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CHANAKYA NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY

A Project On

Need for enlargement of security council

SUBMITTED TO: - Dr. P. P. Rao FACULTY: - Public International Law

Made By: Nidhi Navneet 3rd year (5th sem) ROLL No.570 B.A.LL.B. (Hons)

Need for Enlargement of Security Council

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I am feeling highly elated to work on the case law Need for Enlargement of Security Council under the guidance of my faculty of Public International Law, Dr. P. P. Rao. I am very grateful to him for his exemplary guidance. I would like to enlighten my readers regarding this topic and I hope I have tried my best to pave the way for bringing more luminosity to this topic.

I also want to thank all of my friends, without whose cooperation this project was not possible. Apart from all these, I want to give special thanks to the librarian of my university who made every relevant materials regarding to my topic available to me at the time of my busy research work and gave me assistance. And at last I am very much obliged to the God who provided me the potential for the rigorous research work.

At finally yet importantly I would like to thank my parents for the financial support.

----------Thanking you Nidhi Navneet C.N.L.U.

Need for Enlargement of Security Council RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Research Methodology


The project is basically based on the doctrinal method of research as no field work is done on this topic.

Aims & Objectives


To do an in depth analysis for the need to enlarge the Security Council. The aim of this paper is to review the proposals put forward thus far and to evaluate new ones in order to see whether a reform is desirable and/or feasible.

Sources of Data
The whole project is made with the use of secondary source. The following secondary sources of data have been used in the project1. Books 2. Websites

Mode of Citation
The researcher has followed a uniform mode of citation throughout the course of this research paper.

Type of Study
For this topic, the researcher has opted for Descriptive and Explanatory type of study as in this topic, the researcher is providing the descriptions of the existing facts.

Need for Enlargement of Security Council CONTENTS

Introduction ..................................................................................................... 4 Composition of Security Council .................................................................... 6 The Amendment of the UN Charter ................................................................ 7 First Instance of Enlargement of Security Council in 1963 ............................ 8 The Need for Enlargement of Security Council ........................................... 10 Attempts for enlargement of Security Council ............................................. 12 The content of the proposals ......................................................................... 14 1. Size of an Enlarged SC ........................................................................ 15 2. Membership categories and Regional representation .......................... 15 2.1. Membership categories ................................................................... 15 2.2. Regional representation ................................................................... 17 Is there a need for enlargement of security council ...................................... 18 Will an enlarged Council deliver the needs sought in the reform? ........ 19 Is Size of the Council on the basis of Equitable Geographical Representation ........................................................................................ 19 Extended veto rights to new states may pose conflict in decision making process .................................................................................................... 20 Views of the Permanent Five ................................................................. 20 Conclusion ..................................................................................................... 22 References ..................................................................................................... 23

Need for Enlargement of Security Council

INTRODUCTION
Under the United Nations (UN) Charter, the Security Council has a theoretically impressive range of powers and duties. Most significant is its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Unlike the General Assembly it can in principle take decisions that are binding on all members of the UN. The Council meets throughout the year, mainly to consider armed conflicts and other situations or disputes where international peace and security are threatened. It is empowered to order mandatory sanctions, call for ceasefires and authorize military action on behalf of the UN. The Council also has a role, with the General Assembly, in the admission of new members to the UN, the appointment of the Secretary General and the election of Judges in the International Court of Justice. The United Nations Security Council, the principal organ responsible for maintaining international peace and security, has been faced with criticism since its establishment in 1946. Critics and politicians alike have criticised this Council for its small size and exclusive nature, its relations with the General Assembly, its working methods, and its undemocratic structure. The most criticism has been directed at the infamous power of veto, namely the ability of the five permanent members of the Council (USA, Russia, France, UK, and China) to quash any non-procedural matter with their negative vote, irrespective of its level of internationals support. All these criticisms enhance the need for enlargement in the Security Council. However, because of the high number of proposals on the reform of the Council and strong disagreements among advocates of different proposals, not much has been achieved. Analysts believe that an increase in the number of seats in the Council is much more plausible than reforming or removing the veto. At least there is universal agreement about the former while the latter is much more controversial. Each of the permanent members has supported one proposal for expanding the Council. However, the main dispute is on details and countries have not yet managed to agree on a common denominator. Yet despite dramatic changes in the international system over the past fortyfive years, the composition of the UNSC has remained unaltered since 1965, and there are many who question how long its legitimacy will last without additional members that

Need for Enlargement of Security Council


reflect twenty-first-century realities. This issue is further tried to be deal with in this project work by the researcher in subsequent time phases of reforms in United Nations Security Council. While there is general agreement that the Security Council needs to be enlarged, there is an extensive disagreement on how, making the issue both extremely divisive and contentious. To many, the enlargement of the Security Council is a question of its continuing legitimacy. Expansion of the membership could help enhance its authority. A review of the working methods could make it more transparent, and agreeing to limit the use of the veto power in cases of jus cogens1 crimes or at least explaining a cast veto could broaden its appeal. To others, reforming the Security Council is mainly about increasing their own power; a seat at the table could potentially translate into greatly increased influence over much of the United Nations system, including the Bretton Woods institutions and the International Court of Justice. An impressive body of literature has been produced on the reform of the Security Council (SC) since the latest attempts made with the creation by the General Assembly (GA), in 1993, of the Open-ended working group on the question of equitable representation and increase in the membership of the Security Council and related matters. These attempts are still on-going and it is not possible to predict their outcome, notwithstanding the efforts of the former Secretary General (SG) Kofi Annan and the High Level Panel. The reform of the SC cannot be confined to permanent membership and the right of veto. But it is understandable that States strive to obtain a permanent seat. Their power, prestige and influence will grow if the permanent seat is endowed with the power of veto. It is a goal which requires a brief explanation of the mechanisms embodied in the UN Charter for amending its provisions. A brief reminder of the category of subjects under international law which may become UN members is also necessary in order to clarify the meaning of regional membership within the UN.

Jus cogens (Latin for compelling law) is a principle in international law. In brief, jus cogens refers to crimes generally accepted by the international community of states as unlawful, and from which no derogation is ever permitted. Although, no clearcut definitions exist of what constitutes jus cogens, it is generally accepted that the term includes the prohibition of genocide, piracy, slavery, torture, and wars of territorial aggrandizement.

Need for Enlargement of Security Council


COMPOSITION OF SECURITY COUNCIL The Dumbarton proposal emphasized the establishment of an executive organ, whose membership might be limited and which could be entrusted the primary responsibility for the maintenance of International peace and security. In San Francisco Conference, it was finally decided to establish such an organ in the form of the Security Council.2 In accordance with the provisions of Article 7 of the United Nations Charter, the Security Council is one of the principal organs of the United nations. It comprises of 15 members of which 5 are permanent members and 10 are non-permanent members. China, Russia, America, France and Britain are the permanent members of the Security Council.3 Membership of the UN is a condicio sine qua non to become a full member of any main UN bodies. According to Article 3 of the Charter, the original members of the UN are those States that, having taken part in the San Francisco Conference or having signed the 1942 Declaration on the United Nations, have signed and ratified the UN Charter. In addition to the very small number of original members, the UN is open, according to Article 4, to peace-loving States which accept the obligations set out in the Charter and in the view of the UN itself are able and willing to carry out those obligations.4 Is thus clear that only States may be parties to the Organisation, whether original members or States that have subsequently acquired their membership through the admission process, which is carried out through a decision by the General Assembly (GA) at the recommendation of the SC. As to the notion of State, we must to refer to the meaning of this word under international law. The form of State is not relevant, for instance if the entity in question is a unitary or a federal State. On the contrary: a confederation of States whose components maintain a distinct legal personality is not a State under Article 4. Belarus and Ukraines status as original members of the UN, when they were members of the Soviet Union, is an accident of history arising from the political conditions existing at the time of the San Francisco Conference. Switzerland, which was recently admitted to the United Nations, is a confederation. However, its cantons are not international persons and from that

2 3

D. W. Bowett, the Law of International Institutions (1970), p. 25. Article 23 of the U.N. Charter. 4 Thomas D. Grant, Admission to the United Nations. Charter Article 4 and the Rise of Universal Organization, Leyden and Boston, Martinus Nijhoff, 2009.

Need for Enlargement of Security Council


perspective they are no different from the German Lnder. Entities other than States may acquire a different status from full membership. For instance, international Organisations or liberation movements have observer status within the GA. The SCs provisional rules of procedure recognise that entities other than States may be invited to the meetings of the SC. The first Security Council came into being on 12th January, 1946, when the General Assembly elected its 6 members. Before 31st August, 1965, the Security Council consisted of 11 members. On 17th December, 1963 amendment to Article 23 of the Charter was adopted by the general assembly. It provided that the Security Council would consist of 15 members - 5 permanent members and 10 non-permanent members. This amendment came into force on 31st august 1965. Before the amendment even without exercising veto, the permanent members could prevent the Security Council from taking decision on any matter because the Security Council then consisted of 11 members and decision on ordinary or non-substantial matters required seven affirmative votes. If five permanent members voted against the proposal, Security Council could not take any decision on it. But this is no more possible because now the Security Council consists of 15 members and decision on non-substantial or procedural matters 9 affirmative votes are required. Thus on non-substantial matter, the Security Council can take a decision on the basis of the affirmative votes of the non-permanent members. Ten non-permanent members are elected by the general assembly for a period of two years.

THE AMENDMENT OF THE UN CHARTER


Any modification of the United Nations Security Council membership involves an amendment of the UN Charter being improbable to foresee a modification operated by the practice giving origin to a kind of customary revision. The Charter sets out two mechanisms: an amendment procedure (Art. 108) and a review procedure (Art. 109). From a formal standpoint there is no difference between the two procedures as far as amending the Charter is concerned. Any modification must obtain two-thirds of the votes of the GA or of the Review Conference and must be ratified by two-thirds of the UNs members, including the permanent members of the SC. Permanent members do not enjoy any right of veto for the adoption of the GA or Review Conference decision. They may vote against the decision or abstain; the decision is adopted if it meets the two-thirds

Need for Enlargement of Security Council


criterion. However, the permanent member must ratify the decision when it is submitted to its national parliament. If not, the amendment or decision is not adopted. A problem of interpretation arises as to the meaning of two-thirds of the GA, i.e., should it be two-thirds of those present and voting or two-thirds of all GA members. While Charter Article 18 on the vote by the GA states that Resolutions on important questions shall be taken by a two-thirds majority of the members present and voting, Article 108 on the amendment procedure does not qualify two-thirds majority. The issue was clarified by GA Resolution 53/30 of 23 November 1998, which states that the two-thirds majority for adopting a Resolution on amending the provisions governing the SC refers to two-thirds of the UN members and not two-thirds of members present and voting5. The Review Conference was never held, even though Article 109 envisaged that it should have been placed on the GA agenda 10 years after the UN Charter entered into force. The Charters tenth anniversary took place in 1955, when the Cold War was at its peak and such a Conference was inconceivable. Article 108 and 109 do not set out any limit to the Charter amendment/review. They only regulate the procedure for amending the Charter and thus do not take any position on the substantive reform of the SC, whether this takes the form of an increase in the number of permanent or non-permanent members or not.6

FIRST INSTANCE OF ENLARGEMENT OF SECURITY COUNCIL IN 1963


Until now, the only reform of the SC took place in 1963, when the number of the non-permanent members was increased from 6 to 10 under Resolution 1991-XVIII. The amendment was approved in the GA with France and the Soviet Union voting

The General Assembly, Mindful of Chapter XVIII of the Charter of the United Nations and of the importance of reaching general agreement as referred to in Resolution 48/26 of 3 December 1993, determines not to adopt any Resolution or decision on the question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and related matters, without the affirmative vote of at least two thirds of the Members of the General Assembly. See Resolution adopted by the General Assembly. Question of equitable representation on and increase in the membership of the Security Council and related matters, A/RES/53/30, 1 December 1998. 6 See Bardo Fassbender, The United Nations Charter as the Constitution of the International Community, Leiden and Boston, Martinus Nijhoff, 2009, pp. 184-185. According to this author, the constitutional quality of the UN Charter sets out limits to amendments of its basic principles and leaves little room for any change via customary law: Bardo Fassbender, UN Security Council Reform and the Right of Veto. A Constitutional Perspective, The Hague/London/Boston, Kluwer Law International, 1998, pp.138-147.

Need for Enlargement of Security Council


against, the UK and US abstaining and China (Taiwan) voting in favour. All permanent members eventually ratified the amendment; if they had not, it would never have entered into force, which it did in 1965. The reason for increasing the number of SC members was the growth in membership numbers compared with the membership existing at the time of its foundation. In 1945 the UN counted only 50 members, while by 1963 its membership had risen to 115. This was due to the admission of several European States in 1955 and the entry of Asian and African countries as a result of decolonisation. However, in 1963 the decolonisation process was not yet complete. The birth of new countries with the completion of the process, the split-up of the Soviet Empire and the dissolution of Yugoslavia had dramatically increased the UNs membership, which now stands at 193 States. Also, After the Gulf war (1991) and the breaking of the Soviet Union the need for enlargement of Security Council is being greatly felt in view of the changed situation. Since the breaking of the Soviet Union, we were living in a Unipolar World with the United States of America as the sole super power. In the non-aligned two day Foreign Ministers Conference held at Larnaca (Cyprus) in the first week of February 1992, the need for democratisation of the U.N. system emerged as a recurrent theme. For example, Indian Foreign Affairs Minister , Mr. Madhav Singh Solanki, who was the first to address the delegates during the closed door deliberations, stressed that with a view to reflect the increased strength of the General Assembly and the new power configuration in the world, one way of democratising the U. N. would by reviewing the membership of the security council.7 And this happened even though no new reform of the SC took place after the Resolution voted in 1963. Non-permanent members are elected for two years by the GA and cannot be immediately re-elected once their mandate expires. They are chosen taking into account a geographical distribution initially established by Resolution 1991-XVIII and since then unchanged: 5 members from African and Asian countries, 1 from Eastern European countries, 2 from Latin America and 2 from the Western European and Others Group (WEOG).

Dr. S. K. Kapoor, International Law & Human Rights, 18th ed., 2011, Central Law Agency, at p. 528-30.

Need for Enlargement of Security Council THE NEED FOR ENLARGEMENT OF SECURITY COUNCIL
There are a number of reasons for reforming the SC causing its enlargement. They may be enumerated as follows: 1. Admission of New States in UN. As mentioned earlier, at San Francisco the Charter was signed by only 50 States. The UNs membership was more than double that number when the amendment on the increase in non-permanent members of the SC entered into force. Nowadays, the number of UN members has increased almost fourfold since its foundation. Since its birth, the international community has completely changed. At the beginning the UN was composed of Western and Eastern European countries plus a number of Latin America countries. Nowadays the majority of members belong to African and Asian countries. And thus, there is a greater need of world-wide representation in the Security Council which urges for its enlargement. 2. Change in role of Security Council with end of Cold war. The role of the SC has dramatically increased since the end of the Cold War. While during the Cold War the SC was the place where the two superpowers engaged in verbal confrontation and was virtually paralyzed, but, after the fall of the Berlin wall its policy changed. The SC started to become the place where effective decisions were taken. This is demonstrated, for instance, by the number of peacekeeping operations put in place and by the crises solved, such as the Timor Leste case. The SC has also taken on an important territorial administration function, for example in Kosovo before its independence. This factor demands that until and unless there is no fair representation of countries, this function of SC cant be performed with diligence and thus there is a dire need of enlargement of SC. 3. The decision making power of Security Council. The Charter attributes to the Council the power to take decisions on measures to be carried out by member States.8 Mandatory sanctions fall within this framework. They are a kind of administrative regulation adopted to cope with concrete situations such as threats to peace. Since 9/11 the SC has started to adopt legislative Resolutions, i.e.
8

Art. 25 of Charter of United Nations.

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Resolutions taken to address hypothetical situations such as the threat arising from international terrorism or WMD proliferation. Take for instance SC Resolutions 1373 (2001) and 1540 (2004). The former was adopted after the attack on the Twin Towers in New York on 11 September 2001. The latter defines the proliferation of WMD as a threat to peace and, like Resolution 1373, lays down provisions that oblige States to enact legislation to address proliferation and to ensure that they fulfil their duty to prevent the production of WMD. The Resolution declares that States should also adopt measures to prevent WMD and their means of delivery from falling into the hands of non-State actors. The creation of the two ad hoc criminal tribunals should also be remembered, i.e. the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.9 4. Emerging new threats with change in time. The international community is facing new and dangerous threats, stemming from international terrorism, WMD proliferation and failed States. Nuclear proliferation has required action by the SC vis--vis those States that have withdrawn from the NonProliferation Treaty (NPT) or have been accused of failing to comply with the obligation to produce fissile material only for peaceful purposes. North Korea and Iran are cases in point. North Korea and the sanctions policy show how the freedom of States to withdraw from the NPT has been curtailed and the principle of consent to enter into international obligations has been reduced. 5. The use of force by States. According to the Charter, States are allowed to use armed force only in selfdefence. The principle is enshrined in Article 51 and the main moot point is whether anticipatory self-defence is lawful or, on the contrary, may only be exercised after an armed attack has occurred. Contemporary international law doctrine has construed Chapter VII as giving the SC the power to authorize States to resort to armed force whenever a threat to peace occurs. For instance, States may be authorised to use force to

SC Resolutions: resolution 808 in 1993 and resolution 995 in 1994.

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prevent or put an end to genocide or to meet a latent threat stemming from an accumulation of WMD. 10

ATTEMPTS FOR ENLARGEMENT OF SECURITY COUNCIL


As said before, the first (and only) reform of the SC took place in 1963, when the Councils non-permanent members were increased from 6 to 10. Attempts to reform the UN resumed in 1974. A special committee was created and given the task of studying the problem and in 1975 was named the Special Committee for the United Nations Charter and for strengthening the role of the Organisation. In the Nineties the question of SC reform became paramount and in 1993 the GA passed Resolution 48/267, which established the Open-ended working group on the question of equitable representation and increase in the membership of the Security Council and other Security Council matters. It was immediately clear that the number of permanent members was the more important question and a group of countries, led by Germany, pressed for a vote to obtain a Resolution proposing an increase in the number of permanent members (so called Quick Fix). These ambitions were temporarily defeated by those countries which would have remained outside the Council. They were able to put a procedural Resolution to the vote, according to which the two-thirds majority for adopting a GA Resolution on the reform of the SC would have required two-thirds of the UNs members to vote in favour. The new Secretary General, Kofi Annan, had ambitions for a more general UN reform. He appointed a panel of 16 eminent persons to study current threats to international peace and security. The High Level Panel (HLP) on Threats, Challenges and Change, as it was named, prepared a Report11 dealing not only with the reform of the SC but involving all important UN Chapters. As for the SC reform, the HLP did not reach agreement and was obliged to indicate two ways to expand SC membership. The two proposals agreed that the total number of SC members should be 24. However they
10

Kara C. McDonald and Stewart M. Patrick, UN Security Council Enlargement and U.S. Interests, Council Special Report No. 59 December 2010, Council on Foreign Relations, International Institutions and Global Governance Program. Available at: <http://www.cfr.org/international-organizations-andalliances/un-security-council-enlargement-us-interests/p23363>. 11 UN High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility (A/59/565), 2 December 2004, available at http://www.un.org/secureworld/.

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differed in that Model A envisaged 6 new permanent seats with no power of veto and three more two-year non-renewable seats. Model B, on the other hand, called for no new permanent seats, but rather a new category of 8 four-year renewable seats and one new two-year non-permanent and non-renewable seat. It was also proposed that the situation should be reviewed in 2020. The HLP report was followed by the Secretary Generals Report In Larger Freedom Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All 12. The Secretary General proposed that the UN should be structured around the work of three councils: the Security Council, ECOSOC and the newly created Human Rights Council. The 2005 GA summit, at Heads of States and Government level, did not take a stance on the SC reform. The three short paragraphs dedicated to the subject (152-154, A/RES/60/1) express support for an early reform of the SC, which would make it more broadly representative, efficient and transparent, thus enhancing its effectiveness and legitimacy, the better to implement its decisions. At the end of 2005 the positions were as follows. The G4 (Brazil, Germany, India and Japan) tabled a draft Resolution aiming to increase to 25 the members of the SC: 6 new permanent members, with the possibility of a veto right after 15 years, plus 4 non-permanent members. The African Union (AU) position was that the total number should be 26, i.e. adding 6 permanent members with a right of veto and 5 non-permanent members. Italy and a group of other countries formulated the Uniting for Consensus (UfC) proposal in which 10 new non-permanent members, with the possibility of immediate reelection after the expiry of their mandate was proposed. However, no proposal was put to the vote. The following years marked a deadlock in the work of the Open-ended Working Group, until its proceedings were given a renewed impetus by the decision (GA Res. 62/557 of September 2008) to discuss the SC reform in an informal plenary of the GA. This entrusted Ambassador Zahir Tanin (Afghanistan) to chair the intergovernmental negotiations. The overview submitted by Ambassador Tanin (18 May 2009) covered 5 issues that had been identified as necessary for true SC reform: categories of

12

UN Secretary General, In Larger Freedom. Towards Development, Security and Human Rights for All (A/59/2005), 21 March 2005, available at http://www.un.org/largerfreedom/contents.htm.

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membership, veto, regional representation, size and working methods of the SC, relations between SC and GA. This new round of negotiations did not bring about any real change in the positions tabled in past years. The G4, supported by France and the UK, reiterated its proposal of having new permanent members. The AU pressed for a more equitable representation of developing countries within the SC, with at least three African permanent seats endowed with the right of veto. The UFC stuck with its original proposal to have only new non-permanent seats, this time with the option of having a number of non-permanent members with an extended duration (3 to 5 years) but with no possibility of re-election. It appears that the on-going work on the SC reform offers no prospect (for the moment) of reaching a positive outcome, notwithstanding the attempts to identify new solutions. For instance, France and the UK proposed an intermediate reform, consisting of having a number of temporary seats that would become permanent if the members so wished. The AU and members of the UFC rejected the proposal for a temporary solution given the danger, as they saw it, of the category of temporary members in effect being transformed into one of permanent membership.13

THE CONTENT OF THE PROPOSALS


The following are the five key cluster areas illustrated by the President of the GA, Sheikha Al Khalila, in 2007. The current debate on the SC reform is centred around these five issues: 1) size of an enlarged Council, 2) categories of membership and regional representation, 3) the veto, 4) the amelioration of the SCs working methods, 5) relations between the SC and the GA.14 As this project work is only concerned with enlargement of Security Council, only size of enlarged council and categories of membership & regional representation are dealt in this work.

13

Jonas von Freiesleben, Reform of the Security Council, Article no. 1, Managing Change at the United Nations, at pg 1. Available at: < http://globalsolutions.org/files/public/documents/ManagingChange-1.pdf>. 14 See Jacob Silas Lund, Pros and Cons of Security Council Reform, Center for UN Reform Education, 19 January 2010, available at http//www.centereforunreform.org. The author is grateful to Ms. Elisabetta Martini for writing the section on the content of the latest SC reform proposals.

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1. Size of an Enlarged SC
There is a general agreement that the SC should be enlarged. The expansion goes from a low-twenties option (five-to-seven non-permanent members or a mix of permanent and non-permanent members), mid-twenties (six permanent members and four non-permanent) to a high-twenties option (a wider geographical representation would allow a better representation of African, Latin American and small island countries).

2. Membership categories and Regional representation


2.1. Membership categories The question of categories is by far the most crucial issue. An enlargement of the Council has been accepted by all counterparts but proposals range from low twenties to midtwenties, without considering Gaddafis proposal15 to open the Council to all UN membership. Expansion of both permanent and non-permanent categories: African group: 2 permanent and 5 non-permanent seats to African States, selected by the African Union; G4: 6 permanent (2 for African States, 2 for Asian States, 1 for Latin America and Caribbean, 1 for Western Europe and other States) and 4 non-permanent seats (1 African, 1 Asian, 1 Eastern European, 1 Latin American or Caribbean); France and UK: permanent seats to Brazil, Germany, India and Japan along with representation of Africa; Slovenia16: 6 permanent (2 for Africa, 2 for Asia, 1 for Latin America and Caribbean, 1 for Western Europe and other States) and 4 non-permanent. The four new non-permanent seats, added to the existing number of non-permanent members, would increase the number of non-permanent seats to 14. These 14 seats should be divided into 2 groups: a group of 6 seats with more frequent rotation, eligible for re-election every second two-year term over a period of twelve years, with the other 8 seats following the existing rules.

Expansion only in the non-permanent category:

15

See UN General Assembly, Statement by Libyan Arab Jamahiriya H.E. Colonel Muammar Al-Qadhafi, Leader of the Revolution, General Debate of the 64th Session, 23 September 2009, available at http://www.un.org/ga/64/generaldebate/LY.shtml. 16 See Statement on Security Council reform, sent by Ambassador Sanja tiglic, Permanent Representative of Slovenia to the United Nations, to Zahir Tanin on 9 February 2010, available at http://www.reformtheun.org/index.php?module=uploads&func=download&fileId=4330.

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Italy and Colombia17: longer-term seats allocated to the regional groups (Africa, Asia, Asia/Africa on a rotating basis, Group of Latin American and Caribbean States, Western European and Others Group/Eastern European Group on a rotating basis). Regular non-permanent seats for a two-year term, without the possibility of immediate re-election, for the following groups: small States (population below 1 million), medium-size States (population between 1 million and 10 million), Africa, Asia, Group of Latin American and Caribbean States, Eastern European Group. They proposed 2 options for the duration of longer-term seats: a) from 3 to 5 years without the possibility of immediate re-election, or b) 2-year term with the possibility of up to 2 immediate re-elections. The UFC re-proposed the 2005 document but declared that it backed the ItaloColombian proposal. The UK, France, Russia, Germany, Liechtenstein and the Republic of Korea underlined the need for an intermediate solution in order to bypass the stall in the negotiations. However, different proposals were submitted within this framework: 1. UK and France18: creation of a new category of seats with a longer mandate than that of currently elected members. On completion of this intermediate period a review should take place to convert these new seats into permanent seats; 2. Russia did not specify its idea of an interim model but underlined in its non paper of 2 March 2010 that so far none of the existing models of reforming the Council enjoys prevailing support in the UN; this ran counter to the commonly held idea of an overwhelming majority in favour of the G4 proposal. 3. The US took a stance in favour of a limited expansion of both permanent and non-permanent members. New permanent members should be identified by name (country-specific). Only the current permanent members (P5) should have the right of veto, i.e. they should continue to enjoy a right conferred by the Charter since its entry into force. 4. China is for increasing the number of SC members with priority for developing countries, especially African ones. In its Statement of 6 October 2009, however, China did not specify the number or categories of new members and was silent on the right of veto. 5. Germany finally clarified its idea of an intermediate solution on 12 November 2009. Like the UK and France, Germany states firmly that this kind of solution must be constructed in such a fashion as to pave the

17

See UFC platform on Security Council reform, 20 April 2009, available at http://www.italyun.esteri.it/NR/rdonlyres/C37FC89F-8132-4CA8-A2F9149515B37BD1/0/2009_04_17screform.pdf. 18 See UK-French Summit Declaration on Global Governance and Development, 6 July 2009, available at <http://www.franceonu.org/spip.php?Article4052.> This joint declaration has been reproposed as the UK/French Position on Reform of the United Nations Security Council , sent by Mark Lyall Grant and Gerard Araud, Permanent Representatives of United Kingdom and France, to Zahir Tanin on 1 March 2010, available at: <http://www.reformtheun.org/index.php?module=uploads&func=download&fileId=4324.>

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way for an expansion of both categories, allowing member States to make the transition to a permanent expansion of both categories at the review conference, in no less than fifteen years. 6. While the Korean proposal is closely linked to that of Italy and Colombia, Liechtensteins document19 contains some new points. It envisages the creation of a new category of seats with a longer mandate of 8/10 years with the possibility of re-election (2 for Africa, 2 for Asia, 1 for Latin America and Caribbean, 1 for Western Europe and Other States). After 16/20 years a review conference should take place, where the member States would have the possibility of converting these seats into permanent ones. 2.2. Regional representation During the negotiations, when countries address the issue of regional representation they mainly tend to refer to geographical representation, following Article 23.1 of the Charter which endorses the criterion of equitable geographical distribution. As a result, when additional member States are proposed in the models put forth by negotiators, countries are divided into blocks like African States, Asian States, Latin American and Caribbean States, Western European States, or Group of Eastern European States. These blocks reflect a mere geographical distribution of the seats and do not imply that a given country could represent anyone other than itself. It should be noted that the League of Arab States claims a permanent Arab representation in any future expansion a request echoed by France, and a regional definition not provided by the UN Resolution on groupings but of undisputed importance in the XXI century. Differing from the League of Arab States, the Organisation of the Islamic Conference proposes an adequate representation of major civilisations15, including the Islamic Ummah, in any membership categories in an expanded Security Council, so as to improve the dialogue among civilisations. The African Union, stressing the historical injustice suffered by the African continent, claims two permanent seats and five non-permanent, retaining for itself the right to appoint countries from among its members. As the African countries underline in
19

See Liechtenstein proposal on Security Council reform: elements for the intermediate model, 26 February 2010, available at: <http://www.liechtenstein.li/en/fl-aussenstelle-newyork/fl-aussenstellenewyorkdokumente/fl-aussenstelle-newyork-dokumente-un.htm.>

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almost every intervention made, these seats would not imply a regional representation that, in their opinion, would not fit the outstanding principle of sovereign equality among States. However, even this low-profile interpretation of regional representation is rejected by permanent members, namely the US and Russia, which only envisage country-specific16 admissions to the Security Council. During these last rounds of negotiations, Italy did not present anew its proposal for a European Union (EU) seat. However, both Italy and Portugal underlined the great change effected by the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. In the opinion of both countries this new reality should be translated in the manner in which the EU interacts with the Security Council20, and according to Italy must be taken into account in any further development of the SCs reform. Germany, while campaigning for its own permanent seat, has stated that the final goal in an unforeseeable future would be the creation of a European seat.21

IS THERE A NEED FOR ENLARGEMENT OF SECURITY COUNCIL


There are a number of reasons for expanding the SC. First of all, expansion of membership of UNO. The UN now counts 193 members which is a situation quite different from the situation at its foundation time and from that existing in 1963 when the Council was expanded from 11 to 15 members. There are several reasons for reforming the SC. The main ones, which have often been pointed out, are its: lack of democracy; insufficient geographical representation; lack of legitimacy for ensuring global governance; poor representation of the international community if compared with its increased powers.

20

See the Statement by Ambassador Jos Filipe Moraes Cabral, Permanent Representative of Portugal, at the informal meeting of the plenary on the intergovernmental negotiations on "The Question of Equitable Representation on and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council and related matt ers, New York, 8 December 2009, available at: <http://www.reformtheun.org/index.php?module=uploads&func=download&fileId=4152>. 21 Natalino Ronzitti, The Reform of the UN Security Council, DOCUMENT IAI 10, Dated 13 July 2010, Istituto Affari Internazionali, at p. 10-13. Available at: <www.iai.it/pdf/DocIAI/iai1013.pdf>

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Will an enlarged Council deliver the needs sought in the reform? Reform supporters are of the view that the Security Council is not efficient in its current state and it needs restructuring. However, the question arises whether this inefficiency is due to its size or because of the divergence of the decision makers security policy preferences in the Council that produces less collective action for the promotion of international security. Also, what is the guarantee that an enlarged Council of 20-23 members or of 23-26 members, as most reform proposals put forward the size of a reformed Council within this range, with or without veto right, will be more effective, cohesive in its decisions related to different world issues? Hence, to say that an enlarged Council will better serve the purpose of maintaining world peace and security is debatable. Is Size of the Council on the basis of Equitable Geographical Representation Almost all reform proposals mentioned above call for an increase in the size of the Council on the basis of equitable geographical representation because majority of the member states feels that the current distribution of permanent seats under-represents some parts of the world, especially Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, and Eastern Europe. It is an entirely valid demand on the part of the aspirant member states that the Council should incorporate the broad regional composition of the organisation. The question arises, however, as to how any country can be a representative of its region in the Security Council. Regional representation can only work when all countries of a particular region choose a specific country themselves to represent them as a permanent member in the Council and that selected regional representative agrees to protect interests of the region over its national interests. And, giving priority to regional interests over national interests will be a hard task for any aspiring state. At the same time, when we talk of equal geographical representation, then Europe is already over-represented with two seats, and the addition of one more seat would give the region the upper hand in the Council. Similarly, in the case of Asia, one representation it already has in the form of China, but the addition of two more seats or even one more seat could, in the eyes of some, make it over-represented. Such a potential over-representation would render the approach of equitable geographical representation questionable as, in this way, the inequity of regional representation would still stay. Also,

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if we talk of equitable geographical representation, then there is no mention of permanent seat for the countries from the Caribbean and Eastern Europe in any of the reform proposals. Hence, the notion of equitable geographical representation also first needs to be defined in a clear manner by the countries that desire expansion of the Council on the basis of geographical representation.22 Extended veto rights to new states may pose conflict in decision making process While these above dealt draft resolution represents a considerable step towards a meaningful discussion of enlargement, it still fails to address the three key problems that would be encountered with an expanded Council. It is curious that the veto, an issue that has caused so much resentment among the international community, would be retained and indeed extended to new permanent members. A Council of 25 members is at high risk of deadlock, with new permanent members possibly eager to assert their newfound ability to significantly influence the Councils proceedings through the use of the veto. Views of the Permanent Five No discussion of enlargement of the Security Council is complete without an overview of the opinions of the permanent five members China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. As the victors of World War II, these five states took steps to ensure that their position would be changed only with their approval. The United Kingdom and France, for their part, are enthusiastic about the prospect of enlarging the Council. France, through its then Permanent Representative to the United Nations Jean-Marc de La Sablire, stated in July 2005 that it was indispensable to enhance the effectiveness of the Security Council by ensuring that its composition better reflects the realities of todays world.23 The statement went on to express support for all bids of the Group of Four, as well as an endorsement of their
22

Nadia Sarwar, Expansion of the United Nations Security Council, available at: <http://www.issi.org.pk/publication-files/1328593104_35074620.pdf>. 23 Remarks by H. Exc. Mr. Jean-Marc de La Sablire to the General Assembly Plenary Meeting on the Question of Equitable Representation in the Security Council and Enlargement of Membership and Related Issues, 2005.

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proposal for enlargement. Karen Pierce, then Deputy Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom to the United Nations, expressed in July 2006 the United Kingdoms desire to see a Council fully representative of the modern world, and of todays United Nations.24 Pierce also voiced British support for and endorsement of the G-4 Proposal, concurring with the French statement of 2005. However, the other three permanent members the United States, Russia, and China greet proposals for Council enlargement with a cool reception or outright hostility. The position of the United States is particularly interesting, as it advocates reform, yet avoids direct statements of support or rejection. R. Nichols Burns, the State Departments Undersecretary for Political Affairs from 2005 to 2008, offered the most succinct representation of American views in a July 2005 testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.25 Stating that the United States did not think any proposal to expand the Security Council should be voted upon at this stage, his remarks built on an earlier statement in June 2005 by the State Departments Bureau of Public Affairs remarking that, effectiveness remains the benchmark for any reform.26 The American view is that reform of the Council should focus on improving efficiency and making Council actions more effective and easily implemented. Russia is reluctant to support the idea of Council reform, chiefly because the government has a voice in one of the few international bodies where the country still holds significant and unquestioned influence after the end of the Cold War. Sergei Lavrov, the Russian representative to the United Nations, stated the Russian opinion succinctly when he remarked that, any restriction of the status enjoyed by the current permanent members is unacceptable.27 While Russia has reluctantly accepted the two-plus-three proposal in theory so as not to seem obstructionist, there can be little
24

Statement by H.E. Karen Pierce, the Deputy Permanent Representative of the Mission of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, to the General Assembly Plenary Meeting on the Question of Equitable Representation on the Increase in the Membership of the Security Council and Follow-up to the Outcome of the Millennium Summit, 2006. 25 U.S. Views on UN Reform, Security Council Expansion. The American Journal of International Law 99, no. 4 (2005): 906-908. 908. The American viewpoint is best realized in Burns statement that we cannot let discussion on expansion divert our attention from, and delay action on, other important, more urgently needed UN reforms. 26 United States Department of State. U.S. Priorities for a Stronger, More Effective United Nations . Available at: http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/48439.pdf. 27 Statement by Sergei Lavrov to the Open-Ended Working Group of the General Assembly on Security Council Reform, 29 May 1998. This built on an earlier statement that rejected the notion that the right of veto is an anachronism inherited from the Cold War, but that it is rather a critically important and indispensable component in the smooth functioning of the Council. (Statement by Sergei Lavrov to the Open-Ended Working Group of the General Assembly on Security Council Reform, 22 May 1996).

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doubt that Russia would use its coveted veto if forced into a vote for the Councils enlargement. China, the final permanent member, has maintained an ambiguous stance and kept its cards close to the chest on the contentious veto issue.28 The conclusion must be that the reasons in favour of a SC reform outweigh those against. Whether a real reform is feasible is quite another question. The reform should involve not only the SC members, but also the right of veto. Other reforms may be achieved through day-to-day practice, without amending the Charter. At most, one may conceive of one or more amendments to the Councils rules of procedure, for instance regarding its working methods. As Jacobs Silas Lund pointed out, allowing things to remain as they are [] may be a much more realistic option than one might assume. He points out, mentioning an insiders opinion, that even the G4 countries fear that the non-expansion option might be a possible outcome of the current negotiating effort. Nor is the reform of the right of veto gaining currency. On the other hand it is almost impossible to circumvent the amendment formal procedure by having recourse to a kind of customary amendment through practice. This would be impossible for reforming UN organs. The conclusion is very pessimistic, since some of the P5 countries are more than happy to see reform moving at near-zero-velocity speed.29

CONCLUSION
Expansion of the UN Security Council is an important issue, but the process would take time. It will require many rounds of thorough discussions and negotiations. Genuine negotiations will require compromises as well as clarity on defined positions. The major criticism on the current composition of the SC is not so much its lack of efficiency as the deficit of its representation and an indefinite stalemate risks of delegitimizing the SC. The real problem is the scope and the content of the reform. A further point is how that reform might be achieved. It seems that the majority of UN members share the opinion that the SC should be enlarged. This opinion is also gaining currency within the P5, in spite of their fear that an enlarged SC might diminish their role. A better representation of the international community is requested for other forums such as the G8 and its expansion towards G14 and G20. This is a trend that should not be
28 29

Malik, J M. Security Council Reform: China Signals Its Veto. World Policy Journal (2005): 19-27. 20. See Jacob Silas Lund, Pros and Cons of Security Council Reform, op. cit.

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overlooked. As to the number of non-permanent seats, opinions vary. However, a SC made up of 20 members (permanent and non-permanent) seems a realistic expectation. There are still differences of opinion on the duration of non-permanent seats and whether the reform should be for an intermediate span of time. The UFC has succeeded in slowing down the process but we have to see how far the group remains successful in its attempt as the G4 is getting impatient and India, one of the G4 members, is enthusiastically pressing ahead with its campaign. Also, there is not much unity in this group because while Pakistan is ready to give space to Africa as a permanent member, not all the other UFC members are willing to do that. Similarly, the G-4 is also not united. They have made compromises on the veto issue, but the African Group has not. Brazil, Germany, and Japan are willing to go for the intermediary model solution, but India is not. The same is the case with permanent membership of the Council. The Permanent five also carries difference of opinion on the issue of expansion of the Council. There is no agreement among them about who should be allowed to become permanent members. On the one side, France and Britain support the G-4 group, and on the other, China and Russia support the UFC groups position. Africa stands between these two divides; enjoying the support of France, Britain, China and Russia, whereas the U.S. has adopted the policy of supporting country-specific admissions to the Council for permanent membership. Thus, America supports the Indian and Japanese candidatures. In a world where geopolitical rivalry is intensifying, the expansion of the UNSC will be a tough task. It will be hard to create a win-win scenario for all groups. No progress seems likely unless all groups agree to make compromises in their current standpoints.

REFERENCES
Dr. S. K. Kapoor, International Law & Human Rights, 18th ed., 2011, Central Law Agency. Rumki Basu, The United Nations, Structure and Functions of an International Organisation, 2004, Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Kara C. McDonald and Stewart M. Patrick, UN Security Council Enlargement and U.S. Interests, Council Special Report No. 59 December 2010, Council on

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Foreign Relations, International Institutions and Global Governance Program. Available at: <http://www.cfr.org/international-organizations-and-alliances/unsecurity-council-enlargement-us-interests/p23363>. Natalino Ronzitti, The Reform of the UN Security Council, DOCUMENT IAI 10, Dated 13 July 2010, Istituto Affari Internazionali. Available at: <www.iai.it/pdf/DocIAI/iai1013.pdf>. Nadia Sarwar, Expansion of the United Nations Security Council, available at: <http://www.issi.org.pk/publication-files/1328593104_35074620.pdf>. Ryan Davis, An Unrealistic Proposal: an argument against the Enlargement of The United Nations Security Council, International Affairs Review. Available at: <http://www.iargwu.org/sites/default/files/articlepdfs/An%20Unrealistic%20Proposal.pdf>. Jonas von Freiesleben, Reform of the Security Council, Article no. 1, Managing Change at the United Nations, at pg 1. Available at: <

http://globalsolutions.org/files/public/documents/ManagingChange-1.pdf>. Websites: http://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/france-priorities/united-nations/united-nationsinstitutions-and/organs-provided-for-in-the-charter/article/united-nations-securitycouncil. http://www.unc.edu/depts/diplomat/item/2008/1012/comm/vargas_un.html. http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2012/ga11313.doc.htm. http://www.franceonu.org/france-at-the-united-nations/thematic-files/unreform/security-council-reform/article/security-council-reform. http://www.munfw.org/archive/45th/cr2.htm. https://www.globalpolicy.org/security-council/security-councilreform/membership-including-expansion-and-representation.html. http://www.centerforunreform.org/?q=node/35. http://www.csmonitor.com/Commentary/John-Hughes/2011/0120/It-s-time-toexpand-the-UN-Security-Council.-But-who-gets-a-seat. http://www.hbokennisbank.nl/en/page/hborecord.view/?uploadId=haagsehogeschool%3Aoai%3A repository.hh.nl%3A1424.

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