Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
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Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2005. 34:473-94 The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at
anthro.annualreviews.org
doi: 10.1146/
Abstract
The metaphor of "movement" has been applied in limited measure to indigenous action inAustralia, andmore to recent events (~ 1960s and afterwards) than to earlier ones. This review characterizes move ment in social-semiotic terms that allow consideration of such a no tion over a longer time span and range of social circumstances than is usual inAustralianist literature. Examination of a limited number of relatively well-documented cases from differing times and places reveals differences in the grounds of action and kinds of objectifica tion that movements appear to have involved and also a continuing shift toward shared indigenous-nonindigenous understandings and forms of activism in the face of persisting social differentiation. The arguably limited impact of indigenous movements needs to be con sidered in the light of systematic constraints on them.
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Contents
INTRODUCTION ................. 474
MOVEMENT?
IDEAS ABOUT
tion ofinauthenticity of action on this account (see e.g., Goodall 1996, p. 274), I take these kinds of interaction as central subject matter inmy account of indigenous mobilization and the moral and political terms inwhich it has
SPACE .............
...................... .....................
476
476 477
AND DEFERRED
....................... ............... 482 485 488
INTRODUCTION
indigenous people of Australia include Aborigines and Islanders (of the Torres Strait). Together, they comprise an estimated 2% of the total population. Although indigenous people are a small minority, Australian indigenous issues tend to have a high profile nationally and internation ally. Have "movements" been a form of ac tion over which indigenous actors exert con trol, through which indigenous interests are defined and satisfied? The aim of this review is to illustrate the range of action that might be considered movements, before a return is made to this question in conclusion. Indigeneity (like all identity categories) does not designate a fixed entity but sug gests processes of interaction and differen in Australia tiation. Indigenous mobilization has involved not only indigenous but also, in fundamental ways, nonindigenous actors and forms of action. Rejecting any imputa
474 Merlan
The
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concerning what they are doing and their con ditions. Nor need we suppose that the under
anddescriptions nec meant that, considered in broad terms, Abo standings guidingactors notions of achievingspecific riginalpresenceoffered limitedimpediment essarilyinvolve
kinds of change or transformation; in partic ular, that action should be undertaken in re lation to some objectified notion of society or social order. In some cases, this may be true; in other cases, it is not. Extraordinary, com to settler occupation of the continent, com pared with, for example, the occupations of North America and New Zealand. In many ways, Aborigines rendered considerable assis tance to settlement and not only opposition. Consistent with the third emphasis, so cial anthropologists' attention devoted to tra ditional life and institutions until recently took precedence over any explicit scholarly
tralianindigenous people and their cultures tended to overlook or downplay degrees settlement(approximately contemporaneous
of creativity in their responses to colonization and continuing settlement such as might be implied by the notion of movement. Several factors appear to explain its limited applica tion. First was awidespread view of Aborigi nal social orders as crushed by colonial impact with similar acculturation models elsewhere, e.g., in Americanist anthropology) at least accorded significance to interaction between settlers and indigenous people, and thus im proved on the prevailing romantic dualism be tween the preservation of traditional life ver sus destruction of it.Hartwig's (1965)Marxist account of Central Australia shed light on the interaction. conditions of Aboriginal-settler Berndt (1969) reflected on "The Concept of 'Protest' within an Australian Aboriginal Context." He posited not the continuous existence of protest but rather its gradual and late emer gence in Australian Aborigines' responses to change and disorder resulting from the im pacts of outside settlement. He found that "external intervention and stimulus" (1969, p. 39) had everywhere been fundamental to protest and described Aborigines as heard in directly, their voices amplified through exter nal agents (p. 40). Noting great situational dif ferences in the terms of Aboriginal people's socialization and understanding, he charac terized some more-activist Aborigines as "for all practical purposes Australian-Europeans," seeking common identity in the Aboriginal
noncorporate Aboriginalsocialorganization, past, this trend itself a "kind of social move limitedAboriginal numbers (undoubtedly ment" (p. 41). He concluded that once people
* IndigenousAustralia 475 www.annualreviews.org
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"see themselves in relation to others, once they are in a position to compare, the way be comes wide open for the kind of protest I have
were interior desert. Wooden ochredboards transferred (seePetri 1954, pp. 256-68, and Lommel 1969,pp. 165-78, for a detailedde
scription of ritual). A final dance featured a white desert ghost figure called Djanba. He was understood to be Leprosy, and the ku rangarra boards in general to be charged with
Djanba ravagingtheAboriginalpopulation.
was said to live in a corrugated iron house and to be able to infect people with syphilis and leprosy by means of little sticks that had lain in weeds near it. People who have ku rangarra boards are also able to infect others, whereas kurangarra initiates were thought to gain immunity. The distribution of boards was imagined to be carried out using airplanes and steamers. The ghost asked for remuneration in sugar and bread (not indigenous foods) for showing the boards to other ghosts. Cult activity was carried out in pidgin En glish. Place-based like other ritual, kurangarra differed in that it had to be performed in the
1950,p. 24).
Kurangarra was not overtly hostile to whites. It did not explicitly propose revitaliza tion of Aboriginal practice. It objectified de cline dramatically (in the dances), not verbally (as far as evidence goes). It was not infused with any Christian elements. Like many Abo riginal rituals, it connected people over long distances. No explicit notion of an imperme able boundary between Aborigines and whites was evident. Elements of settler culture, both material and social, such as these which had been apprehended were incorporated into the ritual. (For reports of the fate of kurangarra,
Kurangarra
The most portentous events of the first pre World War II period of fieldwork in north western Australia of German ethnographers Helmut Petri and Andreas Lommel (Lommel 1950, 1952, 1969; Petri 1954; Petri & Petri Odermann 1970, 1988; Beinssen-Hesse 1991 on the facilitating Frobenius Expeditions and contrasting emphases in the resulting studies) involved the arrival of kurangarra from the
476 Merlan
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see Lommel 1969, p. 178; Wilson 1961, p. 47; Swain 1993, p. 244.) In these various respects, kurangarra may be briefly contrasted with the
stoneshipsentbyJinimin-Jesus fromheaven.
Informants said the ship had been in this place since the Dreaming (i.e., attributed the same constancy to it as Aborigines typically do to other meaningful features of landscape). Af ter the annihilation of Europeans, this ship was to serve as an ark for Aborigines. Filled with gold and crystal, itwas to be the basis of
theirfuture well-being.
Petri & Petri-Odermann (1988, p. 394) suggest that a transition to an aggressive mood may be associated with the fact that the Aus tralian state as well as mission policies to ward Aborigines had begun to be liberalized. The leaderswere young andmiddle-aged men who were tradition conscious and attempted to respond actively to their experiences with
outsiders(1988,p. 391).
Though there are differences between ku
of displacement). experience
TheJinimin-Jesus complex is less fatalistic than kurangarra. Though matters are partly couched in amythic idiom, there is also con scious articulation of the situation as oppo in kurangarra the differ sitional. Whereas ence between black and white appears to be a given of the ritual enactment, expressed by elements associated with settlers in the cult, in the Jinimin-Jesus complex this difference is explicit, embodied in the difference be tween black and white skin and also couched in the rhetoric of conflict and postconflict equalization. Limitations of local power seem to be rec ognized explicitly in the Jinimin-Jesus com
practice,seeKolig (1981). THE ADJUSTMENT MOVEMENT IN ARNHEM LAND RonaldBerndt(1962) became Anthropologist
aware of an "adjustment movement" in north eastArnhem Land in 1958, and on subsequent * Indigenous Australia 477 www.annualreviews.org
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inBerndt 1962, e.g., the sermonreproduced p. 77). Indigenous peoplewere increasingly whites (including local Methodistmissionar realizingthe existence of diversity within the ies of a Pentacostal bent) for a number of settlersocialorder (Berndt1962, p. 79).An decades. socialand moral order,previously However, thepresenceof outsiders indigenous had not been numerically is still clearlyassociated with overwhelmingas self-sufficient, in some other parts of Australia. Aborigines notionsof positivevalue,but alsowith social had been deeply affected by the fact that and jealousy. Itsunificationis fragmentation the American-Australian Expeditionof 1948, conceivable in the context of a twinned or
revisits. Aboriginal people in this area had ex perienced and participated in the activities of which had visited various parts of Arnhem had filmed their sacred emblems, or Land, der, involving "two Gods," "two races, one dark and one white" (1962, p. 78). (Formore
Island(now Galiwin'ku).
From Berndt's accounts of the leaders' comments and sermons, we learn of some of the meanings these activities had locally. Par ticipants understood themselves to be honor ing themissionaries and expressing thanks for the things they had brought them, and also,
given thinking about as) "graven images." They also hoped to gain wider access to the valuable things they perceived whites having to offer
FROM PROTECTIONISM TO PROGRESSIVISM: INDIGENOUS IN THE AFTERMATH ACTIVISM in displayingtheir most valuedobjects,tran OF THE "SECOND scending their attachment to (what the mis DISPOSSESSION" sion and Bible had them a means of
The turn of the twentieth century and sev eral decades thereafter saw increasing indige nous activism in the more densely settled parts, the urban fringe, of the continent. Al
etc.). (schools,training,
Among difficult issues they seemed to be working through in attempting this display were changes in gender relations (Berndt
478 Merlan
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see
(1987).
The later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries saw the tightening of welfare mea sures and increasing close regulation of Abo
perspective) laying some groundwork for laterpan-Aboriginal identification & (Jones Hill-Burnett 1982).
somewhat differing times in various of Australia (usually compelled by leg parts At
tialofAboriginalsubjects, understoodlargely
in racial terms. The power of racial notions,
originally temporary reservation of land was made "permanent." But by 1886, "half-castes" were excluded, forced to leave to earn a living for turies,and the implications regulatory, elsewhere. In 1893, 2400 acres, nearly half of the acreage earlier achieved, was excised. In tutelary, and legislative schemes directed at Aborigines, should not be underestimated 1924, the station was closed andmost remain (e.g., Haebich 1992, pp. 47-51, 260-67; ing inmates compelled to move. In 1941, the last resident died, and in 1948 the reserve was Biskup 1973, pp. 89, 42-44, 143-46; Bennett revoked. 1989, pp. 51-52, 58-59, 112; Beckett 1988, pp. 196-200; Goodall 1996, pp. 118-19, 127 Although communities formed and re formed until after World War II, in the south Peterson & Sanders 29; 1998, pp. 4-14). in a few had for the instances east, important implications pro They by around World cesses of subject formation and potential for War I, but in greater numbers by the 1950s mobilization. Inmany places, e.g., Western and 1960s, at least some of their residents envisioned harsh Australia,policy legislative (as above, often the "half-caste") were ei controls and segregation of the (generally, ther exiled to impoverished rural locations more or forced to resettle in the vicinity of cities full-blooded) phenotypically Aborig inal remote reserve and settlement popu likeMelbourne (Haebich 1992; Read 1988; lation from the wider community but ab Goodall 1996, pp. 149, 238-39 writes of a "second dispossession" with reference to the sorption into the white population of the or those of color skin "coloureds," lighter expulsion of residents from communities, re (Haebich 1992, p. 316). The oppressive char acter of state controls may have encouraged passing into the mainstream population for some who could do so, i.e., a process op posite to conspicuous mobilization. In con trast, it sometimes prompted identification of people with others of varying degrees of descent against the grain of govern of children, and persistence of ap palling health and livelihood conditions in New South Wales). moval From the youthful generation of indige nous people whose families had been exposed directly to these closures, exiles, and con trols came a remarkable cohort of activists, in "settled" Australia, particularly from the late
www.annualreviews.org * IndigenousAustralia 479
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... ........................................................................................
1920s and the 1930s. Largely known and in some cases related to each other over partic ular regions, these men and women rose to prominence in the pursuit of better condi tions and opportunities for their people. On the north coast of New South Wales, the first
along with others, established and financed the firstAboriginal-controlled newssheet, the Australian Abo Call (Goodall 1996, p. 238). Many of the indigenous leaders came from diverse ethnic and racial origins, often in
1965,p. 91;Aborigines and racial diversity became part of the new in League (AAL)(Clark or Advancement League 1985). Doug Nicholls, digenousembodiment, especiallyin settled
born at Cumeroogunga in 1906, left the com munity at age 14,worked, and became a noted Melbourne, then pastor, Aborig sportsman in inal activist, and eventually the appointed gov ernor of South Australia. William Ferguson of Dubbo, New SouthWales (Homer 1974), and Jack Patten, like Ferguson a leader in theAbo rigines Progress Association inDubbo, orga nized aDay ofMourning to be celebrated in protest of the commemoration of the 150th anniversary of the landing of the First Fleet in 1938. In 1926,William Harris founded the Western Australia (Haebich Native Union in 1992, p. 269). These and many others in volved themselves in activism and the de velopment of organizations dedicated to im with nonremote Australian contexts and brought it important stimuli to the sensibilities and organization of political activism. An im
portant element of thiswas the conceptualiza tion of a category of "Aborigine" or "native" beyond the local or regional scene-a reflex ive view of an inherently contradiction-laden category of persons, originary and now sub ject to the state. Localism and the divisive ef fects of government policy had meant that it was by no means inevitable that indigenous people think of themselves as a single kind: In many instances, degree of caste or color, so emphasized administratively, acted as a dif 1961, ferentiating force. (See, e.g., Wilson p. 41, on the refusal of "light coloureds" to support strike action undertaken by mainly see also Markus "full-blood" Aborigines;
McGregor 1993).
All the principal activists had formative re lationships, not only within indigenous fami lies and social networks, but alsowith whites as employers, interested activists, and re] resen tatives of supportive and sympathetic groups [such as churches, unions, the Communist party, Freemasons, and feminists (Broome 1989; Goodall 1996, pp. 186, 203-4, 232 36, 273-77; Lake 1998)]. In 1938, publisher and right-wing nationalist P.R. Stephensen,
480 Merlan
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it
and union groups, academics, and left par ties lent support to the establishment of such a 1988-have typically in broad body. The Aboriginal Advancement spurred oppositional action some collective and digenous Leagues of Victoria, South Australia, and garnered from Western Australia came together to form the ac the wider support public.) Aboriginal tivistsmade use of methods including the for Federal Council for theAdvancement of Abo mation of leagues and groups, and networks rigines, which held its first meeting in Ade of contacts amongthem, publicity campaigns, laide in February 1958. The Council's basic and dramatic public actions including strikes,
FCAATSI: Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders
aspirations were equal citizenship with other Australians forAborigines; an adequate living standard; equal pay and industrial protection; free and compulsory education for "detribal ized" Aborigines; and the absolute retention of remaining reserves, whether in communal or individual ownership. Renamed the Fed eral Council for the Advancement of Aborig ines and Torres Strait Islanders (FCAATSI) in
and to census them federally (Bandler 1989). (On the Referendum, seeAttwood et al. 1997, Attwood & Markus 1998; for regional differ ences and conditions on the vote, see Bennett 1987,pp. 172-76).Suchactionsalso typically 1989, pp. 53-54; and on the growth ofnational assumed the greater supportiveness and effi representation with respect to the Torres Strait, see Beckett 1987, pp. 79, 171-201.) cacy of higher levels of governance, first the Commonwealth as compared with the States, In the mid-1960s, as a national indige and more recently, international as com nous body was taking shape, the conduct of pared with national institutions (Chesterman protest became influenced by American civil 2001a). rights and Black Power styles and activism. In this era inwhich Aboriginal affairswere Most indigenous activists rejected violence, and some accepted the help of concerned managed by the states, awidely shared objec tive of indigenous activism was the assump whites (Burgmann 2003, p. 58; Chesterman tion of oversight of Aboriginal affairs by the 2001b; Foley 2001; McGuinness 1971; Read federal government. In the early twentieth century, proposals for constitutional reform to confer responsibility for Aboriginal affairs on the federal government were prompted by fear of Australia's being considered interna tionally backward (Paisley 1998; for efforts toward a national policy in the 1930s, see Goodall 1996, pp. 238-46). Activists worked 1990; Turner 1975; on the relation to the women's movement, see Burgmann 1982; on the influence of Black Power on elites in Papua New Guinea around this time, see Hannett 1971). A Freedom Ride (Curthoys 2002), based on U.S. civil rights activism, was organized in 1965 to demand change di rectly in discriminatory practices in towns of
wwvv.annualreviews.org * IndigenousAustralia 481
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involved were
over inequality, disadvan originsin struggles Referendum,it assumed powers to legislate tage, and powerlessness,includingrelations
with From to land, were transformed in ways that fore
underwrit ilation,thereemerged(especially
ten by the Labor side of politics and supported by intellectuals and some other segments of the middle class) a federal policy of self determination. Increased globalization (aswe now call it) of the economy and of cultural politics in the aftermath of World War II had created a new countercurrent, an orienta tion toward difference, which began to make con itself evident in the now-nationalized duct of indigenous affairs. (There are paral lels elsewhere, for example, inNew Zealand, where there was a new surge in Maori politics in the 1970s and theWaitangi Tribunal was created by 1975; see Moran 1998 on "indi genising nationalism.") The Australian Labor government elected in 1972 brought into be
the procedural
terms of the
First, the ways in which syndicalist mod els of struggle informed action before indige nous difference was placed center stage will be briefly illustrated from episodes in the Torres Strait and Western Australia. Second, the transmutation of issues of disadvantage and inequality into ones framed by questions of in digenous culture can be illustrated by consid ering some of the main events generally seen as contributing to the development of anotion of land rights as an indigenous issue. The strike was explored as a medium in the depression years in of mobilization the Torres Strait Islands, among Australia's other indigenous minority. Colonization and Christianization began together there in the and a resident gover 1870s. Missionaries nor were principal sources of authority until 1904, when the Strait came "under the Act" (the Queensland Aborigines Protection Act of 1897), with its draconian controls. Torres Strait Islander pearlers and divers, aggravated by oppressive work conditions and the eco nomic downturn of the 1930s, went on strike for four months in 1936. Probable sources of this form of action included unionists on the mainland, perhaps even master pearlers them selves, and models in the 1920s and 1930s of strike action by Japanese divers and inter national seamen (Beckett 1987, p. 53). As a result, the Islands were granted a consider able degree of local-government autonomy, including control over island police and courts (Beckett 1987, p. 54).
proved conditions, recognition of equality and the rights of full citizenship, and concomitant dismantling of discrimination. In the post
482 Merlan
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In remote areas, just as in themore settled ones, Aboriginal activism of the early andmid
March 1967, they 1986, CH Berndt 1950). In "walked off' and established their own town ship atWattie Creek, advised and assisted by activist Frank Hardy (Attwood 2003, pp. 187-90, 260-82 on Hardy's cen trality to the protest actions; Hardy 1968). Their earlier central demand for improved Communist
cattlecompany.
In 1975, the federal government granted the Gurindji only leasehold interest in just 25 of the 500 square miles they had claimed, leaving the rest within the Vesteys lease
Pindan, as the community came to be called, 2003, p. 71).Despite thispaltry economically based mainly on the min (Burgmann of mineral "return" concentrates. Aims of the of land to the Gurindji, in the result, ing movement the symbolic form of Prime Minister Gough included achievement of better wages, andmore broadly, economic and social Whitlam funneling a trickle of dirt into the hand of leaderVincent Lingiari, has remained self-sufficiency. a key media image, often replayed on televi The movement fostered many new aware nesses and practices among Aborigines of the sion (reproduced in Peterson 2000, p. 624). area. But issues including capitalization ver sus immediate consumption, privileges and prominence of leaders in a context of egali tarian expectations, and the fractious leader ship style ofMcLeod, which some Aboriginal The to im original claims by Aborigines conditions were of their provement living transmuted into a much broader demand
(see Attwood 2003, p. 263) which, though it resonated strongly with Gurindji under standings, was in conception and organization partly of outside origin. Events at Yirrkala in northeastern Arnhem Land are also invariably seen as precursors to further development of land rights as a na tional political issue. In 1968, following five years of fruitless protest against the federal government's decision to allow mining explo ration on what they considered their lands
Middleton 1977). themining company Nabalco and the federal (Doolan1977, Hardy 1968, had been Gurindjipeople dependent pastoral governmentbefore theNorthern Territory
labor atWave Hill, a property of more than 12,000 square kilometers of the English com pany Vesteys, since the 1880s, residing in de supreme court, with assistance from support ers (including the Methodist mission). The decision handed down in 1971 found (among other things) that there was no doctrine of * IndigenousAustralia www.annualreviews.org 483
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law and re
of SouthAfrican Springbokrugbyunion team persistedunchangedsince the declaration British sovereignty overAustralia, which the in 1971. (See also Turner 1975 and Spoonley
presiding justice held to be a necessary con dition for finding in favor of the Yolngu 1995, p. 100, on later protests inNew Zealand
484 Merlan
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have resulted in nearly half the land area of the Northern Territory becoming Abo riginal land under inalienable, group-based
freeholdtitle.
More recent findings of a high court case Mabo v. Queensland (2), brought by the Meriam people of the Torres Strait (cul than continental turally more Melanesian Australian), have been that "native title"may survive the extension of British sovereignty over Australia and that native title is recogniz able at the common law.This was the product not of indigenous social movement, but of fo cused collaborations between indigenous so cial actors and others who, aware of national and international developments, believed it was possible to revise the Australian situa tion with respect to land rights (Bartlett 2004; Sharp 1996, pp. 22-3). The high court deci sion left the government, and the public, un prepared. In itswake, the federal Native Ti tle Act (1993) was rapidly formulated, which in the national post-Mabo anxiety, was struc tured to protect and give "certainty" to other interests as much or more than indigenous
ones.
RECONCILIATION
The years 1991-2000 were a decade of rec onciliation. Under this rubric is understood the aim of creating a new relationship be tween settler Australia and its indigenous peo
ples. Reconciliation was characterized by the deputy chairman of the Council for Aborigi From the 1960s, increased positive valu nal Reconciliation (CAR) as "quintessentially ation of cultural difference ushered in an era a people's movement" (Nossal 2000, p. 17). of "indigenizing" national management of in What sort of movement is, or (perhaps) was, it (Brennan 1994, de Costa 2002, Dodson digenous affairs (Moran 1998). One manifes tation of this was emergence of land rights as 1993, Reynolds 1996, Tatz 1998, Tickner a recognizable 2001)? Its diffuse and populist nature il category. A more favorable(though stereotyped) lustrates (as does land rights in a different view of Aborigines based on positive valua way) difficulties of policy and practice in tion of their cultural difference came to under integrating moral vision with a substantive lie the land rights agenda, offering one public treatment of issues (de Costa 2002, Short alternative to the always-present "problem" 2003). orientation inAboriginal affairs. Truth commissions, tribunals, and in the in ac benefits countries in roughly occurred Despite quiries undoubtedly many the a on land as to and this hieved, emphasis response period injustice, rights vi rights its proceduralism must also be evaluated as the narrowing and institutionalization of the olations, and sometimes acknowledged mass atrocities (Ellis 1997, Ensalaco 1994, Minow
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All
these at
interpretation of history and vari addressed issues of responsibility and ably to be drawn. consequences Precedent struggles inAustralia to the rec onciliation eramay be briefly mentioned here, between Australia and other Commonwealth countries has been the absence of any treaties
ingAboriginal childrenfrom their parents. Them Home" was tabledin "Bringing May One of its recommen 1997 (HREOC1997).
dations was that a formal apology be made by of children (Haebich 2001). The new Liberal
One pointof constantcomparison all Australian forforcibleremoval following. parliaments with its indigenous peoples.By 1979, in the
context of waxing land rights, there were calls (largely from a social and academic elite) for a treaty (Brennan 1994; Coombs 1979;
eralgovernment, of resolvedissue,and some indigenousspokes amongthemrecognition of the continent people have concludedthatno apologywill prior indigenous occupancy be forthcoming. and the payment of compensation for land and Thus, many contentiousis
damages. Both demands had been put forward by the occupants of theTent Embassy in 1972, and subsequently also by the first indige nous member of Parliament, Senator Neville Bonner of Queensland in 1975. The report of the Royal Commission into sues have continuously been laid on the pub lic table and have made evident different
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tional Aboriginal owners" of the locales where events are held have become nearly manda tory on certain occasions and in certain envi
notion of reconciliation within the popula little collective will tion, there is apparently
for major institutional change (Short 2003). The Council had engaged in a large-scale civic awareness campaign in terms of what was, after all, a binary conception of citizen
Generations."
On May 28, 2000, in CAR's final year, the People's Walk for Reconciliation saw a quar ter of a million people crossing the Sydney Harbor Bridge on foot, following a major public event called Corroboree 2000. CAR produced its final report in December 2002, asserting, "Reconciliation has begun to enter the hearts and minds of the Australian peo ple creating one of the most determined and vibrant people's movements ever seen in the history of the nation. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and other Australians are in
federal government.
After 2000, Reconciliation Australia be came a nongovernment, not-for-profit foun dation. Sorry Day has become an annual event in some places, commemorating the tabling of the "Bringing Them Home" report by the signing of Sorry Books. Initial declara tions of recognition and thanks to the "tradi
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idea is perceived by some as a return to as similationist policies of the past and, by oth ers, as amore meaningful step forward toward practical reconciliation (Altman & Hunter
The kind of historical change that is ob servable in themovements discussed above is not one from the "pre" or "nonpolitical" to the "political." Rather, it is a shift in the terms of
and in the andobjectification, 2003). The government view (apparently understanding of is action and that forms that come about identity policies widely shared) indigenizing in mobilization.Earlier,objectifications aris of the past have failed. The government is from the frustrated and embarrassed about this fail conjuncture ing settler-indigenous
ure and together with the public is newly resolved to be more skeptical about sup tended to be cast in terms of the endogenous
to, the
CONCLUSIONS
This discussion of movements in Australia
Innovation, shifts in forms of action and understanding, may arise from any interac tion that provokes significant relativization
of perspectives. Differences inunderstanding, andrepresentation, which his objectification, torically distinguishedindigenousand non
indigenous actors, can be reduced without
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this enculturation involves indigenous recon stitution. Such forms of action reach awider audience and at times permit wider mobi
One of the greatest constraints on indige nous mobilization (which, as we have seen,
sameness and difference seems limiting with respect to an internally diverse minority contrary,they serve to highlight inequali whose "difference" will not be sundered from ties thatpersistin indigenous-nonindigenousbroader questions of justice and openness to relations. different conceptions of the social good. the indigenous and nonindigenous. On the
determination"). Categoricalthinkingabout
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
For comments on drafts of this paper, my thanks go to Jeremy Beckett, Paul Burke, Ravi de
Costa, Les Hiatt, Ian Keen, Tim Rowse, and Alan Rumsey.
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