Hoffer Stephanie Hoffer November 20, 2009 North American Indians in American Public Life Professor Williams Carolyn

Dunn Alaskan Natives since 1974 In doing research on Alaskan Natives many reoccurring themes emerged. I decided to focus primarily on the Inuits of Alaska since 1974. Since then much has happened concerning oil and energy in Alaska. Thus I have made the construction of the Trans Alaska Pipeline System one of my areas of study. This along with energy problems cause

the Natives of Alaska to have much correspondence with political figures including Governor Sarah Palin. Other Themes I have found include cultural traditions including dance, hunting, and steambathing and their importance and significance in Native society. In studying this I have also found that there is sometimes a lack of tradition and a shift towards modern culture and technology. While this is there is also research to prove that there is a decreasing number of males attaining post secondary education because it is not thought as necessary in order to live as a Native. Amongst Inuits there is much variation from different beliefs to traditional and nontraditional members. As main stream culture continues to advance technologically it seems only logical that many Alaskan Natives may start to fall in to this main stream way of life. If this happens it can be seen tat some tradition may be compromised.

Hoffer TRANS ALASKA PIPELINE SYSTEM (1977) With the building of the Trans Alaska Pipeline System in Alaska training and jobs were to be provided to Native Alaskans. This was for the benefit of Natives and was

supposed to be a positive contributor to benefit their economic standing. Unfortunately the goal of Section 29 of the Federal Agreement and Grant of Right-of-Way, did succeed fully as described bellow. This is due to prerequisites required to work for companies that would assist in the building of the Trans Alaska Pipeline. The 1995 Alaska Native Utilization Agreement renewal was a result of dismalemployment levels of Alaska Natives for the previous 17 years, where employmenthovered around3-5%.Since the renewal,APSC employs an Alaska Native ProgramManager responsible for implementing the ANUA and reporting regularly to the JointPipeline Office. Contractors have demonstrated good faith efforts to recruit and hire Alaska Natives.Their methods vary from posting ads in Alaska Newspapers to collaboration on post-secondary curriculum programs with educational institutions for the purpose of hiringprogram graduates. Some contractors also provide scholarships for training. Udelhoven employs workersconducting functional check-out for the new systems. This requires skills ininstrumentation and eight or more years experience. Northwest Technical Servicesprovide technicians for pump station operations to alleviate strains on the technicians asthey train and prepare for changing over to the new TAPS facilities. Technicians requiretwo-years training and five or more years experience on TAPS. Neither have been ableto identify and recruit Alaska Native employees. (Pg 9) In 1999 the employment goal for this job category was reduced from 10% to 6%,

Hoffer aconcession made in the 1998 ANUA renewal--put forth as a good faith effort to

assistAlyeska in meeting this goal. This concession had little effect on Alyeska meeting theemployment goal for this job category. This deficiency is significant given the level ofinfluence managers have among their peers including hiring decisions and developingcompany policy. There is also an economic impact with regard to lost earnings forAlaska Natives not hired at this level. Alaska Natives have potentially lost over $1.1million annually in wages and benefits by not meeting the employment goal provided forin the agreement. Mayo, Kathy.Comprehensive Monitoring Program Report: Section 29 and the Alaska Native Utilization Agreement, 2007. (7, 9, 11) ENERGY CRISIS: PRESENT The Alaska Federation of Natives is a statewide organization that represents the Native population of Alaska. This organization works to promote Native rights and raise awareness of problems that beset the Alaskan Natives. Lately residents of rural communities have been struck with an energy crisis. This is the Alaska Federation of Natives response to the troubles. Energy Priorities Alaskans, especially in our rural communities, are experiencing an energy crisis unlike anything that we have seen in the past, and it is not likely to improve in the shortterm. Oil prices are at an all-time high in some villages the cost of fuel oil has gone as high as $10 per gallon. A village home can use four or five 55-gallon drums of oil for heating each month during the winter months (a total of $2,000 per month in Arctic Village, for example). With gasoline prices reaching above $7.50 per gallon, many

Hoffer families and individuals are hav[ing] difficulty getting to fish camp this summer in order to harvest next winters food; and this will be true of hunting in the fall and winter

months. In short, the current energy crisis threatens the very survival of our rural villages. AFN at its May Board meeting passed a resolution urging Governor Palin and the State Legislature to adopt a long-term energy policy for the State, covering all regions of Alaska. AFN suggested that the plan should have as its overall goal the equalization of energy costs for all Alaskans, and should provide additional funding for long-term development of alternative energy resources and conservation measures while providing immediate relief through measures that would help individuals deal with the rising cost of energy. With those goals in mind, AFN's working committee on energy issues, chaired by Ralph Anderson, President/CEO of Bristol Bay Native Association, developed a working matrix that sets forth a number of ideas for addressing the current crisis and for developing long-term programs/projects that will lessen our dependence on fossil fuel. Our top five recommendations for the Governor and the Legislature are as follows: 1. Strengthen the Power Cost Equalization Program by fine-tuning its mission, adding more resources and expanding the eligibility requirements; 2. Buy down debt of rural utilities in order to reduce costs passed on to consumers and include a price cap on fuel stock purchased prospectively, with a mechanism for reimbursement from the State for costs in excess of the cap;

Hoffer 3. Expand and support bulk fuel purchasing, transportation and cooperative purchase agreements and contribute to the Denali Commission bulk fuel storage program in an effort to eliminate the storage tank backlog and rural upgrades; 4. Provide a family fuel subsidy to help meet the immediate crisis. 5. Make a sizeable investment in projects that promote renewable/alternative energy and conservation efforts. The high cost of fossil fuel is not going to go away, so we need to start investing in alternative/renewable energy and in energy conservation efforts. Alaska Federation of Natives. Energy Priorities. http://www.nativefederation.org/energy.php (accessed November 11, 2009) ANIMAL TRANSFORMATIONS (Inuits) Some in the Inuit culture believe that if necessary a person is able to perform an animal transformation for a wide variety of reasons. Whether one must flee from a site because of danger or it is just simply faster to transform to an animal to get to your destination, some Inuits perform animal transformation. Joslyn Cassady did field work while in Alaska and has found the following. Zoomorphosis in Daily Life

In contrast, my informants emphasized the importance of beliefs and feelings. Ray explained, We were raised with these things. If we needed to turn into something, we could. It was just part of our lives. It was never odd to us. If you feel you could do it, and you believe it, then its possible. Likewise, after she recounted a story that included a bear that was brought back to humanity by splashing urine on him, Clara remarked, This is what the Eskimos believe, and if white people stay around long enough, they

Hoffer start to believe that way too. It is important to clarify that from my experience in the mid-1990s, soul travel was

not morally suspect, and virtually everyone I knew spoke at one time or another of traveling around (while dreaming). Visiting was a meaningful social activity that allowed one to maintain relations with ancestor spirits, hunt, and gain insight into other realms such as heaven and hell. In contrast, spirit possession was often considered an afiction, and mental illness was commonly associated with spiritual cohabitation. Suspicions of spirit possession in neighbors elicited a moral commentary, especially among the elderly, about what went wrong and why the spirits were bothering. Missionization in Northwest Alaska Iupiat proselytized and served as evangelists, and conversion was facilitated by the efforts of Uyaraq, an Iupiaq man who traveled from settlement to settlement and broke the most feared taboos of the shamans with a Bible in hand.40 Uyaraqs message that the Bible represented a spirit far more powerful than anything in the entire Iupiaq pantheon, and that this powerful spirit is what protected him was consistent with the strategy of conversion utilized by the Samms: Instead of denying the existence of the multitude of spirits in the Iupiaq world, [the Samms] simply declared them to be agents of the Devil. This made them evil, but also vulnerable to Christian attack. Given this interpretation, it was possible to become Christian without abandoning or even modifying their traditional worldviewTo become Christian, it was necessary to reject these evil spirits and to allow the Holy Ghost to possess ones body instead. Morality, intentionality, and Animality An elderly man named Uyaana accompanied his children upriver and disappeared

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from their camp. After the family carefully searched the area, they placed a call to the local search and rescue. Throughout the search, a caribou that was too aged to shoot kept hanging around camp, and days later, Uyaanas body was found in the same area that people had searched many times. He was found half-man, half-caribou and good, honest, praying people saw the body. Interpretations of Uyaanas disappearance and eventual recovery in part-caribou form exposed diverging sensibilities about the moral signicance of transformation. Ray was renowned in the region for being a highly skilled hunter and was raised at camp nearly his whole life. Although Ray believed in God but did not attend church like a couple of his older siblings, he thought that linking the devil with transformation was a big confusion created by Christianity. In this respect, this twenty-one-year-old, who was an avid drinker and smoker at the time, held a more traditional view of transformation than Clara, an elder stateswoman who attended the Episcopalian Church in Kotzebue. For Ray, there was nothing out of the ordinary about Uyaanas embodiment of caribou form. Nor was there any reason to judge it. Ray maintained that Uyaana willingly took caribou form to move on. Acting in the best interests of his family, he traveled to hasten his death and release his family from the burden of his care. Transformation was a means to die, and the caribou was a willing party. There was no moral judgment, nor was Uyaana evil, victimized, or possessed; he was simply doing what Eskimos did long ago. Drawing on a different set of cosmologies and experiences, Clara saw it differently. Far from choosing caribou form, according to Clara, Uyaana was possessed by an evil

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spirit. His metamorphosis into a caribou was a sign of his familys spiritual problems, ones that came to light at his death. Stuck between forms when he died, his hybridity was a public index of Gods displeasure with his familys religious impropriety: The mother of a man who turned into a caribou when he died used to make a habit of getting on the CB radio and talking with sharp words about the devil. The mother had an open mouth, a big mouth and she used sharp words. My husband never heard anyone talk likethat. The woman used to talk about the devil, and the Episcopals said that it wasnt good to talk about the devil because when he hears his name, he comes and hugs you. So this guy was lost in the woods and Search and Rescue went looking for him. When they found him, he had antlers on his head. You are evil possessed if you make a pattern out of being evil to other people. For Clara, human-animal transformation was a sign of Gods displeasure with immoral living, and Clara used reports of transformation to preach to her friends and family the ultimate stakes in living an un-Christian lifepossession by Satan and an eternity in hell. Among my younger informants with whom I discussed animal behavior, however, I rarely heard animals referred to as conduits of the devil. Rather, animals were afforded their own ways with social circles, inner motivations, and preferences of their own. Transformation may offer a moral commentary on a lived life, but the commentary was more from the animals point-of-view than from Gods or the devils. Cassady, Joslyn, Strange Things Happen to Non-Christian People: Human-Animal Transformation among the Iupiat of Arctic Alaska. 2008.(87-89,91-92).

Hoffer ANNUAL FESTIVAL OF NATIVE ARTS 2001 While many approach Native culture and have high expectations for traditional dances and rituals sometimes performances cannot live up to our presupposed expectations. After viewing a dance or ritual one can be left feeling confused about

Native culture if it is not performed correctly or with proper attire and seriousness. MaryGen Salmon describes her experience at the 28th Annual Festival of Native Arts where she experienced two very Native dancing performances. From a distance, traditional regalia seemed to set the stage ablaze, with kaleidoscopic garments that I perceived as rendered from caribou, polar bear, or sea otter. Beaded headpieces swayed to the violent poundings of war dances and rattles trembled passionately during mating dances. Eagle feathers sweetened the light and graceful movements of dancing women, while the ancient seeming wooden masks on the men mystified the audience. The explosive sounds of drums and rattles, fiddles and guitars(the latter instruments acquired during 18th century contact with Scottish and Spanish explorers) filled the thick warm air of the concert hall. At the end of each performance the audience howled and applauded with delight for their Native brothers and sisters I fought my way through the heavy crowds to the front of the stage and climbed into an abandoned seat in the first row. From this vantage point I saw something very different, and very disturbing. Up close, most of the costumes were shabby, makeshift garments of felt and faux fur. Decoration were glued or stapled onto to the headdresses. Beneath the regalia, I saw Nike tennis shoes and sweat suits. Underneath traditional headpieces were baseball caps. A few teenage dancers even had their hair dyed purple or orange. One Yupik performer wore a Green Bay Packers jacket over his regalia. I heard some

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performers laughing and joking with one another during war dances. Next to me, in the audience, some Native children played with GameBoys as their fathers took calls on their cell phones. I pondered how such a strange and dichotomous event had come to evolve. What were Native Alaskans really looking for, and did they truly believe they were going to find it here, at the Festival of Native Arts? If dance is a reflection of a cultures self-identity, then what I saw was a conglomeration of cultural vignettes desperately acted out in hopes that one day, through dance, Native Alaskans could strengthen and redefine their respective cultural identities and in doing so could once again present themselves as whole. But, these danceres danced, as it were, with one foot in the world of ancestral tradition and the other in western pragmatism and commercialization. How, I wondered, can Native cultures survive the confluence of the two with its spiritual and psychic underpinnings intact? By midnight the audience had triple in size and volume. One of the last groups enteredthe concert hall grew very quiet as a member of the troupe, Qanglaagix, also known as Ehan Petticrew, approached the microphone and spoke firmly in his Native language and then in English. HE spoke about their Aleutian island called Atka, some 300 miles from the coast of their cultural relatives, the Russian Koryak of Kamchatka. He said the trip to Fairbanks, by sea, air, and land, had taken two weeks and that they were Unangax, not Aleut as the Festival brochure had advertised them to be. Qanglaagix explained that the Atkans were experiencing a period of cultural revitalization engendered through dance after the destructive and traumatic events of World War II. Alongside Quanlaagix were 16 barefoot dancers. I saw only human flesh beneath regalia; no jeans, no tennis shoes, no baseball caps, no purple hair. As they

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started to perform, I stood up alongside a group of photographers, leaned against the stage and viewed, up close, traditional regalia of sea otter, fur seal, and puffin feathers During their performance, I saw sweat on the dancers; brows and some tears on their cheeks. Their chants were emotionally infectious. Their voices were clear and powerful. Not knowing their language, I did not understand the words they chanted, not what their dance movements represented. But their performance overwhelmed me. I heard rhythms and saw movements that exuded power, dignity, and strength from every dancer. In the end, I leapt to my feet and joined the audience in clapping, howling, and screaming with delight for an encore. The dance of Atxam Taliginsniikangis, the Atka Dancers of the Aleutian Islands, were, I sense, a spiritual expression of authentic tradition. the story of the Atka Dancers and their journey through cultural revitalization is not only instructive in terms of understanding the dominant role dance plays in the process of cultural revitalization but also provides an opportunity to reflect upon the psychological value of spiritual rebirth for Native dancers within the state of Alaska. (10-12) Spiritual Survival in the Arctic: Atxam Taligisniikangis of the Aleutian Islands MaryGen Salmon TDR (1988-), Vol. 47, No. 3 (Autumn, 2003), pp. 9-31 Published by: The MIT Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1147046

CHILDREARING IN ALASKA Although many things have changed from the early times of the Natives in Alaska including but not limited to housing, culture, and religion. Native Alaskan parents still

Hoffer raise their children with the same hope that their children will succeed and prosper in their lifetimes. Julie Sprott conducted a survey in an Alaskan village and her research shows what parents find to be the most important things to teach their children. Parents are caught in a double bind between pushing their children to do and achieve more in terms of Dominant Culture value and to also abide in Inupiaq ways of

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thinking and acting. They believe in order for their children to succeed in the future, they need to have the capacity to earn money and that translates to getting an education. Twenty of the 44 participants put first and foremost on their wish list for the future that the child obtain a good education by going to college or a technical school and then that he or she secure a good job as an adult. Six implied a similar motif when they said they hoped the child as an adult would set goals, accomplish them, and be responsible. Survival today involves cash and caregivers are well aware of the necessity of earnings to pay for housing, store-bought food, heating oil and electricity, clothing, modes of transportation, among other things. Important to bring forth is that 2 of the professed Christians hoped that the focal child would become a Christian first and foremost (and this was among wishes of another 4 in addition). Others gave first place in their listing that the child have good health and happiness and 2 wished that the child would feel good about himself or herself (feel selfworth). Seven hoped the child would be drug and alcohol free. IF the focal child was a girl (in 6 cases), at least one of the family members voiced the hope that she would not get pregnant before marriage and/or that she would find a good husband. Only 1 parent of a boy made a similar wish for him. One Elder elaborated her reply, saying that she was dismayed to see so many teenagers having infants before they attained adulthood.

Hoffer Valuing the subsistence lifestyle and learning those associated skills were mentioned by only 7 or 20% of the interviewees, leaving the impression that caregivers

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projected a future vision for children aimed primarily at pursuit of goals of mainstream society. That would not be an accurate portrayal. Importantly, when it came to citing aspects of heritage and Inupiaq traditions that interviewees hoped would be carried on in the next generation, the subsistence lifestyle was given top priority, in essence, flipping its low position on the wishes list to the most critical aspect to uphold. For example, many (22 in all) expressed strongly that being an Inupiaq meant in part continuing making a living off the land with hunting, fishing, and berry picking and knowing how to properly store and prepare those foods. The following remarks were made by a young mother whose family engaged heavily in subsistence: We try to teach our children to live with the Eskimo food that we were brought up with. With the fish, with the caribou, with the moose and the seals, seal oils, we try to teach them how to get those things. And the White mans way is just to make money! Grow up and make money, but the Eskimo way is just get enough money, enough for your gas, your shells, and foodwhatever you need to go eat with. The food is part of being Eskimo. IF youve lost that, then you are all White. The second aspect of heritage most commonly expressed as important to foster was survival of the Inupiaq language (mentioned by 12). Despite the fact that most of the adults I interviewed hoped that Inupiaq language usage would continue, more that half of the parent generation expressed regret that it was perishing. A few remarked that it was

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stressful to them to see the culture [language] fading away and one stated that the language, its pretty much lost. Helping others or caring for others was another theme reiterated by 8, a value given much expression and regard in the community. One discussant on this topic seemed to capture the meaning that I heard expressed by others about this value as it is expressed in action: I think that idea of people just being generous with their time, a lot of times with what they have, or [being] generous financially, I think thats something that is really good. That it can, it needs to be continued. [In the] western civilization family, you know, its more the rugged individual so much as the rugged community. But I see that, I mean, guys that a lot of times they dont work [regular jobs], but when something happens, theyll pith in hours, spend hours helping somebody. The fourth most frequently cited value given in response to the question about heritage was respect for others (6 participants) and more specifically for some, respect toward Elders Taken together, the wishes list and the desire that children cherish the Inupiaq language and values support the idea that the villagers want children to be fully bicultural, although the Native side of the equation received less weight at first glance. And only a few participants openly voiced the biculturalist stance in the interviews(253-255) Sprott, Julie W., Raising Young Children in an Alaskan Inupiaq Village. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey, 2002.

Hoffer TRADITIONS: HUNTING IN THE1980S (Yupik)

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Susan Andrews and John Creed got the story of Spencer Rearden who lives in the Yupik settlement in Alaska. He describes his love of catching waterfowl. His story describes how a tradition was passed on through his family to him and what it has meant in his life. Waterfowl Hunters Dream Pursued by Family My family always has been an outdoor family. Every one of us loves to go camping. My mom enjoys picking berries, and my dad loves to fly. To me, going camping and being in the outdoors is a vacation, except that I dont relax. Im either alert and activeor exhausted and asleep. I was born in Kodiak, Alaska, in 1979. I dont know much about Kodiak, because that year we moved to Fairbanks so my parents could finish college. In 1980 both of my parents completed their degrees. My mom was to become teacher, and my dad already had accepted a job working for Fish and Wildlife in Bethel, Alaska, where we lived then for eleven years Bethel is sprawled on the banks of the Kuskokwim River. The areas terrain consists of sand, tundra, and many lakes. Not far from Bethel lies the YukonKuskokwim Delta, where much of the waterfowl in Alaska spend their summers. There I learned how to hunt waterfowl. As a little kid, I wasnt an angel. I usually tagged along with my brother, Stefan, every place he went. I always sneaked away to play, and by the time I am home, I would be filthy. My parents said that after I took a bath, a trail of dirt and sand would lead to the drain. One day Stefan went off to play without me. My mom told me to stay inside because it was my nap time. Of course I didnt listen. I wanted to find adventure with my

Hoffer brother. I went to look for him. My mom became worried and asked my dad to go search

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for me. When he found me, I was asleep in the middle of the road with my face in the dirt and my butt up in the air. My familys outdoor life involves commercial fishing. We own a permit for the Yukon River. When I turned even, my parents started taking my brother and me out commercial fishing. When we fished twenty-four-hour periods, which means fishing all day and night, I always fell asleep in the wooden, open skiff wrapped up in a plastic tarp, despite the boats rocking and the cold. Sometimes we saw spots of snow on the riverbank, sagging into the current. Now that I am older, my dad lets me fish with just my mom. From commercial fishing, Im saving money for college. My hunger to seek adventure grew. I began exploring behind our house, which is open country. I became fascinated with the ducks I saw on the lakes. Sometimes my fascination with waterfowl and new country drove me farter and farther. By the time I came home, I felt Id stumbled over tundra for a hundred miles. My dad began taking me out hunting when I was six years old. Our first trip together was duck hunting up the Napakiak Slough, which is twenty miles from Bethel. Stefan and my dad shot some ducks, but I was too young to handle a shotgun properly. I was so amazed by these birds that I also wanted to get a duck. I begged and begged until finally my dad showed mea young teal swimming along shore unaware of us. I was so excited I missed the first shoot. The second shot hit the bird, and I got my first duck. This was the first of many adventures waterfowl hunting. A year or two later in the fall, my dad flew all of us in our airplane to a place called Pike Lake. Good marsh and waterfowl are plentiful there. We stayed in a run-down

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cabin, but it was convenient, for it was close to the marsh. I had a 20-gauge shotgun that I had never used before. When we approached the marsh through the woods, we saw a whole flock of white-fronted geese grazing. I remember their language of loud clucks. We closed in on them. For very step taken, its seemed a twig would break. My brother and I stayed behind and watched my dad flush the birds and drop two white-fronts. Watching the big birds drop to the water thrilled me like watching fireworks fall from the sky. On that trip, I remember feeling the absence of our retriever, Smoky, who died the year before. Hunting with a dog is half the fun. The next day not many birds were flying, so my dad told me to shoot some ducks that were minding their own business feeding. I had to trudge in mud halfway up to my knees to get close enough for a shot. I wanted to show my dad I could get a duck by myself. When I got in range, I fired my gun, and from the unexpected kick I fell in the mud. That got me a duck and several laughs. My dad has taught me a lot about hunting. He has shown me how and where to set decoys, how to handle the dog and the advantages of a dog, and most of all how to have even if we didnt get anything. I love being out it the marsh feeling free. But I would have to leave the marshes for different country unfamiliar to me, for my dad accepted a job in Kotzebue when I was in the seventh grade. This northwestern region of Alaska is rich with animals and stunning scenery. There are bare rocky mountains, spruce trees, and rolling valleys full of things to do. The mountains look like painting to me. I had never seen mountains so bold and so close until

Hoffer I moved here. I enjoy the country and animals we hunt, but caribou hunting is not as exciting as waterfowl hunting. To me, nothing is better than being out in the marsh.

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Today, I am training a young Labrador retriever, also named Smoky, for my companion out in the marsh and, of course, to fetch my birds. Training and caring for Smoky has made me very attached to her. I plan to bring my dog with me when I leave home for college, but if I cant, I hope my little brother, Sterling, will take my place in further educating Smoky and keeping my familys outdoor legacy alive. Andrews, Susan B., and Creed, John. Authentic Alaska: voices of its native writers. University of Nebraska press, 1998. (8-10) STEAMBATHS (Yupik) Steambaths provide social spaces for Yupik. Steams often become a sort of competition between men. Yupik usually have gender spaces and men and women will be separated. Married Yupik would often steam together and this would provide a time for the couple to be together. Steambathing in Yupik society happens every night if the materials needed are available. Men are more known for steambathing and the same groups of men often steambathe together. Thus steambaths can form a sense of community amongst groups. Presented here is the experience of a non-native in a Yupik steambath. My First Memorable Steambath I was visiting a village and had been invited to take a steambath by a Yupik man I knew somewhat, but had never steamed with. When we arrived the porch was full of men, so we undressed outside in a light drizzle. We laid them on a board with a piece of cardboard over them.

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We ducked into to the porch, my host handed me a hand towel, and we crawled in to the inner room. It was already the hottest place I had ever been in my life. It was like crawling into an inferno. The stove barrel glowed red between the rocks, and the water boiled furiously. There were already four or five men in there, and two or three came in after us, nine of us total. We ranged in age from the late twenties to mid-sixties. We were leg to leg and knee to knee. I was sitting on the toes of the man behind, with the man in front of me sitting on mine. My host folded his hand towel in half diagonally, and tied it around his head to protect his ears. I did the same. I wondered If I was nuts to be doing this. The last guy in pretty much blocked the door. He looked huge. Furthermore he was blind. How was I going to get out when I wanted to, which I already sort of did? There was no room for people to move. They hadnt even started pouring, and I was ready to leave. What if I really needed to bail out, and I didnt have time to get the attention of the guy in front of the door? I didnt know himI didnt know how much English he spoke, and in my slightly panicky state, my Yupik wasnt up to extricating me. Then it hit me: sweating like we were, I could just slide right out across his naked lap if I had to, no problem. The man on the right front poured a cup of water on the stove. There was a brief delay, then the steam started biting our shoulders and backs. The steam let up. He poured again. It was hotter, burning my knees as well. IT let up. He poured again. There was a rhythm here. If finish saunas are like ovens, this was like being under the broiler. I later learned that the goal is to raise the heat in such a fashion that you get satisfactorily

Hoffer cooked before you become exhausted by the overall heat and have to go out, but at the time his distinction was lost on me.

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There were occasional comments I didnt fully understand. The others were obviously enjoying themselves, while for me it had degenerated into an endurance contest. Could I make it until the first contingent went out? The heat dissipated a little: the man on the right poured, on and on. A couple of times I told myself I would just count to twenty slowly, then go out, but each time the heat eased. Everyone else seemed to be having a great time. They may very well not have realized how if was for me, because I wasnt making the right kind of noises, the kind of deep HUH or AHH that you make when the steam is really good, but you are heading toward the limit of your tolerance. On the other hand, theres a long tradition of testing the mettle of strangers, particularly non Native, in the steam More pours. Finally there were some exchanges like Anlua! Anlua! (I should go out! I should go out!) until a consensus was reached that it was time to go out. Five of us lighter-weights went out, while the remaining four stayed tin to reach satiety. We crawled out on the porch, then right on outside and sat on some cardboard. Coming out of a hot steam, its all you can do far a few minutes to just lie there. Its like when youve had too much to drink, and imagine you could talk, but would prefer not to try. After several more pours the serious steamers came crawling out, looking dazed and light-struck. After a really good steam older Yupik men often look like they need, or may soon need, medical attention. They pant and gasp, barely able to breathe, and

Hoffer collapse in heaps until they cool off. All were covered in blotchy red and white patterns of vasodilation, as was I.

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Unlike in the inner room, where there was little conversation, men were talking about their subsistence activities, telling stories and teasing each otherWhen we cooled off, we went back in again. This time everyone heated up more easily, and I bailed out early figured Id already proven myself. My host suggested later that I should try rolling over on my side, to expose fresh cooler flesh to the heat, and to indirectly let people know that I was reaching my limit, rather than abruptly going out. I gathered that it was preferable to reach some consensus before exiting, although I didnt know how much that had to do with maintaining face versus not spoiling the experience for others by suddenly letting the accumulated heat out, just when it got really good. After a third series of pours, men started washing up. They passed out basins to be filled with fresh water, then soaped and shampooed... They seemed relaxed and satisfied, like when something youve looked forward to turns out to be every bit as good as youd hoped. More talk, more teasing, more stories. I caught bites and pieces of the Yupik; some things were told in English, or occasionally translated to include me in that conversation. The stove and hot water container were refilled so that later the women could steam. Thank-yous were offered in departing, and men went off home. Another night, another steam. As for me, I didnt just feel clean, I felt purged. Even my boned seemed rubbery. Hensel, Chase, Telling Our Stories Ethnicity and discourse In southwestern Alaska. New York, NY: Oxford, 1996. (113-115)

Hoffer MALE ATTENDANCE OF POSTSECONDARY EDUCATION (2000-PRESENT)

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Recently studies have been conducted to see if the decline in males attaining postsecondary education is due to a lack of interest because this education is not necessary to live their lives as Natives. Judith Kleinfeld and Justin Andrews present their findings. Far more Inuit women in Alaska are pursuing postsecondary education compared to Inuit men. Among Inupiat in Alaska, only 28% of students pursuing baccalaureate degrees at the University of Alaska are male, and the proportion of males receiving baccalaureate degrees declined from 2000 to 2003. Among Yupiit, 30% of students pursuing baccalaureate degrees are male. Similar gender disparities occur in programs for high school students designed to prepare academically able Indigenous students for college. This phenomenon can be interpreted either as a sign of "male malaise," of disengagement from education and the wage employment for which education is a preparation, or as a functional adaptation to a mixed wage and subsistence way of life where education and particularly higher education is less important to Inuit males than females. To examine support for the explanation of "male malaise," we compare two Inuit regions of Alaska, the Inupiaq region of Northwest Alaska, where the regional Native corporation has emphasized providing employment within the region through the Red Dog Mine, and the Yup'ik region of southwestern Alaska, which has low numbers of jobs, particularly outside the regional hub of Bethel. In Northwest Alaska, 49% of young Inuit men, ages 22 to 29, described themselves in the 2000 census as either "unemployed" or "out of the labor force." In Southwest Alaska, 48% of young Inuit men said the same thing. These patterns support the explanation of "male malaise." However, community

Hoffer studies, which allow fine-grained, household analyses of male and female participation in the wage and subsistence economies are needed to distinguish between these two explanations or suggest other interpretations.

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We offer two potential explanations of this gender disparity. According to the first explanation, the phenomenon is best understood as "male malaise." Many young Inuit women are leaving remote rural communities for education and employment in regional and urban centers, leaving behind "bachelor cultures" of young men who can not find partners and who engage in alcohol abuse and other destructive behavior (Hoogensen et al. 2004: 193). A second explanation is that the gender disparity among Inuit in postsecondary education represents a functional adaptation to a mixed wage and subsistence economy. Inuit women are more apt to pursue wage work in such industries as education and social and administrative services, for which formaleducation is important, while Inuit men are more apt to pursue blue collar work and subsistence activities, for which formal education is unimportant. .Our findings indicate that among Inupiat students seeking baccalaureate degrees in 2003, just 28% were male, a decrease from 2000, when the proportion was 33% (Table 1). Masters degrees show a similar pattern, declining from 56% male in 2000 to 33% male in 2003. This said, the absolute numbers of Inupiat males seeking baccalaureate degrees has increased slightly, from 47 students in 2000 to 60 students in 2003. In short, while more Inupiat males are enrolling in postsecondary education, the increase is far more dramatic among Inupiat females. Among Yupiit, 30% of students seeking baccalaureate degrees and 39% of students seeking master's degrees are males. The absolute numbers of Yupiit males seeking baccalaureate and masters degrees have

Hoffer increased from 50 to 88 since 2000, but these increases remain far below the increase in absolute numbers of Yupiit females. Similarly, the absolute numbers of Aleut males seeking baccalaureate degrees increased, from 28 in 2000 to 44 in 2003, while 3 Aleut males sought masters degrees in 2003, compared to none in 2000. But the increase in enrollment at the baccalaureate level and masters level for Aleut females was greater. (115) For Inuit in Alaska, however, we offer a second explanation for low male enrollment in higher education, which interprets this phenomenon as a possible functional adaptation to a mixed wage and subsistence economy in rural regions. In the

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Inupiaq regions of Alaska, the North Slope and Northwest Alaska, plentiful employment opportunities are available which do not require higher education. The Northwest Alaska Native Corporation (NANA), for example, has set as its corporate mission the social goal of making employment opportunities available in the region. NANA entered into cooperative arrangements with the Red Dog zinc mine not only to generate profits for its shareholders, but also to provide its shareholders with employment opportunities at the mine as well. More Inuit men may be choosing to pursue high paid employment in such blue collar jobs while Inuit women may be choosing employment in health, education, and social services for which postsecondary education is an asset. In our fieldwork in rural communities, we have come across family patterns where the husband watches the children during the school year, while the mother works at the school, with roles reversed in the summer, where the father pursues wage work and the mother cares for the children. (119) Kleinfeld, Judith and Andrews, Justin J. Postsecondary education gender disparities

Hoffer among Inuit in Alaska: A symptom of male malaise? Etudes/Inuit/Studies, vol. 30 (2006): 111-121. INUITS AND THE INTERNET 1990S The Internet continues to make its way around the globe and becomes available to more

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people. As this happens people continue to have varying opinions about what it does for a community. In a place such as the Arctic is provides an opportunity for quick communication between rural towns. Some also think that it takes away from tradition and culture by keeping people indoors and would create a lack of physical interaction between people. Neil Christensen conducted online surveys that asked Natives in the arctic region to assess the pros and cons of the Internet. Here are some of his findings. We are not Inuit, but Inupiat, and are rapidly learning to use our connectivity to establish relationships, both personal and professional outside our immediate geographical location. Male, Point Hope, Alaska (personal communication, 1998). In this book people were asked to complete surveys regarding their views towards the internet and what the internet provided for them. A total of 60 per cent agreed that the Internet brings development of the Arctic, while 20 per cent did not know and 20 per cent did not agree. Many supported the argument that the Internet brings development to the Arctic, but not automatically a development of homogeneity, democratization, or physical togetherness in the Arctic region.

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A specific Web site functions as a meeting place for diasporic Indians as well as a place where culture and social organization are negotiated with out-group Web users who also use the site(1997) Christensen, Neil B. Inuit in Cyberspace. Denmark: Museam Tusculanum Press, 2003. (32, 35, 36, 49).

AMONG THE INUIT Below are some great pictures from a book I found Among the Inuit by Robert Semeniuk. The images here serve to remind us that there is a dream of the Arctic that must continue to enchant, and a sense of placeon a particular land, and on the land itselffor those who wish to explore it.

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Semeniuk, Robert. Among the Inuit. Vancouver: Raincoast Books. 2007. (20, 53, 58, 64,91, 96-97)