Omar Khayyam, Mathematicians, and "Conversazioni" with Artisans Author(s): Alpay zdural Source: Journal of the Society of Architectural

Historians, Vol. 54, No. 1 (Mar., 1995), pp. 5471 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Society of Architectural Historians Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/991025 Accessed: 09/06/2010 09:19
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Omar Khayyam, Mathematic Artisans with and Conversazioni

ALPAY OZDURAL, King Faisal University was sharing the same concern hereafter Geometric Constructions, for the inadequacy of artisans of his time in geometry.2 He wrote:
I knowthatartisans [sunna]construct figuresin roundformsunmethodihas to quitworkingby cally.... In orderto createfine works,the artisan the eye-measure. Instead,he mustdeterminethe dimensionsof sidesof the pentagon,hexagon, decagon,or other figuresas we explain in this book.3

he intricategeometricpatternsthat decorate the monu-

ments of the Islamic world have always intrigued contemporary architectural historians. These patterns, cleverly interlocking with each other to create infinite compositions on wall surfaces and highly sophisticated configurations of muqarnas (stalactites), are believed to have been created by architects or artisans who were not only masters in their own crafts but also competent in geometry. The general expectation is that these architect-artisans, like all practical people, were not in the habit of producing any sort of written material; therefore, their exquisite works are regarded as the only evidence of their skill in geometry. The remarks of a young Ottoman geometer, however, cast a shadow of doubt on this assumption. While reading from a book on geometry and explaining it to the mother-of-pearl workers (specialized carpenters) at their workshop in the gardens of Topkapi Palace, he said:
in this Regardingthatwhichis calledthe scienceof geometry[handasa], age [1570], if the science of geometry is discussedamong architects each one will answer,"Yes,we have and learned men ['dlim], [mi'mar] heardof it, butin essencewe havenot heardhowthe scienceof geometry worksand what it dealswith."Now this noble book fullydescribesthat fine science.As long as a person does not understandthis rare and agreeablescience,he is not capableof the finestworkingin mother-ofpearl,nor can he be expertand skilledin the artof architecture.1

To make his point clearer, he expanded on the same issue:

What an artisan illustratesis an approximation of the geometric which he perceivesto be correctthrough his senses and construction, He is not concernedwith diagrammatic observations. proofs. [On the establishesthe proof of a other hand], when a geometer [muhandis] of the whetherthe correctness problembydeduction,he neverquestions is observable. construction However,it is notjustifiedto distrusteverything that an artisansees as correct,since these are usuallytakenfrom whichwere previously constructions provenby geometers.The artisan takeonlythe end productof a problembutpay and the surveyor [mdsah] is determined;thereforethey may no attentionto how the correctness commit fallaciesand errors.The geometer believesin the correctness proofsif he canderivethe meaningof the construction throughrequired
of the artisan and the surveyor.4

Considering the fact that the young geometer made this remark while Ottoman architecture was enjoying its golden period under the leadership of the great architect Sinan, the implication is outrageous. It can, of course, be dismissed conveniently as a gross exaggeration. Even the underlying reason for such an exaggeration, one has to admit though, is enough to contradict the general assumption of attributing a genius for geometry to architect-artisans. The famous mathematician-astronomer Abu '1-Wafa'al(940-98), who wrote a book on geometry specifically Bfizajamni amal al-handasa for artisans, Kitdbfimd yahtajuilayhial-sani' mmin (The bookon what the artisan requiresof geometricconstructions),
JSAH / 54:1, MARCH 1995

More than six centuries had passed between these comments of the two mathematicians. During this period in the Islamic world, the field of mathematics enjoyed great advances, and numerous monuments were produced in the field of architecture with increasingly exquisite applications of geometry. The words of both mathematicians indicate a close collaboration between geometers and architect-artisans, and, in so doing, suggest a relation between the developments in these two fields. One can not help but wonder why, therefore, the Ottoman geometer was still claiming architect-artisans had no notion of geometry. How could the achievements in mathematics, which were apparently reflected on architectural monuments, have had no effect on the improvement of artisans' knowledge? Another common point between these two sources seems to provide us with a plausible answer to this question. The

54

FIG. I: a) Abu 'l-Wafa's figure provingthe theorem;b) The ornamental Pythagorean pattern of Abu 'I-Wafa'sproof, general;c) The ornamental 's proof,the patternof Abu 'I-Wafa' ratioof 1:2.

Ottoman geometer mentioned that the science of geometry was discussed among architectsand learned men. It seems Istanbul,architects logical to infer that, in sixteenth-century and mathematicians were in the habit of coming together at specialgatheringsin order to discussthe applicationof geomAbu 'l-Wafa' was quite precise about this etry to architecture.
sort of meeting (hereafter referred to as a conversazione).5 He

stated:
I was present at some conversazioni held among a group of [majdlis] artisans and geometers.6

He then gave the accountof a particular at which conversazione a squarefromthree they discussedthe problemof "composing in otherwords, the construction of a squarethe side of squares," whichis equalto /i3. in tenth-century Evidently, Bagdad,it was customaryfor artisansto meet with mathematiciansto seek advice on certain problems concerning the application of and relatedarts. geometryto architecture
If conversazioniof this sort were common enough in two

majorcitieswith differentculturaland politicalsettings,sepa-

ratedfromeach otherby six centuries,itwouldbe reasonable to think that this sort of gathering represented a widespread world.It can thusbe expected that phenomenon in the Islamic when architectural and scientificactivities were being concentratedin urbancenters,therewas a constantdialoguebetween architect-artisans and mathematicians in the form of conversazionithat servedas the vehicleto exchange knowledgebetween the two groups. Practitioners, who were deficientin theoretical knowledge, had convenient access to advanced mathematics by way of these meetings;scholars,who were not experienced in practicalapplications,there found the opportunityto be involvedin architecture, the visualresultsof whichwere pleasantly rewarding.Though solving the immediate problems by way of a dialogue was evidently a convenient means for artisansto learn, this probablyexplainswhy there was no real improvementin their knowledgeof geometryduringthose six centuries, as they would tend to implement only capsulized solutions. UnlikeGreekmathematicians who developedmathematical sciencesfor the sake of rigorousthinkingand the disciplinary
OZDURAL:OMAR KHAYYAM AND THE ARTISANS 55

value of the subject, Muslim mathematicians were always more concerned with the practical and immediate consequences rather than the theoretical qualities of their work.7 It can be easily be imagined that, throughout the centuries during which mathematical sciences have flourished, some of the great mathematicians, such as Abu 'l-Wafa' enjoyed being involved in Thus, some architecture and related arts through conversazioni. that we innovations or of the aesthetic, structural, spatial observe in the products of the major architectural centers of the Islamic world may be explained as the contributions of certain mathematicians.8 acted as the mode of The proposition that the conversazione and for architectural geometrical knowledge in maexchange jor urban centers of the Islamic world can be supported by further references to this phenomenon in several other sources. For instance, Ghiyath al-Din Jamshid al-Kashi (d. 1429), an outstanding mathematician-astronomer, related in the letter to his father a debate between him and the master mason, and other mathematicians who sided with the mason, about the leveling instrument used at the site of the Samarqand Observatory.9 What Al-Kashi described there can be considered as a at the construction site. This sort of conversazione conversazione seems to have been a common phenomenon, particularly in fifteenth-century Khurasan. In the literary sources that give the accounts of the laying out of buildings and the start of building were always mentioned as operations, geometers (muhandisdn) being present together with architects, masons, and/or other sorts of artisans.1 In the gatherings that were held to start the construction works, apparently, the expertise of the geometers was considered essential. Another document of significance is an untitled treatise about a geometric problem written by the celebrated poetOmar Khayyam philosopher-mathematician-astronomer same of this The solution problem later very (1048-131).11 occured in the form of an ornamental pattern in an anonymous Persian treatise written exclusively for artisans, Fi taddkhul similaror 'aw mutawdfiqa (On interlocking al-ashkdlal-mutashdbiha 12 the end At hereafter Interlocking Figures. correspondingfigures), of the untitled treatise, Omar Khayyam commented on what gave him the incentive to write it:
If it were not for the highness of this meeting... and for the obligation to the proposer of the question ... I would have been far away from this wilderness.13

Geometric Constructions, brought into realization by Omar constructions of this in treatise,and severalpractical Khayyam which are illustratedin Interlocking Figures.By studying this unique example we also gain insightinto how mathematicians and artisanscollaboratedand into the actual results of this in Constructions, Our searchstartswith Geometric collaboration. thathe whichAbu '1-Wafa' gave the accountof the conversazione attendedin Bagdad. Abu 'l-Wafd's book is a unique combination of practical Constructions Geometric geometry and theoretical geometry. As a work on applied as a workon and highlydidactic; geometry,it is comprehensive a Muslim written one ever best the is it by pure geometry, an artisan that mathematician.14 It containsalmosteverything wouldrequireof geometryand is organizedin a verysystematic in writingthisbookwasto lead manner.Abu 'l-Wafa"s objective artisansalong the methodicalpath of theoreticalgeometryso that they would achieve excellence in their works. At the beginning of the chapterin which he discussedthe conversazione,he mentioned that dissectingthe geometricfigureswas a and adds: techniquewidelyused by artisans
In this chapter we set the rules, all that are to be used by artisans, because, accordingto the principles,they commit gross mistakesin 15 and composing[squares]. dissecting

Abu'l-Wafa' intendedfor artisans, In a book thatwas necessarily singled out this chapterand devoted it exclusivelyto artisans; manner.Whena geometer indeed, he treatedit in a distinctive the to solution an problemof "composing proposed algebraic a square from three squares,"none of the artisans were satisfied.They wantedto see the three squaresbeing dissected into partsand then reassembledinto a single square.Realizing that the only way for artisansto accept a proof was to see it in thusofferedan ingenioussolution tangibleshapes,Abu'l-Wafa' the that effect. to Evidently, mission he assigned himselfwas not to teach artisansthe most advanced mathematicaltechniques of his time, but to initiate a sound understandingof geometry. Abu 'I-Wafa' provided the During the same conversazione, theorem. Here, with a novel proof of the Pythagorean artisans did in his he neither multiplied the lines, as Al-Khwarizmi Those had. as Euclid lines proof, nor describedthe squareson notions would have been too abstractfor artisansto come to terms with. Instead, he dissected the given square into four congruentright trianglesrotatingaround a central squarein such a way that these parts could be reassembled into two so thatif squaresthatcorrespondedto the sidesof the triangles; found be could other the was [Figure known, one of the sides displayed here reflects only his own la]. What Abu 'l-Wafa'
resourcefulness in finding a way to demonstrate an abstract

The present article expands on Omar Khayyam's untitled treatise so as to establish that the meeting he attended was with artisans, the proposer of the quesindeed a conversazione tion was most probably an architect-artisan, and, therefore, "wilderness" refers to the field of architecture. To prove its point, the present study follows the story of the special ornamental pattern that originated from a proof in Abu 'l-Wafai's
56 JSAH / 54:1, MARCH 1995

theorem to practical-minded artisans,not the general level of Muslimmathematics of his time.16 This proof, which was offered in a conversazione, was the starting point of the creation process of the pattern under consideration;the realizationof it was later achieved by the efforts of Omar Khayyam,after another conversazione-the point that this study aims to demonstrate.In order to bridge the gap, the processin betweenis reconstructed hypothetically, intersupportedby some physicalevidence and mathematical pretations,in the remainingpartof this section. The inherentlyornamentalqualityof Abu 'l-Wafa"s figure, which was originallyconceived for didactic purposes, apparThe revolvingsymmetry entlycaught the attentionof artisans. of the figure, they realized, could easily be translatedinto a dynamic decorative pattern. By joining four more of the congruent triangles along their hypotenuses to the original square,a largersquarecomposed of four rhomboidscould be obtained [Figurelb]. After this transformation, Abu '1-Wafa"s figure became one of the popular ornamentalmotifs that we now observeon a numberof architectural monuments,such as the westiwanof the Masjid-iJamiof Isfahan[Figure 2]. The rhomboid is one of the common components of the ornamentalgeometricpatternsthroughoutthe Muslimworld, and it playsan importantrole in the subsequentdiscussion.It thus needs to be explained first.This kite-shapedfigure was, and still is, generallyknown to artisansunder the names in differentlanguagesthat correspondto almond (hence, hereafter it is referredto as such).17When two non-isoscelescongruent trianglesarejoined together along their longest sides (the

hypotenuse,if it is a righttriangle),the combinedformis either

a parallelogram [Figures3a, 3b] or an almond [Figures3c, 3d].

Generalpropertiesof the parallelogram were well-known and widely discussed, particularlyin Greek geometry; but the almond had not previously been a very popular topic in mathematicalliterature.18 On the other hand, artisanswere familiarenough with the basic properties of the almond to make extensiveuse of them in their designs.These properties can be summarized as follows:the line on whichthe congruent triangles are joined becomes the primarydiagonal and the axis of the almond;the two diagonalsintersecteach symmetry other perpendicularly, and the bisectinglines of the opposite angles meet each other on the axis;if the length of the shorter sides of the almond are marked on the longer sides, the intersectionpoint of the bisectinglines is equidistantfrom the markedpoints and the comer of the shortersides;the almond can thusbe subdivided into three smalleralmonds,twoof them being congruent,by drawinglines from the intersectionpoint to the threeequidistant 3e, 3f]. Suchsubdivision points [Figures of the almond was one of the common tools of artisansto generate a varietyof interlockingpatterns of almonds, polygons, and polygonalstars. Abu 'l-Wafai"s figure representsa general theorem that can be applied to any ratio between the two unequal sides of the almond. This ratio, at the same time, corresponds to the tangent of the angle of rotation. By definition, the following conditionalways exists:if the longer side of the almondis called x and the shorterone y, then the side of the centralsquareis equalto x - y, and the side of the outer squareis equalto x + y [Figurelb]. The neatness of this propertyapparentlyencourto explore the possiblevariations of Abu'l-Wafa "s aged artisans figure.It could simplybe used as a singlemotifby choosingany ratio that they liked. The property also allowed artisans to generate compositionsof variousinterlockingpatterns,if the appropriateratioswere selected.Note that the main consideration for Muslim artisansin selecting a proportion was the flexibility it offered and the constraints of the geometric of certain propertiesof the pattern,not the reputed superiority
systems.19

r,^ I1^ ^

03

&' 560.

[|L^UcO ' [|

FIG. 2: Two variations of the motif of Abu 'I-Waf"'s proof: the west iwan of Jami'of Isfahan(from Rassad, "Masjed-eJame"' [see n. 43], 3). Masjid-i

So faras can be observedin the publishedillustrations, most of the existing examples of the pattern have a ratio of 1:2 between the sides of the almond; for example, see Figure 2. These are all single motifs,but the reasonwhy artisans favored this ratiowas most likelythe followingconsideration: when the sides of the almondsare relatedto each other by a ratioof 1:2, the side of the centralsquarecorrespondsto the full length of shorter side, y, and the side of the outer squarebecomes 3y lc]; in this arrangementthe subdivision [Figure of the almonds allowed artisans to generate a composition of interrelated squares and almonds by repeating the main square unit in
either direction of the rotation angle [Figure4].
OZDURAL:OMAR KHAYYAM AND THE ARTISANS 57

of the paralleloFIG.3: a, b) General properties gram;c, d) Generalpropertiesof the almond; of the almond into smaller e, f) Subdivision almonds.

What the ratio of 1:2 rendered was fine; but for artisans, no achievement was final. Once a pattern was found, its variations were exploited by generations of artisans, but, as far as we know, the same composition was never repeated. Artisans were always in need of fresh patterns to add to their repertoire. Abu 'l-Wafa"sproofwas a rich source; they could explore it in depth to discover new versions. The majority of the examples that we can observe on existing buildings are from Persia and Khurasan and it appears that the pattern of Abu 'l-Wafa"s proof was particularly popular among the artisans of that area. Indeed, s Geometric Construcmost of the extant copies of Abu 'l-Wafa" tionsare Persian translations.20 Hypothetically, we can imagine a clever artisan in Isfahan envisaging a potential special ratio between the sides of the almond, which makes it possible to generate a more elaborate composition [Figure 5]. This in fact is another version of Abu 'l-Wafa-"s figure. The visualization is not very difficult; it re-

quires little to imagine that the subdivision of the primary almonds is performed by drawing a perpendicular through the axis so that the longer sides of the secondary almonds are equal to the shorter sides of the primary ones, y, and the shorter sides of the former to the side of the central square, x - y. The realization of the pattern, one supposes though, is beyond the reach of the artisan. To cope with that sort of a problem, he has to be equipped with an advanced knowledge of mathematics. Given his limited knowledge in practical geometry, the only option open to him is to ask advice from mathematicians. Let us suppose that he does so in a conversazione,and Omar Khayyam responds in the following way [Figure6]:
[Whatthe artisanwants is to constructa right triangle,ERT,with the necessaryconditionthat, if it is dissectedinto a right triangleand an wouldexist:RI = BI;ER = EB = TI. Let relations almond,the following us suppose that the required triangle ERT is constructed.Erect the

58

JSAH / 54:1, MARCH 1995

perpendicularHR on the diagonal ET, then the triangle REH is TIB (sincecorresponding congruentto the triangle anglesareequaland TI = ER).Hence RH = TB and EH = IB. Butthe triangleREKis similar to the triangle RIL (since correspondingangles are equal). Then ER: EK = RI: RL. But EK = HR and RL = HB and RI = EH. Then ER: HR = EH: HB. Let the circleADCBRbe drawnhavingthe point E as its centerand AE as its radius.Consequently, the specificquestionof

the artisancan be formulatedas a generalproblemof ratios:]to divide the one-fourthAB of the circleABCDby a point R into two partssuch thatif RH is drawnperpendicular to the diameterBD, the ratioof AEto RH is the sameas EH to HB.21

With the final formulation of the problem, which Omar Khayyam posed in the untitled treatise, the hypothetical reconstruction ends. After attending the meeting, apparently, he worked out the solution and wrote a treatise about it. In the following section, so as to supply credence to the foregoing reconstruction, the treatise is analyzed with the aim of demonstrating that he addressed it to artisans as well as to his learned colleagues. Omar Khayyam's treatise The untitled treatise by Omar Khayyam, which was discovered around 1960, is available in various languages and so far has only attracted the attention of historians of mathematics.22 The treatise is about a problem for which the author offered a variety of solutions: a cubic equation, two geometric constructions by means of conic sections, and a numerical interpolation in trigonometric tables. This problem appeared to be of particular interest to Omar Khayyam as he wrote a whole essay on it. It is of critical importance to the history of mathematics as it motivated Omar Khayyam to make major contributions to algebra and number theory.23 It is also of great significance to the history of Islamic art and architecture as it becomes the evidence of Omar Khayyam's involvement in the ornamental arts, and

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FIG.4 (Top): The compositiongeneratedby the ornamental patternof Abu 's proofsubdivided '1-Waf" inaccordance withthe ratioof 1:2.
FIG. 5 (Bottom): The composition generated by the ornamental pattern of Abu 'I-Waf"'s proof subdivided in accordance with the special ratio.

FIG. 6: Hypothetical reconstruction of the artisan'sproblem concerningthe

special ratio.

OZDURAL:OMAR KHAYYAM AND THE ARTISANS 59

thus indicates his familiaritywith the problems related to architecture. Accordingto the historianDaoudS. Kasir,"OmarKhayyam writers of Muslim followedthe tradition by pursuingmathematical investigations onlyso faras theywereneeded to expressand in such sciences interpretproblemsarisingfrom investigations and fromcommercialtransactions as astronomyand surveying treatiseallows This recently-discovered and inheritancelaw."24 and relatedartsto the fieldsof investigaus to add architecture wasinvolvedin. tion thatOmarKhayyam The storyof the patternunder consideration proceedswith the passage towardsthe end of the treatise in which Omar remarkedon thatparticular meeting: Khayyam
This is what passed through my mind considering my dissipated thought,disturbedmind, and being occupiedwith factswhichprevent me from paying attentionto these simple ideas. If it were not for the highness of this meeting whose highness be lost foreverand for the obligationto the proposerof the questionwhomGodwillbless,I would have been far awayfrom this wilderness.My effortsare solelyconcentratedupon factswhich are to me more importantthan those simple ideas.Myeffortsare spenton those.25

the desired division is performed, that is, AE: RH = EH : HB, he stated that the construction is possible if a hyperbola is drawn so that it passes through the points E and L and its asymptotes are the lines TM and TK [Figure 7a]. But the positions of the point L and the asymptote TK are not known. He realized that completion of the construction would be difficult because it "needs a few introductions from Conic Instead of carrying out the process to the end, he cut it Sections." short: "Those who know conics can, if they wish, finish it later."28Apparently, Omar Khayyam was not much interested in accommodating mathematicians who already knew about conic sections. After the first unsuccessful attempt, Omar Khayyam tried an alternative approach to the problem. As he introduced it, he made a point of being more concerned with practical people:
This method also needs some elements of conic sectionsbut in many waysis mucheasierthanthe firstmethod,and itsideasaremoreuseful.29

wordsgive us some clues aboutwhatsortof a OmarKhayyam's His it was. praises of the meeting may suggest that meeting we get The impression somebodyfromthe courtwaspresent.26 is thatthe proposerof the questionwasa respectedperson;but, to our disappointment,Omar Khayyamdid not mention his rankor his profession.He did say,however,that his feeling of obligation towards that person prompted him to write this work. It would be difficult to imagine that such a technical question leading to the problem under considerationcould havebeen raisedby royalty, unless,as seen in veryrarecases,he OmarKhayyam himselfwas a scientistor belonged to a craft.27 the noted with some regret that, prior to meeting, he was and paid no attention to "simple occupied only with "facts" were the like him, "facts" ideas."For a philosopher-scientist or theoretical studies, truths reached through philosophical of ordinary and "simple ideas"were the mere practicalities works. We can infer therefore that at this meeting Omar Khayyamwas introduced to a practical field that he felt enthusiastic about. As the word "wilderness" suggests, he consideredthatwhat has been opened to him is a new field to explore. He seemed to enjoy acquaintinghimselfwith those "simpleideas,"but again to our disappointment,he did not of architecmentionthatthesewerethe practicalities specifically inserted he remarks ture.As we examine the along the course of his analysis, however, it becomes increasinglyclear that main concern in writingthe treatisewas to Omar Khayyam's artisans. for makeit useful startedthe treatiseby posing the problem Omar Khayyam
in the form of the aforementioned definition. After supposing
JSAH / 54:1, MARCH 1995

Here he tried to find a method that involves as few conic sections as possible, so that it would be less difficult for people other than mathematicians to grasp. "Useful" seems to be the operative word. As long as both methods produce the correct result, under which condition is "its ideas.. .more useful"? If "ideas" are interpreted as "practical properties," then being "useful"applies to a practical field. Omar Khayyam started the analysisof this alternative method by supposing again that the desired division has been made, that is, AE: RH = EH: HB [Figure 7b]. He then proved ET = ER + RH, or in his own words:
This analysis leads to a right triangle with the condition that the hypotenuseis equalto the sumof one of the sidesof the rightangle and to the hypotenuse.30 the perpendicular

His intentions become more evident in the following passage:

This idea, that is, a trianglewithmentionedproperties,is veryusefulin We shall to thisone. This trianglehas otherproperties. problemssimilar mention some of them so that whoeverstudiesthis paper can benefit of sucha triangleis that fromit in similar problems... .Anotherproperty of the two sides of the right angle the longer one is equal to the sum of the shorterone and the segment that the perpendicular separates from the hypotenuseis towardthe shorterside [that is, RT = ER + EH].31

The solution of a geometrical problem can be "useful" only to "similar cases of applications," not to "similar [geometrical] problems." What Omar Khayyam meant, therefore, was "cases" similar to the one he was dwelling upon. We can hence infer that Omar Khayyam was dealing with this triangle with the aim of making it "useful"to a field in which potential "similarcases" were waiting to be applied. Architecture, with its related arts,

60

FIG.7: a) OmarKhayyam's attemptedsolution of the problem by means of conic sections (adaptedfrom Amir-Moez,"A Paper"[see n. alternative II], 324, fig. 2); b) OmarKhayyam's to the problem a right approach triangle by using (adaptedfrom Amir-Moez,"A Paper,"325, fig.3).

suggests itself as the field whichwould make the most use of sucha varietyof geometricproperties. Omar Khayyamstartedthe algebraicanalysisof the probdirectedto his nonmathlem witha note of apology,apparently ematicianreaders:
of the past have used notations of As the intelligentmathematicians in orderto simplify the intuitive we shallalsofollow solutions, algebraists them. But the notationsof algebraists are not necessary. We can dojust aswellwithoutthem. However, withthese notations,multiplications and willbecomeeasier.32 divisions

of algebraicterms, brought forwardan outlined classification varioustypesof algebraic equations,gavea briefaccounton the worksof previousmathematicians concerningcubicequations, and added:
But whenever cubes(x3) come in,...we need solid geometry, and especiallyconics and conic sections because a cubeis a solid... .For areused.35 people who do not knowconics,certaininstruments

In his majorworkon algebra,whichhe wroteexclusively for his learned colleagues, he did not explain himself for using notations. algebraic Omar Khayyam drew the triangleABC and supposed that AC = AB + BD as the basis for the algebraicanalysisof the x, for BD problem [Figure 8].33 He assigned the "unknown," and a rationallength, 10, forAD and thusreducedthe problem to the solutionof a cubicequation: x3 + 200x = 20x2 + 2,000.34 Afterachievingthe equationof the triangle(hereafter referred to as Omar Khayyam's Omar commented triangle), Khayyam on the general issues of algebra. He defined and explained

The last remarkconcerningthe use of certaininstruments for In the context executingconic sectionsis of crucialsignificance. of his previousremarksit leaves no room for doubt that the was addressingwere practicalpeople whom Omar Khayyam actuallyartisans.This remarkservesas the link betweenwhat Abu 'l-Wafa'proposed for constructionsthat involve conic sectionsand the instrumentused for the construction of Omar Khayyam's trianglein Interlocking Figures. In Geometric Abu 'l-Wafa' offered mechanical Constructions, solutionsfor the specialproblems,"theduplication of the cube" and "the trisectionof the angle."36 Those were the problems thatoccupiedquitea numberof Greekmathematicians and, as the solutionsrequiredcubicequations,motivatedthe discovery of conic sections.The solutionsthey proposedeithermade use of conic sections or were reduced to mechanicalprocedures
OZDURAL:OMAR KHAYYAM AND THE ARTISANS 61

_????

FIG. 8: The right thatservesas the basis triangle for the algebraic equationof Omar Khayyam (adaptedfrom Amir-Moez,"A Paper"[see n. II1], 327, fig.4).

In a vergingprocedure,a given thattheycalledneusis (verging). segment-or two equal segments-is inserted between two given straightor circularlines in such a way that the segment verges to a point. In a few cases certaindeviceswere used, but mostlyit wasperformedby trialand errorusing rulers.Verging under procedureswere also knownto Muslimmathematicians of 'l-Wafa"s treatment Abu the name "moving geometry." special problemswas very suggestive.While borrowingfrom Greek verging solutions,he was carefulin selecting the ones The message he that were most convenient for artisans.37 apparentlywanted to convey was that in dealing with cubic equations,vergingproceduresare the most suitablemeans for artisansbecausethey are both accurateand easy to operate. It remark that he can thus be inferred from Omar Khayyam's sharedAbu 'l-Wafa"s opinion and was advisingartisansto use whichwaswritFromInterlocking Figures, verging instruments. we also learn that the cubicequationof Omar ten for artisans, trianglewas actuallysolved by the aid of a moving Khayyam's instrument called the "ruler-triangle." Considering Omar Khayyam'sprevious remarks as well, it now seems safe to who he is concernedwithand "who concludethat the "people" do not know conics"were in fact artisans.As he wrote the treatisein responseto a questionraisedin the aforementioned
62 JSAH / 54:1, MARCH 1995

meeting, it would be logical to assume that the question was asked by one of the artisans; since he was a respected person, most probably he was an architect. The meeting, therefore, can be defined as a conversazione. Thereafter, Omar Khayyam worked out the solution of the cubic equation by means of conic sections [Figure9a]: intersection of the hyperbola NDK, which has AC and EC as the asymptotes, and the semicircle DKB at the point K. Conic sections were used by mathematicians to reach theoretical proofs, but never to obtain actual measurements. He promptly advised artisans to that effect:
By sayingit is knownin valueI do not mean thatits magnitudeis known becausethese two ideas are different.By being knownin value I mean . That is,we canconstruct whatEuclidmeantin the book of Constructions a magnitudeequalto it.38

To facilitate a practical construction of the problem, Omar Khayyam offered an interpolated solution of the cubic equation. He apparently assumed some artisans, like surveyors, were familiar with trigonometric tables and angular measurements:
Whoever wants to know this in arithmetic, if he looks carefully, he will not find a way to it because whatever is obtained by conic sections cannot be

If the seekeris satisfied withan estimate,it is up obtainedby arithmetic. or the table of sines to him to look into the table of chordsof Almagest, . He should and versedsines [thatis, 1 - cosine]of Motamed Observatory find an arc in the tablethat is the ratioof sixty,whichis supposedto be halfof the diameterof the circle,to the sine of that arcis the same as its cosineto its versedsine.We shallfind this arcaboutfifty-seven degrees, of whichthe circleis threehundredand sixty,its sine aboutfiftypieces, its versedsine about twenty-seven and one-thirdpiece,and its cosine pieces about thirty[-two] piecesand two-thirds piece.It is possible to compute morecarefully to the extent thatthe error would not be felt.39

Normally, Omar Khayyam should have ended the treatise with the aforementioned closing remark; but afterwards he offered an alternative solution by means of conic sections. He apparently realized that the cubic equation he previously proposed was rather a clumsy one, and offered a neater version [Figure 9b]. Here the solution was more direct and reached by intersecting the hyperbola AR with the semicircle EARC at the point R. In this construction all the coefficients of the supposed third-degree equation, which he did not cite, are taken as the unit, 1. It corresponds to: x3 +x2 + x-140 In light of the present study, it can be maintained that a problem asked probably by an architect-artisan in a conversazi-

one prompted Omar Khayyam to write a treatise, which motivated him to make a major contribution to the science of algebra.41 He outlined his subsequent work, The Algebra, so accurately that it appears to have been almost ready in his mind; therefore, it should not have taken too long to write. The Algebra is dated to ca. 1074, and he was invited to Isfahan by Saljukid Sultan Malikshah in 1073 and was put in charge of the new observatory.42 Thanks to the construction work taking place in Masjid-i Jami'-possibly in the south dome-during that period, Isfahan was the hub of architectural activity and certainly an ideal place for conversazioni.It is only natural to expect that Omar Khayyam, the brilliant mathematician who had recently come to Isfahan, was invited to attend one of these meetings. It seems likely therefore that he wrote the untitled treatise shortly after 1073, that is, ca. 1074.43 It is thus not farfetched to suppose that the question was asked by the architect who was at the time in charge of the constructionpossibly, the architect of the south dome, Abu 'l-Fath the son of Muhammad the treasurer. After publishing the untitled treatise, it can be presumed, Omar Khayyam explained his findings to artisans in another conversazione and there he offered the practical solution of the cubic equation by means of verging procedures. This apparently is the solution reported by the anonymous author of
FIG.9: a) Omar Khayyam'ssolution of the cubic

equation by means of conic sections (adapted from Amir-Moez, "A Paper," 332, [see n. II], fig. 7); b) The alternative solution of the problem by means of conic sections (adapted from AmirMoez, "A Paper," 336, fig. 10).

B a

lx

OZDURAL:OMAR KHAYYAM AND THE ARTISANS 63

InterlockingFigures; but he recorded four more constructions concerning the same problem. Those are all approximate solutions with varying degrees of accuracy yielding all but the pattern under consideration. As the correct solution was available, why did artisans still produce the incorrect ones? The following analysis seeks to answer this question. The anonymous Persian treatise InterlockingFigures, as a work on geometry, has been totally ignored by historians of mathematics. For instance, Woepcke, who published a comprehensive analysis of the Persian translabased on the Paris manuscript, Constructions tion of Geometric made no mention of InterlockingFigures which followed Abu work in the same manuscript.44 Some historians of 'l1-Wafa"s architecture, on the other hand, attribute a high value to its discussions of ornamental geometry.45 The treatise can be described as a collection of geometric constructions concerning various procedures and ornamental patterns and a few instruments used by artisans. A critical assessment of its mathematical Constructions, content, particularlywhen compared to Geometric indicates that it was the work of an artisan who had but a shallow acquaintance with geometry, rather than of a geometer who had been occupied with the ornamental arts.46Its anonymous author, to put matters succinctly, was deficient in the essential knowledge and skills of geometry; his presentation lacked the necessary organization, coherence, and clarity that are the qualities normally expected from a geometer. In spite of all these, his work, being the only known surviving authentic written material on the subject of artisans' practice in geometry, is a very valuable source of information for the history of Islamic art and architecture.47 The recordings in Interlocking Figuresillustrate with certainty that the triangle discovered by Omar Khayyam was actually used by artisans as an ornamental pattern. The most direct reference to this triangle, albeit mistaken in authorship, is found in the following passage:
Correlationsinvolved in this drawingconcern conic [sections].The a righttrianglein such a waythat of it consistsin constructing objective the sum of the perpendicularand the shorter side is equal to the of sucha wrotea treatiseon the construction hypotenuse.Ibn Haytham triangle,and there he describedthe conic sections,whichturnedout to and a parabola.48 be a hyperbola

"Khayyam"for "Haytham" had he seen it in writing; but these names do sound alike. It can thus be inferred that he probably but recalled it heard about this problem during a conversazione discussed was treatise Omar While Khayyam's mistakenly.50 during this gathering, it would be reasonable to assume that he was a mathematician who explained the solution of the problem and its construction. The anonymous author gave more information, in his disorderly and unknowing way, about the construction of the pattern based on Omar Khayyam's triangle:
Here, the objective can be achieved by the aid of a "ruler-triangle." As mentioned above, the objective of our drawing is four conical figures [that is, almonds, which he calls turunj (orange) at other places] with two right angles that surround an equilateral rightangled quadrilateral[that is, a square]. Such conical quadrilaterals [that is, almonds] AIHK, CHMN, DMLX, and BLKO describe the four-cornered [that is, square] KHML [Figure10]. Since the corner H of the quadrilateral[that is, square]consists of two perpendicular lines, then KH and [H]D are necessarily straight, but the triangle AKCis right-angled and equal to the triangle CHD. This triangle is right-angled too, because it is inscribedin the semicircle.Therefore, the point H should be found on the arc [C]E. If the corner F on our ruler is perpendicular, then the side AB is both perpendicular and corresponds to the side AB [that is, AC, a mistake of carelessness]of the square.And Allah knowsbest.51

What he set as the objective was to construct a pattern composed of four of Omar Khayyam's triangles that surround a central square, that is, the pattern under consideration. What he described, however, amounted only to an incomplete proof of its properties. Apparently, his recollection failed him in achieving the objective. When his quasiproof was compared with the proofs given by Omar Khayyam, it becomes painfully transparent that our author was only pretending to be a mathematician.52 Omar Khayyam followed a logical sequence of theorems according to a predetermined plan in order to reach the required conclusion; whereas the anonymous author did not seem to have a plan to follow or, for that matter, a conclusion to reach. By using complicated terms instead of the ordinary ones, he only exhibited his vanity. It is not difficult to understand why the anonymous author was so confused. Conic sections was too advanced a topic for artisans of the time to fully comprehend. Despite the ambiguity, however, his description provides us with sufficient information to reconstruct what he failed to achieve. "If the comer F on our ruler is perpendicular," he said, then, the ruler must be the scale on the perpendicular leg of the triangle that he is referring to [Figure 10]. When the triangle is slid along the side AB, it cuts the semicircle at a point, H, and FH + HG = AC = AB = CD. Since this condition is true for every position of H,

As we have seen earlier, it was "a hyperbola and a circle," not "a hyperbola and a parabola," the intersection of which solved the cubic equation; it was Omar Khayyam, not Ibn al-Haytham (965-1040), who wrote a treatise on the problem that the anonymous author defined.49 These misquotations would almost certainly not have occurred had the anonymous author read Omar Khayyam's treatise. His source of information was apparently an oral one. He should not have mistaken
64 JSAH / 54:1, MARCH 1995

FIG. 10: The constructionof the pattern of Omar Khayyam's triangle by means of the inInterlocking verging procedure Figures (adapted from Bulatov,Geometricheskaia garmonizatsiia [seen. 12],342, fig.36).

the anonymousauthor was unableto realizethe construction of the pattern. He apparentlyfailed to remember the following step: in order to fix the position of the point H on the semicircle,FH is required to be equal to HC; only then the condition of the problem would be satisfied, that is, HC + HG = CD. The problem can thus be reduced to a verging procedure so as to determine the position of the point H at whichHC = HF. Omar Khayyam said, "Forpeople who do not knowconics, certain instruments are used." Indeed, the "ruler-triangle" turnsout to be preciselythe verginginstrumentto performthe constructionof the pattern of Omar Khayyam's triangle.The followingis the reconstructionof the verging procedure that was presumablyproposed by Omar Khayyamin Isfahanand transferred from one conversazione to another until it reached the one that the anonymous author attended, probably in thirteenth-century Diyarbakir:
on the given line AB and place a straightedgealong [Drawa semicircle the line.Slidea right-angled whichhasa scaleon itsperpendicutriangle, larleg, along the straightedge so thatit always intersects the semicircle at a point H. With an additional ruler measure and simultaneously comparethe distancesHF and HC. Repeatthisprocessuntilyou reacha position at which HF = HC. Mark this position of the point H and completethe pattern.]53

The anonymous author was apparently unfamiliar with verging procedures which, as Abu '1-Wafa'indicated earlier, were the most convenient means for artisans in coping with problems that involved conic sections. However, it can be said that his ignorance of this matter was not shared by all artisans. The fact that Omar Khayyam's solution occurred in Interlocking Figures,probably around 150 years later, points to the existence of at least a small number of scrupulous artisans who were willing to follow the advice of mathematicians. The anonymous author described four more methods to construct the pattern in question. Three of these were presented on the same drawing, but he did not mention elsewhere that these drawings, and Omar Khayyam's solution as well, were meant to produce the very same pattern. His silence strongly suggests that he was not the author of any of these methods but was simply recording the solutions worked out by other artisans.54 He started the first construction by assigning an arbitrary length, AD, to the diagonal of a square [Figure 11].55 He marked the point C on a horizontal line at a distance of 2AD and extended the line CD until it met the perpendicular at the point E. He then marked the point H on the perpendicular at a distance of 2AC from the point E and drew the line CH. From the given point K, he drew a line parallel to CH to determine the position of the point L, which concluded the construction.

OZDURAL:OMAR KHAYYAM AND THE ARTISANS 65

Whathe failed to mention is that all the steps of this construction are in fact relevantfor the execution of the pattern.The angle of rotationcorrespondsto CG, to whichthe diagonalLR of the primaryalmond is parallel;half of the angle of rotation correspondsto CE, to which the diagonalLP of the secondary almond is parallel.This constructionturns out to be quite a successfulapproximationof Omar Khayyam's triangle. The angle of rotationit yields deviatesonly 0.2 per cent from the value. theoretical One of the methods in the second drawingwas virtually describedabove.Here, he started identicalto the construction the constructionby assigning an arbitrary length, BC, to the the of rest side of a square[Figure12a]; the process depends preciselyon the same geometricalprocedureas the previous one [Figure11].56 Such a slight variationwas enough for our author to be confused and regard these two as different methodsof construction. In the third method, the position of the point Q was mean betweenLP,halfof the side determinedas the arithmetic of the square,and LZ,halfof the diagonalof the square[Figure 12b].The deviationbetweenthe resultof thisand the realvalue, 1.4 per cent, is rather large for a geometer to tolerate.The fourth method producedyet a larger deviation,2.9 per cent,
FIG. I 1: One of the approximate methods of constructing the pattern of Omar Khayyam's triangle in Interlocking Figures (adapted from Bulatov, Geometricheskaiagarmonizatsiia[see n. 12], 340, fig. 33).

which is not acceptableeven for an artisanif he is meticulous 12c].Here, the length LX wasfound by intersectingthe [Figure AMK and the semicircleKML at the point M, quartercircle the perpendicularMN to the side KL, and making erecting = LX 2LN. The whole process amounts to 3LX = 2KX. wasthe authorof thislastmethod seemsto havehad a Whoever in complicating talent simplematters.Had thismethod unique been used, OmarKhayyam's trianglewouldhardlybe recognizable, and to generate a compositionout of it would have been an impossibletask. The existence of these approximatemethods suggeststhat the verging constructionof the patternin questionwas either unknownto, or not acceptedby, most of the artisans.It might solution, be that they did not have accessto Omar Khayyam's had not comprehendedit fullyas indicatedby the anonymous author, or were showing their preference for the traditional methods instead of trying an unusual technique, however simple and correct it was. Moving geometrywas considered inadmissibleby the majorityof Muslim mathematicians,let artisans.Whateverthe reason alone the conservative-minded as a verbal might be, it can be inferred that a conversazione, mode of transmitting knowledge,was a convenientmeans for not was it but artisans always effective and productive in

66

JSAH / 54:1, MARCH 1995

II

\
\

FIG. 12: Three of the approximate methods of constructing the pattern of Omar Khayyam's triangle in Interlocking Figures (adapted from Bulatov, Geometricheskaiagarmonizatsiia[see n. 12], 338, fig. 28).

promoting new ideas. Not all artisans were receptive to advice coming from mathematicians (say, intellectuals of today; apparently not much has changed since then). This may also explain why the young Ottoman geometer seemed so displeased with the artisans of his time. Conclusion The history and interpretation of Islamic architecture is full of geometrical issues, and some of these are still unresolved. The present study illustrates a case that proves to be informative to both the history of architecture and the history of mathematics. As the number of studies in depth on mathematical works of a similar nature increases, one hopes, more of these issues will be resolved.57 Primarily, this study aims at providing evidence for the existence of conversazioni, at which mathematicians and artisans collaborated to find solutions to the problems concerning the application of geometry to architecture and its related arts. The untitled treatise of Omar Khayyam proves to be a convincing document in this respect. Other points that the study draws attention to can be summarized as follows: a) Some mathematicians, such as Abu 'l-Wafa' and Omar Khayyam, were more than willing to offer their expertise to

artisans; in the particular case of cubic equations, their advice to artisans was to utilize verging procedures; b) InterlockingFigures, an anonymous work on ornamental geometry that was presumably written by an artisan, does not, as a technical work, deserve the high praise it receives from some scholars; c) The information provided by the anonymous author suggests that a verbal mode of transmitting knowledge through conversazioni prevailed among artisans, but they were not always informed about, or receptive to, mathematicians' advice. Appendix A list of publications and commentaries on Abu 'l1-Wafa"s book, On WhattheArtisanRequiresof Geometric Constructions: 1. Mashhad, Rida 37 (Persian), end of the tenth or the early eleventh century. The earliest extant manuscript that was prepared at the request of Abu Mansuir Baha' al-Dawla, the Bujid ruler of Persia from 998 to 1013, by a translator whose name would perhaps have been ascertainable if the manuscript had not been defective at the end; C. A. Storey, Persian Literature, 2 vols. (London, 1972), 2:2-3. As the date can be fixed to 998-1013, this manuscript is possibly one of the two original Persian translations of Abu 'l1-Wafa"swork, either prepared by Najmaddin Mahmfid Shah or Abu
OZDURAL:OMAR KHAYYAM AND THE ARTISANS 67

Ishaq ibn Abdallah Kfitibani; see the Paris manuscript, appendix no. 6. 2. Tahran, Danishgah 2876 (Persian), the eleventh or twelfth 7 vols. desarabischen century; Fuad Sezgin, Geschichte Schrifttums, (Leiden, 1974), 5:324. 3. Mashhad, Rida 5357/139 (Arabic commentary), by Kamaladdin Mfisa ibn Muhammad ibn Man'a (1175-1242), the early thirteenth century. According to Ibn Khallikan, Ibn Man'a highly extolled Abu 'I-Wafa'and possessed a number of his trans. Mac Guckin books; Ibn Khallikan, Biographical Dictionary, de Slane, 4 vols. (London, 1868), 3:320. 4. Cairo, Dar, riyada 260 (Arabic), the thirteenth century; (Leiden, 1978), 7:408. Sezgin, Geschichte 5. Istanbul, Ayasofya 2753 (Arabic), the early fifteenth century (Siileymaniye Kutiiphanesi, microfilm archive no. 375). This manuscript was presented to Ulugh Beg in Samarqand. As book was dedicated mentioned on the tide page, Abu 'l1-Wafa"s to Mawlana al-Malik Shahanshah al-Ajall al-Man-suir Baha' al-Dawla. He could have assumed the tide of Shdahadnshah only died either after Persia fell under his reign in 998. Abu '1-Wafa' in 997 according to Ibn Khallikan, or in June 998 according to Ibn al-Qifti; Ibn Khallikan, Biographical Dictionary, 321; Ibn al-Qifti, Ta'nihal-hukamd',ed. J. Lippert (Lepzig, 1903), 288. Thus, it seems more likely that the manuscript was not copied from the original work but translated back into Arabic from one of the earlier Persian translations, possibly the manuscript Mashhad, Rida 37 (appendix no. 1). Ayasofya 2753 includes annotations apparently added by the copyist himselfwho, in all probability, was one of the mathematicians gathered in Samarqand during Ulugh Beg's reign. Those annotations, which particularly deal with theoretical constructions, give us a better insight proofs of Abu 'l1-Wafa"s into the practical approach of Abu '1-Wafa'.As a plausible possibility, it can be suggested that 'Ali Kushchu, who was the last one in charge of the observatory, took the manuscript with him to Istanbul after the death of his friend Ulugh Beg and placed it in the library of Ayasofya Madrasa, where he served as professor for the rest of his life. 6. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, ancien fonds persan 169 (Persian), the early seventeenth century; Storey, Persian Literature, 2:2. According to the information given by the translator, he made use of an earlier Abu Ishaq ibn 'Abdallah Kftibamni, translation prepared by his contemporary Najmaddin Mahmud, a talented mathematician. Bulatov dates this manuscript to the early eleventh century by arguing that Najmaddin Mahmfid had lived during that time; Midhat Bulatov, Geometricheskaia SredneiAziiIX-XVvv (Moscow, 1978), arkhitekture garmonizatsiia 51-52. Bulatov's argument is very convincing; but it applies to the original translation, possibly the manuscript Mashhad, Rida 37, certainly not to this late copy. 7. Mashhad, Rida 144 (Persian commentary), by Muhammad
JSAH / 54:1, MARCH 1995

Baqir Zain al-'Abidin (active in 1637-38), the seventeenth century. 8. Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, arab. 68 (Arabic). 9. Uppsala, Tomberg 324 (Arabic), 933-34 [?]. This manu's work, has a script, although virtually identical to Abu 'l1-Wafa al-tabfa al-hiyal wa-l-asrdr al-rahdniya 'yafi very unusual title, Kitdb daqdiq al-ashkdl al-handasiya (The book of pneumatics and the in subtleties natural mystery figures ), and is wrongly of thegeometric is corrected by mistake The attributed to Al-Farabi (d. 950). Toomer and by Hogendijk; G. J. Toomer, Diocleson Burning Mirrors (Berlin, Heidelberg, and New York, 1976), 23; J. P. of Conics'(New York, Hogendijk, Ibn al-Haytham's'Completion Berlin, Heidelberg, and Tokyo, 1985), 62. 10. Francois Woepcke, "Analyse et extrait d'un recueil de 5, constructions geometriques parAboul Wafa',"JournalAsiatique no. 5 (1855): 218-56,309-59; the Paris manuscript. Mainly due was cited 's name and title, professor, to the fact that Abu 'l1-Wafa several times in the text of the Paris manuscript, Woepcke was actually composed by a Constructions assumes that Geometric Since the Paris manuscript was copied student of Abu '1-Wafa'. from an earlier Persian translation, this fact can be traced back to the earliest one, possibly the manuscript Mashhad, Rida 37 (appendix no. 1), and Najmaddin Mahmfid might indeed be a student of Abu 'l-Wafa'.While translating the book, it seems, he felt entitled to insert the name and title of Abu 'l-Wafa'in the text. 11. Heinrich Suter, "Das Buch der geometrischen Konstrukder Naturtionen des Abu '1Wefa',"Abhandlungenzur Geschichte und Medizin 4 (1922): 94-100; the Milan manuwissenschaften script. 12. S. A. Krasnova, "Abu-l-Vafaal-Buzjani, 'Kniga o tom chto neobkhodimo remeslenniku iz geometricheskikh postroeniy'," 1 (1966): 42-140; nauki v stranakhVostoka Fiziko-matematicheskie the Istanbul manuscript. 13. S. A. Krasnova and A. Kubesov, Al-Farabi, matematichekie traktati(Alma-Ata, 1972); the Uppsala manuscript. The authors acknowledge the close resemblance between the Uppsala manuscript and Abu 'l-Wafa"swork but, instead of questioning the authorship of the manuscript, they suggest the latter was perhaps based on the former.

Notes wordsthatappear of the Arabic, Turkish,and Russian Forthe transliteration in the present text, the systemadopted by TheEncyclopedia of Islam(2d ed.) is followed.For the sake of convenience,subscriptbars are omitted and "j"is for "c."I wouldlike to express and "ch" for "k," and "z,""q" for "dj" substituted of the Arabic my gratitudeto Taner Avcifor his assistancein the translations passages.
I CaTer Efendi, Risdle-iMimariyye,an Early-Seventeenth-Century OttomanTrea-

trans.HowardCrane(Leiden,New York,Copenhagen,and tiseon Architecture, "Risale-i Mimariyye-Mimar Cologne, 1987), 28; see also OrhanSenfGorkyay, MehmedAgha the architect on architecture, MehmedAga-Eserleri" (Treatise
and his works), in Ismail HakkzUzuncarszlzya Armagan (Ankara, 1976), 113-215.

68

The onlymanuscript of Risale-i Mi 'mdriyye existsin the TopkapiSarayiMuseum YY339. Library, 2Al-Nadim,who gives full informationabout Abu 'l1-Wafa 's life and all his in Fihrist, Constructions which was completed in works,does not cite Geometric trans. BayardDodge, 2 vols. (New York and 988-89; Al-Nadim,TheFihrist, Constructions London, 1970), 1:xxi. It can thus be concludedthat Geometric was writtensometimebetween 988-89 and 997 or 998, the two alternativedates 's death.The original workin Arabic, whichwascomposed givenforAbu'l-Wafa of thirteenchapters,is not extanttoday.Allthe existingcopiesare in one wayor another incomplete.The fact that most of the copies are Persiantranslations indicatesthatit waspopularin Persia.Forthe listof all the available publications and commentaries, see appendix. In the presenttext, the referencesare made to the Istanbulmanuscript,Ayasofya2753, which includes fifteenth-century see appendix,no. 5. annotations; 3 "'A'lamu 'innaal-sunna' al-'ashkali fil mudawwaraat wa 'alayha ya' maluina bil qismah... fa'inna al-sina' 'indahuman yabtadial-sana' bidarbmin al-jayida al-nadhiral-qarniya 'awal-musaddas'aw yasiluila miqdardil' al-mukhammas al-mu'ashshar 'awghayruhamin al-'ashkal kama bayannah6fi hadha al-kitab ..." Ayasofya 2753, 21. 4 "Fainna al-sana' 'aradahfma yuqrab'alayhi al-'amalfwayazharlahu sihhat ma narahu fi al-hiswa '1-mushahada wala yubalibil barahinal-khututiya wa 'l1-muhandis idhaqamalahual-burhan 'alaal-shay bil tawassum lamyas'al sihhat dhalika bil mushahada 'aw lam yassuhhu 'ala anna lashakkainna jami' ma al-sana' innamahuwamakhfdh mimmaya'malahu al-muhandis 'awwala yarahiu sihhatahu fainnaal-sana' wa 'l-masah innamaya'khidu min qama'al-burhanala al shay zibtadahuwala yufakkiru fi al-wujfuh allatitathbitusihhat dhalikabihi waliajil dhalika qat yaqa' al-ghalatwa 'l-khatafa' amma al-muhandisfaqad 'ulimasihhat ma nuridhubil barahinidha kana huwa al-mustakhrij lilma'ani al-lati'amala'alayhi al-sana' wa 'l-masah . .."Ayasofya 2753, 52-53. 3"Conversazione: a meeting for conversation,esp. about art, literature, science,etc."Longman Dictionary (Bath,1978),241. ofContemporary English 6"Laqad hadartu fi ba'ad al-majaliswafihi jama'a min al-sunna' wa '1 muhandisin..." Ayasofya 2753, 53. 7This point is discussedin more detail by Daoud S. Kasirin The Algebra of Omar (NewYork,1931), 18-19. Khayyam 8 RenataHolod argues that traditional modes of transmitting architectural knowledgethroughexampleand throughverbalor visualnotationdo not allow for the explanationof those innovations,and suggests that a more thorough awareness of the historyof engineeringmaybe necessary; RenataHolod, "Text, Plan and Building: On the Transmissionof ArchitecturalKnowledge,"in Theories and Principles ed. M. B. of Designin theArchitecture Societies, of Islamic Sevcenko(Cambridge, Mass., 1988), 1-2, 11, n. 4. She cites the worksof Banui Musa ibn Shakiras the examples to be studied. Although one of the three brothers wasa technologist aswell,allwereprominentmathematicians, and, like all others,theywere referredto as muhandis (geometer;see nn. 4, 6). The word which originallymeant "one who does geometry,"in the modern muhandis, with a narrowermeaning, "one who applies usage correspondsto engineer geometry."It seems more reasonable to think of muhandis in its original unlessit is used in latesources. meaningratherthanengineer, Therefore,Holod's suggestionand my propositionactuallyamount to the same point, that is, a thorough awarenessof the historyof mathematicsmay prove to be useful in thatwe observein majormonumentsof the explainingsome of the innovations Islamic world.Fora probableillustration of thispoint, see n. 43. 9Aydin Sayili,Giydth al-Din al-Kdshf's Letter on UlughBeg and the Scientific Patronized Activity byHim (Ankara,1960), 101-2; see also E. S. Kennedy,"A LetterofJamshid al-Kashito his Father," Orientalia 29 (1960): 191-213. The debate took place in the presenceof TimuridPrinceUlugh Beg, the founder of the observatory, and otherhigh-ranking people, but theydid not takepartin it.Various debateis discussedin AlpayOzdural, aspectsof thishighlyinteresting Jemshid el-Kashiand Stalactites," "Giyaseddin Middle EastTechnical University, Journal oftheFaculty ofArchitecture 10(1990): 34-35. 0 Bernard O'Kane, Timurid Architecture in Khurasan (Costa Mesa, 1987), 37-38. O'Kaneexpresses difficultyin interpretingthe prominence given to muhandis in theseaccounts(he gathersa listof twelvecitations), and suggeststhat it wouldmore closelyapproximate ratherthanarchitect. WhenAl-Kashi surveyor referred to mathematicians, he used the titlemuhandis. There appearsno reason whythe verysamewordshouldassumea differentmeaningwhen it occurredin othercontemporary sourcesthat includethe accountsof buildingoperations.It

thus seems logicalto takemuhandis in its originalusage,geometer, in thiscontext too; see n. 8. " Ali R. Amir-Moez,"Apaper of Omar Khayyam," Mathematica 26 Scripta Hakim Omare as an Algebraist, (1963):323-37. See also G. H. Musahib, Khayyam Persiantranslation, Arabic of the manuscript edition,facsimile (Teheran,1960); S. A. Krasnovaand B. A. Rosenfeld,"OmarKhayyampervy algebraicheskiy Istoriko-matematicheskie traktat," (1963),fascicle15. issledovaniya 12The of this treatiseexistsin Paris,Bibliotheque Nationale, onlymanuscript ancien fonds persan manuscript169, followingthe Persiantranslation of Abu 's Geometric Constructions 'l1-Wafaf (see appendix,no. 6). It is publishedin Midhat S. Bulatov, Geometricheskaia v arkhitekture Srednei Azii IX-XVvv garmonizatsiia (Moscow, 1978), appendix 2, 325-54. The second word of the title, which Bulatovreadsas maddkhil can also be read as taddkhul (introduction), (interlocking). I adopted the latter since it answersthe content of the treatisebetter; hereafterthe treatiseis cited as Interlocking and referencesconcerning Figures, the text and figuresare made to Bulatov's publication. 13Amir-Moez, "APaper," 336.
5 "Wa alnaj'allaha qawaninnarja'ilayhafa'annajami ma yasta'miluhu sunna'fi hadha al-babbima 'usil ya'mal'alayhi wa li'ajildhalikataq'aal-ghalat al-kathir famayuqassimfinahuwa ."Ayasofya 2753 (seeappenyurrattibunahu.. dix, no. 5), 47. 16 Some scholarsare of the opinion that Abu 'l-Wafa' borrowedthis figure fromIndianmathematics; Moritz uber Geschichte derMathemaCantor,Vorlesungen tik, 4 vols. (reprint, New York and Stuttgart, 1965), 1:744-45; Adolf P. Les mathematiques Youschkevitch, arabes,trans. M. Cazenaveand K. Jauishe to considerit as a promptresponse (Paris,1976), 110. It seemsmore reasonable to artisans' He might, however,have been influencedby Thabit requirements. ibn Qurra's(836-901) method of dissection;see Thomas L. Heath, Euclid's 3 vols.(NewYork,1956), 1:365. Elements, 17 to the information in the chapteron architecAccording givenbyAl-Kashi turein his book, thisfigurewascalledladwza Persia (almond)in fifteenth-century and Khurasan; al-hisab Ghiyathal-DinJamshid al-Kashi, Miftdh (Key for arithed. NabulsiNader (Damascus,1977), 220, 382. As Al-Jazari informsus, metic), the sameArabic namewasused byArtukid in the thirteenth artisans Ibn century; al-Razzaz TheBook al-Jazari, Mechanical trans. Devices, of Knowledge of Ingenious DonaldR. Hill (Dordrecht and Boston, 1974),passim.Itscurrent Turkishname among stonemasons of Anatolia, based on my own observations,is badem (almond).In anotherpartof the Muslim artisans of world,Morocco,traditional AndrePaccard, LeMaroc et lartisanant tradionnel todaycontinueto call it lawza; dansl'architecture (Annecy,1983), passim.It has to be noted, however, islamique that the anonymousauthorof Interlocking used two differentnames for Figures this figure, turunj(orange) and conical Bulatov,Geometricheskaia quadrilateral; (see n. 12), 339, 341-42, 344. garmonizatsiia 18AI-Kashi brieflyexplained how to calculatethe area of the almond and treatedit separately as one of the key elementsof muqarnas; alAl-Kashi, Miftdh hisdb,222-25, 381-90. For the English translationof Al-Kashi'ssection on see Ozdural,"El-Kashi and Stalactites" (see n. 9), 37-43. muqarnas, 19Forfurtherdiscussion of thispoint, see LisaGolombekand DonaldWilber, TheTimurid Architecture ofIranandTuran(Princeton,1988), 137-38. 20See n. 2 and appendix. 21Amir-Moez, "APaper" (see n. 11),323.

4 M. Soussi, "'Ilm al-handasa," Encyclopedia of Islam 3 (1982): 414.

22Seen. 11.

23 Amir-Moez, "APaper," 323.

The Kasir, (see n. 7), 2. Algebra 25Amir-Moez, "APaper," 336. 26As the debatethatAl-Kashi relatedindicates,it wasnot unusualfor royalty to showinterestin such meetings,particularly when the discussions concerned architectural see n. 9. Itwouldnot be problemsof the buildingsthey sponsored; SultanMalikshah therefore,if Saljukid or his vizier,Nizam al-Mulk surprising, (who,accordingto an unconfirmed story,wasan old friendof OmarKhayyam), waspresentat thatmeetinggiventhattheywerethe sponsorsof the southdome of the Masjid-iJami' of Isfahan. 27 For instance, Ulugh Beg was a well-knownastronomer,and Ottoman SultanAbdulhamid II wasan accomplished We do not haveanysuch carpenter. information, however, concerningcontemporary Seljukid royalty. 28Amir-Moez, "APaper" (see n. 11),325. 29Amir-Moez, "APaper," 325.
24

OZDURAL:OMAR KHAYYAM AND THE ARTISANS 69

30 According to Euclid's Elements3.16, the tangent RT is drawn at the point R, and the line EB is extended until it intersects the tangent at the point T. Draw the line RE. Since the angle ERT is a right angle, the line RH is perpendicular to the hypotenuse ET and, according to Elements6.8, EH: HR = HR: HT. Hence, HR2 = EH. HT. Similarly, HR2 = DH . HB. Therefore, DH . HB = EH. HT. According to Elements6.16, DH: EH = HT: HB. By decomposition of ratios, ED: EH = BT: BH. But, AE: RH = EH: HB is the given condition. By two exchanges, AE: EH = RH: HB. But, AE = DE. Thus, RH: HB = BT: HB. Therefore, according to Elements5.9, RH = BT. But, RE = EB. Consequently, ER + RH = ET; Amir-Moez, "A Paper" (see n. 11), 325-26. 31Since ED: EH = BT: BH, by composition of ratios DH: EH = TH: HB. By exchange of ratios, DH: HT = EH: HB. But, EH: HB = ER: RH. Since the triangles ERH and RHT are similar, RE: RH = RT: HT. Thus, RT: HT = DH: HT. Therefore, RT = HD. But, HD = ER + EH. Consequently, RT = ER + EH; Amir-Moez, "A Paper," 326. 32Amir-Mo6z, "A Paper," 327. 33Dotted lines are added to facilitate the comparision with Fig. 6. 34 If BD = x and AD = 10, then AB2 = x 2 + 100, according to Euclid, Elements 1.47. Since the triangles ABC and ABD are similar, AC : AB = AB : AD and AB2 = AC AD. Then, AC = AB2/AD = 10 + x2/10. ButAC = AB + BD. Then, AB + BD = 10 + x2/ 0. If BD is subtracted, then AB = 10 + x2/10 - x. If this equation is multiplied by itself, then 100 + 3x2 + x4/ 100 - 20x + x3/5 = 100 + x2. When algebraic procedures are applied, the equation becomes 2x2 + x4/100 = 20x + x3/5. When every term is divided by x, it becomes x3/100 + 2x = x2/5 + 20. When it is multiplied by 100, we obtain the equation x3 + 200x = 20x 2 + 2,000; Amir-Moez, "A Paper," 327-28. 35Amir-Moez, "A Paper," 329. Several mathematicians attempted to devise an instrument, which they called a perfectcompass,to perform drawings of conic sections; see F. Woepcke, 'Trois trait6s arabes sur le compas perfait," Noticeset extraits 22 (1874): 1-176. Those instruments, which hardly had any practical value, were actually intented for mathematicians, not "for people who do not know conics"; therefore, what Omar Khayyam was referring to could not be a perfect compass. Omar Khayyam concluded his comments on algebra by providing a brief outline of his subsequent work, TheAlgebra: If the opportunity arises and I can succeed, I shall bring all of these fourteen forms with all branches and cases, and how to distinguish whatever is possible or impossible so that a paper, containing elements which are greatly useful in this art will be prepared; Amir-Mo6z, "A Paper," 331. 36 Ayasofya 2753 (see appendix, no. 5), 13-14, 2.19, 20, and 22. 37 The Greek solutions that Abu '1-Wafa' borrowed are: Heron of Alexandria, 4.36-42. Mechanics,2.11; Archimedes, Bookof Lemmata, 18; Pappus, Collections, For more information on verging solutions in Greek mathematics, see T. L. Heath, A Historyof GreekMathematics,2 vols. (Oxford, 1965), 1:235-70; T. L. (New York, 1921), c-cxxii. Heath, The Works ofArchimedes 38 Amir-Moez, "A Paper" (see n. 11), 333. 39 Amir-Moez, "A Paper," 336. In accordance with Omar Khayyam's advice, the angle BAC (Fig. 8) can be determined by more precise calculation as: 57? 03i 53ii 34iii. The trigonometric relation that he describes corresponds to: 1: sin BAC = cos BAC: 1 - cos BAC. 40 If the shorter side of the triangle, AB, is taken again as 1 but the perpendicular BD is designated as x, then the equation becomes: x3 + 2x2 = 2.
41 See n. 35.

of the designof the northdome appearsnowmore likelythanwhen authorship It can also be Grabar but attractive" possibility. suggestedit as an "unverifiable noted with interestthat the proportionof the north dome is almost precisely triangle:the diameterat the springing equal to the ratio of Omar Khayyam's level/the height fromthe springinglevel to the apex = 1028 cm/666 cm = tan are obtainedfrom the photogrammetric 57? 03i 45ii;the measurements survey of the monument in Rassad Survey Company, "Masjed-e Jame' Esfahan,"
on the Photogrammetric Surveyof Ancient published paper presented to Symposium

Monuments (Athens, 1974), 13. With its superblyarrangedproportions,finely the space articulatedhierarchyof structure,and richly outlined muqarnas, underneath the astounding north dome is certainly one of the greatest world.If the foregoingargument of the Islamic of the architecture achievements of Omar is indeed true,then whatwe observehere is the inspiringcontribution and a brilliant a verytalentedmathematician poet, to architecture. Khayyam, 44 See appendix,no. 10. 43 For example Bulatov regards it as a textbook that explains the basic principlesof geometricdecorationsand whichreflectsthe progressof applied nauki geometry of its time; Midhad S. Bulatov, "U istikov arkhitekturnoy
srednegovostoka,"NarodyAziiiAfriki 1 (1973): 99, 252; Bulatov, Geometricheskaia

(see n. 12), 52. Chorbachigoes even further and claims, "in garmonizatsiia the 's manuscript, contrastto the simple shapes and polygons of Abu 'l1-Wafa' indicatea muchhigherand Figures complexgeometricshapesin Interlocking... later stage of development ..."; 1 Wasma'aK. Chorbachi,"In the Tower of
Babel: Beyond Symmetry in Islamic Design," An International Journal: Computers withApplications17 (1989): 755. and Mathematics
46 Most

the anonymousauthor exhibits a total ignoranceof significantly,

This point clearly indicates that InterlockingFigures was Constructions. Geometric

work, as Bulatovwrongly not intended as the appendix to Abu 'l-Wafa-"s

garmonizatsiia, assumes; Bulatov, "U istikov," 99; Bulatov, Geometricheskaia Constructions (the Paris 51-52, 325. He dates the Persian translation of Geometric

42Youschkevitch, Mathimatiques arabes(see n. 16), 94.

43 Oleg Grabar,followingthe late Eric Schroeder,suggests that possibly was behind the conceptualthinking that created the north Omar Khayyam dome of the Masjid-iJami' of Isfahan (1088, the first known example of of Oleg Grabar,The GreatMosque geometricdecorationson dome surfaces); (New York and London, 1990), 85, n. 5. Since the applicationof the Isfahan pentagramon the surfaceof the dome requiredthe knowledgeof spherical in order to transformthe straightlines of the two-dimensional trigonometry who waswell schemainto curves,it is plausibleto think that Omar Khayyam, and astronomy,and who had a delightfulimagination, versedin mathematics was possibly the one who conceived of such an idea. It can reasonablybe had attendedseveral assumedthat,betweenca. 1074and 1088,OmarKhayyam To claim his with architecture. and had acquired a familiarity conversazioni

to to the earlyeleventhcenturyand appliesthis date automatically manuscript) Interlocking Figures;see appendix, no. 6. According to internal evidence, waswrittensometimein the treatise it seemslikelythatthe anonymous however, (a major city in early thirteenthcentury,after 1206, probablyin Diyarbakir southeasternAnatolia);Alpay Ozdural, "An OrnamentalPattern of Cubic pending). (publication Muqarnas Equations," Figuresare of a stenographic Generallythe constructionsin Interlocking nature.It should,therefore,be consideredas a sampleof the repertoireof the area.Itwouldbe Diyarbakir in the thirteenth-century artisans workingprobably to assumethatall the patternsand methodsin thistreatise however, misleading, were the peculiarityof this period and area. As architectural knowledgewas transmitted mainlythrough examples, it is expected that some of these were introducedearlier,and some continued to be employed by artisansof later in severalotherlocations. generations 47Interlocking Figures appears to be not the only work of this sort. Cafer informsus that he had publisheda Efendi, the author of Risale-i Mi'mariyye, (see n. 1);but this can not be treatiseon geometryprior to Risdle-i Miumdriyye traced: Becausewe have been connectedwith him [MehmedAga] for many years untilthe presenttime [1614], for the most partclosely,when certainsubjects thishumbleservant concerningthe scienceof geometrywerebeing discussed, with this, he set down and took and wrote down everything.In accordance composed a treatiseconcerningthe scienceof geometry.However,previous to this, books of deeds were written and composed about some of the As books of deeds were written down for them, it was chief-architects. necessaryfor us to write,in additionto that treatiseon geometry,a book of 48"Sootnosheniya v konicheskikh [sechenietogo chertejazaklyuchayutsya visotai treugolnik, yakh].Tsel sostoitv tom,chtobipostroittakoypryamougolniy samaya korotkayastorona kotorogo vmeste bili bi ravni gipotenuze. Ibn Khaysamnapisal traktato postroeniitakogo treugolnika,i tam govoritsyao Bulai parabolami." konicheskikh giperbolami yavlyayushchikhsya secheniyakh,
tov, Geometricheskaia garmonizatsiia(see n. 12), 341.
49 Ibn al-Haytham, wrote more than a prominentphysicist-mathematician, 180 treatises.The titles of all are listed and around seventyare extant today. Althoughhe made extensiveuse of conic sections,none of his worksconcerns of the this particular problem.One of the treatisesis about the perpendiculars froma distances the sumof the perpendicular buttherehe investigates triangles,

22-23. deeds about our generous Aga. Efendi, Risale-iMi'mdriyye,

70 JSAH / 54:1, MARCH 1995

on Ibn al-Haytham's point inside a triangleto the sides. For more information des arabischen 7 vols. (Leiden, works, see Fuad Sezgin, Geschichte Schrifttums, 1974),5:365-74; H. M. Said,ed., Ibnal-Haytham, Proceedings of oftheCelebrations the IOOOth (Hamdard, 1971);Jan P. Hogendijk,Ibn al-Haytham's Anniversary (New York, Berlin,Heidelbergand Tokyo, 1985); R. 'Completion of the Conics' de l'heptagonregulierpar Ibn al-Haytham,"Journal Rashed,"Laconstruction Science 3 (1979): 309-87; R. Rashed,"Ibnal-Haytham et le for History ofArabic theorme de Wilson," Archive 22 (1980): 305-21; R. for History of ExactSciences Rashed,"Ibnal-Haythamet la mesure du paraboloide," Journal for History of Arabic Science 5 (1981): 191-262; A. I. Sabra,"Ibnal-Haytham's Lemmasfor Archive 26 (1982): Solving 'Alhazen'sProblem'," for History of ExactSciences 299-324. 5 The anonymous author's inaccuracies suggest that a verbal mode of was prevalentamong artisans. transmittingknowledge through conversazioni They seemed to have the tendencyof obtaininginformation throughdialogue, not by reading,even if theywereliterate.Holod arguesthatthe existenceof Abu 'l-Wafa 's book indicatesa modicumof literacy Holod, 'Transamong artisans; mission of Architectural Knowledge"(see n. 8), 3. The anonymous author himself is the most convincingcase for her point; but even then, he did not manifestany knowledgeof Abu 'l-Wafai's work; see n. 46. As Bloom rightly modem practice, pointsout, learningsomethingbyreadinga book is a distinctly and it is not likelyto imagine artisansborrowingAbu 'l-Wafa 's book from a of libraryto read his instructions; Jonathan M. Bloom, "On the Transmission 10 (1993):21. According to the Architecture," Designsin EarlyIslamic Muqarnas aforementionedaccountof the Ottoman geometer, it appears that the same type of learning also prevailedamong the artisansof the imperialcourt in Istanbul.As the geometer was reading from a book on sixteenth-century and explainingeach sectionto the artisans; geometry,he wasnarrating Efendi, Risdle-i to the references givenin the text, the Mimdriyye(seen. 1),28 (according book that he wasreadingfrommusthavebeen writtensometimebetween 1540 and 1570). Listeningto oral explanationscan not be the most effectiveway of with geometry.If the Ottomangeometer'saccount acquiringa real familiarity and Interlocking are consideredas sufficientevidencefor artisans' verbal Figures

mode of learning,then Abu'l-Wafa" 's book, in spiteof all his effortsin makingit comprehensibleto artisans,was apparentlya futile exercise. Perhaps Abu 'l-Wafa' concievedof his book as an effectivereplacement forconversazioni, but if so, then it failed to compete with the conveniencethat that sort of meeting The same fate, it seems,was sharedby OmarKhayyam's providedfor artisans. untitledtreatise.He addressedit to artisans as wellas his learnedcolleagues,but it had not been readeven by the anonymous one of the author,whowascertainly highlyliterateartisans. 51"Zdes tsel mojno dostignut 'lineykoy-treugolnikom'. Kak bilo skazano vishe, tsel nashego cherteja-chetire konichesie figuri s dvumya pryamimi Tauglami, okrujayushchie ravnostoronniy pryamougol'niy chetirekhugolnik. kovikonicheskie AIHK,CHMN,PMLXi BLKO, chetirekhugolniki opisivayushchie chetirekhugolnik KHML.Poskolkuugol H chetirekhugolnika obrazavan dvumyaperpendikulyarnimi liniyami,to neizbejno KH i [H]D-pryamie, a treugol'nikAKC-pryamougolniy raven treugolnikuCHD. A etot treugolnik Itak,nujnonaytitochky pryamougolniy poskolkuvpisanv polovinuokrujnosti. H na duge [C]E. Esli na nashey lineykougol F-pryamoy, to storonaABi sovpadaetso storonoy AB kvadrata. AAllakhznaetlusche." pryamaya Bulatov, (see n. 12), 341-42, fig. 36. Fig. 10 of the present Geometricheskaiagarmonizatsiia text is adapted from the figure given by Bulatov,except for the ruler,which I added in orderto makethe vergingconstruction possible. 52 For see nn. 30 and 31. comparision, 53 Forthe date and see n. 46. placeof Interlocking Figures, 4 See n. 46. 55Bulatov, Geometricheskaia 339-41, fig. 33. garmonizatsiia, 36 Bulatov,Geometricheskaia 337-38, fig. 28. In both cases,the garmonizatsiia, tangentof the angle of rotationis determinedas 4/(4 - V2). 57Forinstance,Al-Kashi's Key forArithmetic (see n. 17) providesus with some crucial informationto resolve the seeming complexity of the geometry of see Ozdural, "El-Kashi and Stalactites" (see n. 9), 31-47; Alpay muqarnas; of the Geometryof Stalactites: Ozdural,"Analysis BuruciyeMedresein Sivas," EastTechnical Middle University, 11 (1991): Journalof the Faculty of Architecture 57-71.

OZDURAL: OMAR KHAYYAM AND THE ARTISANS 71