Activities in India, 1923. L/PJ/12/170 Sikh Activities in India, 1923 1924. L/PJ/12/171 Unrest Among Sikhs in Hong Kong, October 1940 October 1941. L/PJ/12/641, File 2213/40
War Staff Papers

Indian Army Morale and Possible Reduction, 1943-1945. L/WS/1/707 Plan 288: War Organization Army in India. L/WS/1/1068

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Annual Reports for the Chenab, Jhelum, Chunian and Sohang Para Colonies, for the year ending 30 September 1902. Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1903 Annual Report on the Punjab Colonies, 1915 1928. Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1916-1929 [several volumes] 10

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Army Regulations, India; Vol. II: Regulations and Orders for the Army. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, India, 1918 Gazetteer of the Chenab Colony, Vol. 31A, 1904. Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1904 Indian Army List. Government of India, 1931-1936 Indias Contribution to the Great War. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, India, 1923 Manual of Physical Training for the Indian Army, 1911. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, India, 1911 Memorandum on the Moral and Material Progress in the Punjab During the Years 1901-02 to 1911-12. Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1914 Punjab District Gazetteers: Vol. XXA, Amritsar District, 1914. Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1914 Punjab District Gazetteers: Vol. XXXIVA, Gujranwala District, 1935. Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1936 Punjab District Gazetteers: Vol. XXVA, Gujrat District, 1921. Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1921 Punjab District Gazetteer, Vol. III A: Rohtak District, 1910. Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1911 Punjab District Gazetteers: Vol. XXXA, Shahpur District, 1917. Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1918 Punjab District Gazetteers: Vol. XXIIIA, Sialkot District, 1920. Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1920 Bentham, R.M. Handbooks for the Indian Army: Marathas and Dekhani Musalmans. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1996 repr. Bingley, A.H. Handbooks for the Indian Army: Sikhs. Simla: Government Central Printing Office, 1899 Bingley, A.H.; revised by Longden, A.B. Class Handbooks for the Indian Army: Dogras. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, India, 1910 Bingley, A.H. and Nicholls, A. Caste Handbooks for the Indian Army: Brahmans. Simla: Government Central Printing Office, 1897 Bristow, R.C.B. Memories of the British Raj: A Soldier in India. London: Johnson, 1974 Cole, B.L. Handbooks for the Indian Army: Rajputana Classes. Simla: Government Monotype Press, 1922 Cubbitt-Smith, Henry. Yadgari or Memories of the Raj. Saxlington, Norfolk: Anchor Press, 1987 Dobson, B.H. Final Report on the Chenab Colony Settlement. Lahore: Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1915 East India Sedition Committee, 1918. Report of Committee appointed to investigate Revolutionary Conspiracies in India. London; HM Stationary Office, 1918 Evatt, J.; revised by Henderson, K. Handbooks for the Indian Army: Garhwalis. Calcutta; Superintendent Government Printing, India, 1924

11

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Fitz, W. and Bourne, G. Handbooks for the Indian Army: Hindustani Musalmans and Musalmans of the Eastern Punjab. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, India, 1914 Grimshaw, R. Indian Cavalry Officer, 1914-1915. Tunbridge Wells, Kent: Costello, 1986 Ibbetson, Denzil. Panjab Castes: Being a reprint of the chapter on The Races, Castes and Tribes of the People in the Report on the Census of the Punjab published in 1883 by the late Sir Denzil Ibbetson, K.C.S.I. Lahore: Superintendent Government Printing, Punjab, 1916 Lever, J.C.G. The Sowar and the Jawan: The Soldiers of the Former Indian Army and their Homelands. Elms Court, Devon; Arthur H. Stockwell Ltd., 1981 MacMunn, George. The Martial Races of India. London: Sampson Low, Marston and Co., 1933 Mereweather, J.W.B. and Smith, F. The Indian Corps in France. London: John Murray, 1919, 2nd edn. Movat, G.E.T. Handbooks for the Indian Army: Madras Classes. Calcutta: Government of India, Central Publication Branch, 1927 Pauw, E.K. Report on the Tenth Settlement of the Garhwal District. Allahabad: North-Western Provinces and Oudh Government Press, 1896 Ridgway, R.T.I. Handbooks for the Indian Army: Pathans. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, India, 1910 Roberts, Frederick. Forty-One Years in India: From Subaltern to Commanderin-Chief, Vols. I and II. London: Richard Bentley & Son, 1897 Singh, N. and Singh, K. Struggle for free Hindustan: Documents from the Ghadr Movement, Vol 1, 1905-1916. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and Distributors, 1986 Yeats-Brown, F. Martial India. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1945 Younghusband, George. Forty Years a Soldier. London: Herbert Jenkins, 1923? Vansittart, E.; revised by Nicolay, B.V. Handbooks for the Indian Army: Gurkhas. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, India, 1915 Wikeley, J.M. Handbooks for the Indian Army: Punjabi Musalmans. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing, India, 1915 Willoughby, M. Echo of a Distant Drum: The Last Generation of Empire. Lewes, East Sussex: Book Guild, 2001

Secondary Sources
Articles and Chapters

Bailey, V. The Fabrication of Deviance: Dangerous Classes and Criminal Classes in Victorian England; Rule, J. and Malcolmson, R. (eds.), Protest and Survival: The Hostorical Experience; Essays for E.P. Thompson. London: Merlin Press, 1993 Caplain, Lionel. Bravest of the Brave: Representations of The Gurkha in 12

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British Military Writings. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3, (July 1991) Cohen, Stephen P. The Untouchable Soldier: Caste, Politics and the Indian Army. Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 28, No. 3, (May 1969) Constable, P. The Marginalization of a Dalit Martial Race in Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Western India. Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 60, No. 2, (May 2001) Deshpande, Anirudh. Military Reform in the Aftermath of the Great War: Intentions and Compulsions of British Military Policy, 1919-1925 Gupta, P.S. and Deshpande, A. (eds.), British Raj and its Indian Armed Forces, 1857-1939. New Delhi: Oxford UP, 2002. Ellinwood, D.C. Ethnicity in a Colonial Asian Army: British Policy, War, and the Indian Army, 1914-1918; Ellinwood, D.C. and Enloe, C.H. (eds.), Ethnicity and the Military in Asia, (New Brunswick, New Jersey; Transaction, 1981) Kaul, V.A. Sepoys Links with Society: A Study in the Bengal Army, 18581895. Gupta, P.S. and Deshpande, A. (eds.), British Raj and its Indian Armed Forces, 1857-1939. New Delhi: Oxford UP, 2002. Peers, Douglas M. The Habitual Nobility of Being: British Officers and the Social Construction of the Bengal Army in the Early Nineteenth Century. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3, (1991) Peers, Douglas M. Those Noble Exemplars of the True Military Tradition: Constructions of the Indian Army in the Mid-Victorian Press. Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 1, (February 1997) Stoler, A. Sexual Affronts and Racial Frontiers: European Identities and the Cultural Politics of Exclusion in Colonialist Southeast Asia. Comparative Studies in Society and History , Vol. 34, (1992) Tan Tai-Yong, Sepoys and the Colonial State: Punjab and the Military Base of the Indian Army, 1849-1900. Gupta, P.S. and Deshpande, A. (eds.), British Raj and its Indian Armed Forces, 1857-1939. New Delhi: Oxford UP, 2002.
Books

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Gajendra Singh, University of Edinburgh Researching the Colonial and Postcolonial workshop

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