Drowning Sand And the Holy Banana Tree

The tale of people with disability and their neighbors coping with Sharbanasha floods in the Brahmaputra-Jamuna Chars of Bangladesh

By Khurshid Alam Ashekur Rahman Omar Farok Fazlul Kabir and Naureen Fatema

March 2007 Dhaka

Table of Contents
Drowning Sand ..................................................................................................................1 And the Holy Banana Tree...............................................................................................1

Prologue
This document is not an in-depth analysis of the char peoples local knowledge and coping mechanism on recurrent flooding. Rather, the reports major contribution to the existing disaster reduction knowledge in Bangladesh is an analysis of how and whether people with disabilities are included when communities define and apply various strategies to deal with flood. This knowledge is critical in implementing at least two priorities in the Hyogo Framework for Action 2005-2015, adopted in the World Conference on Disaster Reduction in Japan in 2005: a). Identify, assess and monitor disaster risks and enhance early warning and b). Reduce the underlying risk factors as one of the five priorities for action. This report offers knowledge to fill the missing link between strategy for disaster reduction in Bangladesh and beyond and advancing rights of the people with disabilities in disasters. This missing link is contracted various manageable factors often overlooked by the community, NGO and public policy and practices on disaster reduction. This document is prepared based on char people experience dealing with floods. Therefore, my warmest thanks are due for the people in Mollar Char and Sonatoni Char who have spent time with the research team to share their experiences during the busy winter when day light does not last long. The report has been prepared with active technical, financial and intellectual support from Handicap International. I am grateful to my friends at HI offices in Bangladesh and France, who have strong humane perspective, deep passion and conviction for the people with disabilities, for their involvement from design to making the language of this report politically correct for People with disabilities. Many colleagues and friends have generously encouraged and assisted me over a long period when the drowning sand and the holy banana tree was in the making. First, the team of authors who helped me in designing, training the field research team and finally writing this up. They have answered many questions and commented on the draft. Second the field research team comprised of young and energetic researchers, who have done remarkable work under difficult circumstances. The political unrest, particularly during the cold spell in the winter of 2006, put the study team in a situation where they had to start their travel very early in the morning. My congratulations should go to the dedication of Md. Abdur Rahman, Md. Jahangir Alam, Ms. Farzana Mustahid, Md. Kamal Hossain, Md. Mazedul Islam Limon and Ms. Shamsi Ara Happy. It is also important to write a few words about the naming of the report. Chars are large pieces of land in the river where sand has deposited layer by layer over years. Bhanga and gora (which roughly translated means destruction and reconstruction) is the rule of the game for such chars, used in many folk songs in Bangla music, to explain its nature. The sandy char is eroded by the river, sinks down and rises again somewhere else. Life of char people also moves with such bhanga and gora phenomena. This drowning sand is the most important characteristic of chars that has shaped char peoples life throughout the generations. In contrast, the banana tree is the holy rescuer at any cost. It has many uses for char people, both during their normal and flooding life. People make raft out of this. Banana trees provide fruits for consumption as well as a source of regular income. Many char people can be seen going to the rural market with a bunch of bananas to sell. During the seasonal food crisis, people also eat part of the plant as curry. It serves as a barrier around the house, giving privacy to the women during flood and can also be used by them as a floating toilet. Banana leaves are also fed to goats when grazing land goes under water. Thus, the entire life of char people is centered on drowning sand and the holy banana tree. I feel that I have been preparing myself to write this report on char for the last ten years. During this time I visited different chars of the northern Bangladesh several times. But after completing

this study, I realised that my observations on char people have always been partial. I and many of my fellow researchers did not see how people with different disabilities have been missed by our past researches, as well as many of the well designed studies done by respected researchers. Its surprising how professionalized assignment can divide a researchers view towards life! The deeper I go to understand char peoples vulnerability, the more I come back with questions. This report is no exception; it addressed few of the gaps in existing collective knowledge on disaster reduction in Bangladesh in general and char livelihood in particular; but highlights more issues for further research. Finally, on behalf of the authors team I would like to conclude by saying that the Char people have shared their views and experiences with us with an untold expectation that institutions responsible for bringing forward their right will listen to their voices. Our effort will be success if this report contributes towards changing perspective and knowledge of the key policy makers engaged in disaster reduction.

Khurshid Alam Banani, Dhaka www.khurshidalam.org

Introduction
Background
This report is the story of people with disability and their communities, living in two of the most vulnerable chars of Bangladesh - Mollar Char in Gaibandha and Sonatoni Char in Sirajganj district. Both the chars are located in the Jamuna-Brahmaputra river system. One would find the names of these chars as targets to even the mildest floods in Bangladesh and they prove to be the worst sufferers if the rivers get angry, which they quite often do. Beside their chronic poverty and hunger, frequent natural disasters - particularly flood, river erosion and northwester further add to the uncertainties in their life. Yet, the char people have developed their local knowledge to predict flood and mechanisms to cope with exceptional circumstances caused by the floods. The way people deal with such flooding may change over time. Various factors influence their ability to cope. Then the vital question for Bangladesh remains unanswered: whether any public and private policy contributes to this coping mechanism? Why do they remain poor even when the media comments that Bangladeshi poor have the ability to cope with flood? This report also goes into a deeper analysis of such questions. The research questions and their relevance to Bangladesh The study tried to understand how char people as communities, where many people with disability live, understand the probability of occurrence of a flood, its scale and potential impact, with little or no help from modern flood early warning information. How the local science and arts, developed and practiced over hundreds of years, maintained its relevance in the life of char people when flooding itself is changing its pattern due to climate change and other developmental processes. It also designed to explore core issues in peoples coping mechanism when they sense an imminent flood, manage their livelihood during a flood and recover from the losses after the disaster. This study reassessed all of these questions based on the experiences of char people, particularly people with disabilities, engaging in each of the above processes. Four research questions: a) What are the indigenous knowledge used by the char people and People with disabilities to get early warning on floods? What is the effectiveness of such knowledge in predicting floods? How is this knowledge transmitted to the next generation? How do close family members and community leaders and neighbor share prediction information with People with disabilities? To what extent does that knowledge generate action at the community level? What are the factors that can explain action or inaction in the community? b) How do char people cope with regular flood disaster in terms of preparedness, rescue, taking shelter, maintaining livelihoods and accessing critical services including external assistance? What type of preparation do households take before a flood? Whether and how, if at all, the external factors (availability of job, food etc) influence communities coping mechanism? c) To what extent does community coping strategy incorporate the special need of People with disabilities? d) Is there any special coping strategy that People with disabilities develop and adapt in dealing with similar circumstances (or different ones)?

Why are the answers to these questions necessary? First, they are important in the search for a caring Bangladesh that reduces vulnerability of all members irrespective of their identity and ability. Second, newer inquiries are needed on how local knowledge can be strengthen in the context of new social and political environment where increasing disasters are taking place in Bangladesh and in the world. This new environment can be characterized by a sharp decline of demand and supply of public goods as a result of neo-liberal policies and peoples increasing dependency on formal institutions, rather than social network. There are two ways to deal with the global disaster problems: a) strengthening peoples coping strategies and b) responsive governance for disaster reduction. The study contributes toward limiting knowledge gap of the first way.

The study framework: Defining coping mechanism and indigenous knowledge

Vulnerable communities collectively and its members individually develop their own ways to deal with exceptional circumstances caused by disasters, which is generally called coping mechanism or strategy1. Coping is the manner in which people act within the limits of existing resources and range of expectations to achieve various ends (At risk 2004). Coping with disaster means the way in which people or organizations use available resources and abilities to mitigate adverse consequences that could lead to a disaster. Coping mechanism/strategy is a dynamic process, which adapt to external changes and can be weakened or strengthened by wider policy and institutional action. The strengthening of coping capacities usually builds resilience to withstand the effects of natural and human-induced hazards (UNISDR). Coping strategies are very specific to culture and are governed by a range of available resources, experiences and value system2. While there are specific forms of collective strategies constructed by leadership, skills, available resources, knowledge and power and value system of the community, not all individual or households follow similar strategy. Individuals fit into the collective strategy based on their ability, knowledge and experience. The key question that remains as a knowledge gap is whether such collective strategies acknowledge, consider and address specific needs of the vulnerable groups such as people with disabilities (People with disabilities). For example, while planning a rescue by boat or increase of plinth level of tube-wells or houses, the community may or may not consider mobility and accessibility constraints of the People with disabilities. Distinction between coping mechanism and adaptation in relation to overall life and livelihood strategy of a community is an important issue to factor into a coping study. In a given disaster context, communitys regular life and livelihood strategy may or may not be effective to deal with the existing or likely disasters; they may need new or revised strategy to deal with such context. Coping is the temporary form of strategy used by the community until disaster circumstances become normal. When recurrent nature of disasters impact can not be withstood by existing coping mechanism and community or individual needs to change their regular life and livelihood strategy for a longer term, we call it adaptation. However, this study does not separate adaptation from coping rather combines them under the coping strategy conceptual framework.
1

Alam, Khurshid. 2006. Why should community coping mechanism be the centre of disaster reduction policy and practices? Key note paper for CCDB south Asia conference on Community Coping Mechanism. www.khurshidalam.org
2

ibid

A coping mechanism may affect overall livelihood system. For example, shifting houses to cope with flood may cost in terms of increased distance for child education. Such cost can vary for different groups of vulnerable people, such as People with disabilities. Therefore, they also develop and apply various other mechanisms to deal with such effect, which can be understood as direct, indirect and opportunity cost of coping. To sum it up, Community Coping Strategy (CCS) was used to refer a set of actions that the community adapts, to: avoid (an anticipated) disaster: these actions are mostly related with preparedness and mitigation measures manage an exceptional circumstance and bring about a normalcy in life and livelihoods (after a disaster).

The fieldwork
Methodology The conclusions in the report were drawn based on char peoples experience in dealing with floods. In order to document these experiences following methodological framework was used: A cause-effect analysis, designed to understand peoples experiences on changing pattern of flood and their perceived causes. A 30 year time span was used to understand such a change in the flood pattern. Considering dynamic nature of coping mechanism and indigenous knowledge, a set of questions were designed to facilitate dialogue and discussion with people. In order to understand how concerns of People with disabilities are considered in developing and applying various strategies at households and community level, the research included views from many different categories of people including People with disabilities. The key informants were chosen from the range of decision makers at household and community level. Both individual interview and group discussions were conducted and the conclusions are validated at various levels, including one final discussion organized in Gaibandha.

Following are the tools applied to collect information: Focus Group Discussion (FGD): an average number of 10-12 people participated in each of the FGDs. Cause effect analysis was part of the FGDs, which made an entry point to the discussion on household and community level coping mechanism. Key Informant Interview: these interviews were carried out to collect more collective information from local knowledgeable person such as school headmasters, community leaders, member of union council etc. In-depth Interview: individual and household level experience dealing with the most recent flood was gathered through this exercise. The care taker or family members were interviewed for people having speech and hearing impairment.

Participants in the study A total number of 148 people participated, desegregated in the following manner: 3 group gender and ability desegregated FGDs were conducted in Sonatoni where 80 people participated. Among them, 24 individuals were further interviewed of which 8 of them were persons with disabilities. A total of 16 individuals were selected for Key Informant Interview, where 4 of them were People with disabilities. In Gaibandha, a total of 68 individuals participated in data collection processes. 3 FGDs were conducted for male, female and People with disabilities (male and female together). Each of them had 13 participants. 29 Interviews were taken where 1 was a child, 8 of them were People with disabilities, 2 of them were females heading household and 18 of them were farmers and others.

Careful attention has been given so that conclusions represent as many perspectives as possible of different category of char people desegregated by gender, generation, ability, occupation and identity. The category of people who where identified by previous studies as most vulnerable such as small holder farmers, female headed households, families with members with disability were particularly chosen for FGDs and interviews. The study did not intend to generalize the findings to wider flood prone areas. So people living in the selected chars were chosen as the primary source of information. Characteristics of the study participants: lived in the selected char for at least the last 5 years, having experience of floods and/or river erosion in their lives poor people having less access to the basic facilities than well off living in the chars members of the community which included some people with disability, and/or their care giver occupation-subsistent farmers, wage laborers, migrant workers most of them were more than 40 years old (to capture a bigger trend of changes in flood and coping with it)

Research team composition A well trained and gender and disability balanced team was put together for the field work. Accessibility and communication has always been a challenge for the participation of the People with disabilities in the discussion. In order to include views from people with different types of disabilities, two trained occupational therapists facilitated the group discussion with People with disabilities. Cases where there was a particular hearing, speech and intellectual impairment or children with disability, the principle caretakers were interviewed to understand the perspective of People with disabilities. A field tested guideline was used by the research team who also went through a rigorous training and regular de-briefing in the field.

Chapter One
Tale of the Drowning Sand and the Holy Banana Tree
1.1 Life in Chars

When talking about the people living in the chars of Bangladesh, one is likely to conjure a few sharply contrasting images. If asked, people living in the mainland may comment that the char is a place for lazy people (ushmani murgi) who fight each other. According to Zaman (1989), mainlanders refer to the distinct lifestyle of the rural people living in the riverine chars as a Choura (an adjective used to denote a lifestyle pertaining to chars) sub-culture, which is somewhat different from the ways of the people living in the mainland. Mainlanders use the term Choura with a negative connotation and regard the char people as primitive, lazy, bitter and violent. These extremely vulnerable and eternally mobile people may be poor but one would find their children happily running around in the vast paddy fields. They are friendly people who lead simple lives. In contrast to what mainlanders tend to think, both men and women living in chars are hard working. In spite of living under the constant threat of floods endangering their lives and other prized possessions, these people never fall short of either the spirit to fight for their own survival or to help their neighbors in whatever capacity they can manage. And although one can find piles of literature on the vulnerability and insecurity of char people in the office shelves of aid agencies, if asked, the char people may boldly reply that, Though we shift our houses every year, we still dont want to leave the char. The ethnic and religious identity of the char people is no different from the rest of the country. The common characteristic of these people is that they are poor people living in shanty houses with thatched roofs and bare minimal resources to survive on. What makes them unite against the remoteness is not services by the government, but their common enemy the constant threat of flood and eroding sand in the chars. 1.2 Chars of the Brahmaputra and Jamuna rivers

Bangladesh in general is subject to floods because much of the country occupies the deltaic floodplains of the Brahmaputra/Jamuna, Gagnes/Padma and Meghna rivers, which is the second largest river system in the world. The Brahmaputra-Jamuna river channel is strongly braided: i.e. it has multiple channels, separated by alluvial islands, which through their constant shifting erode the islands and adjoining river banks. In the process, they deposit new alluvium in places which in turn forms new alluvial chars. The Jamuna is notorious for its shifting sub channels and for the formation of these fertile silt islands or chars. These alluvial river chars are different from islands for the following reasons: They are temporary in nature There is a random occurrence of flood in these chars Char people are treated as different from the mainlanders. They are the people living in semisubsistence economic systems.

The whole of the char areas are environmentally fragile, unstable and prone to flooding since very little of the land is over 20 meters above sea level, leading to a process in which land can become

submerged and then later re-emerge3. Once these chars emerge, they change and human populations make use of the chars in differing ways as the land develops. One progression takes a char from sand deposition to siltation, and then to some kind of vegetation (usually grasses), followed after a period of years by cultivation and eventually human settlement. Given the vagaries of the river morphology, the process can be aborted at any point, and the prospects of change in a given char are a major topic of conversation amongst char men and women. Settlements can be established on a temporary basis while people wait to see whether the island chars will stabilize or lose itself to erosion once again. However, no permanent settlements can exist along the banks of the Jamuna. Because of the constant erosion and deposition, Brahmaputra-Jamuna char land provides a highly unstable environment for human occupation and use.4

A map showing GBM system, where Bangladesh and char areas will be shown
Sonatoni Char of Sirajgonj division is a delta surrounded by the Jamuna River and Mollar Char is one of the many chars of Bangladesh situated in Gaibandha division. This char has been named so after Mollahs (religious people) who lived in the char. The key characteristics of both the chars are quite similar. There are no roads built in these chars and pavements have been naturally formed on the commonly used tracks that run through fields and the courtyard of their houses. Since no form of transport is available in the chars walking is the sole form of commuting. Boats are used to travel to another char or to the town. The most common occupation in both chars is day labour. Many people migrate to towns in search of employment where they serve as richshaw (local form of transport) pullers or try to earn a living through any available chore. The women are engaged in, household tasks, in paddy fields or in rearing poultry, cows and goats. Rice and green leaves, grown either in their fields or on the roof of their houses, forms a crucial part of their daily consumption. Groups of charland homesteads are set amid fields or sandy lands, and the layout of most settlements is linear; clustered groupings of households are less frequent than in mainland areas. Homesteads are arranged in groups of 2 to 20 households in continuous broken lines set apart from each other. These homesteads are often built along the higher land of ridges that are least affected by flood waters. The organization of homesteads ( baris) is similar to that of mainland homesteads, most consisting of a group of three to five structures for cooking, sleeping and storage set around a central courtyard that is partly shielded by a small fence. Related households often live in adjacent homesteads. . Majority of the houses are built using tin and hay and most houses can be found surrounded by the banana plant and other shrubs. 1.3 Drowning sand and the holy banana tree

Chars of the Brahmaputra-Jamuna river system are targets to even the mildest floods in Bangladesh. Though normal monsoon floods in char lands tend to last for a few weeks, floods can occur several times during the monsoon season making, it difficult to repeatedly recover from its losses. Erosion is a continuous and related hazard, resulting in villages being less permanent as households are forced to move when erosion accelerates or threatens the structural integrity of
3

Matin and Taher, 2001, as quoted in Planning against Risk: Tools for Analyzing Vulnerability in Remote Rural Areas, Chars Organizational Learning Paper 2, Chars Livelihoods Programme, 2004.

The constant changes in the location and depth of channels also provides problems for navigation by cargo and ferry boats and for maintaining river ports and ferry ghats (mini harbours), Brammer, H. 2005: Can Bangladesh be Protected from Floods?
4

10

the char. The sandy char is eroded by the river, sinks down and rises again somewhere else. Just like chars, the life of char people is also characterized by such bhanga and gora (a continuous process of destruction and reconstruction) phenomena. This drowning sand is the most important character of char that has shaped char peoples life throughout the generations. Char erosion and accretion results in more people being displaced, and in the BrahmaputraJamuna, about 90 percent of the within bank area had changes between char and water at least once during 1973-92. Therefore majority of char inhabitants are likely to have moved at least once during this period (ISPAN 1995). There are many people who have such experience as many as 12-15 times in their life. The physical environment in chars can be quite difficult with frequent occurrence of floods and erosion. However, given the scarcity of land in the country, the people living in chars do not have many options. The cultivation of either own land or through sharecropping 5 is the single most important livelihood options for the middle well being char people. The major crops include paddy, jute, kaun (local variety of rice), maize, wheat, sugarcane, sweet potato, groundnut and vegetables. A few fundamental factors determine the cultivation: deposition of sand that determines the fertility of a particular soil, intensity and time of a particular disaster and availability of irrigation. Other livelihood options - migration, livestock and banana - form informal income-subsistence. The largely agricultural-based economies of the chars are also characterized by varying degrees of fishing and livestock-rearing activities. Though there is no major variation in the livelihood and coping strategy in different type of chars, since most of the people within a char are subject to similar socio-economic conditions. But individual and household characteristics such as age, sex and physical and economical ability may explain degree of impact of a particular risk on a particular individual or groups. Possession of assets6 is the most important issue, limitation of which makes people vulnerable. In this analysis, peoples asset base and ability to use these determine the successful outcome of livelihood and risk management strategy. In chars, the differences between middle and the poor is not very significant in terms of asset base7. This number (around 20-25 per cent of total population8) particularly in the island chars, are women headed households - which are the most vulnerable in terms of asset base, vulnerability and livelihood options. Food insecurity in riverine chars is a function of shocks and stresses that affect the availability, access and utilization of food. Crop losses resulting from floods and erosion reduce the availability of food at both the household and community levels. Fisheries resources, traditionally a source of both income and food, continue to decline in char areas. Floods and erosion also affect the physical assets of households, especially the poorer households located on river banks and the lowest part of the char, through loss of assets when floods occur too quickly for households to move and through forced sales to cover movement and/or recovery costs. Resulting reductions in income limit access to food and reduce a households ability to cope.
5

The percentage of household owning cultivable land is estimated at 35.9while 41.8% are sharecroppers. Char Livelihoods Project, Household Baseline Survey, 2005. 6 According to the Household Baseline Survey conducted in 2005 by the Chars Livelihood Project, an average of Taka 1864 worth of livestock and Taka 1672 worth of other assets per household have been lost due to flood/erosion in chars per year. 7 Alam. Khurshid. Options for livelihood programme. Input to the designing of Chars Livelihood Programmes. DFID. Bangladesh. 8 Around 5% char household are women headed. Char Livelihoods Project, Household Baseline Survey, 2005.

11

During periods when food is in short supply for low income households, a number of coping strategies are undertaken. Among the many coping strategies, discussed in the following chapters, in contrast to the drowning sand and the curse it brings with itself, the banana tree emerges as the holy savior of the char people. It has many uses for char people both during their normal and flooding life. People make bhela (raft) out of its thick stem, which forms a vital mode of transport during floods. Banana trees provide fruits for consumption as well as a source of regular income. During the seasonal or flood induced food crisis, people eat part of the banana plant as a curry. It also helps serve as a boundary around the house, giving privacy to the women during flood and is often used by them as a floating toilet when regular latrines are inundated by flood. Banana leaves are also fed to the goat when grazing land goes under water. Thus, the entire life of char people is centered around the drowning sand and the holy banana tree.

12

Chapter Two
The Changing Nature of Floods
Days are not like they used to be; winter doesnt come at winter season heat is also not likely at summer. There is no guarantee that seasonal characteristics will be followed.

2.1 Facing angry floods

Bhanga dea is a local term char people use to refer to shifting houses after losing their homestead due to river erosion (they also shift when erosion is close to their homestead). Shaheda Begum, a housewife in Mollar char, shifted her house about 30 times in her life. At the age of 74, she still remembers the sufferings she faced in the 1974 flood 9. Since then, flood has become a part of her life that visited her almost every year excepting 2005 and 2006. Having lasted for 3 months, the devastations of the 1988 flood have created a mark in the mind of the char people. It still seems like a nightmare, says Shaheda Begum. Water came through the Brahmaputra gradually and heavy rains made it worst. Most of the houses in Mollar char washed away. People lost their standing crop; many poultry and livestock died. But diarrhea was more in 1998 compared to the flood in 1988 because owing to the current being not very strong, human waste was stuck here and there. I lost my son as there was no doctor to see him, said a mother who participated in the group discussion. In 2004, flood came in the Bangla month of Sravan (4th month of Bengali calendar). It came suddenly and rose up to 4 feet high in the courtyard and lasted a month. In Sonatoni, the hand looms had to be stopped and crops were destroyed. Most of our neighbors are handloom workers. They had no work for about 6 months, says Sobura Khatun, who is physically impaired. In the flood of 2000, water came gradually in the Bangla month of Ashyan (6 th month of Bengali calendar). It rose up to 1 foot and stayed for a month. 2006 was a drought year. We could not even plant. Moderate flood is good for char people as it deposits a layer of silt and that increasees the fertility of the land. Otherwise, the char is just a piece of land with a sea of sand. No high quality grass can grow for the livestock to feed on. Buffalos do not want to move out of the water sheds, she mentioned. The stories above not only presented a picture of human suffering from and helplessness to the angry and mighty flood they face almost every year, but also the changing nature of flood. Coping with floods that have a regular and predictable frequency, magnitude and impact is something char people were used to. But many argue that since flood has become more unpredictable, their way of dealing with flood is not always effective. Flood remains even longer for people with disability. People who do not have disability can be active once water recedes, but we have to wait until the sand is completely dry. This chapter deals with how the nature of flood is changing, as experienced by the char people.
9

The flood that occurred in 1974 in Bangladesh was moderately severe, with over 2000 deaths, affected 58% of the country, followed by famine with over 30,000 deaths. An overview of Disasters & Disaster Communications in Bangladesh, presented by Md. Golam Razzaque, ITU/ESCAP Disaster Communications Workshop, December 2006, Bangkok.

13

2.2 Changing nature of floods

The general trend of flooding in Bangladesh shows that the frequency of flood continues to grow10; serious flood causing extensive crop damage occurs every 3-5 years on average. Catastrophic flood, in the scale of those that occurred in 1974, 1987, 1988, 1998 and 2004 occur on an average of every 10-20 years11.Disaster practioners in Bangladesh agree that catastrophic flood is likely to increase its occurrence period to every 6 years. Flood has not only become much more unpredictable than before, both in terms of onset and scale, but also lasts longer than it used to earlier. Char people have their own way of dealing with floods as the rule of game is known to them. But when such nature gets changed but their ability to cope remains the same, searching for the rule must start from scratch. But what happened when floods hit people when they are not sure what to do? Scientists have predicated that climate change and developmental factors are likely to change the pattern and nature of flood in Bangladesh. While the scientific evidence for the impacts of climate change for specific rivers or specific location is sparse, many people in chars believe the climate to be changing. They identify climate change as one of the major causes of flooding. The developmental processes, together with climate change, make them more vulnerable to floods. Poor char people are already experiencing increasing frequency and intensity of flood. Hotath bonna (sudden flood) has become more regular these days. We can not even take any preparation. Nine women with disbility participated in a group discussion in Sonatoni. Flood used to come in the month of Ashar-Srabon (April-May) on regular basis, but this rule has been changed. Nowadays, char people experienced that sometimes it comes early, sometimes later than Ashar-Srabon. It is no more regular. It even comes twice a year.
It is difficult to say whether flood will occur or what type it will be. Water used come in a particular time in May/June, now it even comes in August/September. But if we get drought in one year, we get a severe flood the next year. Therefore, there will be a big flood in 2007. This is the belief of people in my community. I know this from my childhood. However, flood these days are more unpredictable. Nurjahan. 40y. Mollar Char. Gaibandha (a blind woman).

The way flood water used to come in the char has changed. Water used to come gradually. Nowadays water comes suddenly and rapidly and as a result flood level rises quickly. We do not get time to shift our stuff and livestock, said Sobura Khatun. Flood these days cause more damage to asset, crops, and livestock. However, flood-related mortality has reduced as a result of increased awareness on disaster preparedness. Duration of flood is longer these days. As a result, it overlaps with paddy cultivation such as Aman (local variety), so people are going for IRRI (another variety of rice). Many people cultivate winter crop instead, if they sense an imminent flood that year. This year (2006) people
10

Authors note: Since flood occurs every year, the key problem with a trend analysis is an absence of agreed classification of floods. The oldest flood research done by Professor Mahalanabis (report on rainfall and floods in north Bengal 1870-1922) put return period as: moderate flood once in 2 years and severe flood once in 6-7 years. 11 Brammer 2004: Can Bangladesh be Protected from Floods? University Press Limited.

14

faced drought in the flooding time, so there is no paddy in the field. The entire stock of crop has become red (as they are burnt), said a villager. Scale and intensity has become unpredictable, though probability of flood can be predicted. If floods come on time they get better quality crops. Sand deposits if there is no flood. I sensed a flood in 2004. But I never realised it would be so severe. Suddenly I saw water flooded our couch. Current was so strong, I though it would wash away my old aunt who is a physically impaired person. Then I cut the rope of the fence so that water could pass through the house. I kept a close eye on my aunt fearing that water may take her away. To have at least some harvest, farmers try to go for diversification in cropping. For example they harvest crops such as kaun rice (local variety), nuts, dhaincha (a type of leguminous crop) - i.e. non-traditional crops which are either flood-proof or can be harvested at lean season after flood. There is also an issue about selecting land for harvesting. Due to unpredictability of flooding, farmers are discouraged from using low land for harvesting. So, those who have land or the opportunity to sow at high land prefer not to risk sowing seeds at lower lands (which are more vulnerable to floods). For the same reason of unpredictability of flooding and non-forecasted loss, gradually the occupations of farmers are changing or shifting into non-farm activities. Seasonal migration from chars is predominantly high and increasing day by day. It is becoming more and more difficult to say how the future flooding will be in terms of time and severity and how it would impact the chars. Knowing the risk no one stop cultivating paddy. When we sense flood may come we cut the paddy in the low-lying land even if its not completely ripe said participants in FGD-person with disability-female. Highest and inundation coverage is more, area flooded because water spreads quickly as the river loses depth.

2.3 Causes for the changing nature of flood, as perceived by char people
Flood protection structures also have an affect on the flood pattern in the chars. After establishing embankment at Koijhuri, secured area is safer for the time being, but there is a risk of more damage if somehow embankment fails (due to damage, overflow etc.). The areas that are not within embankment are having more severe flood (e.g. Sonatoni). Can we control a river? People who participated in the group discussion concluded that, After establishing embankments, there has been a difference in the pattern of flooding between mainland and island char. Flood comes almost every year in island Chars whatever the degree-mild or severe. The mainland chars are protected during a normal flooding because of the embankment. But minor floods can cause major impacts if embankment fails. Damages and sufferings are higher in Island Chars . Many local people think the Farakka Barrage is the reason for irregular occurrence of floods; they also think that sedimentation is increasing and depth is decreasing because of the barrage. Some have commented that embankment has significant influences in the irregular or untimely occurrence of the flood. In chars, protection of assets has not improved much as people are still living below the poverty line. But consciousness about water and sanitation has increased among people as few NGO programs are working with these issues.

15

Chapter Three
Indigenous Knowledge about Early Warning of Floods
Flood early warning does not help us as we can not afford to do much about it. We make our portable oven collect some firewood and change the bamboo pillar of our house or try to keep some money in hand by selling some poultry. What else can we do? 3.1 Understanding the rules of the game Whether or not flood will occur is Gods will. But the elderly say that there will be a severe flood every three years, says local trader Nazrul Islam, who lives in Mollar char. But we can not do anything in particular even when we can sense a flood coming. His only goat died in the last flood when grazing land went under water. How could one gather grass? he continues, goats are not like cows, which can be fed straw and dry food that can be accumulated before flood. Eventually it got sick but there was no vet in our char. The government vets do not come here since they are not provided with transport budget and I did not have the boat fare to take it to somewhere else. I could not sell it since no one wants to buy a sick goat. They would offer a cheap price in exchange. I did not slaughter it because I thought the flood would recede rapidly, like previous flood when I was able to collect some grass for it. The story of Nazruls goat unveils the most important aspect of char life: the unpredictable nature of floods. This uncertainty shapes every aspect of the life of char people. He could have sold the goat if he knew the rule. In order to unveil the uncertainty and rules of game of the river, people have traditionally developed local science and arts to predict flooding. This science has been tested, practiced and sustained over time and passed on to future generations as science and belief. With many interactions and interface with modern science, technology and ideology, many of them still exist and are practiced in the chars of northern Bangladesh. By using indigenous knowledge people search for three answers: onset, duration and possible scale of flooding. Up until the late 80s, radio, television and newspapers were not that common in the rural areas, and were hardly found in the chars. But nowadays char people get Flood Early Warning (FEW) information from newspapers, radio and mobile phones. However, access to these sources are higher in Mainland Char than Island Chars. NGO presence, increased mobility towards city centers and awareness about flood preparedness have made people conscious about reliability of flood early warning. However, majority of the people interviewed in this study could not remember whether they have heard about official prediction about flood, but about flood in general. With a value free approach towards reliability and credibility of that knowledge, the study has documented a diverse array of indigenous knowledge that is being used at present to predict flood. Some people consider these as Advance warnings which turns out to be true at times and false at other times. By classifying the symptoms that people use to predict flood, the IK belief pattern is classified into five categories. The most commonly discussed signs providing early warning of flood are related to animal behaviour and experience. Other early warning signs are related to the appearance of the sky (sun, moon, clouds, etc) and the direction of wind and waves.

16

Table 1: Types of indigenous knowledge to predict flood in chars Category of IK Spiritual/superstitious beliefs IK in predicting flood, as described by the char people People write the names of months on arum leaves ( kachu pata), in Amabarsha (period of no moon or dark moon) during the Bengali month of Kartik (7th month of Bengali calendar). Then they check the leaves which gather water in Jayshtha (2nd month of Bengali calendar) and Ashar (3rd month of Bengali calendar). Flood is believed to occur in the months that gather water. Amey dhan, Kathaley ban ar tetuley tuphan (higher production of mango indicates higher yield of rice, higher yield of jackfruits indicate higher chances of flood and increased production of tamarind implies greater chances of cyclone) Water recedes quickly, if there is thunderstorm in the east Flood comes if Muharram (first month of the Islamic calendar) moon appears on days other than Monday. Kuno frog (toad) enters the house and makes characteristic noise Chicken climbs trees in Baishakh (1st month of Bengali calendar) and Jaystha (mid May-mid June) Water goes at the level where the Kuno frog climbs Cows moo in Jaystha and Ashar Insects starts coming out of the ground The cattle stop grazing Vulture calls after the 13th day of Bhadro (5th month of Bangla calendar) then flood subsides In a year when the clouds travel from south-west to north-east with thunderstorm, probability of flood is high If the direction of wind is from the south, flood can be expected If mud- stoves get wet, flood is likely Flood water is higher during the Amabarsha (low tide and high tide effect) Severe floods occur in every three years (in their words, tin bachar shar-ban; tin bachar mor-ban) If wind flows from the east, flood is less severe If rainbow appears around the sun in the month of Jashthya then flood occurs Year having bumper production of tamarind and mango is most likely to have flood If in a given year there is more fog and cold but less rain, severe flood can be expected the following year. We cant predict flood anymore since winter and rain do not occur on time.

Changes in animal behavior Major flood likely to come if:

Changes in the physical environment Flood is likely if: Analyzing trend and pattern (experience) of flood

Climate change

17

3.3 Variations in belief There is not much diversity in the IK by different the chars, but the diversity is found in the acceptance of its effectiveness and in its practice. But the system of belief is changing because of increased interactions with the external world. Many of the participants of the study believe that their native methods led to the correct predictions. Many arguments have been documented in the study where the char people tried to prove how scientific prediction also went wrong. The majority has a nave view about the whole idea of prediction as they see it can help them little because of limited choice of action even when they get early warnings. We live in char knowing that flood is part of our life. A good number has a strong view against the traditional prediction mechanism. People, particularly new generations having access to modern information facilities like weather forecasts and more mobility, tend to ignore these traditional beliefs about predicting floods. Many people do not believe in the IK having experienced the inaccuracy of prediction in the past. I predicted a flood for 2006, but it did not happen in reality. I have seen elderly people packing arum leaf. I do believe in such practice but I do not do it myself. These do not work nowadays. If people see practice such things they will take me to be mad. It does not matter whether or not flood occurs since I do not have any cultivable land. I do not take all the precautionary measures even when I know that flood may come, but I try to increase my houses plinth level as usual (Mohammad Khokon, 40 year. Local trader.Sonatoni). In both Sonatoni and Mollar char elderly, people with less mobility and especially those who have faith in religious and spiritual practices, have greater belief in the IK related to spiritual and animal behavior. They tend to believe in Gods will and act of God in onset, recession and scale of flood impact. Also, women, who have limited mobility and access to modern EW systems, are left with no choice but to rely on the IK. Many of the char HH with People with disabilities are women headed tend to live in close proximity of their kin often get early warning from them. As caretakers, most of them need additional time to take care of dependent People with disabilities. While the study found many households with People with disabilities relaying on indigenous knowledge to forecast the likelihood of flood, the difference in belief on IK between families with People with disabilities and families without People with disabilities from same social and economic category is inconclusive. Box 1: Spiritual practice in predicting flood by a family Still physically impaired, Abdul Mazid was infected by Polio when he was an infant of 3 months. Living in Sonatoni char, he is a student of a madrasa (Islamic school) in Gaibandha. Affected by river erosion, his family had to move five times in his live. He has faced 4 severe floods, in 1988, 1998 and 2004 and one medium flood in 2003. He explained how he and his family were able to predict the flood in 2004. We understood there would be a big flood this year. I wrote names of all 12 months on 12 Arum leaves. It was an Amaborsha (dark moon or no moon phase) of a Kartik month (7 th month of Bangla calendar). After packing the leaves separately, we opened them during the tide of Jaishtha (2nd month of Bengali calendar) and found water gathered in the leaf with Sravan (4 th month of Bengali calendar). We realized flood would occur in Sravan, and it did. We also found that ants were coming out of their holes But we could not predict the severity of the flood.

18

The dependency on IK is changing. As mentioned earlier, increasing NGO presence also contribute to such changes. By and large, disbelief on IK is increasing, particularly for people who have interaction with the outside world and access to modern information sources such as radio, television and newspaper. Beside large differences in believing and practicing IK, determined by household characteristics, women in general tend to have greater faith on IK than men, in both the chars. However, men lead the practices that are ritualistic in nature. Men and elderly family members take the lead on interpretation of indicators used to predict flooding. Because men have greater access to external information12 they can often compare the IK interpretation with modern information such as an EW forecast. As women are more close to and having observation to the symptoms around their daily life e.g. animal behavior, changes in the physical environment such as the chula (mud stove) getting wet, many reported believing and relaying on them. In the agro-based families, men practice IK that are related to agriculture. There is some degree in the difference in believing and practicing IK by the location of chars. People living in pluralistic information environment are likely to have less belief on IK. People in the Sonatoni char, in Sirajganj, believe more on IK than the two small char (Kachir char and Shidhai char) in Gaibandha. Remoteness, NGO presence, distance from the rural centers and cost/means of communication can explain such differences. For example, chars in Gaibandha district are located further away from the town than Sonatoni. Peoples mobility is limited by uncertain boats and expense of the fare (one trip to Gaibandha is equivalent to an average of 2 days wage) whereas people pay only Tk. 20 to travel to Shajatpur, near town. There is a bazaar (local market) in Sonatoni where there is radio as well as television. Though Gono Unnayan Kendra works in Mollar char for 5 or 6 years, disaster preparedness work is greater in Sonatoni. Perceived and real threat of river erosion, which does not exist in Sonatoni, also contributes to the difference. Because of such perceived and real threat, people in Mollar char are not interested in making an investment on strong houses or elevating their houses plinth level. It is a rational choice as people facing river erosion vary greatly. Preparedness, particularly physical, is more common in Sonatoni as there is less erosion. They have learnt from elderly people and their peers. IKs that they found effective in predicting flood are more adapted and sustained in practice. 3.4 Sharing mechanism There is no formal mechanism for sharing of early warring information. Spreading information within the char does not take long as exchange of information and concern for neighbors wellbeing is a central aspect of their unity. Informal chatting and asking about one anothers state of being is the usual cultural norm of rural Bangladesh. One would find people engaged in deep conversation while working outside or traveling together. Tea stalls in rural bazaar and haats (weekly local market area) is where men spend a lot of their time chatting, reading newspapers together and listening to radios. They also listen to stories from people who have just returned from towns. Men gather for the morning prayers and exchange information, while women chat in the evening on the homesteads.
12

The 1995 National Media Survey conducted during 1994-1995, found that 55 percent of rural men and 34 percent of rural women had access to radio while 36 percent of the men and 23 percent of the women listened to radio at least once a week.

19

Often the family members of People with disabilities share information with them. People with intellectual disability and hearing impairment are completely deprived of early warning information. In most cases, the caretakers (family member who takes care of People with disabilities, usually the mother) have their own way of communicating with People with disabilities having hearing and intellectual impairments. People with visual impairment listen to other people and try to understand existing level of flood by feeling. People with hearing and speech impairments can sense a flood coming but can not take part in the discussion. Their interpretation, etc. is limited to within the HH discussions, especially during meals. There is no formal mechanism of teaching children about IK. They usually learn from family discussions. A meal time conversation is a major sharing mechanism. Unlike modern city culture, children hanging out with the elderly while discussing matters is big part of their training on IK. Peer education is another way to learn about IK. Beside these, there are various activities such as animal rearing, grazing and taking part in plantation with their parents where the children get an opportunity to learn about indigenous knowledge. In spite of this declining trend on dependency, few char peoples, especially at Sonatoni, still think that it is important to teach children about their traditional knowledge. That is why they still share these during informal gatherings, irrespective of whether or not they are effective. 3.5 Towards a new consciousness: dynamism and relevance of IK in the life of char people Irrespective of whether or not they are aware of the knowledge, not everyone practices IK. At the same time, many have heard of them but do not believe in them. Many of the IKs are also loosing its significance and relevance as modern early warning information, to some extent, is available to most of the people through various institutions. But some of the IK , particularly those related to weather still have its relevance. The main reason responsible for such a changes in believing and practicing IK is its perceived failure and success to predict floods in the context of changing flood pattern. Many men and women who participated in the study argue that those beliefs do not work these days and they identified two particular reasons-we are less pious than our forefathers who could exactly predict when a flood is due and the nature of floods has been changing for many reasons, including climate change. Persistent flood in the char areas shape peoples life style and most of them have accepted flood as part of their life and many do not see early warning as important to their life.
It is difficult to predict what type of flood will occur in future. Color, duration and direction of cloud can indicate the magnitude of a flood 13. But EW is not important for us. We can not afford to take special preparation. We would do routine chula banano (making mud stoves) and khuti dea, whether flood comes or not. We can not do more than that even if we know that flood is coming. (Mohammad Ashraf. 30 years who has a visually impaired sister. Sonatoni).

13

If cloud is going toward the Himalaya, north to the chars, people predict a flood. They believe if there is more rain in the mountain, they would bring more water through Brahmaputra.

20

Chapter Four
Coping with Changing Pattern of Flooding
We can only prepare ourselves for the next flood if we know it is coming. Being poor we can only afford to deal with immediate problems rather than focus on long term strategies to cope with flood.

4.1 Knowing the rules of the game - ways to deal with flood
Char people apply single or multiple mechanisms simultaneously while dealing with flood. The mechanisms and corresponding activities are undertaken out of a rationale choice to deal with circumstances of flood. In most cases, the mechanisms are meant to deal with immediate flooding, rather than to improve the overall vulnerable conditions they live under. Why do they do it? Do they know how to deal with flood in the longer run, which may help them to improve their quality of life? This complex question has no straightforward answer. The simplest way of explaining this is that their life is dominated by the immediate flooding problem. It is primarily because all coping mechanism has a cost - financial, social and opportunity cost. Household resources are exhausted in managing the flood at hand. A full year is needed to re-gain the resources after a flood and these are exhausted again in the next flood and this cycle continues. The poor people in the chars cant afford to take measures that can protect them from flood permanently simply because they do not have the means. 38 year only Sabura Khatun and her husband live in Sonatoni char. Both are physically disable. She says, We do something when we sense that a flood is likely, which generally occurs once every three years. My main discussion with my husband is based on identifying how to manage food in case of flood since begging, which is my husbands job, will stop as he will become immobile during a flood. My income also comes to a standstill when weaving machines stop during flood. Even when they have the ability to improve a physical condition such as reinforce their house, in some cases people are reluctant to invest in doing so, given the unpredictability of floods and the potential threat of their homestead and assets being washed away again within a few months. Over the years, the people in the chars have experimented, experienced, practiced and advised the new generations on a wide variety of ways to deal with flood, depending on the situation. Some of these practices have sustained for generations while others have gotten modified to some extent. Identifying the right strategy to cope with flood continues throughout their lives, even as they move from one char to another. There are times when they can not do anything even when they know that a flood is imminent and the only rational option available to them is to sit back and wait for it. This study documented three broad types of coping mechanisms in the study chars precautionary strategies taken before a flood to avoid the likely impact; managing strategy taken in response to the circumstances during a flood and recovery strategies taken to recover from the damage caused by a flood.

21

4.1.1. Precautionary strategies These strategies are undertaken as preventive measures before a flood occurs and mostly involves protecting household and assets, securing shelter, stocking on food and necessities and preparing for communication and transport well in advance. i) Protecting homestead Houses destroyed by flood are a common impact in char areas 14. Protecting homestead in the sandy char has many challenges. First, people can not build permanent structures (mostly thatch wall and roofs with corrugated sheets or thatch15) as they are more likely than not to be displaced because of erosion (refer to the case study below). Second, many of them do not have permanent deed. Third, protecting homestead from flood needs mud which is expensive in the sandy land. But they need to keep the houses standing when they have very few places to resort to during a heavy flood such as in 2004.

Box 2: Uncertainty in investing on preparedness Abdul Kader owned a significant amount of land when he got married to Halima Khatun. Many years after marriage they had a happy and wealthy life in Noyar char (new char) where they used to live. But now they have a tiny piece of land, as the rest has been eroded by the river. They lived on an embankment for a year after their char was completely eroded. For the last six years, they have been living in Mollar char, which was raised 12 years back. They had to shift their house 15 times including twice in their last six years in Mollar char. Halima Khatun can still remember a havoc of floods in 1988, 1998 and 2004. We had to move to my in-laws place because we had not elevated the plinth of our house, as we had just moved in to that place after we lost our previous land in erosion. There is no certainty here. Since wage is higher these days, it is expensive to hire someone to do it. One needs a lot of money, or more jon (number of people in the family) to do it. We dont want to invest here since this place is also going to erode in few months. Halima Khatun, 50 years, Kachir char in Mollar char.

Common strategies to protect the homestead include elevating and reinforcing the homestead. Elevating the homestead requires high quality mud but since this mud is expensive, people often steal it from others. Protecting the superior mud in the homestead from washing away becomes the next challenge, which is commonly solved by planting of dhol-kolmi (local vegetation) and banana tree. These plants help to keep the soil granules compact and binds them together stronger. Char peoples also use kaisha (type of local grass) and bamboo to reinforce the homestead wall from outside. With the protection of plinth, many cautions and financially solvent
14

By involving 757 households in rural Bangladesh in November and December 1998, about two months after the floodwaters receded, the study done by found that 47 percent of households among suffered damage or loss to housing, the average loss being Tk 5,675, or 59 percent of the pre-flood value. 15 According to CLP Household Study, only 2% lived in jhupris (huts made with stick, leaves and grass) while 90% of houses had tin roofs and used very similar construction materials which could be easily packed up and shifted in the event of erosion and/or flooding.

22

people buy extra pipe to raise the tube-well base above flood level to ensure fresh source of water. During flood, many neighbors depend on these raised or safe tube-wells. The resources they need to protect and secure their homestead are scare, and need nurturing. Halima Khatun, who was mentioned in the earlier case study, explained how they manage such materials to protect them.
We plant banana trees every year. They can grow in a year. The plants are available; we can collect them from neighbors and they should be planted in the month of Ashyin (6 th month of the Bengali calendar). It gives us privacy and demarcates our homesteads from others. It also helps protect our homestead level from being washed away in minor floods.

In case of People with disabilities, most of them stay with families. So, they do not have to take charge for raising plinth level or providing support. However, People with disabilities who have the capability to do so, dont hesitate to help the other family members. One of the People with disabilities mentioned that she needed help to collect soil for raising plinth which she managed to do with the help of a neighbor. ii) Protecting livestock Livestock - usually cow and goats - are the most valuable assets of the char people. They raise livestock to cope with sudden emergency, paying dowry for their daughters marriage or to repair houses. But not everyone has a goat or a cow16-some raise goats and cows on a sharing basis17. Protection of livestock is thus a crucial preventive strategy used by the char people. Depending on affordability, they store fodder, elevate cattle sheds and vaccinate their cows in advance. When flood water reaches the level of the shed, people no longer keep their livestock at home. People in Koijhuri Char shift their livestock to the embankment of Water Development Board at the onset of a flood. But this is not possible in Sonatoni Char since there is no embankment there. In some cases, they send their cattle to relatives places. Some poor families try to sell livestock in an attempt to keep some money at hand so that they have a source of finance when regular income is jeopardized due to flood. In this way, they get hold of some security money while avoiding the risk of losing livestock to flood. But at times, these poor people can not afford to protect their livestock from the water owing to high uncertainty and lack of cash.
My expecting cow died in the last flood (2004) after having stood on flood water for 5-6 days. I repaired the cow shed, increased the plinth level to the highest level I could afford. But the flood water was so high that even we had no place to stay. I purchased that cow fort Tk. 8000 (USD 114) that I received as dowry. I could have taken it to my parents place which is in another char, but I did not have the boat fare. My house had also collapsed, but I could save the raw materials. With the
16

CLP baseline household survey found that the average number of livestock owned per household is 2.9. While 55% and 45% of extreme poor households are reported to have cows and/or calves and goats, respectively, they are usually under share rearing arrangements (Analysis of CLP Household Baseline Survey -Developing a Profile of the Poor and Extreme Poor in the Chars). Share-rearing is a practice where the owner of livestock (poultry, sheep, goats, cattle and buffaloes) places animals in the care of another person, who rears them and bears costs, and then splits offspring or added value between them. Different contracts exist for different livestock species, but are generally standard for that species, unlike the variation seen in share-cropping.
17

23

help of my neighbor I was able to rebuild it. But I have never been able to buy another cow. --Nurzahan, a 40 yr old visually impaired lady, Shidhai Char of Gaibandha.

Another big challenge is the collection of fodder for livestock, particularly goats which need green grass that go under water during flood. Again, Halima Khatun explained how they collect grass during a flood.
My husband and son, together with other neighbors, go for collecting grass, particularly Kashia from other highland areas. Generally, we make a deal with the boat owners that he would get a share of the kashia. He is happy, as he also needs grass. We can keep Kashia for 2/3 days. We also received some fodder from Gono Unnyan Kendra, which was very helpful. In a big flood like 2004, when we shifted our cows and goat to the embankment, men patrolled, by taking turns, during the night to protect cows from being stolen.

iii) Protecting harvest There are some coping strategies for protecting harvest at both the chars. A few farmers prefer to harvest flood resistant crops even if the production is less. This behavior shows that people are ready to accept some temporary loss to avoid bigger losses in future. Farmers also use other techniques to reap maximum benefit, such as sowing seeds that can be harvested earlier in the lower lands and harvesting regular seeds at higher lands. When asked about the cultivation of these seeds, Afsar Mollah, a farmer in Sonatoni Char, exlains, Advance crops are cultivated since they can be harvested earlier than regular crops. They are expensive but the yield is good. Their market price is also high. Crops are ready at home before flood. Thats why we cultivate these crops. Other farmers also tend to agree with Afsar Mollah. These days more farmers are inclined to cultivate these varieties of seeds. Although it is expensive to cultivate these - about Taka 2000 per bigha 18 and they need a lot of care in production, farmers still welcome it with open arms. Few farmers also preserve seeds in advance, so that even if the flood destroys the expected production, they still get a chance for re-sowing seeds, if time permits. To protect crops, farmers take actions collectively. They try to make embankments in front of khals (streams) to stop the water flow. Sometimes they also work together to dig channels to drain out floodwater from crop fields. Another pre-flood coping strategy involves selling the products earlier than usual; people sell surplus crops before floods and use the money during floods. iv) Securing shelter Many people arrange for ropes, bamboo, wood etc. before a flood. These materials are needed to build a traditional structure that works as an elevated shelter called a macha. People, along with their assets and furniture try to take shelter on this macha when their house is flooded. Poor people, who cant afford to buy these materials, usually try to borrow from other community people.
18

1bigha = 33 decimals of land

24

For shelter, some families decide to move into relatives places before or during flood. Some send only few members to other places. There is an inbuilt concern about the security of female family members being sent off to relatives place. So, few families prefer to keep them away for a very short period of time. If the house is badly inundated, sending pregnant women and children to relatives or neighbors houses becomes necessary. People from Koijhuri have flood shelters (embankments and schools), so most of them move there. But till 2004, Sonatoni did not have any place to take refuge. Recently HI and MMS developed a raised land to serve as shelter in the next flood, if necessary. People who own boats sometimes use them for as shelter during floods. There are no such facilities specifically designed for People with disabilities in the shelters. Families do not consider much about building macha and hanging toilets. People with disabilities have to accept whatever their caretakers offer them. They also avoid complaining about their problems to the caretakers as sometimes feel as if they are burden on others. For e.g. in normal times, Roni Bala, a blind woman, can hardly go a few yards on the sandy Mollar char. The courtyard is the only place where she finds her celebrated world. There she can move around with the help of her stick. I dont want to go far. I am worried about slipping and that can injure my arms since I cant see. When sharbanasha (catastrophic) water comes, my stick has no use at all as I can not find my way around. In the last flood (2004), I could not even trace the land. It was too difficult. I called my daughter-in-law but she was also busy. Theres a lot of work during the flood! But the difficult time came to doorstep when water suddenly rose. How could she help me? I had to lie in bed all day long. The biggest challenge during the flood is going out for toilet since roads and latrines get inundated and become slippery. My son said, You should ask someone to take you there or wait till night when we are back from work. v) Storing food, fuel and preparing portable stove Prior to floods, people try to store dry food that does not need to be cooked, such as chira (flattened rice), muri (puffed rice), gur (molasses). For cooking purposes, they preserve rice, peas etc. as back up. Usually, in most households, jute-made hangers - locally known as shika - can be found where they store these dry food products. Often firewood is collected in advance, as explained by Mohammad Nuruzzaman of Sonatoni Char as,
I did not have any preparation for the flood in 2004, as I wasnt expecting flood in that year. As a conscious person, working for the family planning department, I always have preparation for flood. For example, I buy rice well ahead of flood season so that we can survive during a flood. We also gather some medicines and firewood. Another pre-flood strategy is used to make portable stoves prior to a flood. During flood, these can be moved around to where the water level cannot reach the stove.

vi) Preparing emergency communication and transportation Few people also plant Banana trees which can prove useful during flood. People use these trees for making rafts which serve both as transport and as shelter during floods. For communication purposes, people also build locally developed bridges called shako. Those who can afford buy boats beforehand or start repairing old ones. People with disabilities who need assistance in

25

moving, have to depend on their caretakers since in most cases these means of transport are not suitable for People with disabilities, particularly ones with physical impairment. At times, they use assistive devices to aid their movement, as has been discussed in section 4.1.2 (refer to the case study in Box 5) 4.1.2. Managing strategies during flood The general strategy to manage flood time is centered on changing behaviors and habits, such as changing food habits, migrating to other places, etc. These are explained below. i) Protecting women, children, elderly & People with disabilities During flood, extra care must be taken that women, children and People with disabilities are protected from drowning, injuring themselves, kidnapping, etc. Though drowning is not that common in char areas, people are concerned about the elderly, children and disabled family members. Keeping an eye on them is the strategy used by adult members of the family to protect them for drowning or kidnapping, as narrated in the case study below.
Box 3: Protecting disabled children during flood Jahangir is a 17 year old hearing and speech impaired boy. Villagers call him mad. His mother is always worried about him. For instance during monsoon and floods, jute cultivation is very common in their village and the plants usually grow tall. During this time, increased incidences of kidnapping are observed. Jahangirs mother worries that if kidnapped, he wont be able to scream for help since he cannot speak. She also fears that he might drown or be carried away by the river current. They live beside a river and river erosion is common during flood. She says, I keep him with me all the time during floods. Who knows when he will go near the river and be carried away by the current? Mad men cant understand what is dangerous. On top of that he cant even talk. Even if he drowns he wont be able to scream. Jahangir, 17, Mollar Char. Gaibandha.

Family members also have to ensure that the more vulnerable people, such as elderly or People with disabilities do not injure themselves in other ways furing flood when the ground is slippery and it difficult to move around.30 year old Banu takes care of her aunt Sobura Khatun, a spinster who is blind as well as intellectually impaired. Sobura Khatun shared her experiences in dealing with her aunt in the last flood.
We can not afford food everyday. We go on empty stomach when I can not manage food. Among all the problems I faced in the last flood, taking care of my aunt was the most difficult one. I lived in somebody elses land in a house that I built with the help of an NGO. The water came suddenly and it went inside our home. The current was so high that I had to cut one side of the fence of my house to allow its flow. I put my aunt on a couch which we elevated with bamboo. A few hours later the Chairman came with his people and rescued us to an embankment where we lived for about

26

two years. Every one could move when the water receded, but I could not as the ground was very slippery and my aunt wouldnt be able to manage. Banu, 30 years, Mollar Char, Gaibandha.

Unlike Banu, most of the people prepare an elevated platform for family members with disabilities, using the chouki (traditional bed) and bamboo.
With my children, I stayed at home during the flood in 2004. We prepared a platform by elevating our chawki (bed/divan made of wood or bamboo) with bamboo. My husband stayed with cows in the flood shelter, as we did not have place to keep them here. I had to remain here to protect whatever we have, as there were some thieves around. I stayed on the macha the whole day and sent food for my husband in the evening. Shaheda Begum, Mollar Char.

Often people make a fence-in where they put their young children when they are busy working to ensure the children do not get carried away by the water. A times, People with disabilities use devices to assist their movement. Often canes are used to help moving around in the water and through the slippery ground but when the water level is high or the ground too slippery, even this becomes difficult. Another interesting device is the tricycle as explained by Mahbubul Alam Litu in the case below.
Box 4: Assistive devices used by people with disabilities 30 year old Litu living in Mollar Char is physically and intellectually impaired. As a result his balance is poor and movement uncoordinated. After he acquired a tricycle from Gono Unnayan Kendra, he was able to travel through the water and slippery ground with ease. During monsoon he was also able to make a living by selling ice creams using his tricycle. This type of disability requires the person concerned to exercise or move regularly. Lying around all day or lack of exercise can make them weaker. It can lead to a decline in the bodys tolerance level and cause problems in the muscle and joints. Because of his tricycle, he was able to move around and exercise his body. Beside his tricycle, he also keeps a walking stick at hand to help him move around within the house. Before he got the tricycle, he used t move around using only a stick, which he himself shaped to suit his needs. Mahbubul Alam Litu, 30, Mollar Char, Gaibandha.

ii) Protection of household assets Theft increases during flood, which is one of the major concerns for many poor char people. Their coping strategy, for example, whether to remain in the inundated homes or go to a shelter largely depends on the fear of theft. When flood water rises very high and people have to move, they develop ways to take care of their valuables, particularly livestock. People reported that cooperation among neighbors increases when people take shelter outside their homes. Villagers collectively ensure their security by taking turns to guard their assets. People use locally available means such as loud speakers in the mosque to warn the neighbors in case of any sudden threat of theft.

27

One day while returning from work, I noticed that water level had risen by about a foot. I was observing that water was continuing to rise. Then, water washed away my tube wells and latrine, and had gone as high as my roof. I stayed a day on the roof of my house, then decided to shift family members to my cousins place. We stayed there for a long time, but I used to come here everyday by a small boat to watch my house. There is a lot of stealing during flood. Mohammad Nuruzzaman, 50 years, Inspector of family planning department, Koijori, Sonatoni Char, Shirajgang.

iii) Change in food habit Since most of the households are dependent on agriculture, the season in which flood occurs is a critical determinant of their harvest, which may affect food availability at household level. In general, there is an overlap between flooding time and the crucial rice harvesting period. If flood comes early in the monsoon that destroys the standing crop, which means farming families have food shortages19. Once agriculture is affected its impact may go further into every aspect of their life. Availability of employment becomes uncertain and often farmers are forced to opt for other means of survival or even migrat5e to other places in search of work. Most of the wage works stop during flood. In response to such conditions many households decrease food intake during flood 20. Common strategies people adopt to deal with hunger and unemployment include: selling livestock, poultry and other valuables; mortgaging, borrowing; migrating to towns or accessing any relief available. Change in food habit is common during flood. In both Sonatoni and Koijhuri, people who cannot afford buying food, reduce the consumption from 3 times a day to once a day. 50 year old Zohora has been living in Kachir char (in Mollar char) for last six years. She says,
We went hungry during the flood of 1998. Remembering that, she purchased 40 kg of paddy before 2004 flood. It was difficult to cover whole flooding time with that rice. But what could be done? My husband is a wage laborer not having regular work. During flood time he went to Dhaka to do rickshaw pulling. I used to cook half kg whereas we normally need one kilogram.

People also significantly change the items during flood. Instead of consuming rice, people resort to alternate diets such as kaisha, kolmi (local vegetation) etc. It was observed that female respondents could say more on this issue of managing food consumption than their male counterparts. It was also noticed that female members (usually mothers) consume the least in the family during flood.

iv) Migration & alternative employment strategies

19 20

15.6 percent of flood exposed households became food insecure. Impact of 98 flood on household study done by IFPRI did not find evidence that females consumption of the main staplesrice and wheatwas reduced by more than males as a result of the floods, or that male favoritism in the consumption of animal products increased. Thus, the floods did not appear to lead to an increase in discrimination against females in food consumption within households. Same study also reveled stunting among preschool children. Severe or very severe flood exposure caused many children to lose weight and/or to fail to grow at a critical period in their mental and physical development55 percent of children in the sample were stunted and 24 percent were wasted.

28

Migration21 for employment increases after flood. People move out for work in the areas that have a deficit of labour. For earning, they sometimes compromise with their values and dignity and even earn by begging in the cities. Men come back home just before the flood. People who have alternative livelihood options prefer not to migrate as a labourer. Those who have boats, for example, start commuting people and earn through it. People also open small shops on the boats. The study documented floating tailoring and grocery in Sonatoni during flood. Selling advance labor for money is another common practice. In this way, farmers ensure their future employment. But it gives hardship afterwards. Those who have to move everyday for work at different places, usually commute by boats. Some follow innovative techniques like wearing gamchha (locally woven cotton fabric used as towel) while commuting through water and at the same time keeping regular clothes (shirt/trouser) at hand to change into after reaching a dry place. Box 5: Selling advance labour during flood Amin Uddin is a poor day labourer in a village in Sonatoni Char. He travels to Sylhet (in the northeast of Bangladesh) to reap paddy and stores this prior to a flood. This helps run his family for 2-3 months. From Sraban to Ashhin (third to six month of the Bengali calendar) there is no work in the paddy fields. As alternative employment, Amin Uddin rows boats and catches fish. When even that cannot support his family, he is forced to take advance money in exchange of his labour at a later time. There is a verbal contract that when there is need for labour in the area, he will offer his services in order to repay the loan. Under this arrangement, he has to repay 50% of his daily earning to his money lender and keep the remaining 50%. But the problem with this arrangement is that if the market price of labourer is Tk 80 at this time, the money lender will make Amin work for Tk 60. Amin cannot protest because then the lenders will remind him that he had borrowed money say 3 months back and this is there way of taking interest on the loan. Even though this interest makes it difficult, advance labour is still a blessing since it at least gives them a way to survive during this difficult period of flood.
Amin Uddin, 42 years, Day labourer, Borochantara village, Sonatoni Char.

v) Managing cooking needs Scarcity of firewood and fuel is one of the major concerns for many women during flood as they have to keep their kitchen running. You can borrow some rice from a neighbors house, but how do you manage firewood? People may have the grains to cook, but if they do not have fuel, they cannot eat anything. Women go through a range of preparation before flood such as storing
21

A study conducted by the CLP in the Gaibandha Chars found that between 70% and 90% of extreme poor households had at least one member migrating seasonally. For the village as a whole, as per the CLP baseline survey it was found to be 33%. Day laborers were the most severely affected: their employment fell sharply from 19 days per month in 1997 to only 11 days per month in July through October 1998. (IFPRI)

29

firewood and preparation of portable stove as mentioned earlier (see point v in section 4.1.1) and these are used during floods. Mostly, people cook on the macha by arranging the portable oven on top of the elevated macha where the water level cannot touch the oven.This is locally known as tola chula, meaning elevated stove. vi) Taking care of health & sanitation22 Following the 2004 flood, many NGOs have done extensive awareness raising activities, which have succeeded in increasing awareness on the importance of keeping oral saline and water purifiers such as alum (locally known as fitkiri) at home. The study found cases where people in both chars were found to store oral saline for drinking and alum to purify contaminated water and had kept the remaining portion of alum provided by Manob Mukti Shangstha (MMS) after the 2004 flood. Some people store extra pipe to raise the level of tube well to protect it from flooding. It ensures safe drinking water. In order to take care of their sanitary needs, people often built floating toilets with banana plants or hanging toilets with bamboo and rugs.
Toilet was the major problem for women when the one we had was washed away. Men can go anywhere but what will the women do? My husband prepared a floating toilet with banana tree, covered with banana leaves.

However, though it served the purpose of toilet, it eventually polluted the water. Some People with disabilities said that they had difficulties in using hanging toilets. Usually some of them take help from caretakers, but during flood it gets really difficult to use hanging toilet even with this help. Under these circumstances, many People with disabilities used plastic bags for toilet purposes. Some of the People with disabilities also mentioned that they were forced to drink the contaminated floodwater, as they did not have access to safe drinking water. Usually People with disabilities take help from caretakers and neighbors to obtain drinking water. For healthcare during flood, most of the villagers have to bear additional cost, as there are not sufficient physicians to treat the patients. So, they have to depend on hospitals that are far away. To do so, sometimes they take neighbors support or the support from boatmen. Sometimes boatmen do not take fare from patients. A sense of responsibility works among these people in times of need. Owing to the difficulties, females tend to refrain from going to the toilet during daytime. In this way they suffer from severe intestinal diseases. vii) Maintaining childrens education
22

In the immediate post-flood period, 9.6 percent of individuals in the sample suffered from diarrhea, and 4.7 percent were affected by respiratory illnesses. Individuals in all age groups experienced a deterioration in health status at this time, especially those who were severely or very severely flood exposed. Although adolescents had the greatest increase in illness, the most serious health problem posed by the floods was the increase in childrens illness, because they suffered more serious consequences, even threatening their survival. (IFPRI)

30

Normally, a huge loss is observed in terms of education for students. Most of them do not get any scope for studying during flood, due to presence of water everywhere, relocating temporarily and other flood related hassle. Though the literacy level is very low at these chars (14% at Sonatoni and 22% at Koijhuri), some families that have educated members engage their children in studying at home to maintain continuity in their education. An interesting coping mechanism was observed at Koijhuri. While different policy level organizations were talking about promoting flood time vacation/rainy season vacation instead of summer vacation at school, Koijhuri high school had already adopted this practice long ago. In this school, summer vacation is replaced by rainy season vacation. 4.1.3. Recovery strategies Right after a flood declines, even though the media reports that situation has improved char peoples sufferings do not disappear; rather they extend to the next phase. This phase comprises of rebuilding houses, re-stocking livestock, making a livelihood, repaying borrowed money, treatment of flood affected family members and maintaining homestead. By analyzing impact of flood 1998, International food Policy Research Institute documented three strategies through which households adjusted to the shock of the Floods: reducing expenditures, selling assets, borrowing. A lot of these activities require access to finances, which becomes a prime concern for the people at this stage. During almost every flood, people depend on borrowing or loans 23. Poor people take loans with high interest rates and eventually get into economic hardship. Repayment of loan becomes a burden for their economic solvency. Many villagers start spending from their business capital. Some of them also spend from their earlier savings. To support this access to finance, not enough organizations are working at Sonatoni and Koijhuri. Even if they do work, strategic distribution (e.g. conditional loan for risk reduction) is very poor. Conditional loans can greatly improve the situation for tackling the post-disaster phase. The financial support from GoB and agencies always less than what people actually require 24. To get finances, people also tend to mortgage valuable resources, ornaments, land and various assets or to sell their assets, livestock etc. to finance their survival. This may lead to economic hardship for the villagers.
23

Households adjusted to the shock of the floods in several major ways: reducing expenditures, selling assets, borrowing. Borrowing was by far the major coping mechanism of the households sampled, in terms of both the value of the resources and the number of households that borrowed. About 60 ercent of households in the sample were in debt in the months immediately following the floods. Average household debt rose to an average of almost 1.5 months of typical consumption compared with only a small percentage of monthly consumption in January 1998, about eight months before the floods. In addition, 56.6 percent of flood-exposed households in the bottom 3 quintiles resorted to purchasing food on credit in the month preceding the survey. This borrowing was sufficient to maintain the value of household expenditures vis--vis pre-flood levels but, because of higher prices, poor flood-affected households consumed fewer calories per capita per day than non-flood-exposed households, suggesting that targeted cash transfers and credit programs could have been an effective complement to direct food distribution. 24 Money transfer to the flood affected families by the GoB is small. To eliminate borrowing would have required a transfer of approximately Tk 5,000 for each of the 60 percent of households that were in debt in December 1998.

31

People continuously take higher risks to manage a relatively lower level of riskwhich is the key factor that erodes their asset base. For example, taking loan from various sources is very common. People sell their assets and often take new loans to repay existing ones. This approach used by them to access finances is locally termed as the taltibalti approach which refers to the phenomena of somehow managing finances thus.

4.2 Differences in coping mechanism

The study found some variation in mechanisms by individual characteristics such as perception about dignity, ability, etc. Perception about dignity, for example, is what influence women to make a choice about what strategy to follow in coping with circumstances. For example, many women reported that they refrain from going to toilet during daytime and suffer a lot of diseases such as tract infection. Like other social situation and crisis, they also tend to sacrifice or show their devotion unknowingly during flood. For e.g. in many cases, female members in the family consume less food during flood than male to balance food distribution in the family 25. Another such case where dignity determines coping strategy for a blind woman is expressed in the case below. Box 6: Perception of dignity determining coping strategy for a person with disability Gono Unnayan Kendra has provided Rasheda, a visually impaired woman from Gaibandha, with a white cane to aid her movement but she does not use this cane. She has devised her own mechanisms to find her way around with relative ease. But she refrains from going to unknown places and if she has to, she prefers to go with her mother. During flood, she remains at home and takes her mothers help to perform necessary chores. The factor preventing her from using her cane is the embarrassment of villagers realizing that she is blind. She would rather remain within the household than be known as blind.
Rasheda, a visually impaired woman, Gaibandha.

Work load distribution within the family also goes against the women. When husbands or male members become unemployed, daily work for women increases even more. She has to look after everyone in terms of resource management, feeding the family and looking after the elderly. In most of the cases, caretakers for People with disabilities are also female. Nevertheless, the study also documented how this notion of work distribution is changing. A significant number of

25

The findings of IFPRI study on the impact of flood 98 on household tend to disagree with the findings, saying that no evidence that females consumption of the main staplesrice and wheatwas reduced by more than males as a result of the floods, or that male favoritism in the consumption of animal products increased. Thus, the floods did not appear to lead to an increase in discrimination against females in food consumption within households. But lead authors various studies found decrease of women share on household food availability compare to men.

32

female participants mentioned how their husbands changed their usual habit during flood. Many cook at home or take care of children. Among People with disabilities, there is some degree of difference between male and female in the way they cope. They mostly depend on their caretaker, the extent depending on their level of disability. Besides special coping according to their disability, People with disabilities cope in similar ways to the rest of the community. Zohora Khatuns greatest hurdle during the flood is her speech and intellectually impaired 18 years old daughter Salma.
No one wants to marry Salma. Who would marry a mentally imbalanced girl? During flood I had to feed her. I had to take her to the toilet. When her period started she started crying. It was difficult to manage dry cloth during flood. She had high fever during that time.

Sonatoni Char is an area where disaster preparedness and awareness raising work on people with disabilities rights is relatively new compared to Mollar Char. As a result, People with disabilities special needs are not really looked after by the community. People with disabilities have lesser voice in the community and their scope for flourishing in potential ways is also less in Sonatoni. It is clear that people with disabilities vulnerability increases by many folds and they tend to depend on caretakers who facilitate all their necessities during a flood. People with physical and visual impairment and children are more dependent on their caretaker. The assistive devices provided by the NGOs are not that useful during a flood. However, there is an acute awareness and confidence among many people with disabilities who participated in the study that they would be able to take care of themselves and their communities if a favorable environment was provided.

4.3 Changing pattern of coping

Coping strategies are always subject to change. With the change in internal and external environment, communities and households have developed progressively different livelihood patterns and consequently the communitys coping methods evolve over a period of time. Strong external pressures also affect the internal coping mechanisms and their effectiveness change in terms of family ties, population pressure, agricultural modes of production, livelihood pattern, etc. In due course, the indigenous coping mechanisms may be destabilized or damaged, resulting in increasing vulnerability. In the current scenario, it is therefore important to examine the traditional coping mechanisms, when designing community level disaster management policies and programs. How do these get changed? The strategies have been developed, shaped and their practice sustained for generations, but changes have been adapted to the coping strategy. Experience of previous floods, financial ability, level of education, access to television and radio, access to information acquired through interacting with the outside world (mobility), number of family members, etc. shape the way char people cope with the changing pattern of flooding. Yet their coping strategies are very much targeted towards the upcoming floods and they are not able to undertake strategies that help them to live a quality and secure life by coping with flood vulnerability in general. While coping strategy changes over time, its success depends on the magnitude of the flood, which varies from year to year.

4.4 Choosing a strategy under uncertainty 33

Most of the coping mechanisms are in response to the circumstances arising during flood. There is no straightforward way to make a choice. There has always been an uncertainty regarding when to do what and at what cost, shadowed by a wait-and-see strategy. Why? There are probably three factors that can explain uncertainty in making a choice. First, the char people cant anticipate the intensity of flood; second, they cant afford to do what should be done and finally, the other supports are unreliable because of unfavorable power relation. A set of considerations is found to be making up a strategic choice regarding what to do and when to do, under a high degree of uncertainty. They tend to choose strategies that: ensure security of family members and assets maintain dignity and privacy (in case of women) can done through existing family labor or other resources (including own land) can sustain for longer in the context of threat from erosion reduce hardship during floods can be done using existing information, and is proven or perceived as effective.

Nazrul Islam, a 45 years old business man living in Mollar char, explained his strategy in the flood of 2004. We made a bamboo platform inside our house when we saw the water was rising. Finally we went up to the roof. We wanted to wait up as long as we could because we thought the water would recede soon. We thought we could take care of our house if we stayed there. We were afraid that our houses would wash away. Then a boat came from another char, and we stayed in that boat for 2 days. We spent Tk. 500. Finally, by the time we had reached the embankment, we had already spent lot of money and our goat had died and our house washed away. People are unable to adopt long term coping strategies because of rapidly changing physical environment such as river erosion. In most cases they also lack the ability (e.g. financial) to undertake a strategy even though it is proven to be effective. Elevation of plinth of homestead is an example, which is difficult for poor households or households with limited human capital. The decision regarding what to do and when is greatly influenced by power relations within char and at household. For example, People with disabilities are less considered in the family decision making. People with intellectual, visual, severe physically challenged are less able to participate in the family coping. Special attention that has to given to People with disabilities by their family members has an additional opportunity cost for the family. For example, in some cases, protection of family assets gets more importance than the comfort of People with disabilities. Families with People with disabilities are dependent on others and are less likely to invest on coping. Men take decisions about sending family members to relatives places for shelter or any other coping decisions. Males participate in the collective coping mechanism in the community but females do not. Males are more involved in the coping that includes mobility such as migration for employment, though women may also migrate at the expense of the society look down upon them.

34

Not all stakeholders are involved in deciding an activity at community level. Usually local leaders, Union leaders, influential people, UP members, youth community, students and natural leaders take proactive approaches. There is hardly any scope for inclusion of female and People with disabilities in decision-making. As People with disabilities are generally not involved in the decision making of collective initiatives, not much of their specific needs are addressed in these activities. There is a stereotype mindset among the community that People with disabilities may not be able to contribute and participate in collective approaches. Like in other places, almost all the People with disabilities are poor and marginal in the char community, so they cannot influence the other community leaders either. Most of the time, the community does not consider the special need of People with disabilities; however as few organizations have started working on disability issues, there is an increased level of sensitization nowadays. Recently, after the intervention of Handicap International, newly developed flood shelters were built with the careful consideration of person with disabilitys accessibility as well as addressing other social issues that discriminate against People with disabilities.

4.5 Factors determining coping mechanism

The study documented a range of factors that determine the way people choose a particular strategy. Following are the key factors: i) Human capital. The number of able family members is critical to the quality of coping. Number of able family members varies by season and char. In Sonatoni, men (25%) migrate during flood, which is rare in Mollar Char. But the people in Sonatoni are better able to cope because they need less labor and safer places are closer in Sonatoni than in Mollar Char. Household with more human capital therefore are more prepared26. ii) Social capital/network Cooperation is a common phenomenon among the char people. When flood is about to come, neighbors and relatives help people whose crop is ready for harvest. I was helped by neighbors who repaired my house. I do not have a male member in the family as my husband left me long ago. Neighbors help each other during the night to increase plinth level. There is a huge crisis of grass during flood, particularly for the goats. Cows can feed on straw. When people go for collecting grass for themselves, they also collect for others. They share the cost of grass collection. Even boat owners get a share of the grass.
My house had fallen in high current of water. I also lost the muddy plinth of my house in the flood. I went to my neighbors for help. Some contributed bamboo and some money. Some also worked for me in the night when they had the time. Nurjahan (a blind lady), 40 y, Mollar Char, Gaibandha.

26

Peoples this aspect of coping mechanism may conflict with family planning policy of Bangladesh.

35

Immediate family members, extended family members and neighbors help vulnerable families. Vulnerable people are more concerned about their family, which prevents mechanism that are collective in nature. Most of the people with disability who shared their experience with the study team mentioned help from the immediate family members. But family relationship can also get broken down during floods when work pressure gets high. Perceived power relationship within household is an important determinant of they way People with disabilities cope with floods.
I always had to depend on others during flood. My daughter-in law gets angry and bullies me sometimes. I can not be angry in return-who would take care of me if I do? Those who are angry would help me again when they are cool. If they stop talking, I stake the initiative, even if I do not like their behavior .Roni Bala

The case below depicts that social network can make it easier to cope with flood. Box 7: Facing flood (help from neighbor and relatives) 22 years old Golapful (named after the rose), mother of a 4 year old daughter, came to Mollar char after her marriage with Abdus Salam who is a vegetable trader. Abdus salam goes to the village market in a nearby char twice a week. Their grandparents also live with them. The family had suffered a lot in the 2004 flood. Water rose up to four feet in their courtyard. Water entered in their house and stayed for around 16 days. Their 2 goats and 12 poultry washed away in the flood water. They had ware wet cloth all-day long until it got dry. There was a snake in their neighbors house; they were so scared that they could not even sleep for many days. She was very scared for her daughter who could have drowned in the water. We had to keep an eye to watch all her movements, she said. Golapful brought an oven from her parents house in the next char, but all the firewood was wet. They prepared a bamboo platform in their house. Neighbors helped out a lot. They gave us bamboo. We had some wood to make the platform. We had to spend our capital to buy food and everyday keeps. My husband went to the Gaibandha town for work, but there were many like my husband. After flood, we recovered capital again by raising 2 goats and a few chicks I brought from my parents. We had a lot of problem with latrine as our ringslab latrine was washed away. Our tube-well also sunk. Men can go here and there when they need to go latrine. How can a woman go! We prepared banana tree floating platform with bamboo leaf fence to cover ourselves. We had to go to the next village to fetch water .

iii) Availability of and access to resources and markets Financial ability is a critical determinant for type of coping mechanism. People who have more assets, employment opportunities, education, access to NGOs and number of able family members are more likely to undertake effective coping mechanism. Assets that are easily sellable, transferable and have less production cost are more helpful since they can be easily sold or transferred when credit is required. This is the key factor that limits almost every other coping mechanism. From raising plinth level to storing dry food, fuel wood, oral saline or, keeping

36

backup tube for tube well all need money and unless a household has access to credit, it becomes difficult for them to adopt a coping strategy even when they know it is required.
I have been less affected by flood than many of my neighbors because I have better financial ability. I have multi income sources. I have a piece of land from where I get regular harvest. Im also a cleric at the local mosque. I purchased a boat for the flood period. I also elevated my homestead. The year I lost my harvest in the flood, I faced some problem. But I never need to ask for help from other people. Nazrul Islam, 32 years, cleric at a local mosque, Sonatoni, Shirajganj.

In order to mitigate the effects of flood, people start taking loans, spend from their savings or business capital. But these are not enough for reducing the risk since in addition to unplanned spending, the price hike is unstoppable27. It becomes a cycle where by the time they recover from the losses incurred in a disaster, a new one strikes making the economic growth of chars stagnant or even negative. Poor financial ability limits families from adopting appropriate coping strategies and may lead to serious changes in family values and dignity. For e.g. the need to cope with flood combined with lack of credit may force people to change their livelihood to one deemed less respectable by them. Access to market determines certain economic strategies such as selling of crops or livestock. Price and availability of resources such a seeds and other agricultural input, housing materials, medicine for livestock etc. are also important determinants of coping ability and strategy. Available resources and livelihoods options, e.g. availability of seeds can determine cropping pattern whereas availability of housing materials can determine housing pattern. iv) Access to information People who have access to information may receive assistance quicker than those who do not. Governance and political environment, where people can exercise their rights, call for accountability which can lead to certain coping mechanisms. Differences in peoples ability to cope in Mollar and Sonatoni char can be explained by access to information. The geographical remoteness from town and union council made Mollar char people more vulnerable. People of Koijhuri have access to newspaper, high school, TV, radio, mobile phones. Through these accesses they can easily meet up their demand for information, which helps them in every way decision making. v) Access to power and service providers Opportunity for participation and access to local political power such as linkages with labor leader, local government officials, local business people, moneylenders are very critical determinants in shaping ones coping strategy,. Pluralistic service environment, where more than one service provider exists, help people to have better and effective coping strategy. Many char people maintain relationship with more than one agency. Contrasting scenario between Mollar char and Sonatoni char can be a good example.

27

Alam. Khurshid. 2006. Moderate flooding hazard can cause severe/high destruction on lives and livelihood in 2006 because of high level of vulnerability: assumptions, evidences and policy implications. Key note paper presented at a national round table in Dhaka. July. 2006

37

There is no NGO presence in Sonatoni Char in contrast to Mollar char where GUK has an office with full time staff who are accessible to people at any time. Because of the easy accessibility, people in Sonatoni are more outward to the district town, but the same is expensive (equivalent to their one day wage) in Mollar char. With a varying degree, people are dependent on NGOs for collective and commons. Local labor leader who help people going in the cities for work is also very influential in Mollar Char, not in Sonatoni. In both the places, Mattabar (village leader) is highly powerful since he appears as owner of the land. Such a power relationship at the community level shapes behavior and construction of coping mechanism of the Char people. Commonly, people maintain and establish institutional linkages with service providers such as NGOs officials, members of the local government and local leaders who are the main actors in the chars. Ironically, these powerful people help them to survive during the floods. With very little power, they can hardly influence those people in their favor. They can not confront the influential people even if something goes wrong, rather they found that maintaining a good relationship is the best strategy.
I lost my house and a cow in last flood (2004). I never had a piece of land of my own. While my neighbors helped me to reconstruct my house, none had land to give me but the Mattabar. Only a few people who have papers got land when a new char was raised in the river. Rest of the land goes to the mattabars, who are powerful. They say they have the paper (deed) or they can make it. None knows whether they have such paper, or none ever asked them. Why dare to ask such a question? Its better to maintain a good relation with the leaders. They give us land to stay when our land gets eroded in the river. Nurjahan, 40 years old blind lives in Shidhai in Mollar char.

Despite many good roles of UP mentioned by people in helping them during flood, perceived and reported corruption has some influences on coping. In such situations they adopted three strategies: maintaining good relationship, bribing and becoming political followers. People reported bribing (Tk. 700-1500) UP members to get their name enlisted in safety-net support (VGF). Roni Bala, the 70 years old blind lady, mentioned earlier in the report, can not go to the Union Parishad for relief, and they do not come to her door step either. She says, Only the relatives of the members (of UP) and those who have money receive help from the members. I know I am blind, but cant they see me? Some start supporting powerful political parties and getting involved with their activities. Villagers also tend to develop good terms with powerful people (e.g. UP members, NGO) to get assistance in future. In case of vulnerable peoples name listing, there is an unwritten rule of validating the names through representatives from powerful political parties. Unless approved in the UPs list, they do not get direct approval on the main list. vi) Awareness and access to disaster preparednessDoes awareness lead to action? Among the development workers there is a general belief that there is huge need for awareness raising about flood preparedness. However, this study found that among families, there is already a high level of awareness about flood preparedness but they do not have ability or favorable condition and position to convert that awareness into action. There is great variation of practicing preparedness measures among families with similar level of awareness. Financial ability, human capital, social capital, networking with relatives and institutions are some of the key factors that can explain such difference. These factors have been discussed above. Earlier, people used to continue a tradition that they saw their forefathers practicing. Elevating plinth level is one example cited by Nazrul Islam who is a cleric at a local mosque in Sonatoni.

38

Every year after flood I do earthwork for my homestead by myself, sometime with the help of labors. I have seen my parents and grand parents do earth work for homestead. But I doubt whether they knew why they were doing it. But such awareness has changed. External assistance, such as support from NGOs and local government can transform awareness into practice, given proper incentive is in place. He further adds, I have heard from NGOs that we should elevate homestead. Yet, there are areas where there is a significant gap in awareness among the families with members with disability and their neighbors on issues concerning People with disabilities, such as how best People with disabilities can be included in shaping collective and family level coping mechanism. There is also some confusion among the community leaders about ability of People with disabilities to play meaningful role in decision-making. They think it is the responsibility of the families to take care of People with disabilities.
In our village, people take measures before flood according to their ability. Some are done together with neighbors, some with family. There is no harm is telling the truth, I never convey an early warning information to a person with disability. I dont know whether other people do so either. We think it is the responsibility of the families having family members with disabilities to convey information. Abdul Sobhan Munshi. 78 years old cleric at a local mosque in Sonatoni.

In contrast many people with disabilities believe that their situation can change if they get opportunity to participate. NGOs are working for changing practices. Nazrul Islam, who is also a change agent for the cause of People with disabilities says, I discuss in the mosque asking people to reject taking and giving dowry. I have received many good responses. Im now planning to start discussion about flood preparedness-how people can elevate their house, save money for flood. I will also talk about disability. vii) Support from government and NGOs Assistances can play a big role to improve People with disabilities coping in general. Many people with disabilities participated in this study mentioned various support for them to cope in flood. Some of the facilities (e.g. assistive devices, ramp etc.) are very expensive and people cannot bear the cost by themselves. These institutions can also play a role in changing the social and physical environment favorable for People with disabilities to cope better with floods. But coping with floods has a limit, particularly in the case with people with disabilities. Again, Sobura Khatun with physical impairment in Sonatoni Char, (whose houses plinth level was increased by MMS) says, my husband needs to go places for begging. They only work on my house, but roads can not be used during flood as they get inundated. We think its better to stay at home as it is safe for people like us. But what to eat? How to make a living without earning? In the case study presented below, an intellectually disabled man talks about the support received from institutions.

39

Box 8: Accessing assistance from institutions

Nurul Alam is an intellectually disabled man of 45. He has two daughters but wanted a son who could support his wife after him. Instead he now has to worry about paying dowry for his daughters marriages. He wanted his wife to be a member of the GUK group assuming that they would bring goat and loans. Nobody wants to give him work because hes intellectually impaired and can not see at night. He needs Tk.35 a week to buy his medicine. The last flood was a nightmare for me. My wife went to her uncles place in another char with poultry and cow. I said I would take care of the house. I cooked myself. I had some rice from harvest. His house was is in the north part of the char, but he had to move further north because of erosion. I have a tiny house with only a roof and thatch, which I built with the money I got by selling my cow for Tk. 5000. I dont get any support from the government. The member (elected member of Union council) says he would provide support, but never did. I offered Tk. 200 to 500 as bribe, but that did not work either. He says Im not disabled. How can he say so whereas no one hires me for work because they think Im mad and I can not see at night? Nurul Amin, 45 y, an intellectually impaired person

40

Chapter Five
Concluding Remarks and Recommendations
Nine conclusions: 1. Nature of floods as experience by char people is changing in terms of their frequency, intensity, time of occurrence (relation to cropping season) and predictability. This changing nature has an impact on peoples ability to cope. Although the community has used its own science and arts to predict floods, this traditional tool is becoming of little help due to the changing nature of floods and leaving the community with no choice but to rely on whatever early warning system is in place. The study also indicates that early warning has little relevance if people do not have the ability to prepare for and manage the consequences of flood. 2. People with disability are among the most vulnerable groups to the changing pattern of flood resulting from climate change, which has been exacerbated by many factors (outlined in point 3-6). 3. Community coping mechanisms are conditioned by various factors which are dynamic in nature, e.g. the availability of wage employment, price level of the commodity, access to local power, availability of and access to resources and local markets, access to information and services (such as vaccination for livestock), human and social capital. This study shows that community coping mechanism can be influenced by external factors, which in turn means that coping mechanisms can be strengthened by addressing these factors. The development and social processes can also negatively influence peoples ability to cope, unless they include coping mechanism in their policy and practices. 4. Coping has a cost--financial, social and opportunity. Financial ability is the key. Vulnerable char people have little or no surplus income to invest on the measures that can protect them from flood. As a result, peoples coping is limited to deal with immediate circumstances rather to undertake measures that are long term in nature. Social capital e.g. reciprocal support among the neighbors, support from immediate family members, greater kinship network are the vital safety net for the char people in coping with recurrent flooding. However, people are increasingly dependent on the formal institutions, particularly in the context of changing nature of flood. Pluralistic formal institutional setting is good for people to cope, as this increases likelihood of getting access to information and services. Therefore, a people centered governance where vulnerable people including people with disabilities have access to must be promoted. 5. Many people with disabilities have the knowledge and capacity to contribute towards the ability of their families and community to cope with floods. However, limited access to information, participation in the family and community level decision making, difficult physical environment and limited assistive devices make many people with disabilities dependent on their caretakers and other community members. These factors also limit people with disabilities to take leadership role in disaster reduction in their communities. This study highlights that the participation of people with disabilities should be the core focus of disaster reduction policy and practices. Limited participation of the people with disabilities in various decision making is the key barriers for their concerns to be included in the community coping mechanism.

41

6. Special support such as assistive devices (e.g. hearing aid, crutch, etc.), physical infrastructure (e.g. make it easier for them to walk through slippery grounds during floods) and security in flood shelter, etc. is required to support communitys coping mechanism. 7. The care givers, who generally take responsibilities of the people with disabilities, should be acknowledged as key active agent in the chars. The disaster reduction policy and practices should understand their concerns and support them before, during and after a flood to protect people with disabilities from flood. 8. While there is high level of awareness about the flood protection and prevention measures among the char people, there is very low level of awareness about the ability of people with disabilities to contribute towards reduction of flood impact. But this notion among the community leaders has been positively changing because of intervention by a few NGOs. A people centered approach should be promoted as key policy. Vulnerable people including people with disabilities should be core discourse rather vulnerabilities in the disaster reduction policy and practices. Enhancing ability of the people with disabilities, with other vulnerable groups to participate in various decision making and provide leadership should also shape such policies and practices. 9. Another observation from the study is how community coping mechanism can be weakened by development factors such as flood protection structures. Therefore, development NGOs and large development projects such as the Chars Livelihoods Project and government policy should have indicators to determine whether the projects actually strengthen or weaken community coping mechanism.

Three policy recommendations:

The policy recommendations generated from this study have been divided into three categories general recommendations for all development initiatives taken by the government and NGOs; recommendations for disaster preparedness initiatives or programs in particular and recommendations for government initiatives in particular. 1. Recommendations for Development Initiatives: i) Identify various vulnerable groups such as people with disabilities, women, children, elderly, etc in the poverty assessment. But planning should not be limited to only these categories; rather take an open approach to look for other vulnerable groups which include people with disabilities. Ensure that special needs of various vulnerable groups of people are identified in the assessment process. They should have equal opportunity to participate and influence decision making. Often, these groups of people have less information about wider context and have different way of articulation of their problem. It is always a good practice to have separate interview or group discussion with the most vulnerable groups, before inviting them to participate in the wider community meeting. The staff involved in facilitation should have good orientation and skills prior to such processes. It is important to identify needs of the most vulnerable people (what), but planning should take into account how most vulnerable people can access process and outcome of a programme. Activities must include special dissemination systems of information and

ii)

iii)

42

assistive devices for the most vulnerable people. People with disabilities, children and chronically ill people are often dependent on their family members. Thus their daily routine is closely linked with those members, who often have a huge workload and stress as a result of situations like flood and drought. Identify and understand the concern of such care givers. iv) Understand the special need of the most vulnerable people based on their experience in dealing with previous flood and drought for e.g. the difficulties they might have faced. Understand various ways to deal with it as desired by the most vulnerable people themselves. Understand the skills and capacity that the vulnerable people have. Use their capacity in the planning and implementation of the programme. Set out indicators for monitoring and evaluation to assess the impact of various programmes on the special vulnerable people. While taking initiatives to strengthen community coping mechanisms, development initiatives should ensure the participation of people with disabilities.

v) vi) vii)

2. Recommendations for Disaster Preparedness Initiatives (other than those outlined in the nine conclusions): i) Disaster preparedness initiatives should acknowledge the fact that people with disabilities require special facilities such as assistive devices, physical infrastructure, security, etc. and address these issues in disaster preparedness initiatives. Since community coping mechanism can be strengthened by addressing external factors (identified in concluding remarks above), development initiatives should shift their focus from disaster preparedness to strengthening coping mechanisms, while ensuring participation of people with disabilities. Keeping in mind the changing nature of floods and the difficulty it poses for people in using indigenous knowledge to forecast floods, further study is required on the following areas: a. Determining what specific early warning information (e.g. short term versus long term) will be useful for the different socio-economic groups of the community (such as fishermen, weavers, etc). b. Investing on long term forecasting that also takes care of climate, precipitation and variability. There is an urgent need for sharing climate change related information with the community, particularly people with disabilities who will be hit the hardest as a result of climate change. 3. Recommendations for the Government: The social safety net and other targeted programmes should include strengthening coping mechanism as a longer term goal, with specific emphasis on the changing pattern of flood. The support should directly address the need of the people with disability or be provided such as that

ii)

iii)

43

can be transformed to meet their need outlined in the conclusions. In order to achieve this goal, change in the analysis, perception of implementing agencies as well as specific programmes and resources are required. The Risk Reduction Programme of GoB should expand its mandate and modalities for implementation, which should be released before the flood season begins so that peoples coping ability is enhanced. Clearly, poor people face the greatest hurdle caused by the changing nature of flood due to climate change. Among them, people with disabilities is the group that requires specific assistance and programmes to cope (i.e. adapt) with such changing nature of flooding. National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA) should include people with disability as one of the key vulnerable groups and initiate specific programme so that their adaptation is enhanced. The families with members with disabilities should receive additional assistance as they bear additional responsibility to deal with floods. This policy should guide all government policy and strategy in relation to disaster reduction, as enshrined in the Hyogo Framework of Action (HFA) so that people with disability receive their fair share of public goods.

44