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Migration case study: Is labor migration changing the landscape in Kerala? AAG Center for Global Geography Education
Learning Objectives
At the completion of this case study, you will be able to: 1. Describe patterns of labour migration and associated economic, demographic, and socio-cultural changes in Kerala. 2. Understand the role of local and global economies in the flows of migrants to and from Kerala, from the past to the present. 3. Explain and analyze the types of changes to the landscape cultural, ideological, material we see in multiple destinations as a result of these migration patterns from Kerala. 4. Evaluate and critique the vulnerabilities and sustainability of a remittance-based economy such as Kerala's in fostering long-term development.
Introduction
In the Conceptual Framework for this module, you were introduced to migration as well as to different types of migrants. India has experienced all these forms of internal and international migration. As one of the most typical spatial flows, labor migration can be considered as part of long-term movements as well as temporary movements and is an important way for us to understand contemporary as well as historical flows of people, goods, cultures, and economies across the world. In this case study you will examine the global phenomenon of labor migration through a series of lessons, activities, and reflections that will ask you to engage in a comparative analysis of these patterns of movement. We will use the case of Kerala, a state in the western part of India, as the key focus for our examination. In each section of the case study, you will be introduced to particular topics concerning labor migration from Kerala, primarily over the course of the 20th century, including both the history and contemporary patterns of movement, transnational practices through which migrants are connected to both old and new homes, the spatial impact of their presence (in terms of influences including food, language, architecture and religion), and finally both the benefits and costs of building a subnational economy that is based in large part on remittances.
Kerala is an illustrative example through which we can examine these broad global migration dynamics in a local context. The state has a long history of labor migration, as you will learn, and has a strong reputation for achieving many human development goals including high levels of education, health, and civic engagement, as well as urbanization. Many communities in Kerala have had considerable experience of both sending emigrants abroad and seeing first hand the effects of return migration (or maintaining transnational ties). At the same time, Kerala has found itself at different moments vulnerable to the effects of global trends, such as political conflicts and economic downturns. It is an excellent site, therefore, through which we may see how labor migration operates, how it has changed over time, and to predict what some of its changing circumstances might mean for other regions that adopt similar strategies. Activity 1: Database Review
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1. Click here to go to access the UNDP Human Development Report interactive map of migration data (based on 2009 figures). 2. Click on the "Migration flows and stocks" tab. 3. Select India and Mexico (two well-known labor migrant sending countries) and the United States (a well-known migrant labor receiving country) and examine the available figures on migration from each of them. 4. Look at each of the three sets of data available (socio-demographic and economic indicators as well as migration flows and stocks) and pay particular attention to what information might be important for you to know when examining the question of labor migration. 5. After reviewing this data, take the following quiz from the UNDP available here.
Pause and Reflect 1: What kinds of images and ideas come to mind when you think of 'the migrant'? Have your perceptions changed after examining the migration data from the UNDP? Do you have different impressions if we use the word "labor migrant" or "immigrant" or "refugee"?
Activity 2: Video Clips Click on the links below to view some personal stories from labor migrants on why they have had to move for work.
Pause and Reflect 2: This set of stories presents some sense of the vulnerabilities and risks faced by migrant workers in many different parts of the world, moving for different reasons and in very different contexts. Given the hardships and challenges presented in these narratives, why do you think people continue to undertake these arduous journeys? In what ways do you think the international community and national governments should treat these migrants? What sorts of regulation should there be regarding such flows? What kinds of protections might you suggest be put into place to safeguard the lives of migrants? Back to main menu Suggested citation: Bose, P.S., Chacko, E., Morgan, S., and Shekhar, S. 2010. Migration case study: Is labor migration changing the landscape of Kerala? In Solem, M., Klein, P., Muiz-Solari, O., and Ray, W., eds., AAG Center for Global Geography Education. Available from http://globalgeography.aag.org.
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in the 1980s. Activity 3: Mapping Migrant Flows 1. On a world map, use different colors to show the five waves of migration from Kerala discussed above. Click here to download a map from NatGeoEd.org. 2. Use Google Earth or an atlas to locate the countries of destination from Kerala and explore the possible route followed by the migrants. 3. Review these five sets of migration flows. 4. Do you observe any common patterns or themes? 5. Are there significant differences between these flows, not only in terms of their time period but also in terms of their geographical footprints, regional connections or any other markers?
Table 1a. Indian Migrant Population in Gulf Countries Source: Rahman (1999) and Rajan (2004)
Figure 1. Total Indian Migrant Population in Gulf Countries Source: Rahman (1999) and Rajan (2004)
Admission to the GCC countries was not as difficult prior to the mid1970s, but thereafter restrictions have been imposed by the host countries due to the fear of rapid growth of the nonnational population. Thus it has been difficult for families to accompany the nonnational workers to these countries, particularly unskilled contract workers.
Countries Bahrain Iraq Kuwait Libya Oman Qatar Saudi Arabia United Arab Emirates Yemen
Population 643,000 23,000,000 2,254,000 5,800,000 2,300,000 525,000 21,500,000 2,900,000 7,676,000
Non-Resident Indians 130,000 60 294,000 12,000 311,000 130,000 1,500,000 900,000 9,000
% Age of Population 20.22 Insignificant 12.80 Insignificant 13.52 23.81 6.90 30.00 0.62
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Table 1b. The Indian Diaspora in the Gulf Countries Source: Report of High Level Committee on the Indian Diaspora
Division of Labor
A shortage of labor has long been prevalent in all the countries of the Persian Gulf, for an entire range of work from professionals like doctors and nurses, engineers, architects, accountants and managers, to semiskilled workers like craftsmen, drivers, artisans, and other technical workers, to unskilled laborers in construction sites, farmlands, livestock ranches, shops and stores and households.
A shortage of labor has long been prevalent in all the countries of the Persian Gulf, for an entire range of work from professionals like doctors and nurses, engineers, architects, accountants and managers, to semiskilled workers like craftsmen, drivers, artisans, and other technical workers, to unskilled laborers in construction sites, farmlands, livestock ranches, shops and stores and households. A large majority some 70% of the Indian migrants in the Gulf has been comprised of semiskilled and unskilled workers, the rest being whitecollar workers and professionals. Table 2 presents their occupational distribution till after the outbreak of the First Gulf War in August 1990. The fall in numbers in 199192 is directly related to the control by Government of India in issuing emigration clearance in the year following the Gulf War in 199091 when large numbers of Indians were evacuated from the Gulf by the Government of India. However, the classification more or less resumed although some changes might have taken place due to the demand tilting more towards skilled professionals as infrastructure development progressed in the Gulf. On the supply side, Indian government's monitoring and control of labor migration has been to streamline the process of emigration to some extent, increasingly in the last couple of years.
Category
Laborer/Helper Housemaid/Houseboy Mason Cook Tailor Salesman Carpenter Technician Driver Electrician Mechanic (incl Air Cond) Agriculturer Painter Office staff Welder Operator Plumber Foreman Fixer/Fabricator Supervisor Paramedical Staff Engineering Overseer Surveyer Fitters Others Total
1987-88 91,196 891 8,550 3,550 5,115 1,580 6,361 3,539 6,562 3,494 3,562 0 2,273 3,916 1,497 1,309 1,971 927 1,904 1,021 1,349 354 461 0 18,284 169,666
1989-90 58,779 0 8,913 2,070 3,722 4,121 6,939 3,389 6,724 4,496 3,263 0 1,867 1,385 3,272 1,342 2,047 983 2,827 1,069 434 248 218 0 2,565 120,673
1991-92 17,345 1,938 246 239 163 147 145 136 131 112 111 108 65 56 55 39 33 30 29 21 18 13 12 0 3,074 24,266
Table 2: Unskilled and Semi-skilled Labor by Occupation Source: Various annual reports of Ministry of Labour, GOI, cited in Rajan (2003)
Generally speaking, the Indian migrant communities in the Gulf maintain close contacts with their kith and kin in India, involving frequent home visits. They also keep track of political developments and socioeconomic changes taking place in India through newspapers, radio and television. At times of natural disasters like earthquake in India, they have also come forward with donations, and deposits in India Development Bonds. Back to main menu
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Migration from Kerala The majority of overseas Indian workers (OIWs) come mainly from the three states of Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and Andhra Pradesh, though Karnataka overtook Andhra Pradesh by a big margin in 2005 (Table 3). However, most of them have originated from Kerala. This had led to the establishment of a separate ministry for nonresident Keralites, and international airports at Thiruvananthapuram and Kochi.
Some of the other states having a sizeable number of total labor emigrants to Gulf are Karnataka, Maharashtra, Punjab and Rajasthan. The emigration clearance data gives an underestimate of Keralite worker migration to the Gulf because a person holding a graduate degree is exempt from emigration clearance, and the number of such graduates is very high among the Kerala migrants to the Gulf. Compared to the rest of India, Kerala contributed an average of 25% of emigrants in the 21st century, down from an average of 35% in the 20th century. In other words, one out of every three or four Indians living in Gulf has been a Keralite. A preceding study conducted in 199899 had concluded that migration had provided the single most dynamic factor in the otherwise dismal scenario of Kerala in the last quarter of the twentieth century. In Kerala, some scholars have argued that migration has contributed more to poverty alleviation than any other factor including agrarian reforms, trade union activities and social welfare legislation (Zachariah and Irudayarajan, 2008a).
State Kerala Tamil Nadu Andhra Pradesh Maharashtra Karnataka Rajasthan Punjab Others Total
1993 155,208 70,313 35,578 35,428 34,380 25,243 14,212 68,156 438,338
1994 154,407 70,525 34,508 32,178 32,266 27,418 12,445 61,638 425,385
1995 165,629 65,737 30,284 26,312 33,496 28,374 11,852 53,650 415,334
1996 167,325 64,991 29,995 25,214 33,761 18,221 11,751 62,956 414,214
1997 156,102 63,672 38,278 25,146 40,396 28,242 12,414 52,174 416,424
1998 91,720 69,793 30,599 24,657 11,535 19,824 26,876 80,160 355,164
1999 60,445 47,402 18,983 9,871 5,287 9,809 15,167 32,588 199,552
Table 3. Workers Granted Emigration Clearance of Government of India by Major Indian States, 1993-2005 Source: Various annual reports of Ministry of Labour, Government of India
According to a recent survey from the Kerala Statistical Institute, Trivandrum, international migration has remained absolutely stationary during 2003-07 (Zachariah, Irudaya Rajan, 2007). The number of emigrants had been 1.84 million in 2003; it was 1.85 million in 2007. The number of return emigrants had been 890,000 in 2003; it was the same in 2007 also. The number of non-resident Keralites had been 2.73 million in 2003; it was 2.74 million in 2007 also. Migration rates, however, experienced some significant decline.
The emigration rate declined from 26.7 per 100 households in 2003 to 24.5 per 100 households in 2007. The corresponding decline in return emigration rate has been from 13.0 per 100 households to 11.7 per 100 households. The rate of non-resident Keralites (NRKs) per 100 households declined from 39.7 to 36.2.
The proportion of Kerala households with an NRK each in them has remained more or less at the same level as in 2007; it had been in 2003, 25.8 percent. Three-fourths of the Kerala households are yet to send out migrants outside India. And this situation has not undergone any change in recent years. Gulf migration from Kerala is not as widespread among Kerala households as it is often depicted to be in the media (Rajan and Zachariah 2010).
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The northern districts of Kerala are gaining importance as areas of emigration such as Malappuram, Kannur and Kasaragod. In Malappuram, 71 percent of the households have in them either an emigrant or a return emigrant each (Samuel, 2011). In recent years, Saudi Arabia has been losing ground to UAE as the preferred destination of Kerala emigrants. Countries beyond the Middle East such as the United States of America and the United Kingdom have also been receiving increasing numbers of emigrants. Nearly half the number of emigrants was Muslim. Among the Muslims, 3 out of every 4 households (74 percent) have an NRK each, but among the Hindus less than 1 in 5 households (22 percent) only have an NRK each in them (Zachariah, Nair, and Rajan 2001). Laborers in non-agricultural sectors constituted the largest proportion of emigrants from Kerala, 27.4 percent of the total. Unemployed persons were the second largest group (24.3 percent). Workers from the private sector (16.0 percent) and from self-employment sector (12.5 percent) also emigrated in large numbers. The unemployment rate among emigrants was as high as 29.1 per cent, prior to emigration, but it is only 6.9 percent among emigrants who have returned to Kerala. Emigration has thus had a significant salutary impact on the unemployment situation. Most of the remittances have accrued from the unskilled workers whose consumption expenses in the Gulf are minimal because their families are not living with them. Barring Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan, the remaining Gulf countries registered an increase in the flow in 2005 over 2004.
Destination Country United Arab Emirates Saudi Arabia Kuwait Oman Bahrain Qatar Jordan Malaysia Other, including ocean island countries Total:
2000 55,099 58,722 31,082 15,155 15,909 n.a. n.a. 4,615 62,600 243,182
2001 53,673 78,048 39,751 30,985 16,382 13,829 n.a. 6,131 39,865 278,664
2002 95,034 99,453 4,859 41,209 20,807 12,596 n.a. 10,512 83,193 367,663
2003 143,804 121,431 54,434 36,816 24,778 14,251 n.a. 26,898 44,044 466,456
2004 175,262 123,522 52,064 33,275 22,980 15,325 2,576 31,464 17,492 474,960
2005 194,412 99,879 39,124 40,931 30,060 50,222 1,851 71,041 21,333 548,853
Table 4. Indian Migrants to Gulf and South-East Asian Countries Source: Compiled from GOI Annual reports 2004-05 and 2005-06. Overseas Indian, vol.1, no.4. April 2006. Back to main menu
Economic Involvements
Perhaps the most well known way in which labor migrants remain connected to their former homes is through sending back money in the form of remittances. Indeed, remittances are today one of the largest flows of money in the world, rivaling global oil sales in sheer numbers (MPI, 2012). The two world regions that currently see the largest interchange of workers and remittances are Latin America/US and Persian Gulf/South Asia. It is often difficult to calculate the precise amounts of money that are sent back as remittances each year because the practice can be extremely informal. While some foreign workers may transmit money through banks, money-transfer services (such as Western Union) or other official sources, the majority of remittances are transferred in ways that are not easily detectible. This may include simply carrying cash back home in a suitcase or using unofficial money brokers and lenders. The majority of funds go to families and friends, though many national governments are actively trying to convince their overseas workers to put their remittances towards more productive uses in things like development projects and businesses (Levitt and De La Hesa, 2003; Ley, 2004).
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A much smaller, though notable form of transnational economic practice includes investments and business ventures. For some overseas groups such as the Chinese diaspora the latter have been especially successful (though this is more in the case of trade-related migration rather than labor migration). Increasingly, however, some labor migrants are putting their money into investment schemes, government bonds and funds and development projects at the national, regional, local and even neighborhood levels.
In the case of Kerala, remittances are often popularly called "Gulf Money" and have been described by the state government as "the most dynamic contribution to the economy of the State", while labor migrants are described as "very high contributors" to that same economy. Indeed, Kerala is highly dependent on remittances to help support a much more affluent lifestyle than many other Indian states the total remittances sent home by foreign workers was in 2011 some four times the state's entire domestic product (Zachariah and Irudayarajan, 2012). Other forms of economic impact of Non-Resident Keralites (NRK) include financial savings, real estate and business investments, and new home construction, in addition to creating business networks and developing financial expertise (Zachariah and Irudayarajan, 2008b).
Political Entanglements
The long distance nationalism practiced by many migrants abroad has a long history. Such politics might include supporting particular political parties and movements, helping to fund dissident organizations, or providing moral support for marginalized groups, all from afar. Labor migrants have not always had the time or resources to engage in such political activism, though there are notable examples like the Ghadr Party (a radical nationalist organization based in the western US committed to liberating India from the British in the early 20th century) and M.K. Gandhi's work in South Africa with the descendants of indentured and trade migrants there (Prashad, 2000).
In Kerala, the political impact of labor migrants overseas has been felt not only in party politics but more crucially in regional development as a whole. Indeed, the so-called 'Kerala model of development' focused on achieving high levels of growth in quality of life indicators (such as literacy, infant mortality rates, and civic engagement) and addressing issues of land reform has been considerably dependent on the influx of remittances over the past half-century. These inflows have also kept unemployment relatively low within the state and decreased poverty while at the same time increasing the industrialization and consumer culture of Kerala (Pani and Jafar, 2010; Singh, 2011).
Cultural Influences
The interaction between labor migrants and their home and host families have led to major impacts on the landscape as described in the previous section. What labor migrants send (or bring) back with them often has profound influence on a number of local developments, such as hybrid forms of music, dance, art, popular culture, cuisine, and architectural forms.
Home of Yusuf Ali who made millions as a businessman in the Middle East Within Kerala the influences of the labor migrants can be seen in the use of Arabic words and names in the local culture. Examples include the naming of office buildings (Muscat Tower) and food (Sharjah shake) as well as the construction of large homes by successful labor migrants who returned from the Middle East to Kerala. Muscat Tower in Ernakulam Sharja Shakes in Cochin Images credit: Thomas Chacko
Within Kerala the influences of the labor migrants can be seen in many of the examples demonstrated in the previous section.
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Activity 4: Remittance Patterns 1. Click here to visit the World Bank website with data on migration and remittance data from 2011. 2. Examine and compare India and Mexico (two of the major remittance-sending countries). 3. Identify common patterns and trends that you notice regarding the money that workers send back home. 4. Why do you think labor migrants send so much of their money informally back to former or original homes? 5. What are some of the reasons that they might be reluctant to use regular channels such as banks and money-lending businesses?
Activity 5: Exploring Norka-Roots 1. Click here to visit the website for Norka-Roots, an organization established by the state government of Kerala to listen to the needs of Non-Resident Keralites in multiple locations. 2. Review the website to learn what services are offered by Norka-Roots. 3. What do you see as the positive and negative aspects of long-distance connections between labor migrants and both their new and old homes? Back to main menu
The estimated Hindu population in the Gulf States is shown in Table 5. The total population of Hindus in the Gulf States is 2.7 million. Country Saudi Arabia United Arab Emirates Oman Kuwait Bahrain Qatar Yemen Hindu total 500,000 450,000 300,000 200,000 100,000 90,000 6,000
Table 5. Estimated Hindu Population in the Gulf States Source: U.S. Department of State (2011)
Pause and Reflect 3: What roles do Indian migrant workers play in Gulf societies? Are migrant workers having or will they have in the long run a significant cultural impact on the Islamic Gulf countries? Despite awareness of the lack of full religious freedom of Indian Hindus, why have the governments of sending and host countries failed to extend and impose protections? How or when will circumstances change, and what role can human rights groups like Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch play in this process?
Architecture
The most noticeable architectural influence of Keralite immigration on the Gulf region's landscape is religious structures. Hindu temples have been constructed in Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, the United Arab Emirates and Yemen. Because all forms of non-Muslim worship are banned in Saudi Arabia and Qatar, there are no Hindu temples in these countries. Activity 6: Exploring Norka-Roots 1. Click here to view an image of a Hindu temple in Dubai, United Arab Emirates.
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2. Search Google images for Hindu temples in India. 3. How are these temples different from the Dubai temple shown above? 4. Consider the religious cultures of both Islam (predominant in Oman) and Hinduism and explain why you think the structures look different in both cultures.
Food
The cuisine in the Gulf States has been influenced heavily by the Indian diaspora. Hundreds of years of trade and cultural exchange have resulted in significant influence on both cultures. One of the most notable influences of Indian culture on the Gulf region is the use of the Tandoor in cooking. More recently, however, the large influx of Indian expatriates into the Gulf region brought with it several cultural impacts related to food. There has been a large increase in the number of Indian restaurants and hotels that have been created in order to cater to the growing Indian population. These restaurants have influenced local cuisines.
Language
Indian languages have also had an effect on the cultural landscape of Gulf regions. These impacts can be seen in radio, newspapers, and television. Bahrain recently launched its first all-Indian radio channel. This channel claims to be different than other Indian radio channels in the Gulf region because it will broadcast in several Indian languages including Malayalam, Hindi and Tamil. Malayalam is a daily newspaper that was founded in Kerala in 1987 (Malayalam is a language spoken predominately in Kerala; it is also Kerala's official language). It has 9 Gulf editions entitled Gulf Madhyamam in the Middle East. Gulf Madhyamam is the oldest and largest Malayalam-language newspaper in the Middle East, with highest number of editions in the Gulf countries than any other daily in the Middle East. Additionally, Indian languages have become part of Gulf culture due to Indian television (Thussu, 2005). Back to main menu
References
"Indian Restaurant in Oman." Picasa, 26 July 2012. http://en.bestpicturesof.com/img/Woodland%20Hotel%20Muscat,%20Oman/9476171/2 Goud, S.S. 2012. A study on migration to gulf countries. Indian Streams Research Journal 1 (12): 1-4. Government of India. 2010-2011. Indian Census. http://www.censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/Census_Data_Online/Social_and_cultural /Religion.aspx High-Level Committee on the Indian Diaspora. 2002. Report on the Indian Diaspora. New Delhi: Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India. Kannan, K.P. and Hari, K.S. 2002. Kerala's Gulf Connection: Emigration, Remittances and their Macroeconomic Impact 1972-2000. CDS Working Paper No.328. Thiruvananthapuram: Center for Development Studies. Khadria, B. 2007. India: Skilled Migration to Developed Countries, Labour Migration to the Gulf. In Castles, S. and Delgado-Wise, R. (eds) Migration and Development: Perspectives from the South, 79-112. Geneva: International Organization for Development. Levitt, P. and De la Dehesa, R. 2003. Transnational migration and the redefinition of the state: Variations and explanations. International Migration Review 26 (4): 587-611. Ley, D. 2004. Transnational spaces and everyday lives. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 29 (2): 151-64. Nair, V.V. 25 Feb. 2011 26 July 2012. "Hindu Temple, Dubai." Hindu Temple in Dubai, U.A.E. Maruthoorkonam Mahadeva Temple.
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http://maruthoormahadevan.blogspot.com/2011/02/hindu-temple-in-dubai.html MPI. 2012. Migration Policy Institute Data Hub: Migration Facts, Stats and Maps. [cited August 1, 2012]. Available from http://www.migrationinformation.org/datahub/remittances.cfm Pani, N. and Jafar, K. 2010. Mass Education-led Growth and Non-Agrarian Villages: Long-term Results of the Kerala Model. Oxford Development Studies 38 (1): 25-42. Rajan, I.S. 2003. Dynamics of International Migration from India: Its Economic and Social Implications. Paper presented at the Ad Hoc Expert Group Meeting on Migration and Development, 2729 August, United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok. Rajan, I.S. 2004. From Kerala to the gulf: Impacts of labour migration. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 13 (4). Samuel, J. 2011. Migration from Kerala: The end of an era? http://base.d-p-h.info/en/fiches/dph/fiche-dph-8773.html Singh, P. 2011. We-ness and Welfare: A longitudinal Analysis of social development in Kerala, India. World Development 39 (2): 282-293. Thussu, D. 10 January 2005. "Taming the Dragon and the Elephant: Murdoch's media in Asia." World Association of Christian Communication. http://www.waccglobal.org/en/20044-communication-today-old-challenges-and-new-realities/486-Taming-the-Dragon-and-the-Elephant-Murdochsmedia-in-Asia.html. U.S. Department of State. 2011. International Religious Freedom Report. http://www.state.gov/j/drl/irf/ Zachariah, K.C. Nair, P.R.G., and Rajan, S.I. 2001. Return emigrants in Kerala: Rehabilitation problems and development potential. Working Paper No. 319. www.cds.edu/download_files/wp319.pdf Zachariah, K.C. and Irudayarajan, S.R. 2008a. A decade of Kerala's Gulf Connection: Migration Monitoring Study. Thiruvananthapuram: Center for Development Studies. Zachariah, K.C. and Irudayarajan, S.R. 2008b. Kerala Migration Survey Report 2007. Thiruvananthapuram: Centre for Development Studies. Zachariah, K.C. and Irudayarajan, S.R. 2012. Kerala Migration Survey Report 2011. Thiruvananthapuram: Centre for Development Studies. Zachariah, K.C. and Rajan, S.I. 2007. Migration, remittances and employment: Short-term trends and long-term implications. http://cds.edu /download_files/wp395.pdf
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