Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
5063, 2011
In Cuba over the past two decades, diverse and apparently contradictory aspects of tourism have emerged along with state-led development and market-driven initiatives. This ethnographic account examines the complex ways in which Cubans and international visitors experience tourism as an economic and cultural force. Despite the unintended consequences of tourism, which has produced growing social inequality and illicit trade, tourism has met surprising success in appealing to desires for both prerevolutionary pleasures and enduring revolutionary culture and politics. Keywords: Cuba, globalisation, nationhood, nostalgia, revolution, tourism.
In Havanas Museum of the Revolution, housed in a former presidential palace, a section is devoted to the Special Period in Peacetime, a time of economic crisis in Cuba after the fall of the Soviet Union. A display case in this space quotes Fidel Castro in the early 1990s as he set forth three areas of development intended to resolve the states economic problems: [Our] development efforts during the Special Period are based on three pillars: the food programme, which has to be among the rst priorities [. . .] the tourism programme, which is developing well [. . .] the biotechnology programme [. . .] Following this quotation are several images cruise ship, hotel and dancing girls that appear to underscore the primary importance of the tourism component of Cubas development plan. Indeed, since the tourism programme was introduced in 1991, tourism has become a leading industry in Cuba and the state has become a key competitor in Caribbean tourism (Espino, 2000: 360). Despite a slight decline in 2006 and 2007, the number of foreign visitors to the island rose to 2.35 million in 2008 (USA Today, 13 January 2009). The return of tourism to this Caribbean island where it famously thrived as a tropical destination before the revolution has brought about a series of cataclysmic changes in Cuban society (Schwartz, 1997; P erez, 1999). It has become de rigueur to describe the clash of socialist and market economies and desires on the island fostered by the growth of tourism, and to ask whether tourism will bolster the enduring socialist economy or destabilise it and bring a full-edged capitalist economy in its wake. Likewise, it is
2010 The Author. Bulletin of Latin American Research 2010 Society for Latin American Studies. Published by Blackwell Publishing, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.
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Vinales valley in Pinar del Ro, and the cities of Santa Clara and Trinidad. I took city tours and day tours outside Havana for a rst-hand view of what guides emphasise and what tourists take away with them. When possible, I gave questionnaires to tourists to ll out on the spot with information on their expectations, experiences, and reasons for travel to Cuba, collecting a total of more than 75 from international visitors. In addition, I interviewed tour operators in their off-hours and occasionally recorded them during tours. After a consideration of diverse forms of tourism and their success in todays Cuba, I show that there are nonetheless social costs that are experienced differentially among the population. I go on to argue that the paradoxes and pleasures of prerevolutionary capitalist-identied tourism in one of the last bastions of socialism are precisely what make Cuba a desired travel destination. With Havana as my principal site for ethnographic research, I describe the packaged City Tour as a microcosm of how the capital presents itself to visitors, as an amalgam of colonial architecture and traditional life; pre-revolutionary extravagance and nightlife; and socialist modernity and revolutionary culture. In the concluding section, I show how these elements come together to offer up a city and a state that is ready for foreign consumption. As Jos e Quiroga (2005: 103) so aptly describes, what needed to be saved from the period before the revolution is memorialised and then put up for sale on the global capitalist market.
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experiencing severe effects of the economic crisis, while tourists were treated to the best of what the island had to offer, including luxury accommodation and lavish culinary displays. As the economy began its recovery and cultivated foreign investment, new hotels were built and old ones were renovated. Old Havana received a makeover, so that the historic colonial district designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1982 would attract more international visitors (Scarpaci, 2005). With the US embargo on trade and travel to Cuba, the majority of tourists have come from Canada, Europe and Latin America. The economys diversication is paralleled by tourism, which targets a number of specialised niches: eco-tourism, sun and sand tourism, academic and educational tourism, heritage tourism, architectural and cultural tourism, health tourism, and so on. Many international travellers are attracted to see one of the last bastions of Communism if only because its ideological stance has protected the island against over-development even as they enjoy beaches, nightclubs and the music scene. Prospective tourists embrace a yearning for the other, a nostalgia for a place they have heard about but have yet to discover. An appreciation of things Cuban stems in part from what Ruth Behar has called the Buena Vista Socialisation of Cuba (Behar, 2002), referring to the global impact of Wim Wenderss (1999) documentary tribute to the lives and music of a group of son musicians in Havana, Buena Vista Social Club. My research revealed that while some older travellers are more apt to be attracted by a desire to see the authentic Cuba or to express solidarity with the revolution, younger generations are often drawn by the perceived romance and adventure of Cuba.
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and ne-featured mulatas) in lavish costumes on an outdoor stage. For others there are less expensive venues or, if desired, direct purchase of sexual services. Much has been written about sex and romance tourism, and the continuum from prostitution to intimate relationships that go beyond the one-night stand to the duration of a vacation or longer (Davidson, 1996; Fusco, 1998; Fernandez, 1999; Elizalde, 2002; Cabezas, 2009). For the Cubans involved, the hope is to receive gifts and cash remittances into the future, or even marriage and a ticket to leave Cuba. While the Cuban government has made weak attempts to curtail jineterismo, or hustling, it is thriving on the streets of Havana, particularly in areas of Old Havana, Vedado and Miramar, an upscale neighbourhood with large hotels and convention centres. Berg (2004: 49) captures the governments dilemma when she writes that jineterismo is seen as a visible symptom of a moral crisis of the nation. Yet the government appeared complicit in the commodication of Cuban womens bodies when Playboy gained entry to photograph women of the forbidden paradise who were making tourism the best hope for the islands economic future (Cohen, 1991: 73). The pictorial article may have encouraged more men to come in search of the beautiful owers of the revolution who were reportedly eager to meet foreign men (Codrescu, 1998). Cuban singer-songwriter Silvio Rodrguez has written and sung songs of the Special Period, reecting on the disillusionment that has come with the introduction of capitalist-oriented foreign investment and tourism. His song Flowers is a lament for the disposable owers that wither when they pass through forbidden doors. And his song The Fifties Club recalls the sad yearning for the time when anything could be bought for a price and even desire becomes an object of consumption (Rodrguez, 2003: 599603).
Un Mal Necesario
The ambivalent aspects of Cuban tourism described here, revolutionary heritage tourism on the one side and tourism that is nostalgic for pre-revolutionary extravagance on the other, mirror the two faces of Havana as Antillean metropolis (Scarpaci et al., 2002; Sanchez and Adams, 2008). These two faces of tourism are not always separable, however, as many tourists pass unselfconsciously from the world of revolutionary monuments honouring Che or Mart to the world of the Tropicana nightclub in the course of a day discovering Havana. The improbable yearning for both socialist and capitalist (pre-revolutionary) Cuba has been evident for some time. Historically, the same revolutionaries who toppled the US-supported Batista regime also adored their American cars; Schweid (2004: 5) remembers his disconcerted reaction upon seeing the National Capitol in Havana, built in 1929 as a replica of the US Capitol, with long lines of pre-1959 American cars parked outside. Visitors to Cubas Varadero Beach may nd it surprising that this tropical paradise outside Havana aunts billboards praising the revolution (Gropas, 2007). Bold signage es para construir or Ches image with the wellproclaiming Varadero: Revolucion known slogan Hasta la victoria siempre may appear quaint to those Canadian and European tourists who come directly to all-inclusive resorts and see little more of Cuba. At a baseball game in Havana, I noted the neon sign above the stands exhorting all Cubans to become involved in sport; El deporte es para todos, it proclaimed. Thus, Cubas love affair with American cars, beaches and baseball presents opportunities for prominent displays of socialist propaganda, taken for granted by Cubans but, for at least some visitors, adding to the cachet of tourism in a Communist land. Some visitors
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class differences, keeping us guessing about his own. This sub-text of references to inequality and social difference, without giving the issues too much importance, was present through much of the tour. There was an unspoken acknowledgment of visitors curiosity about how far Cuba had held to socialist principles and how far it had allowed inequalities to develop in recent years. Passing La Concha beach club, the Yacht club and Marina Hemingway along with the Tourist Complex named Papas (after the Lost Generation writer), Francisco related that there are separate marinas for Cubans and foreigners (an allusion to tourism apartheid). He called our attention to the Chan Chan nightclub, boasting of the rhythm of Compay Segundo, assuming universal knowledge of the Buena Vista Social Club. We noticed a school for learning Marxist Leninist Theory and Francisco quipped that they practice this theory at the Marina. Telling us that Fidel was a personal friend of his and that they often visited one another, he said with a wink that tourists were not invited. His coy ambivalence about the presence of tourists in Cuba may have mirrored the governments deeper ambivalence, despite its heavy reliance on tourism. Francisco talked about the old American cars used as taxis in Havana. Then he smiled, saying that poor people in this part of Havana cant take the common bus and must drive Mercedes. As for us, he said, we would all be required to take one of the camel buses (camellos), truck-pulled train cars named for their distinctive shape. Although he was not a dictator, he wanted each of us to choose to ride a pink, blue, or red one adding that red ones were for Communists. Who wants to ride a red one? he teased, and a man in the front of the van said quickly that he did not care to do so. The tourists nervous disapproval of Cuba or at least a performance of disapproval was clear, even as they eagerly consumed what its capital city had to offer. It appeared that socialism offered a backdrop and local colour to be contemplated for its aesthetics, from a safe distance. When we passed a row of distinctly impoverished shacks, Francisco informed us that these were the homes of other ambassadors. Was he reecting a socialist principle of egalitarian self-worth, calling attention to the presence of poverty despite ofcial reports of its absence, or mocking the residents? Or perhaps just smoothing over the evident disparities in wealth? From there, we drove to Revolution Square and got out to admire and take photos of the tall obelisk of Cuban marble, the Mart statue and tribunal where (until recently) Fidel Castro made his speeches, the Communist Party headquarters and the likeness of Che. Our guide joked again that Fidel was not receiving tourists. His intimate tone, allowing us to share in his affectionate, if occasionally cynical, view of the city, had the effect of drawing in our group and conveying a sense that we were getting an inside story. In Central Havana, we stopped at the Capitol building, now housing museums and an Internet caf e. When some of us got out to take pictures, we found photographers with apparently ancient cameras on tripods ready to snap our pictures on the Capitol steps; the instant photos they take evoke the nostalgic illusion of a time gone by. I was approached by an aggressive cluster of men selling Che coins and the ofcial newspaper Granma, and vendors of popular hand-wrapped paper cones of peanuts. Then on we went, looking out on Central Park, the Floridita bar, the old Bacard building, the Museum of Fine Arts, and the Museum of the Revolution, as well as remnants of the old city wall. We drove on to Havanas Bay and Old Havana, leaving the minivan to walk around the Plaza de Armas. Francisco provided a short history of the city and its oldest fortress, which carries the symbol (La Giraldilla) now found on the label of Havana
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Moreover, whether Cuba is resistant to or eager for change, the trope of the nations waiting for change is a singular one expressed on both US and Cuban shores. The grand prize winner in the 2003 Cuban Film Festival was Cubas Suite Havana (2003), a melancholy and affectionate look at the everyday lives of ten city dwellers. The languid pace and sad overtones conveyed without dialogue a sense of dreams deferred. A couple of years later, The New York Times Travel section ran a feature article entitled Waiting for Havana, presumably referring to a desired opening up of US travel to Cuba and to (then-President) Fidel Castros passing (Lopez Torregrosa, 2005). During my 2005 visit to Cuba, travellers told me that they wished to visit Cuba before the embargo is lifted or before Fidel dies. These individuals were certain that a transition was near and that, for better or worse, the Cuba of today would soon be a fond memory. An older Puerto Rican woman told me she had always wanted to come to Cuba, and on reaching the island it was perhaps already a memory; she wrote in a questionnaire: My expectations were met and it was with great awe that I saw the exuberance of an era long gone. A young Canadian woman wrote: I really didnt expect much, but to have a feeling of going back in time. With the people, the cars, the architecture, the music, etc., time did go back. Castro in 2006 (he was made ofcial head The change of Cuban leadership to Raul of state in 2008) represented both continuity and change, but was not a transition of the order imagined by many on and off the island. My most recent trip in December 2008 January 2009 coincided with the 50th anniversary of the Cuban revolution and was a time of record-breaking tourism. Despite the rather low value of the tourist dollar, travellers were lling the streets of Old Havana. Some who came for the holidays barely noticed the banners reminding them that, just as they were toasting the New Year, an ofcial celebration of Fifty Years of the Revolution was taking place at the other end of the island, in Santiago de Cuba. I was struck by the ambivalence of both Cubans at their historic conjuncture and of tourists enjoying a rich cultural experience in a place whose politics they were uncertain about. Younger travellers to Cuba do not often share the long view of the revolutionary past recalled by their parents generation, much less their grandparents pre-revolutionary memories, yet they too describe Cuba as a romantic and distinctly different destination. In lling out my questionnaire, a sixteen-year-old from the United States who was travelling with a choir emphasised the contrasts in Cuba; what surprised her most was the mix between old and new. To, for one moment, be in what seems like the heart of a ghetto, and then be surrounded by a building built last year, or some beautiful park. Its very Twilight-Zone-esque. A twenty-year-old woman from the UK wrote: I have always wanted to visit Cuba. It has been one of my top ten destinations of the world to visit because of its amazing culture, history, and of course, romantic ambiance. Travellers from the United States across the generations are often tempted by the forbidden nature of tourism in Cuba; whether they come legally or not, many might agree with a young man who told me he wanted to come because the government says I cant. The nostalgia and ambivalent desire that characterise Cubans on the island and in the United States, and that draw tourism to Cuba as a place where there is a feeling of going back in time, may help to stabilize the states political economy. Besides tourisms success as a leading industry on the island, its distinct allure lends legitimacy to apparently contradictory tendencies toward both enduring socialism and an advancing market economy. On the other hand, the tendency for tourism to introduce more social differences, to the point that Cubans have complained of apartheid-like practices, may
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Acknowledgments
A longer version of this work is forthcoming in my book The Tourism Encounter: Fashioning Latin American Nations and Histories (Stanford University Press, 2011). For their valuable comments on earlier versions, I am grateful to K. Adams, D. Balderston, Montero, V. Rovine, and M. Weismantel. Research for travel to J.Duany, C. Guerron Cuba in 1993, 2001, 2003, 2005, and 20082009 was funded by grants from the University of Iowa, the Ford Foundation, and the Vada Allen Yeomans Endowment of the University of Florida. In Cuba, I received generous assistance from N. Hernandez, nez, M. Nu N. P erez, A. Jos e Ponte, and A. Sierra.
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Filmography
Buena Vista Social Club, 1999. Film. Directed by Wenders, W. Santa Monica, CA: Artisan Entertainment (video recording: Road Movies Production in association with Kintop Pictures, ARTE, and ICAIC). Suite Havana, 2003. Film. Directed by P erez, F. Havana, Cuba: Instituto Cubano de Arte e Industria Cinematogracos (ICAIC).
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