Culture and Cognition Author(s): Paul DiMaggio Reviewed work(s): Source: Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 23 (1997), pp.

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Annu.Rev.Sociol. 1997.23:263-87 ? 1997 byAnnualReviews reserved Inc. All rights Copyright

CULTURE AND COGNITION

Paul DiMaggio
University, Princeton, 2-N-2Green Hall,Princeton Department ofSociology, New Jersey 08544; e-mail:dimaggio@phoenix.princeton.edu
KEY WORDS: schemata socialclassification, socialcognition, sociology ofculture,

ABSTRACT on conbearsheavily in cognitive andsocialcognition psychology Recent work confirms viewsofculture as cerns ofsociologists ofculture. Cognitive research supraandilluminates andagency; clarifies therolesofinstitutions fragmented; bitsof culture as disparate Individuals experience individual aspectsof culture. Culture that information. that organize and as schematic structures information and diffuses, activates, and social movements networks, carried by institutions, study ofidentity, collective Implications for the available schemata. selects among aredeveloped. andlogicsofaction memory, socialclassification,

INTRODUCTION
affair.Interpretive The study in everyday liferemains a virtuoso of culture has Cultural theory offer butfailto buildon one another. great insight studies Theseriches the butnotfully ready becomehighly operational. sophisticated in Sorokin's likethestudy day (1957 field fortakeoff, of social stratification enteroflivedculture can becomea cumulative thestudy [1927]). Butbefore their theories behind thecognitive presuppositions scholars must clarify prise, does andwhat concepts ofwhat culture it,andthefundamental peopledo with & Swidler andunits ofanalysis 1987). 1994,Wuthnow (Jepperson resources incognitive work andsocialcognition provides Recent psychology sociolbetween cultural recent forbothtasks. After describing convergence recent work on of considers lessons cognition this chapter ogyandpsychology, ofthese ofculture; for develops implications aboutthenature presuppositions classifisocial collective work on memory, lessonsforsociological identity, that and to andframing; points keyproblems remain cation, logicsof action, unsolved. 263 0360-0572/97/0815-0263$08.00

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per se (see an exhaustive of cognitive sociology review Rather thanoffer relevant to culture (see D'Andrade Zerubavel1997) or workin psychology research between recent cognitive tensions and affinities 1995), I emphasize into the theformer ofculture with theaimofbringing andwork inthesociology I focus production rather than the service ofthe onhowpeopleuseculture, latter. or culture in thephysical The environment. of culture, embedded ideology, fora butto lay a foundation thestudy ofculture, pointis notto psychologize structures ofshared cognitive viewofculture as working through the interaction messages, or culture, media cultural phenomena (material andsupra-individual to varying for that activate thosestructures degrees. example) conversation,

SOCIOLOGY AND PSYCHOLOGY: POINTS OF CONVERGENCE

of cognitive science thepotential A handful of sociologists haveappreciated work on culture to inform (Carley1989,Cicourel1973,Schwartz sociological haveanticipated impor1981,White1992),and somesocial constructionists & Luckman1967, Garfinkel 1987 tantresults of cognitive research (Berger of culture however, sociologists 1991). For themostpart, [1967],Zerubavel workby cognitive social psychologists, haveignored relevant psychologists, This omission a mismatch between reflects researchers. and public-opinion cultural oriented soofhumanistic, themodalintellectual interpretively styles oriented as wellas the andexperimentally psychologists, positivistic ciologists which psycholofParsons'efforts atdisciplinary fusion, disappointing legacy itto shared values, norms, andattitudes. reducing ogizedculture,

Views ofCulture Sociology:MoreComplex

and of culture In recent common between sociology however, ground years, has grown. The majordevelopment within sociologyhas been psychology a shift to a morecomplex of culture.Thirty yearsago, most understanding and culture as a "seamless web" viewed unitary (Swidler 1997), sociologists was porIn effect, culture acrossgroups and situations. coherent internally as media incommon suchmanifestations as a latent variable influencing trayed in evembodied and the values to attitude questionnaires, images, responses course of the to culture in were Individuals presumed acquire eryday practices. to enact it view oversocialized 1961), socialization (Wrong and,inthepopular little reason there was this that It followed from perspective unproblematically. stuff" of"cultural for usedtostudy to worry aboutconstructs culture, anykind latent variable. oftheunderlying couldserveas an indicator and as fragmented acrossgroups workdepicts culture recent By contrast, as acrossitsmanifestations inconsistent 1992). The viewof culture (Martin

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lifehas and collective intention, other aspectsof belief, values thatsuffuse constitute structures that as complexrule-like to one of culture succumbed 1990,Sewell1992,Swidler use (Bourdieu that canbe puttostrategic resources 1986). muchmorecomplicated.Once we acculture This shift makesstudying from maydeviate people'snorms is inconsistent-that that culture knowledge and disimages preconscious or that our normal, as whatthemediarepresent to identify becomescrucial maydiffer-it accounts of a phenomenon cursive them. among ofcultural andtofocus attention upontherelations analysis units and (culture), variable ofa latent stopbeingindicators In effect, ourmeasures income, to that of education, to culture becomesanalogous their relationship analytically phenomena, separate tosocialstratification: andplaceofresidence for them a matter among the relations construct, theoretical related toa common inanthropology). trends similar (D'Andrade1995notes investigation empirical use culture once we acknowledge that peoplebehaveas if they Similarly, peoplearesocializedleave intowhich itfollows thecultures that strategically, towaysin turns Thusourattention muchopportunity for choiceandvariation. cued. maybe situationally or understandings cultural frames whichdiffering psychological and contestable more elaborate such issues requires Addressing view. than didtheculture-as-latent-variable presuppositions

MoreComplex ofCognition Views Psychology:

toturn topsychology for ofculture makeitsensible sociologists Suchquestions intocogwhich shared culture enters intothemechanisms through forinsight ownresearch whohavetheir nition. Yetnothing that psychologists, guarantees essenmadepsychology can helpus. Thirty yearsago, behaviorism agendas, casting ago,psychologists irrelevant tothestudy ofculture. Twenty years tially ofskillsand on theacquisition focused primarily off theyokeofbehaviorism Even a dozenyears ofculture. interest to mostsociologists oflittle capacities oftheideas andresearch sociology ofmany for cultural ago, theimplications aremost useful werestillunclear. that today traditions of culture? to sociologists useful to makepsychology Whathas happened the anddemonstrated haverejected accepted behaviorism, psychologists First, informaandretrieve process, ofmental structures usedtoperceive, existence aboutsuchstructures. Second,just waysto makeinferences tion,and found andfragmentahasdemonstrated culture's research complexity as sociological and ofmemory thecomplexity has demonstrated research tion, psychological structures ofmental bydomain.Third, of thepartitioning glimpses provided mental models, research categories, recent foci of psychological (schemata, orinincultural than theformal operations richer content andso on) aremuch and developmentalists that oncepreoccupied tellectual cognitivists capacities

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& Chavajay1995). Fourth, (Rogoff somepsychologists havetaken noticeof suchsociological as cross-cultural topics differences in cognition & (Shweder Bourne1991,Markus & Kitayama 1991),elite/popular interaction in cultural change(Moscovici1984),and"distributed cognition" (i.e. thesocialdivision ofcognitive labor)(Resnick etal 1991,Salomon1993). In addition toexpanding thegrounds ofshared interest between thetwodissuchdevelopments havealso softened ciplines, twoimportant epistemological differences. Whereas mostsociologists of culture have been steadfastly anefforts toportray culture as theaggregate tireductionist, resisting ofindividual subjectivities, psychology hasfocused upontheindividual. Increasingly, howas I shallargue, ever, psychological research bolsters andclarifies theviewof as supra-individual, culture andevenaddresses supra-individual ofcogaspects nition directly [as in work on pluralistic ignorance (Miller& Prentice 1994)]. ofculture Second,somesociologists rejected thesubjectivist focusofpsyfor on external research chological research, callinginstead aspectsofculture todirect amenable measurement (Wuthnow 1987). Inrecent years, cognitivists havedeveloped inD'Andrade1995) ingenious empirical techniques (reviewed that inferences permit strong aboutmental structures, goingfar toward closing theobservability gap between external andsubjective aspects ofculture. Of course,thefitbetween thedisciplines mustnotbe exaggerated. Most of whatpsychologists do is irrelevant to sociologists of culture, and much oftheculture is supra-individual. sociologists' study Common ground has inbut willremain creased limited different matters ofthe bythe subject disciplines willremain (Zerubavel 1997),which complements rather than substitutes.

COGNITIVE PRESUPPOSITIONS OF CULTURAL SOCIOLOGY

who write enters life aboutthewaysthat culture intoeveryday Sociologists a makeassumptions aboutcognitive necessarily processes.If we assumethat a certain a senseofcommon shared evokes symbol identity (Warner 1959),that frame provokes peopleto think abouta social issue in a new way (Gamson in schoolare lessonsaboutthestructure ofspace andtime learned 1992),that can measure class to theworkplace generalized (Willis1977),orthat surveys consciousness (see Fantasia's critique 1995),we arethen making powerful cogto sociologists, nitive Such assumptions, whilemetatheoretical assumptions. It is cruare keenly from thestandpoint of cognitive empirical psychology. ourassumptions differences toevaluate cial,then, (or adjudicate among them) leveland by microtranslating presuppositions (Collins1981) to thecognitive research on cognition. results their with ofempirical assessing consistency

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Coherence vsFragmentation
have come to rejectthelatent-variable as Manysociologists viewof culture andambiguous in favor ofrepresentations ofculture as a coherent, integrated, ofstuff that "toolkit" (Swidler1986) or"repertoire" (Tilly1992): a collection work on culture is heterogeneous in content andfunction. Yetmuch empirical is organized stillpresumes that or cohesive culture around national societies insimilar ways subnational groupings, is highly thematized, andis manifested acrossmany domains (Hofstede 1980,Bourdieu 1984). central themes Is culture a latent variable-a tight network ofa fewabstract and their all instantiated to various degreesin a moreconcrete entailments, we wouldexpectto find andpractices? If so, then rangeof symbols, rituals, sharea limited of consistent thatgroupmembers number elements-beliefs, that theinclusion ofanyoneelement in attitudes, typifications, strategies-and ofinconsistent thecollective culture theexclusion elements. implies Or is culture a grab-bag of odds and ends: a pastiche of mediated repreof techniques, or a toolkit of strategies? If so, then sentations, a repertoire we might less clustering ofcultural elements within socialgroups, less expect theexclusion theelements, andweaker for of strong linkages among pressures inconsistent elements. incognitive the Research toolkit over the latentpsychology strongly supports is very viewandsuggests that thetypical toolkit variable largeindeed.Partichereis research relevant 1991) on howpeople ularly (summarized by Gilbert orplausibility to statements offact andopinion.Consistent attribute accuracy that than with Swidler's "all peopleknowmore culture they (1986) contention "The acceptance oftheautomatic that ofan idea is a part use,"Gilbert reports oftheidea occurs to ofthat subsequent comprehension idea,andtherejection itsacceptance." In other ourheadsarefullof andmore than effortfully words, andinformation, as totruth towhich we are images, opinions, untagged value, inclined to attribute andplausibility. accuracy information onmemory tellsa similar that Research (includstory, revealing as tosource without ingfalseinformation) passesinto memory being"tagged" is required to identify thesourceofthe andthat active inference orcredibility, information whenit is recalled. Such inferences yielding maybe incorrect, ofsourceandcredibility et al 1991). misattributions (Johnson ofculture. has several forstudents This work First, important implications it(andno other) that a culture itrefutes thenotion peopleacquire byimbibing ofstability and thesearch forsources socialization. itdirects through Instead, andrepresentations, to schematic in ourbeliefs organization, consistency first, than makessomeideas or imagesmoreaccessible which others; and,second, inthephysical andsocialenvironment. to cues embedded

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Second,learning that peopleretain (and store with a default valueof "correct")almostevery imageor idea withwhichtheyhave come intocontact, renders intelligible otherwise anomalous research findings aboutinconsistency in expressions of attitudes acrosstime, cultural volatility in periods of rapid change(e.g. thefalloftheSovietsystem), andthesusceptibility ofattitudes to framing effects (Sniderman & Piazza 1993). the research the ofindividuals Third, explains capacity toparticipate inmultievenwhen plecultural traditions, those traditions contain inconsistent elements. ofpeopleto maintain Fourth, itestablishes thecapacity distinctive andinconaction which canbe invoked inresponse sistent frames, toparticular contextual raisesthepossibility cues. Fifth, thiswork that socialization maybe less exthan perientially based,andmoredependent uponmediaimagesandhearsay, ofourtheories many (for example, Bourdieu's habitus [1990]construct) imply. as these Suchinferences thescopeofcognitive tobe sure, go beyond studies, and muchrideson theprecise waysin which schematic organization imposes and memory. order recent reuponstored knowledge Nonetheless, cognitive the"toolkit" as opposed search strongly reinforces tothe"latent-variable" view of culture ofproof on thosewhodeand,at thevery least,places theburden pictculture as strongly constraining behavior orwhowouldargue that people as highly that arestrongly culture cultural theexperience integrated, meanings is binding, andthat matized, that culture cultural information acquired through is more than that other means. experience powerful acquired through

andAgency Institution
oftheviewthat culture research can also enhance ourappreciation Cognitive this has become constrains and enables both (Sewell 1992). Although position of culture, we knowlittle aboutthe catechismic virtually amongsociologists oneortheother is thecase. Manysociologists conditions under which believe, in and Gramsci that embedded following (1990), culture, language everyday to existing arto imagine alternatives constrains practices, people's capacity use cultural we knowthat Atthesametime, rangements. peopleactas ifthey revaluedends(Bourdieu1990). Cognitive elements to pursue strategically ofwhen culture does answer theessentially search cannot sociological question tothesearch. direction each,butitcan provide is stored inmemory as anindiscriminately assembled Thefinding that culture a farstronger andrelatively collection of oddsandendsimposes unorganized view.Thequeson actors than didtheearlier oversocialized burden organizing that she orhe possesses. is howtheactor theinformation tion, then, organizes or modesof mechanisms research to twoquitedifferent Psychological points cognition.

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which I refer to as auandmost important, AUTOMATICCOGNITION The first, is "implicit, andautomatic" (D'Andrade unverbalized, rapid, tomatic cognition and uncritically upon cognition reliesheavily 1995). Thisroutine, everyday availableschemata-knowledge that represent objectsor structures culturally characteristics, relationdefault assumptions abouttheir eventsand provide information. under conditions ofincomplete ships, andentailments ofsociologists research on schemata is central totheinterests Psychological that revealtaken-forbothmethodologically (due to advancesin techniques access) and subjects maynothaveeasy verbal granted assumptions to which works.Indeed,forsome forwhatit tellsus abouthowculture substantively, it maybe useful to treat theschemaas a basic unitof analysis for purposes, of schemaacquisition, thestudy of culture, and to focuson social patterns andmodification argument). (Carley1991makesa related diffusion, areboth ofknowledge andinformation-processing Schemata representations As representations, ofobjects andthe relations they entail images mechanisms. use theterm broadly [some wouldsuggest too amongthem. Psychologists abstract conto simple, highly broadly (Fiske& Linville1980)]. It can refer activities (buying container (D'Andrade1995)];toconcrete cepts[for example, or social social phenomena (groupstereotypes chewing gum),or to complex 1987) constitute or scripts (Abelson1981,Garfinkel roles). Eventschemata has also beengivento self an important class of schemata.Special attention etal 1997),cultur& Kitayama Markus 1994, schemata (Milburn 1987,Markus both toindividual oftheselfthat stability provide allyvariable representations andto socialinteractions within thegroup. behavior acrosstime are also mechanisms schematic Schemata that cognition. Highly simplify is the realm ofinstitutionalized oftypification, ofthehabitus, culture, cognition at theexpenseof synoptic of thecognitive that promote efficiency shortcuts et al 1982). & Luckman1967,Bourdieu1990,Kahneman accuracy (Berger material dominates other demonstrates that "schematic Muchcognitive research inrecall inrecognition inaccurate inintruded confidence, material recall, recall, Schemataalso facilitate to disconfirmation.... and in resistance clustering consistent" is schema (Fiske& Linville inaccurate recallwhen theinformation culture themechanisms we find bywhich cognition 1980: 545). In schematic shapesandbiasesthought. to existing to perceiveinformation thatis germane People are morelikely aremore that schemata VonHippeletal (1993) report subjects experimental than those that that areschematically relevant toperceive correctly terms likely is that in existing schemata and information are not. Information embedded more tobe noticed than information schema-dissonant areboth orthogolikely resonate nal to existing structures findings (Schneider 1991). Suchlaboratory

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DiMAGGIO

thegradinhistorical studies: for example, sociology andcultural with results and of modern the New World by early ual acceptance information about halting models conarchaic physical 1992);thewaysinwhich mapmakers (Zerubavel scientists' (Fleck new evidence about syphilis strained medical interpretation of hierarchies forseeingdominance of malebiologists 1979); and thepenchant 1991). apes andelephant seals (Haraway whenthey watch morequickly Mostpsyembedded information People recallschematically is on that subexperiments, which reveal evidence based laboratory chological more accuambiguous stimuli remember longer lists of words, or interpret jects they haveheard moreeffectively andretrieve information abouta story rately, interthat render theinformation topreexisting mental structures ifitis relevant sociothere areintriguing & Skowronski 1991). Butagain, pretable (Sedikides in studies that differences indescriptions cross-cultural report logicalparallels ofthesamenovel(Griswold (Liebes 1987),television program ofthecontent reflect & Katz 1990),or movie(Shively1992) that collective preoccupations mental inpsychological parlance). activated structures" ("chronically moreaccurately When embedded information People recall schematically peoplewho Freeman ofa faculty workshop tolist the members etal (1987) asked the correctly hadattended that long-term attenders meeting, they found previous attenrecalledparticipants who regularly butforgot theinfrequent attended, Neisser ders.Usinga very different method ofWatergate transcripts), (analysis schema-consistent Dean remembered (1981) reported thatNixon aide John events moreaccurately that than events wereschema-inconsistent. embedded events thatdid notoccur People may falselyrecallschematically as present at attenders Freeman et al's (1987) informants regular remembered are Whensubjects inquestion evenwhenthey hadn't beenthere. themeeting about charandthen toldtocode small-group interactions given questionnaires thepost-hoc evaluations acteristics ofgroup members yield thereafter, shortly of schematically related behaviors muchhigher correlations (e.g. criticizing than do thereal-time orexpressing 1982). Similar codings (Shweder hostility) in at forrealevents of schematic confusion maybe observed representations leastsomereports childabuse(Hacking 1995)andinsomeofformer ofsatanic President Reagan'sspeeches. is striking. of institutions The parallelwithsociologicalaccounts Typifiand influence cations(mental interpretation, planning, structures) perception, & Luckman action 1967,DiMaggio& Powell1991). Institutionalized (Berger andwidely schematic areboth andbehaviors structures highly (i.e. thosethat ineveryday action for aretaken [Giddens'"strucgranted, reproduced shared) an & Rowan1977). Indeed, as legitimate turation" (Meyer (1984)] andtreated

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eminent psychologist (Bruner 1990:58)has written explicitly ofthe"schematizing power ofinstitutions." Thusthe psychology ofmental structures provides a microfoundation tothesociology ofinstitutions. Research onsocialcognition enhances ourunderstanding ofhowculture constrains butdoesnotsupport theories that depict culture as overwhelmingly constraining. Instead, consistent with contemporary sociological theorizing, work inpsychology provides microfoundational evidence for theefficacy ofagency. In contrast to automatic thought, psychologists notea quitedifferent form of cognition, whichis "explicit, verbalized, slow, and deliberate" (D'Andrade1995). Whensufficiently motivated, peoplecan override programmed modesofthought tothink critically andreflexively. Such overrides are necessarily rarebecausedeliberation is so inefficient in itsrejection oftheshortcuts that automatic cognition offers. Consequently, the is why keyquestion peopleareever deliberative. haveidentified Psychologists three in studies conditions thatintriguingly facilitating parallelworkin the ofculture. sociology
DELIBERATIVE COGNITION

AttentionPsychological research suggests that peopleshift intodeliberative modesofthought relatively their attention is attracted easilywhen toa problem. Forexample, experimenters cancreate false recollections ofa videotape orstory "witnesses" or asking amonglaboratory inaccurate information bypresenting leadingquestions (Loftuset al 1989). But whenthetaskis changed to ask to think aboutthesourceof particular subjects carefully bitsof information, theexperimental effect is diminished or eliminated et al 1993). In (Johnson ofattitude-behavior studies experimental selfconsistency, merely increasing awareness inthe a mirror faceofthesubject byplacing as heorshecompletes an attitude increases theattitude-behavior correlation questionnaire significantly of students of social (Abelson 1981:722). Such results paralleltheinsights who have studied movements, and who have also notedthe agenda-building as an organizing effectiveness deviceof refraining issues in ways thatcall attention toproblems salient tomovement participants (Snow& Benford 1992). Motivation People mayalso shift from automatic to deliberative cognition whentheyare strongly motivated to do so by dissatisfaction withthestatus issue. For example,although quo or by themoralsalienceof a particular racistschemata are accessibleto mostwhite whites can override Americans, suchschemata tosomeextent awareness andreflexivity through (Devine1989). of class consciousness-which Marx's theory contends that physically proximateworkers immiseration will overcome falsebeliefs interfacing through actionandreflection-is a classicsociological counterpart (and see Bourdieu 1974).

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DiMAGGIO

tomore deliberative modes ofprocessing Schema failure Finally, peopleshift adequately fornewstimuli. Research whenexisting schemata failto account of intergroup relations suggests that peoplein taskgroups on thepsychology evalucodeothers onthe but shift tomore deliberate initially basisofstereotypes when facedwith inconsistent evidence (Schneider 1991:536, ations very strong difsocial psychology Bergeret al 1980). Moscovici,whoseDurkheimian from ofmental other accounts structures fersin many psychological respects & Innes1990),argues that collectivities (Farr & Moscovici1984,Augoustinos confronted socialchange construct newsocialrepresentations with disjunctive anchored in analogiesto pre-existing schemata, and often constructed (often inthesocialsciences tointerandmassmedia)inorder deliberatively byexperts newstimuli. areparalleled inGarfinkel's (1967) breaching pret Sucharguments and which overrode automatic processing, experiments, forcibly andpainfully are in Swidler's ideologies andother consistent cultural forms contention that moreinfluential times(1986, Jepperson & Swidler1994 on during unsettled constitutive vs. strategic culture). to activedebates Psychologists may notethatI have paid scantattention aboutthe nature of mentalstructures and have drawntoo sharpa contrast on culture, automatic anddeliberative Research however, processing. between from research on cognition has resolved. The notion can already benefit what in fuzzy ofphenomena of schemais a fair identifiable outline, approximation if notsharp on schemata advances methods; research relief, by experimental ofculture, on andresearch especially institutions; sociological understandings vs deliberative determine whatto mayhelpsociologists automatic processing that do with thewidely believed buttheoretically inert notion bothinstitution and agency arecentral to sociallife.

as Supra-Individual Culture
level. culture exists, suigeneris, atthe collective Itis nonewstosociologists that is also manifest in people'sheads-is taken here-thatculture (The position research canhelpus more Nonetheless, psychological probably controversial.) sociolocharacter that several supra-individual appreciate aspectsofculture's sometimes gistsofculture neglect. research of social-psychological PLURALISTIC IGNORANCE A livelybranch of"pluralistic K. Merton's derives from Robert notion ignorance" (1957): the ofcollective reference to shared idea that opinrepresentations peopleactwith directs us to distinguish inaccurate.Such research ion thatare empirically of as an aggregate is supra-individual: twosensesin whichculture between of individuor as shared or beliefs representations, individuals' representations deviates that thelatter evidence indicates als' beliefs.Substantial substantially

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process andthat this consequences significant behavioral with from theformer Prentice (Miller & social norms autonomy of therelative a basisfor represents 1993). 1996,Noelle-Neumann of group-level The existence is also beliefs) ofindividual independent partly (shared understanding cultures moreextreme to adoptpublicpositions of groups by thetendency suggested reference whenacting with oftheir members, especially thanthepreferences is notpolarization perse, buttheculto a contrasting group.Whatis striking on stances opinion) ofcollective ofpolarized (representations tural availability (Tajfel1981). can converge which members ofeachgroup
INTERGROUP CONTRAST AND POLARIZATION

to the same degree. Not all schemata are cultural example, basicobject (for reflect universal cognitive processes Some schemata Manyschemata, whereas maybe quiteidiosyncratic. others categorization), enof culture, to sociologists of greatest interest and theschemata however, For heldscripts that of individual experience. appearindependent act widely in ratings of small found coherence citedabove,that theresearch, example, 1982) to (Shweder thefact, led theauthor emerging onlyafter behavior group is really on personality research that muchofwhat passesas clinical speculate ofpersonhood constructions (andsee Meyer1986). aboutcultural
SCHEMATA AS CULTURE

foDespitethischapter's relatively that we must notforget ofculture, representations cus on subjective inthebroader environforms existindependently ofpersons coherent cultural is societies of modern characteristics ment.Indeed,one of themorenotable indivision oflaborin which intellectual producers ofa cultural theexistence andidea systems create anddiffuse (Douglas 1986, images, myths, tentionally coherent representarelatively Farr& Moscovici1984,Swidler1997). Other in public invoked or stories as narratives repeatedly tionsexistless formally discourse (Dobbin1994,White1992).
COHERENT CULTURES AS EXTERNAL TO PERSONS

exists coherence Some would arguethatwhatever is coherence availablesources, i.e. thatcultural suchexternally flowsfrom such a position to theperson. As we have seen,however, external entirely one steptoofar. thelatent-variable to thetoolkit shift from pushesthehealthy theinworks heresuggests that culture theresearch reviewed through Instead, distributed acrosspersons we haveinformation, forms. teraction ofthree First, is patterned, butnothighly differentiating, (Carley1991). Such distribution and areaccumulated in which bitsofculture manner due to theindiscriminant in memory structures, espestored 1991). Second,we havemental (Gilbert whichshape of complexsocial phenomena, representations ciallyschematic
AN INITIAL SYNTHESIS

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DiMAGGIO

to theinremember, andrespond emotionally thewaywe attend to,interpret, we encounter clearly socially aremore formation andpossess.Suchschemata systems Finally, we haveculture as symbol patterned than arememory traces. oftheconstructed thecontent oftalk, elements external tothe person, including activity andmeanings embedded in observable environment, mediamessages, patterns. norin thesyminheres notin theinformation, norin theschemata, Culture among them. As we haveseen,schemata bolicuniverse, butintheinteractions throughout Butpeopleacquire many schemata structure ouruseofinformation. and in implicatheir bothin content lives,and someoftheseareinconsistent schemata tions for behavior. How is itthat peopleinvoke oneamong themany in a given availabletothem situation? To simplify in order to focusupontheaspectof theprocessmost greatly cues availofculture, selection is guidedbycultural relevant to thesociology a fewschemata available in theenvironment. Although maybe chronically areprimed oractivated orframe stimulus byan external able,moreoften they 1991, Barsalou 1992, Gamson1992:6-8, Schud(Sedikides& Skowronski in socialsurveys-e.g.thefinding that whites are son 1989). Framing effects ifthequestion toaccept ofAfrican-Americans more stereotypes likely negative reference action(Sniderman & Piazza to affirmative is preceded by a neutral can also be activated examples. But schemata 1993:102-104)-are familiar mediause,or observation environment. ofthephysical through conversation, theschemata that theinteraction between twodistributions-of Understanding cultural thatact constitute and of external primers toolkits, people's cultural selection as frames to evoke(and,in evoking, upon)these exerting pressures forsociologists ofculture. schemata-is a central challenge

APPLICATIONS
This sectionreviews workon cognitive aspectsof thesociologyof culture collective in light of theperspective here. The topicsare identity, developed andframing. socialclassification, logicsofaction, memory,

Identity
in thesociology of fields research has becomeone ofthemostactive Identity kinds ofcollective different todistinguish between twoquite culture. Itis useful of ontheonehand, andcollective ofcollectives, theidentities aspects identity: ofindividuals on theother. theidentities idenIDENTITIES OF COLLECTIVES At the supra-individual level,collective at thislevelportrays Research is a shared of a collectivity. tity representation as highly constructed collective identities explicit (Anderson 1983), through

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andflags (Cerulo1994). elements suchas anthems messagesandmoresubtle identities vie to produce social contested, as groups Collective arechronically totheir idealormaterial schemata favorable representations capableofevoking & Hecht1996). 1994,Friedland interests (Moscovici1984,Zerubavel and sociology, views activein bothpsychology Another line of research, that vary cross-culturally and representations identities andselvesas collective on differences inthecultural Markus research historically. et al (1996) review inEastAsianandWestern societies. Meyer & Jepperson construction ofidentity indifferent polities) is a self(anditsvariations (1996) contend that themodern to thecollectivity. endowed with agency inrelation constructed identity on collecCOLLECTIVE ELEMENTS IN INDIVIDUAL IDENTITIES Muchresearch the inwhich is actually about more issueofthe social ways tive complex identity selves.Social identity theory identities enter into theconstitution ofindividual viewsindividual identities as comprising identity-sets basedonparprioritized androle-based affiliations 1986). Self-categorization ticularistic group (Stryker identities as invoked that make also portray collective by conditions theories identities salient(Tajfel& Turner 1986). In thisview, especially particular inproportion to reflect elaborated schemata individual identities group-identity in as context-dependent identities andrecency ofactivation. Viewing strength which with with identities observations ofthevolatility thiswayis consistent ofintergroup conflict. periods maygainandlose salienceduring

Collective Memory
is the outcome the Collectivememory of processesaffecting, respectively, haveaccess,theschemata information to whichindividuals by which people these thepast,and theexternal or messagesthatprime understand symbols research on collective memory portrays schemata.Like collective identities, in both andindividual terms. thephenomenon supra-individual that maintain orsuppress scholars havestudied institutional Several processes ofpublic thereputation determining information as part culture, suchas factors andpopularity ofparticular or artworks 1986, (Fine 1996,Griswold persons the schematic focuses level, upon however, Lang& Lang 1988). Muchresearch, thewaysin which members ofa society to define interpret studying struggles in theways shared information abouttheir tracking change past,either widely is understood overtime(Schudson1992, in whicha personor publicfigure visionsof a collective conflict overalternative Schwartz 1991) or analyzing 1994). past(Maier1988,Zerubavel and colbetween individual has focused on theinteraction Littleresearch & Scott(1989), who An exception is thework ofSchuman memories. lective events that to explorethepossibility thatthehistorical methods use survey

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DiMAGGIO

their structure most vividly remember generations ofdifferent menandwomen ofcontemporary socialissues. understanding

Social Classification
anduse ofcategory socialconstruction ofsocialclassification-the The study processes hasanalyzed inthe lastdecade.Somework schemes-hasburgeoned clasofa strongly describing theemergence inhistorical time, ofclassification (DiMaggio 1982),ortheuse ofsocialcategorization artistic high culture sified 1992). Ofparticuofsocialpolicies(Starr intheformation andimplementation usesstructural roles," which of"discourse is Mohr's(1994) analysis larinterest of social problems classification theimplicit analysis to identify equivalence andpovertyofsocial-service in self-descriptions groups embedded andclient New York City. relief in early twentieth-century organizations inshorter time spans. has focused Other research uponsocialdifferentiation waysto differentiwomen find bywhich theprocess Zelizer(1989) describes in order to imbueit with medium of exchange, ate evenmoney, theuniversal menofdifferthebasesuponwhich Lamont (1992) analyzes social meaning. reinforce their makesocial distinctions that origins and national entregional within scientific boundary work senseofsocialhonor. Gieryn (1997) describes when classification thestrong respond examining howscientists communities, is threatened. science/nonscience classification from a cognitive one of fewsociologists to study Zerubavel, worldappears thedrive a continuous to partition points outthat perspective, may constructed ofthecategories universal, though thenature to be a human 1991,1997,Douglas1966). Rosch among groups (Zerubavel vary significantly proon thetopic, has dominated thinking psychological (1978), whosework when is mostefficient that muchexperimental cognition support) poses (with by thinking together we chunkmanyseparate features (bitsof information) constructs mental image)ofan object.Prototypical with a prototype (complete inspecianincrease levelofabstraction: i.e. where efficient atthemost emerge increase in information. Thus we have thegreatest marginal ficity provides or "divan," and for"bird"butnot for"chair"butnot"furniture" prototypes form thelevelatwhich "animal"or"sparrow." objectprototypes for Although a ofa prototype reflects thespecific content to be relatively universal, appears in a given location andavailability (D'Andrade1995). mixoftypicality to relatively Roschappliedhermodelofprototypes simpleconcepts.Selfon theprototype model(Hogg& McGarty draws 1990), theory categorization in such arerepresented social constructs to be seen ifcomplex butitremains in light If so, application to roleanalysis terms. maybe useful, unambiguous as a of a prototype between Rosch'scharacterization of an intriguing parallel

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ofsocialroleas andNadel's (1957) classicdefinition features coreofessential features. ofoptional anda penumbra ofa coreofentailments consisting

LogicsofAction
to an interto refer "logicsofaction" haveusedtheexpression Manyauthors action in a given influence that setofrepresentations orconstraints dependent theterm is usedas a synonym for"idealtype" ofcourse, domain.Sometimes, constraints to situational torefer approaches, (Orru1991) or,in rational-actor given parsimilar resources players with behaviors among that induce parallel rulesofthegame(Block 1990,Offe1985). ticular inrecent work inpolitical more senseoflogicshasemerged A richer, cultural, mental structures between embeds them intheinteraction a viewthat economy, andinstituin practical 1990),on theone hand, reason(Bourdieu instantiated (1991:248-49) provide on theother. Friedland & Alford tionalrequirements logics" "institutional describing exposition and definition, themostthorough an thatconstitute and symbolic constructions" as sets "of material practices toorganizations andare"available principles" order's "organizing institutional & Alford, theselogics to elaborate." According to Friedland and individuals and defined structured, politically are"symbolically organizationally grounded, andmaterially constrained." technically is apparent in Boltanski notionof modes & Thevenot's Similarimagery embodying specific linkeddiscourses of justification (1991), institutionally of similar toward actionand evaluation. development Empirical orientations in of control" in Fligstein's (1990) workon "conceptions ideas can be found in a politics ofshopfloor (1990) analysis andin Stark's governance, corporate socialist factory. Hungarian a disentails a taxonomy ofinstitutions, each ofwhich Such work requires the & Alford, theinstitutions are capitalism, tinctive logic. (For Friedland has itsownaxeach ofwhich andscience, family, religion, democracy, state, from theclash erupts and rituals.)Conflict routines ial principle and linked a laborthrough of institutional logics,as whena wifeviewsherhousehold a family herhusband whereas imposes exchange, logicofexplicit marketplace service uponthesituation. logicofselfless that external itproposes The notion oflogicsis immensely First, appealing. routine to generate with internal mental structures interact and stimuli rituals is fragmented withtheview thatculture behavior. Second,it is consistent of thenotion without inconsistent surrendering elements, amongpotentially and schemata of rituals of clusters whichthematization limited coherence, fordiscussing a vocabulary it provides institutions around provides. Third, inconsistent between as confrontation conflict cultural logicsofaction.

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andcalls attention exploratory frankly remains thework At thesametime, whichneither and cognition, of culture understanding to gaps in ourcurrent section. ofthenext Thesearethetopics norsociology canaddress. psychology

KEY PROBLEMS IN THE STUDY OF CULTURE AND COGNITION

as an effort to thematize logicscan be reinterpreted The notion ofinstitutional this In order toexploit theinsights to socialstructure. andlinkthem schemata an that we nowlack:things needthree students ofculture offers, perspective structures, complex cultural tomore ofhowschemata aggregate understanding inturn, a clear requires ofcultural which, change, or"logics";anunderstanding institutional logics;and actors switch among ofthewayinwhich understanding of if we are to understand processes whichis necessary a theory of analogy, require. both andswitching thematization that schematic generalization

Aggregation ModelsofSchematic
is to develop ofculture andcognition forstudents thehighest priority Perhaps diverse schemata I meanthewaysinwhich bywhich modelsofthematization, likethought constructs andsociologically interesting tomore general aggregate candidates Thereareseveral andideologies. stories, logics,paradigms, styles, forsuchmodels.
DECOUPLING ATOMISTIC

ornohigherwith little schemata coupled loosely ulated invoked, byrandomly posthoc bycultural is simply imposed If so, thematization levelarchitecture. routines. Although intheenvironment andineveryday orembedded specialists andwould inthesociology ofculture, work with most thisviewis inconsistent ormacroresearch onschemata either toexplain experimental seemill-equipped absolutely. nowbe disconfirmed itcannot change, cultural is theview of cross-cultural extreme At theopposite a hierarchy of nested arrayed schemata, that culture comprises psychologists For examentailed withthelatter by theformer. to concrete, from abstract differences (1994) viewa widerangeof cognitive ple, Markus& Kitayama in differences fundamental as flowing from andAmericans between Japanese inof significant evidence compelling provide self-schemata. Although they as they do. coherence one neednotassumeas much differences, tergroup
NESTED HIERARCHY

ispopisthat thought everyday Thenull hypothesis

and information that evidence is considerable DOMAIN-SPECIFICITYThere

indistinct areasofmemlifedomains is stored todifferent schemata pertaining domains within (Hirschfeld with schematic specific occurring integration ory,

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& Gelman1994). In thisview, clusters ofschemata arecoherent onlywithin limited boundaries; taken together, thedomains are "morelikethecollected denizens ofa tidepool than a single octopus" (D'Andrade1995:249). Thisviewhas considerable experimental support, though there is little consensusas to thesize or character of thedomains. It is tempting to equate "domain" with theinstitutional realms identified byFriedland & Alford (1991) or Boltanski & Thevenot (1990), and to positthat culturally specific "logics ofaction" arethus in schematic embedded organization, butthere is atpresent ifanyempirical little warrant for doingso. aremoresalient andhavemore extensive entailments than do emotionally neutralstructures. Work on identity & Alexander (Wiley 1987,Hogg & McGarty thepossibility 1990) suggests that "theself"maybe an emotionally supersaturated cluster ofschemata toward andstability overtime. tending consistency intheself-schemata, Schemata that areembedded aremore articthen, closely ulatedwith other schemata than those that arenotincorporated intotheself.
ROLE CENTRALITY By analogy, one can viewrolesas situationally evoked, emotionally identities activated, partial that provide chunks ofschemintegrated aticorganization andpermit ofdifferent compartmentalization cultural contents. This perspective is appealing becauseit identifies a mechanism (i.e. roleacschematic tivation) connecting to contextual triggering variation, andbecause itis consistent with evidence for ofschematic domain-specificity organization. becauserolesareembedded in distinctive Moreover, thisview rolerelations, an integration points toward of cultural and network within a single analysis framework (McCall 1987). Whichof thesemodelsof schematic thematization bestdescribes theprocessesbywhich schemata is atpresent peopleintegrate anybody's guess. Significant matters-the extent towhich enters into ideology conscious experience, thepatterning of cultural or orientations, and thestability of cognition styles acrosscontext-ride on itsresolution. IDENTITY CENTRALITY Someevidence suggests that affectively hotschemata

A secondpriority forsociologists of culture is to createtheories of cultural that change ideasfrom research onculture andcognition with integrate macrosoAt leastfour different arecrucial to ciologicalperspectives. change processes understand. lifethrough intoeveryday theinteraction of environmental cues and mental I havefurther structures. in theories suggested, bycombining logic-of-action
THEORYOF ENVIRONMENTAL thatculture TRIGGERING I have argued enters

Cultural Change

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DiMAGGIO

undercultural that in psychology, theories and domain-specificity sociology switch orgroups when persons so that bydomain, maybe fragmented standings anddispreferences, attitudes, their perspectives, toanother, one domain from may changes cultural large-scale Itfollows that radically. maychange positions bymany frame switches more-or-less simultaneous be causedby large-scale, actors. interdependent of how and whypeounderstanding At themicrolevel,we need a better a rational logics,or domains(White1995; from ple switchamongframes, on this work & Frey1993). The paradigmatic Lindenberg choiceperspective, the has documented research on code-switching where comesfrom language, or topic) partner, conversation changesin context, circumstances (ordinarily level, 1982). Atthemacro inlanguage ordialect (Gumperz that change trigger of linkenvironmental change topatterns is to create models that thechallenge switching (White1995).
DIFFUSION, AND EXTINCTION PsycholoTHEORYOF SCHEMAACQUISITION, byindividuals on theacquisition of schemata light gistshavecastsubstantial 1994). Sociolo1981,Hirschfeld (Nelson& Gruendel development during to changein the leading to factors their attention shouldturn gistsof culture in or schemata of cultural representations and levelof activation distribution particular acquire cohorts Suchchange mayoccurifdifferent thepopulation. of environmental in thedistribution schemata at varying rates;or if changes that of particular schemata activation or deactivation cues lead to enhanced beenacquired. havealready theeffects of modelsof thesortthathave been used to study Diffusion maybe useful. orbeliefs ofnewtechnologies on theadoption mediaexposure existsbetween thenew where resonance shouldbe mosteffective Diffusion schematic 1985). (Sperber and organization existing cultural element Work in the historical sociologyof cultureprovidessome guidance. which totheimofideological points change, Wuthnow's macro-theory (1989) be life new chances of usefully effects on the beliefs, may of ecological portance a andimplemented micro levels.Tilly tomore (1992) hasdeveloped transposed movement time incontentious over repertostudying change valuable approach evidenceof accelerating change & Eisner(1996) present toires. Buchmann thesecondhalfof thetwentieth of selvesduring in thepublicpresentation century. ofmajorcollective is tounderstand aspects cognitive A particular challenge that ofpersons might adoptorientations in which rapidly events largenumbers Some before. a short time ofthem alientothe majority culturally haveappeared falloftheSoviet after the Union, ofcapitalism the emergence revivals, religious cases ofthiskind. aredemanding ofethnic andsomespirals antagonism

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281

It is important tounderstand notonly howculture constrains, buthowpersons andgroups can transcend thebiasing effects of culture on thought. Work on thisproblem bypsychologists (noted earlier) mustbe supplemented by research on thetypesof social interaction thatlead largenumbers of peopleto question and,ultimately, to revisetheir schematic ofsocialphenomena. representations

and Generalization Analogy

tothestudy Related ofchange, butso important that itwarrants a section ofits the ofanalogy andgeneralization. own,is problem Sociologicaltheories that as actively portray persons incorporating culture intocognitive organization invariably relyon somenotion likethehabitus, which Bourdieu (1990) refers to as a "system of durable transposable dispositions." The keyquestion for is: Underwhatconditions all of thesetheories are dispositions or schemata from abstracted andtransposed one domain to another? Almostall cultural changeentailsthetransfer of some bodyof ideas or one content imagesfrom areato another on thebasisof similarity judgments. to characterize the of a or culture a Indeed, anyattempt group peopleinabstract effort forgranted that at thematization-takes actors terms-i.e.,anyanalytic to drawanalogies havethecapacity between classesofobjects, actors, events, oractions, tounderstand them in similar andthereby ways. Think ofculture as a network ofinterrelated with schemata, analogies as the "ties"that create andinnovation occur.How paths alongwhich generalization arenew"ties"created? The literature at leastthree alternatives. provides In themost twoschemstraightforward models, ata orrelated structures lendthemselves toanalogy togeneralization (andthus acrossdomains)insofar as they shareparticular features & Johnson (Lakoff between 1980) thatcreatea correspondence them. Thus Swinburne's line, "whenthehoundsof spring are on winter's is meaningful because traces," and spatial and between of thecorrespondence between the temporal pursuit on haresandofspring Twoproblems destructive ofhounds on winter. effects with than this viewarethat the itself is constructed rather correspondence innate; of overlap and that theextent analogical powerwouldnotseemto varywith tenor andvehicle. between
FEATURE CORRESPONDENCE

of This viewtakesas its starting pointtheexistence notsimsomeform ofcontent-related connect domain-specificity. Analogies their but wholedomains & Sternberg plyschemata (Tourganeau 1982),deriving thenetwork ofentailed The mostpowpowerfrom comparisons they trigger. Putanother connect domains that arestructurally erful analogies homologous. to which acrossdomains is a function notof theextent way,generalizability
STRUCTURE-MAPPING

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DiMAGGIO

they shareparticular features in common, butoftheextent to which relations amongfeatures arestructurally similar (Gentner 1983). Someresearch suggests that affectively hot schemata aremorelikely tobe generalized acrossdomains than affectively neutral schemata. For example, analogiesare likely to be drawn between situations that elicitstrong emotional ofa similar reactions kind(Abelson1981:725).
EMOTIONAL RESONANCE POLYSEMY AND SEMANTIC CONTAGION A final possibility is that polysemous expressions-those with distinct meanings that resonate with multiple schemata or domains-facilitate transfer. analogical Bakhtin's work(1986) on textual inthis is suggestive as is White's multivocality regard, (1992) work on stories and rhetorics. Ross (1992) portrays meaning as emerging from therelations in speechand to activities of wordsto one another in real time. Because theseconstantly arerarely change, meanings fixed, butinstead adapt, diverge, and spreadacrossdomains is through semantic contagion.This perspective inlanguage and attractive becauseitacknowledges endemic particularly change insocialinteraction. other andbecauseitembeds symbol systems generalization

SYMBOLS, NETWORKS,AND COGNITION

ofculture areonly one-and notnecessarily the Cognitive aspects largest-part ofthesociology ofculture's domain.Butitis a part we cannot that avoidifwe in howculture are interested enters of intopeople'slives,foranyexplanation on practice in culture's rests on assumptions impact abouttheroleof culture I haveargued we arebetter off ifwe makesuchmodels cognition. that explicit in through in cognitive thanifwe smuggle them thebackdoorandthat work and social cognition, animated psychology although by different questions, we sociologists can use topursue offers toolsthat ourownagendas. onculture dethechallenge is tointegrate themicro Ultimately, perspectives ofcultural inlarger overlonger scribed here with collectivities analyses change schemata andrefor a perspective that stretches oftime.I haveargued privileges tomechanisms as units ofanalysis, andattends latedconstructs bywhich physthese schemata. environments activate ical,social,andcultural differentially oftheenvironment thequestion ofwhich Thisargument has begged aspects of aremostworthy ofstudy. Without theunquestionable denying importance with cultural research on howmediaandactivity structures interact subjective I shallconclude brief onthe attention tonewresearch representations, bycalling ofcognitive tosocialstructures andsymbolic relationship phenomena portrayed as socialnetworks. ofsocialstrucon cognitive havefocused Some researchers representations relevant is especially schema ture.[Fiske& Linville(1980) claimthat theory

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to therepresentation of socialphenomena; andsee Howard (1994).] The idea that social structures existsimultaneously through mental representations and in concrete social relations was central to Nadel's (1957) role theory.Both theorists & Goodwin1994,Orr1995,White1992)andresearchers (Emirbayer theimplications (Krackhardt 1987) areexploring ofthisview. Networks arecrucial environments for theactivation ofschemata, logics, and frames. In a study of theParisCommune, Gould(1995) argues that political protest networks did notcreatenewcollective identities, butrather activated that identities communards already possessed.Bernstein (1975) demonstrates theimpact ofnetwork on individuals' structures tendency toemploy cognitive abstraction. Erickson (1996), studying finds a correlation besecurity guards, tweenthecomplexity of social networks and thediversity of conversational interests. Vaughan(1986) describes how people questioning marriage alter ofsocialrelations inorder tocreate customary patterns idennew, independent tities as prologue to separation. Such studies pointto a new,morecomplex of therelationship between and social structure culture built understanding of microand macro, and of cognitive and material, uponcareful integration perspectives.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Thanksare due to thestudents in myPrinceton graduate seminar on culture of muchof theworkreviewed and cognition forinsightful discussions here; tomypsychology MarciaJohnson, PrenDale Miller, andDeborah colleagues in myefforts valuableguidance to come to speedyterms tice,who provided incognitive andsocialpsychology; with culture-relevant literature andto Bob Dale Miller, Eviatar andJohn Mohrfor Wuthnow, Zerubavel, Roger Friedland, topresent andworkshops atPrinceton, these atmeetings opportunities thoughts andtheASA meetings. SantaBarbara, Forvaluable ofearRutgers, readings I am indebted lierdrafts, to RogerFriedland, Diane Mackie, MicheleLamont, AnnSwidler, CalvinMorrill, andEviatar Zerubavel. AbigailSmith,
VisittheAnnualReviews homepage at http://www.annurev.org.

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