Forging an Indigenous Counterpublic Sphere: The Taller de Historia Oral Andina in Bolivia Author(s): Marcia Stephenson Reviewed work(s):

Source: Latin American Research Review, Vol. 37, No. 2 (2002), pp. 99-118 Published by: The Latin American Studies Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2692150 . Accessed: 21/05/2012 08:48
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RESEARCH REPORTS AND NOTES

FORGING

AN INDIGENOUS

SPHERE: COUNTERPUBLIC The Tallerde HistoriaOral Andina in Bolivia*

Marcia Stephenson
PurdueUniversity

sphere counterpublic the ofan indigenous Abstract: This impact essay analyzes as anarena conof differential that itfunctions incontemporary arguing Bolivia, carried In examining the work intellectuals andactivists. sciousness Aymara for as the Taller deHistoria known organization outby the nongovernmental Aymara as both a this importance sphere's essay highlights OralAndina (THOA),the in thecollaborative is expressed arena where agency discursive andterritorial a instrategically formulating is significant THOA'swork ofcommunity. spirit Andean terribased onrevisionist historiography, decolonization of methodology andcollective action. torial political demands, In recentyears, academics, human rightsactivists,international and othergroups have analyzed the pressingiswomen's organizations, conParticular and the practiceof citizenship. sues of democraticstruggle and to popular organizations siderationhas been paid to urban grassroots

forInternational *Earlierversions of this essay were read at the Helen Kellogg Institute The authorwishes ofNotreDame and at the Ohio StateUniversity. Studies at theUniversity Kuhnheim,Carlos Mamani to thankMaria Eugenia Choque Quispe, GuillermoDelgado, Jill inSalm6n,and FernandoUnzueta fortheir AparajitaSagar,Josefa Condori,Nancy Peterson, and feedbackon the manuscript.Researchwas supported by the Kellogg Institute sightful Purdue University. Review volume37 number 2 ? 2002 Latin American Research

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Research Review LatinAmerican social movementsand the ways theyhave shaped incipientdemocracies. inof many contemporary the centerpiece These crucialdebates also form indigenousmobilizastudyofrecent In an insightful digenousmovements. tionin Mexico,Guatemala,Ecuador,and Bolivia,Deborah Yasharexamined of and terms boththe"practice is challenging how indigenousorganization in LatinAmerica'snew democracies"(Yashar1998,23).Although citizenship forgroups in the 1980sand 1990slegalized theright politicalliberalization wherewithal have limitedaccess to thefinancial to organize,statereforms autonomythatmanyindigenouscomthepoliticaland cultural to maintain had established overpast decades (Yashar1998,24).Findingthemmunities as individual and collectivepoliticalactors,indigeselves disenfranchised Yasharasserts nous peoples have mobilizedaroundthequestionofidentity. in LatinAmericafliesin the ofindigenousorganization thattheresurgence face of liberal and Marxistassumptionsthatthe modern impulse would obsolete(1998,27;see also Delgado a politicizedindigenousidentity render then, 1994; Stephenson1999). Withthe beginningof the new millennium, as social actorsand demandindigenouspeoples are claimingpositionality and say-so in the politicalpracticesof the state. representation ing greater as Indians.This collective, to participate on theright Theyare also insisting and theinstiofthenation-state stancerequiresredefinition identity-based tutionsit encompasses (Delgado 1998,212-13). This stancethuschallenges ofgroups,including ofa plurality democracyto acknowledgetheexistence marginalizedor excluded. thosetraditionally and proindigenousmovements The interface betweencontestatory must "conceptualresources" suggeststhatdistinct cessesofdemocratization enable the expressionof oppositional culturalidentities(Fraser 1997,70). how oppositional One such conceptualresourceuseful to understanding engage the practice of democracy is the public sphere. groups critically thepublicsphereas "thesphereofprivate people Habermasdescribed Jiirgen as a public" (Habermas 1991,27). This sphereis a discursive come together where ofcriticism ofpublicauthority," thestate, a "sphere from arenaseparate (Habermas 1991,51). Fundacitizenscan debate issues ofcommoninterest has already mentalto Habermas's workis theassumptionthatcitizenship been universallyimplementedand fullyextended to individuals. But as and thepracticesofcitizenship alreadyobserved,in LatinAmericanstates, liberaldemocracyhave helped consolidatecriolloand mestizohegemony and twentieth the late nineteenth throughout and erase ethnicdifferences citizenship Based on a series of "legal and ideological fictions," centuries. threatens marginalizedgroups with excluin these countriescontinually sion even as itproclaimsthemto be equals (Varese1996,18-19). the public sphere have given devoted to rethinking Criticalefforts or whatNancy Fraserterms ofcounterpublic spheres, riseto thetheorization "in orderto signalthattheyare paralleldiscursubaltern counterpublic spheres 100

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sive arenas where membersof subordinatedsocial groups inventand ciropposiwhich in turnpermitthemto formulate culate counterdiscourses, 1997,81). and needs" (Fraser interests, identities, oftheir tionalinterpretations sphereis thus an arena where subordinatedgroupsbeThe counterpublic than objectsof discourse.As such,the counterpublic come subjectsrather ways ofknowalternate and expressing spherecan be a siteforformulating Drawto difference. and politicalright thecultural legitimizing ing,thereby ing fromChandra Mohanty'sdiscussion of thirdworld women's opposisphereis it can be said thatthe indigenouscounterpublic tional struggles, and histories ofindigenouspeoples "withdivergent community an activist toforms threads ofopposition by thepolitical woven together sociallocations, (Mohanty1991, thatarenotonlypervasivebutalso systemic" ofdomination theindigenous counterpublic 4, emphasis in original).What distinguishes ofterriis theimportance publics,however, othercontestatory spherefrom and self-determination. toachieveautonomy torial demandsand thestruggle de Historia TheTaller Sphere: Counterpublic A Brief History ofan Indigenous Oral Andina itis imporofindigenousstruggles, context Within thehemispheric ofthecoun60 percent theBoliviancase. Approximately tantto underscore are indigenouspeoples livingin ruraland urban try's6 millioninhabitants areas (Rivera 1993, 52). On the heels of devastatingneoliberaleconomic of indigepolicies implementedduringthe early1980s came a resurgence nous organizationin boththeAndean highlandsand theAmazonian lowlands. To mentionjust a few examples,in 1982 in Santa Cruz, indigenous peoples fromthe lowlands organized the PrimerEncuentrode Pueblos indigenouspeoples pubIndigenas del OrienteBoliviano.At thismeeting, the injusticesthatwere timein recenthistory liclydenounced forthe first theparticipants againstthem.As a resultofthisassembly, being committed formeda regionalassociation known as the Confederacionde Indigenas del OrienteBoliviano (CIDOB), an associationthathas called forthe right of CIDOB, the and autonomy.Soon afterthe establishment to territory theAsamblea del Pueblo theCordilleraprovinceformed Ava-Guaranifrom leaders and Guarani (Healy 2001,74-82).In thehighlandsa fewyearslater, to createthe came together fromindigenouscommunities representatives Federacion de Ayllus del Sur de Oruro and the Federacion de Ayllus de Nortede Potosi. noteto providea history Whileitis beyondthescope ofthisresearch to call in Bolivia,itis important and movements ofindigenousorganization event that took place in October 1990, when attentionto the significant more than eight hundred Amazonian Indians began the arduous sevenTrinidadto La Paz to demand human and hundred-kilometer marchfrom 101

LatinAmerican Research Review SilviaRivera, According to sociologist territorial rights from thegovernment. and Dignityencapsulated the complex historical the March forTerritory of indigedimensionsoftheindigenousmovementby callingfortheright nous peoples to be treatedwith dignityand respectedfortheirhistorical, (Rivera 1993, 53). When the marchers cultural,and political specificities reachedthemountainpass thatis botha physicaland symbolicborderbetweenthehighlandsand thelowlands,theywere welcomed by thousands ofAymaras,Qhichwas, and Urus and also by non-Indianswho had come of out to meetthem.Those presentdeclared the eventto be therestoration Aymara leader Tupak Katari,whose the body of the eighteenth-century symbolizedthe violentdeath at the hands of Spanish colonial authorities of the Inca EmpireTawantinsuyu.Rivera describedthe indisintegration encounter: "La union tenseemotionalchargeofthishistorically significant del cuerpo indfgena-union ctonica,desde las de las partesfragmentadas o al menos asi profundidadesdel tiempo-espacio-parecio vislumbrarse, un vuelco lo percibimosla mayorfade los presentes,como un pachakuti, nuevamentecomo un rayoen el cielo despejado del cosmico,que irrumpia tiempolineal" (1993,53).1 This momentouscoming togetherof indigenous peoples fromall of a new arena of public debate and over Bolivia heralded the formation In the years since the 1990 march,this counterpublic contestation. sphere from different has createda forumforindigenouspeoples to join together areas of the countryto pursue common interests, although not without betweengroups.This counterpublic sphere serious ideological differences underscores thehistorical agencyofindigenouspeoples and challengesprevailing dehumanizingpracticesthatforover fivehundredyears had releAs CharlesMerewether has ofpremodern Other. gatedthemto thecategory "The public sphere can thus be reclaimedas a argued in anothercontext, whichhave previously been excluded critical sitefordifferent communities, fromit. This leads to the creationof a new space in which to address exthe foundationforotherformsof social affiliation periences constituting and sharing of democracy" (Merewether and of rightsto the difference 1996,113-14). The workofthepioneering organization Aymaranongovernmental in known as the Tallerde Historia Oral Andina (THOA) has contributed
ofrepression 1. Historianand culturalcritic Michel de Certeau has argued thatthehistory on the nativebody. The body thus figuresas a site of memand resistancehas been written body and another ory forLatin Americanindigenous peoples. He observed, "This tortured a political assoa rebirth of the will to construct earth, represent a beginning, body,the altered locus, the collecto hardshipis the historical ciation.A unityborn ofhardshipand resistance nor denies thiswritingof tive memoryofthe social body,where a will thatneitherconfirms historyoriginates.It deciphers the scars on the body proper [le corpsproper]-or the fallen yet to who correspondto themin narrative-as the index of a history 'heroes' and 'martyrs' be made" (Certeau 1986,227,emphases in original).

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keyways to theformation oftheindigenouscounterpublic spherein Bolivia. While it may notbe as well known abroad as otherpoliticalorganizations liketheConfederacion SindicalUnica de Trabajadores Campesinosde Bolivia (CSUTCB), THOA has conducted an ongoing critiqueof Westernepisteand activismforclose to two decades. THOA is mologiesthrough writings not the only organizationin Bolivia to undertakethe difficult task of reexaminingprevailinghistoriographic and intellectual the paradigmsfrom pointofview ofindigenouspeoples. The seminalworkofAymarahistorian RobertoChoque Canqui represents one ofthefirst sustainedefforts in this area. FollowingChoque Canqui's lead, othercenters'journalsand centers and CentroPusisuyu have published such as Mink'a,Qhantati, Chitakolla, to an alternate form studiesexpressing profoundcommitment ofhistorical consciousness (Mamani Condori 2001, 51-52). THOA's emphasis on the roleofcommunity eldersas well as theinfluential significant contributions ofwomen to thestruggle forautonomyand self-determination exemplifies the efforts of thisnew generation of indigenousintellectuals. Understanding the accomplishments of THOA in lightof recentstudies of the public and methodofstruggle sphereis particularly apt because thegroup'stheory and agencyas consistently foreground questionsofindigenoussubjectivity ofa community. expressedin thecollaborativecontext As itsfirst critical theelaborationand endeavor,THOA has fostered expressionof Andean culturalidentities hisby collectingand circulating documentsdisseminatedmainlyin bilintorical, political,and testimonial gual (Aymara and Spanish) publications,videos, and radio programsor radionovelas. The deployment ofbilingualdocumentsgeneratesan oppositional forumwhere native peoples can explore theirown identitiesand and culturaldislocation voices,experienceofpoliticaldisenfranchisement, (see Felski 1989,167). At the same time,thisculturalproductionpresumes nativelinguistic "Bolivian history." The alternate unagencyby rewriting is one in whichpre-national culture is rooted. derstanding ofBolivianhistory In thismanner, THOA has definedits goals in oppositionto the homogenizing logic of criollopolitical and social culture.And yet because these documentsare also in Spanish, theyreach outward to societyas a whole. RitaFelski'sworkon thefeminist itis possible Drawing from public sphere, to argue thatTHOA's strategic use ofSpanish "seeks to convincesocietyas a whole of the validityof [indigenous]claims,challengingexistingstructuresofauthority and theoretical through politicalactivity critique"(Felski 1989,168). In a second undertaking, THOA helps organize and promotethe movementto reconstitute theAndean community structure known as the ayllu.It is the fundamentalsocial organizationloosely based on kinship held territory thatencompasseslands located in a groupsand communally ofecosystems. thelong history ofcolonialism, thefragvariety Throughout mentation ofindigenousterritory and social has led to devastating material 103

LatinAmerican Research Review The geopoliticalmovement consequencesformanyAndean communities. colonial territorial boundaries to reconstitute theayllu calls forrecognizing betweencommunities and reestablishing traditional Andean forms ofgovtheayllu continues tobe thedynamicspace ernance. Althoughfragmented, ofindigenoussocial and culturalpracticesthatare intimately linkedto na(Mamani Condori 1992, tureand the community's ancestralrelationships of the indigenous 9-10). Therefore, thisessay underscoresthe significance counterpublic spherein Bolivia as not only a discursivearena but also an autonomous spatial or territorial arena where oppositional culturaland can be enactedand legitimated. politicalidentities do not implyisolationism, howAutonomyand self-determination linkswith ever.THOA's efforts to reconstitute theayllu have forgedstrong othersignificant having commonobjectivessuch as Aymaraorganizations theright to territory and dignity as well as respectforindigenouspolitical, THOA collaborateswith nongovernmental social, and culturaltraditions. organizations(NGOs) such as the CentroAndino de Desarrollo Agropecuario (CADA) and theCentrode Discusion Ideologica de la MujerAymara (CDIMA), cosponsoringvarious workshops and meetingsincluding the Primer sobreDerechos de los Pueblos y Naciones Originariasin Encuentro 1994.THOA also maintains close associationwithCONAMAQ (Consejo de createdin 1997 Ayllusy Markas del Qullasuyu), an indigenousfederation thedepartments ofLa Paz, Oruro,Potosi,Cochabamba, and by ayllusfrom Chuquisaca. THOA also participatesin projectsand exchanges organizationalexperiencewithindigenouspeoples from theBolivianlowlands. For de Organiexample,in June1998,THOA hosted theSegunda Conferencia zaciones e Instituciones del Ayllu. This que Apoyan a la Reconstitucion of CIDOB. gathering includedAmalio Siye,thepresident THOA's work is increasingly On the international grounded front, a growingIndian rights in thewider transnational indigenousmovement, limits network thatrecognizes"boththecurrent ofpurelydomesticattempts and thepotentialforgrass-roots at democratization leveragethrough'actin severalmeetings ing globally"' (Brysk 1994,30).2THOA has participated de Nacionalidades Indiand exchangeswithCONAIE (theConfederacion theexchangeof meetingsfacilitate genas del Ecuador). These international to soliand demonstrate organizational experiences provide opportunities darityand supportforsharedpoliticalobjectives. on 13 November1983. THOA was established as a research collective thedeathofSantosMarka The groupdesignatedthisdate to commemorate duringthe1920sand 1930s. T'ula, an influential Aymaraleader and activist Most of THOA's ten or so originalmemberswere bornand raised in ayllu from theimplementation ofmandatory rural communities. Havingbenefited
see Brysk(1994), Comisi6n Interindigenous movement, 2. For more on the transnational nacional de Juristas et al. (1996),Maiguashca (1994),Varese (1991), and Varese,ed. (1996).

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generationof Aymarastuprimaryeducation,theywere part of the first in La Paz in the 1970s (Harris the San Andres University dents attending and and sociology, 1992,101).Many obtainedbachelor's degreesin history at FLACSO in Quito. some completedmaster'sdegreesin Andean history as lifeexperience grewout oftheir in Andean history The students'interest of Silvia Rivera, AymaraIndians,theircourseworkunder the directorship in the burgeoningIndian movementof the and theiractive participation JulianApasa of the MovimientoUniversitario 1980s as leaders or malikus (MUJA)and the Partido Indio.3 The group's initialintentwas to study a in 1866withtherepublic's beginning crucialtimeperiod in Andean history, aggressiveand sustained assault on the indigenous ayllu and ending in During these years,the reagrarianreform. 1950,priorto state-instituted land rethe ayllu through efforts to fragment publicanregimesintensified and indiform legislationemphasizingliberalnotionsof privateproperty vidualism at the expense of traditionalcommunal practicesof exchange Maria Eugenia Choque Quispe explainedthatTHOA's deand reciprocity. thedemands oftheinon thistimeperiod arose from cisionto concentrate digenous movementsof the 1980s and the desire to understandhistory the larger fromthe point of view of the oppressed as a way of contesting of indigenouspeoples (Choque Quispe culture'sdehumanizingtreatment n.d.,1). positingthatdeTHOA membersbegan witha workinghypothesis an autonomous spite the ongoing historyof colonialism and repression, the persistedthroughout indigenous historicalmemoryand subjectivity was memory Thisnativehistorical centuries. and earlytwentieth nineteenth efforts by theradicalto intensifying to indigenousresistance fundamental and by the MNR ized workifig class to assimilate Indians as campesinos Indians intoacculNacionalistaRevolucionario)to transform (Movimiento archivalinvestirequiredextensive project This research turatedmestizos.4 gationthatprovided THOA memberswith a catalog of names and ayllus century. thebeginningof the twentieth of important Aymaraleaders from the initialinquiriesdid notturnup much detailedinformation, While their data theyuncovered pointed to the existenceof an ongoing indigenous the Bolivian Andes to retaincommunal lands. As movementthroughout of indigenousleaders,THOA memtheylearnedmoreabout thisnetwork the common struggleunderlyingthe series of bers were able to identify as isolated and identified by criollohistoriography uprisingstraditionally travteamsubsequently (Rivera1986,83).The research rebellions irrational
of education, and the majority 3. Many THOA membershave obtained some university view themas urban mestizos. themresidein El Alto. For thesereasons,some social scientists as Indians, and mostmaintainfamilialties and labor obligYetTHOA membersself-identify ationswiththeirayllu communities. via E-mail,2 Oct. 1998. 4. Carlos Mamani Condori,personal communication

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LatinAmerican Research Review with commueled to these ayllus and conducted lengthyoral interviews in the struggles of the nityelders and theirfamilieswho had participated both the existence 1920s and 1930s.The oral historiescollectedconfirmed This originalinvestigation and themagnitudeof indigenousorganization. publications, includingthebilingualbooklet resultedin several important El indioSantosMarkaT'ula (1984) and theAymararadionovela of the same name. of the booklet,Olivia In her introduction to the Englishtranslation and innovato the text'ssignificance Harris called the reader's attention hisit as "probablythefirst modernexperienceofwriting tion,identifying inAymara"(1992,101).THOA's groundbreaking on Santos publication tory Marka T'ula represents a rethinking oftraditional Western historiographic in exisof writing thatcombinesa tradition practiceswithina framework tence among many Andean indigenous communitiessince the colonial methodologiesand techniquesassociated withcolperiod withalternative lectingoral historiesin the native language (see Mamani Condori 1989, beliefswas thatthisknowledge must 1991). One of THOA's fundamental be returned sense of colso thata fortified to theindigenouscommunities lective identity and unitymightenable indigenous peoples to face their into the future common problems and empower them to move together (Mamani Condori 1989, 23). To accomplish this objective,THOA had to make thetextlinguistically Harrisdescribedthe accessibleand affordable. ofthebookletand itscontents: "The juxtarelationship betweentheformat theway positionofAymaraand Spanish in the originalvividlyillustrated in accessible language, withthe thatBolivia is a divided country. Written in theoriginal transcribed oraltestimonies Aymaraaccompaniedby a Spanish translation, it was published as a cheap mimeographedpamphletand was easily accessible to ruralschoolteachers and the youngerliterate generationsofIndian peasants" (Harris 1992,101-2). The popular success enjoyed by thisinitialwork,evidencedby itswidespread use in ruralschools, demonstrateshow the recoveryand decolonization of native historical to reclaimitsidentity. The transforknowledgecan empowera community is thatforgeslinksbetween the past and the future mationalrelationship best expressed in the Aymarasaying "Qhiparu nayraruufitassartantani" (Looking back, we will move forward)(Mamani Condori 1992,14; Rivera 1986). Both the booklet and the radionovela recountthe lifeand work of Santos Marka T'ula (?-1939), a legendaryAymaraleader dedicated to orto thepervasiveeffects ofcolonialism.Like ganizingindigenousresistance the was such a success thatin the mimeographedpamphlet, radionovela three times in Aymarato series was broadcast 1986 the of ninetyepisodes La of and Cochabamba Potosi communities and parts throughout Paz, Oruro, "the Marka and Kevin Santos Albo observed, 1996,255). Healy (TiconaAlejo T'ula storyclimbed to the top of the popularitychartsof ruralradio pro106

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in thealtiplanotownsand hamlets"(Healy 2001,87).According gramming Fridays, to Maria Eugenia Choque Quispe, theshow ranMondays through with the Saturday slot reserved forpublic discussion and commentary, People withthewider Aymaracommunity. interaction thereby facilitating with additional doculisteningto the programcontactedTHOA's offices to thenarrawhile otherscalled in to offer corrections mentson thecacique, to learn exchangesenabled Aymaracommunities tive.These collaborative oftheman's lifeand and symbolicrepercussions moreabout thehistorical withhim.5 work and thepeople who struggled Yet the success of the radio programand publicationrestson more THOA's workcaused and retelling. actofremembering thantheparticipatory specificAymaraleaders and "sites of experience"to become visible to a 1996,108).Esteban (see Merewether community interpretative wide Aymara thatthe impactof the Ticona Alejo and XavierAlbo commentedsimilarly sino el iniciodel proradio program"no fueun simpleacto de recordacion de la identidadhistorica y difusionde la lucha de cienceso de revaloracion tos de comunidades originarias y ex-haciendas"(1996,255).Throughthese space open to broadcasts,THOA was able to createa legitimate interactive the presenceof marginalizedotherswithinthe public sphere.THOA's inconsequentlyset intomotionan extensiveprocess of collective vestigation a seriesofsimilar thatinitiated ofnativeidentity ofthehistory reevaluation As a result,the the altiplano. throughout projectsin various communities indigenousmovea large-scale figure ofSantosMarkaT'ula who personified also became theshared mentin thefirst century, forty yearsofthetwentieth fora generationof originarios) (as pueblos symbolof FirstNation identity (Ticona,Rojas, and Aymarayoung people livingat the end of the century Albo 1995,199-200;also Ticona Alejo and Albo 1996,254-55).6 These earlypublicationsand radio broadcastsby THOA members elements and land as interlocking of identity insistedon the significance politics.In thisconvitalto thedialogicsofan oppositionalAndean cultural symbolic Andean community acquired critical theayllu or traditional text, "poblacion, govalue because it encompassed threebasic characteristics: biernoy territorio" (Federacionde Ayllus 1993,12). Designated as "jatha" the model space "where Andean civiconstitutes (seed), the community such as Tawantinsuyuhave germinated" lizationsand politicalstructures oftheayllu as (THOA 1995,11).THOA's workemphasizingtheimportance between a symbolicand materialspace has underscoredthe relationship and identity(see also Choque Canqui and Ticona Alejo 1996; territory Callisaya Cuentas 1996; Conde Mamani 1996; Rivera and THOA 1992;
de los viejos:Con Maria Eugenia 5. Luisa Limachi,"Tenemosque aprenderde la experiencia 30 Aug. 1996. published in Presencia, del THOA." Interview Choque Quispe, directora utilized of the phrase pueblosoriginarios 6. My use of the termFirstNationis a translation to themselves. by Andean indigenouspeoples when referring

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Review Research LatinAmerican Rasnake 1988). The operations of native historicalmemoryforma key thatin thiscase is built on a series of spatiallyconfigchannelof identity ofthe ayllu thus The de-structuring ured social and culturalrelationships. ofmemory(see Wachtel1986,215). bringsabout thede-structuring this reciprocalrelationship Carlos Mamani Condori foregrounded and social memoryin his seminal publication identity, among territory, L. de Eduardo en la biograffa y 'Renovacion' guerra 1866-1935:Masacre, Taraqu, Nina Qhispi(1991). For Mamani Condori,what began as a plan to writea and biographyof the lifeand thoughtof the leading Aymaraintellectual ofSantos Marka leader,Eduardo Nina Qhispi (1887-1936),a contemporary T'ula, soon turnedinto a largerepistemologicaland methodologicalununcovered littlerecordedinBecause his initialinvestigations dertaking. Mamani Condori was obliged on thisimportant leader's career, formation la vida de un indio? Lo to ask: "SEn que documentospodriamosinvestigar unico con que contabamosdesde el principioera la fechade su nacimiento theevents y la de su muerte"(Mamani Condori1991,160).To explorefurther Mamani Condori theAymaraleader's life, surrounding and circumstances withthe collectionof oral histories, had to combinearchivalinvestigation much as the largerresearchteam did when workingon the Santos Marka resultedin the discoverythathe methodology This alternate T'ula project. first writing aboutNina Qhispi's could notwriteaboutNina Qhispi without ayllu and subsequentlyabout surroundingayllus. Mamani Condori exhimback to a traditional Andean belief: plained thathis approach brought "'que la historiade un individuo no es sino un hilo en el tejido de la historiacolectiva" (1991, 12). Thus the projectthatbegan as a Western-style biographycenteredon a unitarysubjectbecame instead an extensivecolofthealtiplanoregion(Mamani Condori 1991,9-11). By delectivehistory the individual subject,Mamani Condori was able to uncoveran centering had ignoredor dismissedas histories thatcriolloofficial alternative history indigenous histoirrelevant. Mamani Condori concluded thatrevisionary del en la historia la la historia de persona reconocer "nos permite riography la otra asi abordar de la y de otros indios reputblica, de la los marka,7 y ayllu, tancuidadosamenteocultada por la historiografia cara de la historia criolla, tradicional"(1991,160). to a crisis elitehistoriography Mamani Condori'spublication brought criollo authority in and maintaining creating bare its investment laying by betweenindigenous on therelationship moregenerally and power.8 Writing
formedby a group of ayllus. is thejurisdiction 7. A marka Subaltern Studies, GayatriSpivak argued, "It is the essay to Selected 8. In her introductory displacementsin discursivefields.In my readingof forceof a crisisthatoperatesfunctional can be located in the forceor bringing-to-crisis thiscritical Studies, thevolumes of Subaltern European energyof the questioningof humanismin the post-NietzscheansectorofWestern forour group Michel Foucault, Roland Barthes,and a certainLevi-Strauss. structuralism,

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"It may be out of thisdeep ArifDirlik-noted, and colonialism, historicism of theirsocietiesthatindigenouswriters destruction sense ofthehistorical Because was'-for them. 'as itreally theprocessofhistory insist on recovering forbeing 'unhistorical,'it out of history indigenous people were written becomes all the more necessary to document meticulouslythe process in ordertorecover (Dirlik historicity" wereerasedfrom history they whereby 1996,23-24). THOA and theTaraquAgrarofTaraqu, thepublication Not longafter ian Centerorganized a weekend seminarentitled"La Lucha Anticolonial de los Comunarios de Taraqu." It was based on Mamani Condori's book The seminarhad two objectives. and was held in the Taraqu community. and thesecond was to thebook to thecommunity, was to "return" The first opening "a conversaofFirstNation peoples, thereby on thehistory reflect mediation."9Topics fordiscuscriollo-mestizo tion withoutpaternalistic colonial sion included the importanceof theAymaralanguage in history, and Andean women. This experienceindicatesthatthe impact land titles, written of THOA's work goes beyond merelysupplementingtraditional sugoforal history, speakingon theimportance histories. Nathan Wachtel, record up" questionstheofficial thebottom gestedthatsucha process"from at the same time and a countermemory and uncovers a counterhistory thisenduring counterForMamani Condori,however, 1986,207-8). (Wachtel Continuin terms ofitsrepetition. should notbe understoodmerely history (MamaniCondori1991,159). renovacion" ationis also "cambio,maduracion, in rethusbecomes a powerfulcatalyst Revisionist Andean historiography and thedignity ofbeing human: "Si partimos claiminga collectiveidentity del problemade la colonizacion,lo primeroque nos ha sido afectadopor ese hecho es nuestraidentidad,nuestroorgulloetnico.Nuestra autoestima fue pisoteada por el colonialismoy lo que nosotroshemos tratadoes preesa autoestima mediante esta primeraexperienciade cisamenterestituir historica."10 investigacion THOA's trailblazingpublicationsbroughtthe organizationto the in ofmany.Disseminationof thegroup's researchwas facilitated attention partby thepublishinghouse HistoriaSocial Boliviana (HISBOL) and later In their discussionsofthe in 1991ofEditorialAruwiyiri.11 by theformation

question humanism by exposing its hero-the sovereign subject as These structuralists between the imand power. There is an affinity legitimacy, author,the subjectof authority, perialistsubjectand the subjectof humanism" (Spivak 1988,10). 15 May 9. "Seminariosobre 'Lucha anticolonialde los comunariosde Taraqu,"' Presencia, 1992. 10. Wilson Garcia M6rida, "Intelectualesindigenas en la mira: Aurolyn Luykx y Carlos 1, in Datos y Andlisis Mamani Condori,dos enfoques sobre una 'novedad' social," interview no. 4, 11 Dec. 1994 (published in Cochabamba). 11. See Healy (2001) forhis discussion of the linkbetween THOA and HISBOL.

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Review Research LatinAmerican sphere,bothNancy Fraserand Rita Felskihave emphasized counterpublic in creof mass media and public formsof communication theimportance groupslack equal arena.When subordinated discursive atinga contestatory "political economy enforces access to the means of equal participation, (Fraser1997,79).Fraser what cultureaccomplishesinformally" structurally in counterpublics and Felskihave pointed out the ways in which feminist the United States have benefitedfroma wide range of discursiveinfrapublishingcompathatincludejournals,bookstores, alternative structures and academic programs. So too Michael Dawson has centers, nies,research of bases fortheformation ofdiverseinstitutional expressedtheimportance a multiplicity ofBlack inBlack history a black public sphere:"throughout An counterpublic. have formed thematerialbasis fora subaltern stitutions independentBlack press, the productionand circulationof socially and sharp popular Black music and theBlack churchhave provided politically sincetheCivil War" (Dawson bases fortheBlackcounterpublic institutional 1995,210). networking and collaboration the Internet has facilitated Recently, social preexisting amongsome indigenoussocietieseven as ithas reinforced in places where a lack of resourcesand technology makes elecstructures expensive(Delgado and Becker1998). prohibitively tronic communication access onlyabout sixyearsago. MoreForexample,THOA acquiredInternet in 1992slowlyfades, over,as thememoryoftheColumbian Quincentenary support for indigenous organizations from"grantingagencies" in the so-calleddeveloped world has graduallydeclined.AlthoughTHOA has received grantsfrominternational organizationssuch as OXFAM, the InterAmericanFoundation,and Fondo Indigena,resourcesforequal access to difficult to acquire. Followingan exterare exceedingly equal participation nal evaluation of THOA in 1993,VirginiaAyllonnoted in her reportthat achievein publishing one ofitsgreatest constitute THOA's accomplishments ments(Ayllon1993,21). She also praised THOA's rigorousmethodology whichmake thegroup's publicationsaccesand professional presentation, thatthe written sible to a broad audience. Ayllonwas concernedat first be directed moretowardan academic audience thantowardthe texts might interviewing repThese fearswere dispelledafter indigenouscommunities. thatthe who statedcategorically fromdifferent communities resentatives werebothveryclearand useful.Ayllonalso spoke withProfessor materials Bilingue (PEIB), Felix Apala of the Proyectode Educacion Intercultural who reportedthatrural teachersfound THOA's publicationswell suited forthe classroom(Ayllon1993,22-23). In additionto thepamphleton Sanintos Marka T'ula, publicationswidely used by indigenouscommunities clude RobertoSantos Escobar's Fechashisto'ricas indfgenas (1992), THOA's delospueblos Pasadoyfuturo Choque Canqui (1995),Roberto originarios Ayllu: o colonizacion? Educacion and hiscoauthors' (1992),Tomias indz'gena ,Ciudadanfa denuestros Testimonios Huanca's Jilirinaksan mayores (1991),and the arsuiwipa: 110

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organica (1993).NotwithIngavi's Estructura Federacionde Ayllus-Provincia standingthe excellentquality of all THOA publications,theirdisseminaremainsan ongoing challenge due to intion to indigenous communities funds.And the materialdisadvantages thatTHOA faces means sufficient Bolivian society. thatitsanalysisand critiqueexpand slowlythroughout with itsactivities coordinated THOA has increasingly Over theyears, and academics. But as Kevin Healy organizations, otherNGOs, grassroots was has pointed out, "THOA's risingprofilein the academic community Andean themesand methodologiesbut due not onlyto itsunconventional events sponsored by the organization. 'intercultural' also to the off-beat timeat public univerAymarawas spoken along withSpanish forthefirst ofacullicu, and on occasion theindigenousruralsocial etiquette sityevents, and friendship, tookplace a communalsharingofcoca leaves forsolidarity achievements wine" (Healy 2001,87). THOA's impressive in lieu ofserving group toa dynamic spheregave new prominence a counterpublic in forming of young Aymaraintellectuals, both men and women. As the group subof an indigethetheoretical and methodologicalunderpinnings stantiated forthe in the early1980s,it also laid thegroundwork nous historiography in theayllu movementofthe 1980s and 1990s. group's participation toReconstitute theAyllu TheMovement increasingly THOA's efforts Even in theearlyyearsoforganization, theayllu,which had been coalesced around themovementto reconstitute measures introduced growingduringthe early 1980s followingausterity devastationfromongoing drought.Resand terrible by neoliberalreform to selfAndean community, and withittheright ofthetraditional toration was perceived as a vital means of governance and self-determination, effects ofeconomicand naturaldisasters.Conthecatastrophic mitigating of the ayllu as a poTHOA membersrecognizedreconstitution sequently, liticalact of decolonization.Maria Eugenia Choque Quispe explained that THOA did not decide alone, in vertical top-down fashion,to work on came about as a the ayllu. Rather, the group's involvement reconstituting themselves.12 resultof repeatedrequestson thepartof ayllu communities of PresidentGonzalo Sainchezde Lozada and Under the administration statelegunprecedented VictorHugo Cardenas (1993-1997), Vice President islationrecognized,at least on paper, the rightsof indigenous peoples to Soughtout by indigenousleaders ofgovernance. and nativeforms territory THOA memofthispoliticalconjuncture, who understoodtheimportance and advisoryrolesas theyaccompanied bershad to assume organizational as themselves officially to reconstitute the communitiesin theirefforts withthedeincluded assistingcommunities ayllus. THOA's new direction
30 Aug. 1996. withMaria Eugenia Choque, Presencia, 12. Limachi interview ill

Research Review LatinAmerican forreconstituting velopmentof leadershipworkshops,devisingstrategies archivesto compilehistorical theayllu,and researching and strengthening includingcolonial land titles(Choque Quispe 1998). documents, federations: tworegional peoplesformed indigenous In 1987and 1988, theFederacionde Ayllusdel Sur de Oruroand theFederacionde Ayllusdel Nortede Potosi.At the same time,THOA began workingwithindigenous organizationsfromthe province of Ingavi in the departmentof La Paz. resultedin the Federacion de Ayllus y Comunidades OrigiThese efforts included narias de la ProvinciaIngavi (FACOPI) in 1993.Laterfederations Mufiede la Provincia theFederacionde Ayllusy MarkasAymara-Qhichwas cas (1995), the Central de Ayllus y Comunidades Originariasde Umala (CACOU) (1995), and the Federacion de Comunidades Originariasde la Marka de Achacachi (FEDECOMA) (1996). In 1997 the ayllus and markas formed as the "Jach'aSuyu Pakajaqi" (the ofthePacajes Provinceofficially ayllus serve as model exGreatNation of Pakajaqi). These reconstituted and in theprovincesofVillarroel as is occurring amples forothersto follow, Loayza (THOA n.d., 1-2; Choque Quispe 1998). the ayllu can be initiatedin different The process of reconstituting oftheFederacionde Jesusde Machaqa in theprovinceof ways. The history studyofJesu's multivolume example.In their one representative Ingavioffers de Machaqa, RobertoChoque Canqui, Esteban Ticona Alejo, and Xavier the twentieth Albo traced the complex dialecticthatevolved throughout various tradition oftheayllu had to confront as theorganizational century notablythat of rural syndicalism.While the formsof state intervention, theChaco War can be foundin theperiod following rootsofthismovement subsequentto the Revolutionof (1932-1935),ruralsyndicalismflourished (MNR) NacionalistaRevolucionario 1952withthedesireoftheMovimiento Revoluto reorganizethestateand "modernize"indigenouscommunities. as a usefulway ofincorporatsystem elitesperceivedthesyndicate tionary ingindigenouspeoples intothenationaleconomyas peasantsorcampesinos of to vote,and replacement theuniversalright land reform, by promoting The inwith elected offices. traditional indigenous positionsof authority more closelywith the miners'and tentwas to align the ruralcommunity workers'movementand thusbolsterthe politicalbase of theMNR.13The indigenousmovement year 1992 markeda watershed,as thetransnational hundred resistance to colonialism. celebrate five of forces to years gathered by forming in the call to come together Bolivia joined peoples Indigenous theAsamblea de las Nacionalidades. In theprovinceofIngavi,indigenous oftheayllu and markawhile turning away peoples reclaimedthestructure set forth theorganizational (TiconaAlejo from by syndicalism arrangement and Albo 1996,266).
see Calder6n and Dandler (1984) and Mamani 13. For more analysis of ruralsyndicalism, Condori (2001).

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from thisexperienceofreorganizaresourceresulting An important orga'nica, compiledby theFederacionde Ayllus tionis thebookletEstructura de la ProvinciaIngavi (FACOPI) and published y Comunidades Originarias Gomez Callisaya outlinedin theproby THOA. Mallku(leader) Florentino in Januto his account, logue themajoreventsas theytookplace. According theprovinceofIngavi's from ary1993some seven hundredrepresentatives de Dein thePrimerMagno CongresoOrgainico eightcantonsparticipated to strategize ways offortifycame together saguadero. The representatives levels,includingthelocal level of at different structures ing organizational the ayllu, the regionallevel of groups of ayllus sharingcommon cultural all the ayllus in ties,and the provinciallevel incorporating and linguistic tradiTheyappointeda commissionto studythecommunities' thedistrict. tionsand ways of lifeand thendraftstatutesof governancethatcould be level (Federacionde Ayllus1993,5-6). at each organizational implemented the use of tradiAs Ticona Alejo and Albo noted,the statutesreintroduce makingonlyoblique leadershippositions, tionalAymaranamesfordifferent references to the titlesand ranks establishedby rural syndicalism(1996, lays out the statutesas theywere approved by orga'nica 266). Estructura FACOPI threemonthslater.Disseminated widely by THOA, thisbooklet wantingto strengthen has served as a usefulguide forothercommunities of governance.14 forms customary traditions and reconstitute their Followingtheexample oftheFederacionde Ayllusy Comunidades seekingto strengthen de la Provincia Ingavi,othercommunities Originarias while organica resourcessuch as Estructura are consulting theayllutradition ofthepast and the out sustaineddiscussionsanalyzingtraditions carrying In thetownofUmala, theorganizing materialcircumstances ofthepresent. withthe collectivereadingand analysis of the colonial methodoriginated titlesand the1718 and 1883boundarysurveys.This initialstage helped rewho, in comof the inhabitants identity the culturaland historical inforce parisonwithotherareas oftheprovinceofAroma,have preservedmoreof theirtraditionsof organization.On the cobblestonesof Umala's central datingfrom1878 of the names of all the plaza, one can see the inscription of names became a ayllus thatmake up the Umala marka. This register the controlof territory and assertingthe powerfulcatalystforreclaiming to self-determination (THOA n.d., 3-4). The collectiveceremonialact right

14. THOA maintainsin its archivescopies of the foundingstatutesof communitiesthat themselvesas ayllus. Included are thestatutesfortheComunidad Origihave reconstituted de Ayllusy MarkasQhichwasPacajes (1994);theFederaci6n AylluColqueAlta,Provincia naria, Aymarasde la ProvinciaMufiecas (1995); the Centralde Ayllusy Comunidades Originarias de Umala (1995); theComunidad OriginariaLaura Jayuma(1995); theFederaci6nde Comunidades Originarias y Ayllus de la Marka Achacachi (1996); the Federaci6n de Ayllus y Markas del Gran Suyu Pakajaqi (1996); and the Federaci6n de Comunidades Originariasde Sisa (1997). la ProvinciaLoayza-Tupaj Katari-Bartolina

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Research Review LatinAmerican of ayllu names enables documentsand the register of readingthe official to reenactAndean and Spanish "categoriesof meaning" the community (Digges and Rappaport 1992, 150). Accordingto Maria Eugenia Choque ritualssuch as walkingtheayllu boundariesor readQuispe, performative theindigenous means ofmonitoring are effective ingthecolonialland titles territory (Choque Quispe 1998).15These ritualsalso undercommunity's extenbetweenthe community's territorial scorethedynamicrelationship thatsustainshumanity, dession and itsability to providetheinfrastructure (eatingwell) expressions"sumamanq'afia" ignatedby the interdependent and "sumajakafia" (livingwell). the to reconstitute the effort In spite of considerableachievements, to land and dignity, has come Andean body politic,designatedas theright ofcolonialism. manyoftheman outgrowth up againstnumerousobstacles, thatcontinue factors and exclusionarebutthree inequality, Marginalization, Most recently, to weaken the ayllu's vulnerablesocioeconomicstructures. of new ruralmunicipalithe state'sredistricting processand theformation further. Indigenous community to fragment the traditional ties threatens a deep sense of frustration, social discontent, and peoples are experiencing (THOA n.d.,5). distrust and itsrepresentatives ofthegovernment from resulting and discontent It is precisely thissense offrustration thathas led to experienceofpoliticaldisenfranchisement thelongstanding Latin America. the recentmobilizationof indigenous peoples throughout and autonomyare directly Indigenous movementsforself-determination and resisting a the policies and practicesof neoliberalreform contesting between the state and its citizens" (Yashar 1998, 39). "single relationship Accordingto Yashar,indigenous organizations"challenge policymakers and statesto recognizeboth individual and communal rightsin an ideofeasible,enduringway. Such recognition practically logicallymeaningful, on thebasis of universalclaims to citirequiresthatthelaw be configured claims to difference" (1998,39). In thiscontext, zenship and differentiated ties among indigenousorganizationscantheimportance of international StefanoVarese has argued thatindigenous peoples not be overestimated. theAmericasare engaged in "un desnacionalismode estado," throughout withthedesireto construct beyondthenation-state lookingto interlocutors ofpoliticaland culturalidentification alternate forums (Varese 1996,23).16

15. As Diana Digges and JoanneRappaport suggestivelyargued in the case of the native hereto forma ofCumbal, Colombia, "Words,acts,and images all come together community system;theycannot simplybe translatedinto the dominantdiscourse of written signifying and geohistorically, law. They are mediated by political power thatis itselfceremonially, or event context validated.It is theunityofwords,acts,and images in a particular graphically thatgives themmeaning" (Digges and Rappaport 1992,150). 16. Accordingto StefanoVarese,"No solamentelas organizacionesindigenasinternacionalde acci6n en varios niveles de frentes sino que abrensimultaneamente izan la confrontaci6n,

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alleBy drawing on a diverse range of national and international sphere sitesofopposition,an indigenouscounterpublic giancesand critical like the one thatTHOA has helped forgein Bolivia challenges inchoate of a to acknowledge the existenceand legitimacy democraticinstitutions process.THOA serves thestate'sdecision-making ofgroupswithin plurality because precisely model forother indigenousorganizations as a compelling combinedrevisionist thegroup has strategically despite limitedresources, politicalaction. claimsand collective withterritorial Andean historiography

las organizacionesno-gubernamenla sociedad global: con la 'sociedad civil transnacional,' derechoshumanos y defensalegal; al mismo tiempose dirigena los tales de ambientalistas, desde y t6cnicosde desarrollo.... Finalmente, financieros organismosintergubernamentales hace casi diez afios,los indigenas han llevado el debate y su lucha a las Naciones Unidas a y mas pro-pueblos y posturasmenos nacionalistas mayordemocratizaci6n las que le reclaman, sin estados" (Varese 1996,24-25).

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