THE ZO PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH, BURMA AND INDIA: AN INTRODUCTION[XV]

by
Thang Za Dal
Grindelallee 141
20146 Hamburg
Germany

- Updated from XIV on December 15, 2012.
- Update XIII (537 pages) was replaced with Update XIV (570 pages) on April 12, 2012.
...............................................................................................................................
i
THIS PAPER IS DEDICATED TO
- Chief Khup Lian, my paternal grandfather who, with other Siyin
Chiefs, led some of the fiercest battles against British troops under
the direct personal command of Field Marshal Sir George White
during the First Chin Expedition 1888-89 (he personally captured a
semi-automatic rifle in a hand-to-hand combat during this expedition);
the Chin-Lushai Expedition 1889-90; and once again during the
Siyin-Nwengal [Siyin-Gungal] Rebellion 1892-93 - this time, once again
with Chief Khup Pau of Khuasak and his sons Khai Kam and Mang
Pum (Khup Pau and Mang Pum were imprisoned for four years and
Khai Kam was banished for life on the notorious Andaman Islands in
the Indian Ocean off Burma); among other well-known leaders of this
war were Chief Thuam Thawng of Kaptel (a cousin of Hau Cin Khup,
Chief of the Kam Hau tribe), and his son Pau Khai (both of them died
in Kindat prison); Chief Pau Khan Hau of Heilei and his son Pau Kho
Thang; Chief Vum Lian of Zokhua and his son Tuang Hau; Chief Thuk
Kham of Lun Mun; Chief Kam Lam of Sum Niang; Chief Do Lian of
Taitan (Chiefs Kam Lam and Do Lian died in Kindat prison);
- Unknown heroines and heroes of the Chin/Zo people in their wars
of resistance against foreigners
- Capt. K.A. Khup Za Thang: Compiler of the Genealogy of
the Zo (Chin) Race of Burma (1st and 2nd* Editions)
- My Parents, my Sisters and Brother
- Sao Htwe, my wife
- Pu Hau Za Cin & Pu Thang Za Pau
(comrades-in-arms who were killed in action)
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
...The route to Chittagong was discussed, and enquiry was made whether the Chins would object to the advance of a column of British
troops through their country; also whether, in the event of their having no objection to such an advance, they could supply transport
coolies and guides...(9.5.1 Negotiations With the Siyins, p. 20)
______________________________________________________
... An expedtion against the Chins on a modified scale was now sanctioned. It was determined to deal first only with the Siyins and
to inflict on them such a crushing blow as not only to cripple them for the future, but also to terrify the Tashons into giving up the
rebel Shwe Gyo Byu, his followers, and the Shan captives...This brings the history of the Chin Hills up to the end of the season 1888-89.
We had 67 casualties during the expedition and the state of affairs was that all the Siyin and 18 of the Kanhow villages had been
destroyed, and our troops now occupied the tract...(9.6.3 Preparations for Operations against the Siyins, p. 23)
_______________________________________________________
Sir George White, in a telegram to the Chief Commissioner of Burma, described the action on 27th January 1889 against the Chins as
follows:-
...Enemy in considerable numbers, using many rifles and ammunition. They fired at least 1,000 rounds, standing resolutely until actually
charged, even trying to outflank us. Their loss probably about eight or ten, but they were carried down the khuds at once. Most difficult
enemy to see or hit I ever fought... (9.6.6 Encounter with the Siyins, p. 24)
______________________________________________________
Note: Only my brother, sisters and wife are still alive.
* The 2nd Edition contains 580(A4)pages.
ii
Abstract
Those who are known to the outside world in the following terms today - CHIN, CHIN-KUKI-MIZO-ZOMI or KUKI-CHIN-
MIZO - are in fact belonging to a single ethnic group of Mongoloid Stock. The term, CHIN, was orignally a Burmese word and
KUKI a Bengali. However, they had known themselves - and called themselves as well - from ancient times only in any of the
following terms: ASHO, CHO, LAI, MIZO or ZOMI. There were originally around 100 tribes and sub-tribes, which have now
been reduced to some 70 tribes and sub-tribes since several of them have adopted the common nomenclature of MIZO.
Although all of them cannot yet agree upon a common nomenclature that encompasses them all, ZO or ZOFATE(descendants
of ZO) have become more and more popular among several sectors of the society. Hence this term - ZO - is interchangably
used with CHIN/ZO throughout this paper of mine(for CHIN still being the official usage inside Burma and universal).
And they do not have a common language yet as well until today, but the Mizo language which is also known as the
Duhlian or Lusei dialect is spoken and understood by at least about 1 million Zos. Other major Zo dialects that are spoken
by more than 100 000 people are Haka(Lai), Mro, Thado-Kuki, and Tedim(Fraser, p. 15). The Zo dialects belong to the
Sino-Tibetan linguistic groups.
Their ancient country was divided into three parts, namely Bangladesh(formerly East Pakistan), Burma and India -
first by the British and later by Bangladesh and India. They have got now two internationally recognized federal states:
- Chin State in Burma and Mizoram State in India, with a combined population of 1.5 million within these states.
Another conservatively estimated 1.5 million Zos are living outside of these states. Mizoram State has an area of
21 000 sq. km and Chin State 37 000 sq. km. That means Chin State alone is nearly as large as Switzerland.
They Zos were originally adherents of their traditional religion, i.e. Animism. And their cultural heritages are the fruits of
this ancient religious belief. Nowadays, the great majority of them are Christian of several denominations. Approximately
10 -15 percent of the Zo population inside Burma profess Buddhism and their traditional religion.
As they were warrior tribes the British needed decades to suppress and bring them under their complete control with a
number of punitive and suppressive expeditions under the command of a number of outstanding generals; among them four
who would later become field marshals. The first expedition under the name of Arakan Frontier Expedition took place in
1842, and then several followed between 1888 and 1894. And then two more suppressive expeditions were staged once
again between 1917 and 1919. During the Chin-Lushai Expedition 1889-90, for instance, the British deployed altogether
7,300 fighting men in three columns under the command of two generals and a colonel. (One of them, the Chittagong
Column, alone consisted of 3,780 men, 3,300 coolies, 2,200 mules and 71 elephants as transport.)
The Mizos attained statehood only after having fought a 20-year old war(1966-86) against the Central Indian Govern-
ment. The Chins inside todays Burma had agreed to voluntarily form up a federated union on equal terms and equal status
with Burmans, Kachins, Kayas(Karennis), and Shans by signing a well-known treaty called The Panglong Agreement on
February 12, 1947, at Panglong in Southern Shan State. Without this treaty the Union of Burma would have never come
into existence at all.
Thousands of Chin soldiers in Burma have had played some of the most crucial roles in saving and maintaining the Union
of Burma at its most critical moments during the course of its 63-year old civil war since her independence from Britain in
1948. However, the successive Burmese governments have been completely neglecting the welfare of the Zo people from the
very beginning of Burmas independence, and human rights violations committed against them by the Government itself
are rampant everywhere, that tens of thousands of them have left and still are leaving the country and migrating to several
countries around the world.
____________________________________________________________________________________________
An Explanation: Many readers of this paper may surely be wondering why Im using blue and red colours profusely
in it. I know that it could be very irritating for many readers. The simple reason behind it is that nowadays there are
very few young Zos who are interested in their own peoples history and it was recently found out that they
thought nearly all books on Zo history are too boring to read. So it is hoped that, by highlighting a few key
information with colours in this lengthy paper, they, who also happen to be one of the main target groups of this
paper, may find it a bit more interesting to read.
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
About this latest modification: Some corrections and are made in a number of sections. And a few additions are also made in the list and
ranks of Generals and Senior Officers; APPENDICES O, Y and Z. PHOTO G, TABLES 1/A, 1/B, 2/A, 2/B and APPENDIX HH are im-
portant new additions. A minor change is made in PHOTO A. Starting with Update XVI or XVII, THE CHIN-LUSHAI EXPEDITION 1889-
90 and the Siyin-Gungal Rebellion will be newly rewritten and expanded covering several pages more for these were some of the most
important parts of Zo history. Besides, the layout in this version has also been changed.
_____________________________________________________________________________________________
THIS PAPER MAY BE USED FOR NON-COMMERCIAL, PERSONAL, RESEARCH, OR EDUCATIONAL PURPOSES, OR ANY
FAIR USE. IT MAY NOT, HOWEVER, BE INDEXED IN A COMMERCIAL SERVICE.
THE BRITISH FIELD MARSHALS, GENERALS, SENIOR OFFICERS AND ADMINISTRATORS WHO HAD EITHER
TAKEN PART OR PLAYED SOME IMPORTANT ROLES IN CONQUERING THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE INSIDE
PRESENT-DAY BANGLADESH, BURMA AND INDIA (1842-1919)

1. Field Marshal Sir George Stuart White, VC., GCB., OM., GCSI., GCIE., GCVO*
2. Field Marshal Sir Frederick Sleigh Roberts, 1ST Earl Roberts, VC., KG., KP., GCB., OM., GCSI., GCIE., PC*
3. Field Marshal Philip Walhouse Chetwode, 1st Baron Chetwode, 7th Baronet of Cakley, GCB, OM, GCSI,
KCMG, DSO*
4. Field Marshal The Lord Napier of Magdala, GCB., GCSI., CIE, FRS*
5. Field Marshal Sir Charles Henry Brownlow, C.B., K.C.B.*
6. General Sir George Benjamin Wolseley, GCB.*
7. General Sir James Willcocks, GCB., GCMG., KCSI., DSO.*
8. General Sir Arthur Power Palmer, C.B.*
9. Lieutenant-General Sir Benj. Lumsden Gordon, RA., KCB*
10. Lieutenant-General Sir H. Keary, K.C.B., K.C.I.E., D.S.O.*
11. Lieutenant-General Sir Richard Harte Keatinge, VC., C.S.I*
12. Lieutenant-General Sir Arthur Purves Phayre, GCMG., KCSI., CB*
13. Lieutenant-General Sir William Penn-Symons, KCB., CB*
14. Lieutenant-General Sir George MacMunn, K.C.B., K.C.S.I., D.S.O*
15. Major-General Donald Macintyre, VC., F.R.G.S.*(He was awarded the Victoria Cross, the highest and most prestigious
award for gallantry in the face of the enemy that can be awarded to British and Commonwealth forces, for his action on 4 January
1872 during the Looshai Campaign, North-East India.)
16. Major-General Sir Vincent William Tregear, K.C.B.*
17. Major-General Henry Brooke Hagstromer Wright, CB., CMG*
18. Major-General Albert Fytche, C.S.I*
19. Major-General Sir James Johnstone
20. Major-General R.C. Stewart, C.B*
21. Major-General Sir Phillip Mainwaring Carnegy, CB., GOC*
22. Major-General John MacDonald
23. Major-General Nuthall
24. Major-General William Joseph Fitzmaurice Stafford, C.B.
25. Major-General Sir Theodore Fraser, KCB., CSI., CMG*
26. Major-General Montague Protheroe, C.B., C.S.I*
27. Major-General Michael Joseph Tighe, K.C., KOMG., D.S.O*
28. Major-General Sir Richard Westmacott, C.B., K.C.B., D.S.O **
29. Major-General R. G. Woodthorpe, CB., K.C.I.E., R.E*
30. Major-General Edward Pemberton Leach, VC., CB.*
31. Major-General Sir Herbert Mullaly, C.B.C.S.I., K.C.M.G*
32. Major-General W. H. Birkbeck, C.B., C.M.G*., Order of the Rising Sun
- The Order of the Rising Sun is a Japanese order established in 1875 by Emperor Meiji of Japan. The order was the first national
decoration awarded by the Japanese Government, created on April 10, 1875 by decree of the Council of State. It is the second
most prestigious Japanese decoration after the Order of the Chrysanthemun.
33. Brigadier-General Gerald Edward Holland, C.B., C.M.G., C.I.E., D.S.O.**
34. Brigadier-General D.C.A. Andrew*
35. Brigadier-General Faunce, C.B.
36. Brigadier-General Bourchier, C.B., K.C.B.
37. Brigadier-General Graham
38. Brigadier-General Alexander Beamish Hamilton. C.B.*
39. Brigadier-General Herald Pemberton Leach. C.B.. D.S.O.**
40. Brigadier-General Macquoid
41. Brigadier-General Alexander Cadell*
42. Brigadier-General Colin Robert Ballard, C.B., C.M.G.*
43. Brigadier-General C.H. Roe, C.M.G., C.I.E *
44. Brigadier-General F.W. Towsey, C.M.G., C.B.E., D.S.O.
45. Brigadier-General F. A. Smith
46. Brigadier-General Elliot Philipse Johnson, C.B
47. Colonel Sir Ronald Mosquito Ross, K.C.B., K.C.M.G. Winner of Nobel Prize for Medicine (1902)
(The Burma and Chin-Lushai campaign medal awarded to Colonel Sir Ronald Mosquito Ross, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., late Indian
Medical Service, whose discovery of the mosquito cycle in malaria won him the Nobel Prize for Medicine and universal acclaim as
one of the greatest benefactors of mankind.)
48. Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Mcdowall Skene, D.S.O.** a brilliant military strategist and tactician
49. Colonel L.W. Shakespear, C.B., C.I.E. Commandant of one of 5 Assam Rifles battalions, later the Deputy-
Inspector-General of the Force, and author of History of The Assam Rifles.
50. Colonel Frank Montagu Rundall, D.S.O.**
51. Colonel Edward Robert John Presgrave, D.S.O,**
52. Colonel Charles Herbert Shepherd, D.S.O.**
53. Colonel George John Skinner, DSO.**
54. Colonel Joshua Arthur Nunn, D.S.O.**
55. Colonel Arthur Genry Morris C.M.G., D.S.O.**
56. Colonel William John Hicks
57. Lieut.-Colonel Surgeon F.S. LeQuesne, VC* (He was awarded the Victoria Cross for his action on May 4 1889 at the battle
of Taitan/Siallum during the Chin-Lushai Expedition 1889-90.)
58. Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Arthur Rogers, D.S.O.**
59. Surg.-Lieutenant.-Col. A. S. Reid, M.B., Indian Medical Service: Medical-in-Charge., 2nd Battalion 4th Gurkha
Rifles; author of Chin-Lushai Land: A Description of the Various Expeditions into the Chin-Lushai Hills and
the Final Annexation of the Country.
60. Lieutenant-Colonel H.Y. Beale, D.S.O**
61. Surgeon Major William Reed Murphy, D.S.O.**
62. Major Edward James Lugard, D.S.O.**
_______________________________________________________________
SOME OF THE BRITISH ADMINISTRATORS WHO HAD ALSO PLAYED SOME IMPORTANT ROLES IN
CONQUERING THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE
- Sir Charles Crosthwaite(1835-1915): Chief Commissioner of Burma (March 1887 to December 1890)
- Sir Alexander Mackenzie, K.C.S.I(1842-1902): Chief Commissioner of Burma(Dec. 1890 to April 1895).
- Sir Bertram SausmarezCarey, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.I.E., V.D. Commissioner of Sagaing Division, Burma;
Political Officer in Chin Hills and the first Suprintendent(Deputy Commissioner) 1889-95.
- Mr. H.N. Tuck, Extra Assistant Commissioner, Burma, and Assistant Political Officer, Chin Hills
- Lieut.-Colonel John Shakespear, C.M.G., C.I.E., D.S.O. Deputy Chief Commissioner of Assam, author of
The Lushei Kuki Clans
- Captain Lewin, Superintendent of the Chittagong Hill Tracts
- Mr. Edgar, Deputy Commissioner of Cachar
________________________________________________________________
HIGH RANKING BRITISH MILITARY COMMANDERS AND OFFICIALS WHO SEALED THE FATE OF THE CHIN/ZO
PEOPLE ON 29TH JANUARY 1892 AT THE CHIN-LUSHAI CONFERENCE AT FORT WILLIAM, INDIA
- The Honble Sir Charles Alfred Elliot, K.C.S.I., Lt. Governor General of Bengal
- His Excellency Lieutenant- General the Honble Sir. J. C. Dormer, K.C.B., Commander-in-Chief, Madras.
- Sir Alexander Mackenzie, K.C.S.I., Chief Commissioner of Burma.
- W.E. Ward Esq, C.S.I., Chief Commissioner of Assam
- Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, K.C.I.K., C.S.I., Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign Department
- Major-General E.H.H. Collin, C.I.E., Secretary to the Government of India, Military Department
- Major-General Sir James Browne, KCSI., C.B., R.E. Quarters-Master-General in India
___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Note 1. Field Marshal Brownlow (No. 5) and Brigadier-General Bourchier (No. 35) received the K.C.B., for their services in
Looshai. (Source: Rathbone Low, Footnote on p. 126)
Note 2. Sources for the ranks that the 2 generals below attained in their lifetime, who are not listed in APPENDIX O:
No. 16. Major-General Sir Vincent William Tregear, K.C.B.(Crosthwaite, pp. 319, 323)
No. 19. Major-General Sir James Johnstone (Kingdom of Manipur| Tuesday, May 13, 2003 | ARCHIVES
( http://www.manipuronline.com/About%20Us/aboutus.htm )
Note 3. General Sir Arthur Power Palmer, C.B.(No. 8) received The Companion of the Order of the Bath for his excellent services for
the suppressive campaign against the Siyin-Gungal Rebellion 1892-93.
Note 4. Major-General R.C. Stewart, C.B.*(No. 20), had already reached this rank and was General Officer Commanding Burma /
Commander-in-Chief in Burma when he personally supervised the Chin-Lushai Expedition and also the Siyin-Gungal Rebellion.
(Sources: Carey & Tuck, pp. 70 & 71 and see also 9.11.5 The Siyin Rebellion)
Note 5. The ranks given were the ones that most of them reached in their lifetime, but many of them had already had these ranks
when they took part in the various expeditions or campaigns mentioned below against the Chin/Zo people - from 1842 to 1894,
and once again between 1917 and 1919.
Note 6. DSO (Companion of the Distinguished Service Order) marked with double asterisk ( ** ) were awarded during the Chin-Lushai
1889-90, or the Chin Hills 1892-93 expeditions. And all of them, except four, commanded troops during any of these expeditions.
The Distinguished Service Order (DSO) is a military decoration of the United Kingdom, and formerly of other parts of
the British Commonwealth and Empire, awarded for meritorious or distinguished service by officers of the armed
forces during wartime, typically in actual combat.
______________________________________________

BRIEF INFORMATION ON NUMBERED GENERALS AND OFFICIALS FROM PAGES IV & V AND THE
EXPEDITIONS THAT THEY THEMSELVES HAD LED OR IN WHICH THEY ACTIVELY PARTICIPATED

It was a milestone for the British of both military and civilian sectors to have taken part in any of the expedi-
tions mentioned below, because they ranked among the best known expeditions ever undertaken by the British
forces around the world (APPENDICES U-1 & U-2). They all took great pride in being a part of the expeditions
against the Chin/Zos and these therefore are always highlighted in their biographies (see APPENDICES O & Y).
Several of them got promoted and bestowed with outstanding awards for their performances during these
expeditions. For instance, Lieutenant-General Sir Phyre and Major-General Fytche were Captain and Lieutenant
respectively when they led the first punitive expedition against the Chins back in 1842.(See text and APPEN-
DIX O for the roles and ranks of the generals listed above during the various expeditions.)
In addition to the 229 recipients of the Indian General Service Medal from the two Scottish battalions during the
Chin-Lushai Expedition 1889-90 and the Chin Hills Expedition of 1892-93 (APPENDIX U-3), and the distinguished
awards conferred to armed force personnel of the Assam Rifles and Burma Military Police during the Haka and
Thado-Kuki Rebellions of 1917-19 (APPENDIX W), a list of recipients of similar awards by other military units can
be seen in APPPENDIX Y. The author is still collecting information on other recipients of similar awards from
other units and enquiring about the final ranks that the unmarked personalities in the list above had attained in
their lifetime - and their biographies as well.
...............................................................................................................
'LOOSHAI' (9th Dec 1871 - 20th Feb 1872), FIRST CHIN EXPEDITION 1888-89, 'CHIN-LUSHAI 1889-90' (15th Nov
1889 - 30th Apr 1890),* 'BURMA 1889-92' (11 expeditions of 1889-92)**, 'LUSHAI 1889-92' (5 expeditions of 1889-
92)*** 'CHIN HILLS 1892-93 (19th Oct 1892 - 10th Mar 1893), ( http://www.acepilots.com/medals/brit-india-gs.html);
HAKA REBELLION 1917-19; THADO-KUKI REBELLION 1917-19.
...............................................................................................................
* According to official British records, the Chin-Lushai Expedition 1889-90 began on 15th November 1889 and ended
on the 30th April 1890, but the first armed encounters between the Northern Chins and the British had already taken
place on December 7, 1888, under the banner of the FIRST CHIN EXPEDITION, and there were several skirmishes,
including the Battle of Siallum (Tartan) on May 4, 1889, for which Colonel Surgeon LeQuesne got his VC. And,
actually, there were still several amed encounters between the British and the Chins even up to the end of 1894.

After fourteen hours continuous march the column reached Botung, and the next day Captain Rose and
I [Bertram Carey] proceeded to Mobingyi [Mualbem] and arrived the next afternoon (10th April [1892]) at
Fort White and had the good fortune to find there the General Officer Commanding Burma, General
Stewart...In the meanwhile Captain Rose and I had the advantage of representing our plans to the General
Officer Commanding in person and receiving his orders...The Commander-in-Chief having suggested, and
Captain Shakespear advised, that the column should march through Lungleh to Chittagong and thence
to Burma by steamer, the General Officer Commanding left the matter with Captain Rose and and myself.
(The Expeditions of 1891-92: March to the Lushai Country. Carey & Tuck, pp. 70,-71)
...................................................................................................................
BURMA, 1889-92**

During the years 1889-90-1-2 a series of expeditions was organised to put down disturbances in Burma and Lushai;
for the services rendered by the various forces the India Medal 1854, with bars for BURMA 1889-92 and LUSHAI
1889-92, were issued to the troops who took part in the following expeditions: The Pokhau expedition from April
16th to May 16th 1889; Touhon Expedition from September 17th 1889, to April 1890; Chinbok Column, January
1st to 20th, 1890; Thetta Column, January 1st to 4th 1891; Moneik Column, January 27th to March 28th 1891;
Wuntho Field Force, February 18th to May 7th 1891; Tlang-Tlang[Klang-Klang] Column, March 29th to April 3rd
1891; Baungshe Column, December 25th 1891, to February 29th 1892; Irrawaddy Column, December 15th 1891,
to April 18th 1892; North-East Column, December 15th 1891, to April 7th 1892.
Note: Columns marked in blue were against the Chins. tzd
......................................................................................................
LUSHAI 1889-92***
LUSHAI, 1889-92. - The medal with bar LUSHAI 1889-92 was awarded to the officers and men campaigning the
Lushai Expeditionary Force from January 11th to May 5th 1889; the relieving force under Lieutenants Swinton,
Cole, and Watson, which went to the assistance of the forts Ayal and Changsil when attacked by the Lushais,
September 9th to December 9th 1890; the expedition under Captain Hutchison against the Jacopa Village to
avenge the attack on Mr. Murray, February 20th to March 3rd, 1891; the expedition under Captain Lock from
March 1st to June 1892, necessitated by the general rising of the Eastern Lushais, and the attack at Lalbura
upon a force under Mr. M. Cabe; also the force under Captain Shakespear, which advanced into the South
Lushai hills between March 16th and May 13th, 1892. All dates are inclusive. Two divisions took part in this
campaign, and European troops participated only with the Burma section. 1st Kings Own Scottish Borderers,
and detachments of 1st Batt. Cheshire and Norfolk Regiments. The native troops were: 2nd Batt. 4th and the 42nd
Goorkas; two companies of the Queens Own Madras Sappers and Miners. The troops engaged with the
Chittagong column were: 2nd Goorkas, 3rd and 9th Bengal Infantry; 28th Bombay Pioneers, and a company
of Bengal Sappers and Miners.
..................................................................................................................
Chin Lushai 1889-90. Again, this bar was for punitive expeditions. Two expeditions were mounted, one against
the Chins and the other against the Lushais. Few soldiers who took part in the actions remembered them with
pleasure - they were fighting in the thick, unchartered jungle most of the time. Source: Collecting Military Medals:
A Beginners Guide, by Colin Narbeth; The Lutterworth Press, 2002. Cambridge. p. 61
________________________________________________________________________
ON CHIN/ZO SOLDIERS AND BURMA
THE BATTLE OF INSEIN NEVER REALLY ENDED *

by AUNG ZAW
...Although some foreign historians have depicted the Battle of Insein as a conflict between Burman
troops and Karen rebels, Tun Tin noted that soldiers from different regions of Burma helped to defend
Rangoon. They included Chin, Kayah, Shan, Gurkha and Kachin battalions (though some Kachin took
up arms against the U Nu government). The most decisive role in defendingInsein was played by the
1st, 2nd and 3rd Chin Rifles, fighting on what is regarded as the most strategic battle front of all. Some
insurgents, including communists, reinforced Burmese forces before going back to the jungle to repel
Burmese troops...
____________________
(Monday, February 9, 2009)
Copyright 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org
Note: Mr. Aung Zaw is from Myanmar/Burma and is the editor of The Irrawaddy, a magazine published in Chiang Mai, Thailand.
The Irrawaddy covers news and offers in-depth analysis of political and cultural affairs in Burma and Asia generally.
* See 16.2. THE OUTBREAK OF CIVIL WAR AND THE CRUCIAL ROLES OF CHIN SOLDIERS & APPENDIX DD for full text.
------------------------------------------------------
STATEMENT OF THE CHIN COMMUNITY (GERMANY) ON RUMOURS ABOUT CHIN SOLDIERS SHOOTING AT
DEMONSTRATORS IN BURMA (DATED OCTOBER 2007) *
... Ever since the first masssacre of the students in 1962, General Ne Win's Military Intelligence Service used to
spread words about Chin soldiers shooting at demonstrators. The same thing happened during the 1974 Labour
and U Thant Strikes and again during the 1988 Uprisings after troops mowed down thousands of demonstrators.
This is part of Ne Win's stratagem to reduce public hatred towards him and his Burma Army and to instill ethnic
hatred among the oppressed people. This stratagem proves to be successful as some of our Burman brothers and
sisters believe those rumours and even spread the words further, unwittingly serving the interest of the military
dictators. This is due to total ignorance of what happened inside the Burma Army under General Ne Win...
* See APPENDIX S for full text!
________________________________________________________
WERE CHIN SOLDIERS MADE SCAPEGOATS? *
By Zaw Htwe Maung**

...Traditionally, Chins are warrior tribes and many Chins joined the Burma Rifles since Burma was under the British
Rule. The bulk of the soldiers in the British-trained Army were of minority ethnic groups such as Chins, Kachins
and Karens...Hence, many Chins were career soldiers and officers when Burma regained her independence and
they had a very good reputation as 'Loyalists to the Union', 'Real Soldiers Defending Democracy' and so on, under
U Nu's Regime....As mentioned earlier, Chins are traditionally warrior tribes and well known to be good and
disciplined soldiers... Nowadays, in Burma if one sees a minority soldier who speaks Burmese with accent they just
conclude that this is a Chin although they may be a Wa or Karen or Kachin or of other minorities, because the
reputation of Chin soldiers was totally destroyed since Ne Win's Era...There is no doubt that the Chins were made
Scapegoats by the Burmese Military for their propaganda purposes as well as for their further 'divide and rule
policy' because all opposition groups, whether they are Burmese or ethnic minorities, have the same and single
goal which is to topple down the Military Dictatorship in Burma and the Junta is afraid that they will be united...

- Source: Chinland Guardian
November 22, 2007
* See APPENDIX T for full text!
** Mr. Zaw Htwe Maung is an Arakanese scholar.
vii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First of all my most heart-felt thanks go to Salai Kipp Kho Lian (Hamburg) for his invaluable advices and
assistance in various ways. And I am deeply indebted to Pu C. Chawngkunga for the genealogical trees of
the Mizo Chiefs, Pu Mangpu of Burma for supplying me with some rare history books on Burma and the
Chins, and Pu L. Keivom (New Delhi), for his invaluable article, Zo Unification; Pi Linda Mawii for permitting
me to use her fathers (Prof. Dr. Lal Dena, Imphal, Manipur State) article, Status of Mizo Women; the late Pu
Vum Ko Hau, Dr. Vumson Suantak, Rev. Khup Za Go and Lt. Colonel Thian Khaw Khai.
Very special thanks are also due to Frau Karin Martina Vogt (Celle, Germany/Mexico City), a best
friend of my family since we arrived in Germany; she has been working for the German Goethe Institute in
Mexico-City since several years ago; and Lia Dim Khan Vung, my daughter, who has been helping me for
this and some other projects of mine. Pu Lian Uk (Haka/USA), who has been one of my best comrades
since 1964, also fully deserves my heart-felt thanks for being a loyal comrade during our decades-long
political struggle for the Chin peoples right for self-determination.
My heart-felt thanks go to the following persons as well: Pi Florence Ciang Za Dim (Thuklai/Melbourne),
who is well-versed in the genealogies of the Sizangs and therefore very helpful to me in my reseach in this
particular field; Pu J. Thang Lian Pau (Aizawl, Mizoram), for his near-professional quality map, which he
himself has created; Dr. Rodinga for supplying me with some important information, including the Lusei
Genealogical History by Pu Zaruma; Pu Tg. Zomi (Tedim/Miami) for his charts on the Chin National Day, and
also for the Laipian Hierarchy.
I am deeply thankful to Mr. & Mrs. Fraser and Mr. Anshuman Pandey* for the following reasons: Mr. & Mrs. Fraser
have permitted me to use a map and also to quote from their book; Mr. Pandey has given me the permission to use his
three research papers on the Pau Cin Hau Script as an Appendix. There are a number of other people in Burma to whom
I owe a great deal of gratitude for many reasons, but I cannot yet mention their names here for their own safetys sake.
And I am indebted to Ms. Edith Mirante, founder and director of Project Maje (http://www.projectmaje.org), for
advising me, for instance, to include a section on the Chin/Zo women, and also to create a diagram to show how the
northern Chins are named after. Furthermore, I am deeply grateful to Mr. Pete Stirling, Director, Army Medical Service
Museum, United Kingdom (ams-museum.org.uk), for permitting me to use his article: WAR IN BURMA - THE WARD OF
THE VICTORIA CROSS TO FERDINAND SIMEON LEQUESNE in APPENDIX 0.
Without the invaluable materials, suggestions and help in many different ways of the people mentioned above - and
also that of a few other people inside Burma whose names I cannot yet mention here for the sake of their security, this
paper would not be as complete as the present version.
ABOUT THIS PAPER

Note: This paper was originally written in 1998 under the title of A Brief Introduction to the Traditional Songs and Folk
Dances of the Chins. It has been updated several times since then. I have been writing this paper without the
supervision or guidance of a single scholar until now. That is one reason why it is still provisionary and therefore has
been only perfunctorily edited. The final editing shall be done after enough information has been obtained. That would
mean some more Updates still shall have to be made. This paper shall therefore serve until then only as a source of raw
information. And although it may perhaps already be a little bit too lengthy to call it a paper, I shall simply keep on
calling it a PAPER anyway just for the sake of convenience.
Up to Update(III) this paper was titled: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ZO PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH, BURMA AND
INDIA. Starting with Update IV its title has been changed to: THE ZO PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH, BURMA AND
INDIA: AN INTRODUCTION.
All future Updates will also be numbered in order to avoid confusion between different Updates - that is, the next
Updates will bear the numbers XVI, XVII and so on.
________________________________________________________________________________________________
* Mr. Pandey is an Indian national, currently studying at the Michigan University, USA, for his doctorate in History.

viii
LIST OF CONTENTS
- Special Explanation
- Some Old and New Spellings of Tribal Names
1.0 INTRODUCTION
(quotations from various international publications)
1.1 CHINS or KUKIS
1.2 KUKI
1.3 CHINS
1.4 MIZOS, also called LUSHAI, or LUSEI
1.5 KUKI-CHIN-VLKER [Kuki-Chin-Peoples]
1.6 THE CHINS
1.7 THE TERM CHIN IS IMPRECISE
1.8 CHIN-HILL-TRIBAL PEOPLE
1.9 CHINS
1.10 THE CHINS
2.0 GEOGRAPHY
2.1 INTRODUCTION
2.2 CLIMATE
2.3. VEGETATION
2.3.1 Chin Hills-Arakan Yoma Montane Forests (IM0109)
2.3.2 Mizoram-Manipur-Kachin Rain Forests (IM0131)
2.3.3 Naga-Manipuri-Chin Hills Moist Forests (34)
2.3.4 Northeast India-Myanmar Pine Forests (IM0303)
3. ADMINISTRATION
4. POPULATIONS
5. LANGUAGE
6. EDUCATION & HEALTH
7.0 ECONOMY
7.1 AGRICULTURE
7.2 FOREST PRODUCTS
7.3 MINES AND MINERALS
7.4 HANDLOOMS AND HANDICRAFT
7.5 TOURISM
7.6 ENERGY SECTOR
8.0 INFRASTRUCTURE
8.1 ROADS
8.2 AIR SERVICES
8.3 RAILWAYS
8.4 WATER WAYS

9.0 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AT THE TIME OF BRITISH ARRIVAL
9.1 INTRODUCTION
9.2 THE COUNTRY
ix
9.2.1 Physical Characteristics
9.2.2 System of Administration
9.2.3 Boundaries

9.3 EARLY DEALINGS WITH THE CHINS AND LUSHAIS
9.3.1 The Chittagong Border
9.3.2 The Tipperah Border
9.3.3 The Assam Border
9.3.4 THE LUSHAI EXPEDITION (1871-72)
9.3.5 The Arakan Hill Tracts
9.3.6 The Manipur Border
9.4 RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE CHINS AND UPPER BURMA
9.4.1 The Kabaw Valley
9.4.2 The Kale Valley
9.4.3 The Yaw Country
9.5 NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE CHINS
9.5.1 Negotiations with the Siyins
9.5.2 Negotiations with the Tashons
9.5.3 Attempted Negotiations with Yokwas and Hakas [and Soktes and Kanhows]
9.6 EVENTS WHICH LED TO THE FIRST CHIN EXPEDITION (1888-89)
9.6.1 Combination between the Tashons and Shwe Gyo Byu Prince
9.6.2 Renewal of raids in Kale and Yaw
9.6.3 Preparations for operations against the Siyins
9.6.4 Commencement of the operations
9.6.5 Advance into the hills
9.6.6 Encounter with the Siyins
9.6.7 Destruction of Koset and occupation of Toklaing
9.6.8 Destruction of Siyin villages
9.6.9 Dealings with the Soktes and occupation of Tiddim
9.6.10 Renewal of Negotiations with the Tashons
9.6.11 Actions at Tartan (Siallum)
9.6.12 Arrangements after the close of expedition
9.6.13 Events in the Yaw country
9.7 THE CHIN-LUSHAI EXPEDITION (1889-90)
9.7.1 Introduction
9.7.2 Negotiations during the rains
9.7.3 Proclamation to the Tashons
9.7.4 Organization and Objects of the Expedition
9.8. HISTORY OF THE LAIS (HAKAS, KLANGLANGS, YOKWAS, KAPI AND THETTAS)
9.8.1 Origin of the Lais
9.8.2 Legendary information of Lai communities
9.8.3 Distribution of territories
9.8.4 Extention of Haka territory
9.8.5 Haka Chiefs
x
9.8.6 Attitude of the Hakas
9.8.7 The Haka-Burman War
9.8.8 THE KLANGKLANGS
9.8.8.1 Extent of Klangklang territory
. 9.8.8.2 Our dealings with the Klangklangs
9.8.8.3 Occupation of the Klangklang
9.8.8.4 Arrangements for the punishment of the Klangklangs
9.8.8.5 Tender of Submission
9.8.8.6 Punitive Measures against the Klangklangs

9.8.9 THETTA
9.8.9.1 Attack on Thetta
9.8.10 THE YOKWAS
9.8.10.1 Organization of the Yokwas
9.8.11 THE SOUTHERN INDEPENDENT VILLAGES
9.8.11.1 Raids in the Plains
9.8.11.2 Our dealings with the independent villages
9.8.11.3 Occupation of Khapi
9.8.11.4 Attack on Shurkwa
9.8.12 Visit of Chins to Rangoon
9.9 THE HAKA AND THADO-KUKI REBELLIONS (1917-19)
9.10 THE HISTORY OF THE SIYIN TRIBE
9.10.1 Origin of the Siyins
9.10.2 The Battle of Tartan [Taitan or Siallum]
9.10.3 Formal Submission of the Siyins
9.10.4 The Siyins
9.10.5 Manner of dealings with Siyins
9.11 THE SIYIN-NWENGAL [SIZANG-GUNGAL] REBELLION (1892-93)
9.11.1 Introduction
9.11.2 Plot of Twum Tong
9.11.3 Policy of Disarmament
9.11.4 Outbreak of the Rebellion
9.11.5 The Siyin Rebellion
9.11.6 The Operations against Siyin Rebels
9.12 THE HISTORY OF THE SOKTE TRIBE
9.12.1 Origin of the Soktes
9.12.2 Rise and Deeds of Kantum
9.12.3 Expedition of Manipur against the Soktes
9.12.4 Aid Afforded by Kochin in Lushai Expedition
9.12.5 The Siyin and Kanhow Chiefs in Rangoon
9.13 THE TASHON TRIBE
9.13.1 Legendary Origin of the Tashons
9.13.2 Rise of the Power of the Tashons
9.13.3 Suzerainty of the Tashons and the Council of Chiefs
xi

9.13.4 March to Falam {Second Expedition to Falam}
9.13.5 Meeting with the Tashon Chiefs and the Gathering of Chins at Falam
9.13.6 Position of the Tashons
9.13.7 Decadence of the Tashon Power
9.13.8 Occupation of Falam
9.14 THE YAHOW TRIBE
9.15 THE WHENOH TRIBE
9.16 THE THADO TRIBE
9.17 THE YO TRIBE
9.18 THE NWITE TRIBE
9.19 THE EVENTS OF 1894-95 [FINAL STAGES OF BRITISH ANNEXATION]
9.19.1 Expedition against Thetta
9.19.2 Surrender of guns by Yokwas
9.19.3 Disarmament of southern villages
9.19.4 Further progress of disarmament
9.19.5 Disarmament of the Hakas and Yokwas
9.19.6 Disarmament of Klangklang and villages on the South Lushai border
9.19.7 Tour in the Yahow and Tashon tracts
9.19.8 Final settlement with the Siyins
9.19.9 Tour in the Nwengal country
9.19.10 Substitution of military police for troops in the Northern Chin Hills
10.0 SYSTEMS OF GOVERNANCE IN ANCIENT CHIN/ZO SOCIETY
10.1 INTRODUCTION
10.2 THE POSITION OF CHIEFS
10.2.1 The Kuki, Siyin and Sokte Chiefs
10.2.2 Haka and Southern Chiefs
10.2.3 Falam Chiefs
10.2.4 Mizo Chieftainship
10.3 OTHER FORMS OF RULERSHIP
10.4 FEUDALISM AND ANCIENT CUSTOMARY LAWS
11.0 RAIDS AND METHODS OF WARFARE
11.1 EARLY TACTICS OF THE CHINS
11.2 SUCCESS OF THE CHINS IN GUERILLA WARFARE IN 1890
11.3 CHARACTERISTICS OF CHIN WARFARE
11.4 OUTBREAK OF THE SIYIN REBELLION
11.5 TACTICS ADOPTED TO SUPPRESS THE REBELLION
11.6 PREVENTION OF CULTIVATION AND DESTRUCTION OF FOOD-SUPPLY
11.7 ENFORCEMENT OF JOINT RESPONSIBILITY
11.8 FLANKING
11.9 CARE NECESSARY IN GETTING WATER
11.10 PRECAUTION AT EARLY DAWN
11.11 NECESSITY OF GREAT WATCHFULLNESS ON THE PART OF SENTRIES
11.12 INGENUITY OF THE CHINS IN AVOIDING DETECTION
11.13 NAGA PARTIES
11.14 PIQUETS ON POINTS OF VANTAGE
11.15 BUCKSHOT FOR SENTRIES
xii

11.16 GATEWAYS NOT TO BE ATTACKED
12.0 THE ARMS OF THE CHINS AND THE LOCAL MANUFACTURE OF GUNPOWDER AND BULLETS
12.1 SPEARS
12.2 BOWS AND ARROWS
12.3 SHIELDS
12.4 SURRENDERED GUNS
12.5 CHIN METHODS OF MAKING GUNPOWDER
12.6 PROJECTILES
13.0 JAPANESE INVASION OF CHINLAND AND EAST INDIA
13.1 INTRODUCTION
13.2 JUSTICE UNDER THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION
13.3 ARMED RESISTANCE MOVEMENTS AGAINST THE JAPANESE
14.0 THE AWAKENING OF POLITICAL AND NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESSES
14.1 INTRODUCTION
14.2 CHIN-LUSHAI CONFERENCE
14.3 MIZO MEMORANDUM
14.3.1 THE PEOPLE AND THE LAND
14.3.2 TRADITIONAL ORIGIN
14.3.3 THE MIZO POPULATION
14.3.4 MIZO HISTORY AND BRITISH CONNECTION
14.3.5 THE PRESENT GENERAL CONDITIONS OF THE COUNTRY
14.3.6 OUR CASE
14.4 MEMORANDUM (PAITE NATIONAL COUNCIL)
14.4.1 RE-UNIFICATION OF THE CHIN PEOPLE INTO A TERRITORY
14.4.2 THE ORIGIN OF CHIN
14.4.3 THE PEOPLES OF CHIN
14.4.4 THE TERRITORY OF CHINS
14.4.5 THE RELATIONSHIP OF CHINS OF INDIA AND BURMA
14.4.6 THE POLITICAL STATUS OF THE CHINS BEFORE, DURING AND AFTER BRITISH
REGIME
14.5 FIRST WORLD ZOMI CONVENTION
14.5.1 DECLARATION
14.5.2 CHARTER OF AGREEMENT
14.5.3 ORGANISATION
14.6 ZO-RE-UNIFICATION ORGANIZATION (ZORO)
15.0 INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNION OF BURMA
15.1 INTRODUCTION
15.2 THE PANGLONG AGREEMENT
15.3 FRONTIER AREAS ENQUIRY COMMISSION (REES-WILLIAM COMMISSION)
15.4 AUNG SAN CABINET
15.5 THAKIN NU CABINET
15.6 AUTHORS OF THE UNION CONSTITUTION
15.7 DELEGATES TO THE NU-ATTLEE TREATY
16.0 CHIN/ZO PEOPLE IN POST-INDEPENDENCE BURMA
xiii
16.1.1 ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM IN CHINLAND AND MIZORAM AND THE BIRTH OF CHIN
NATIONAL DAY AND MIZORAM STATE INAUGURATION DAY
16.1.2 OUTBREAK OF THE CIVIL WAR AND THE CRUCIAL ROLES OF CHIN SOLDIERS
16.1.3 CHIN POLITICAL MOVEMENTS INSIDE BURMA
16.1.4 CHIN/ZO/THADO-KUKI ARMED MOVEMENTS
16.1.5 THE CHIN FORUM
16.2 ZO PEOPLE IN POST-INDEPENDENCE INDIA
16.2.1 INTRODUCTION
16.2.2 MAUTAM AND THE BIRTH OF THE MIZO NATIONAL FRONT (MNF)
16.2.3 THE MIZO NATIONAL FRONT SET UP AN UNDERGROUND GOVERNMENT
16.2.4 THE ARMED UPRISING AND ITS CONSEQUENCES
16.2.5 THE MIZO NATIONAL FRONT DECLARED INDEPENDENCE ON MARCH 1, 1966
16.2.6 MIZO TROOPS CAPTURED TWO TOWNS IN EAST ZORAM (CHIN STATE)
16.2.7 POWER STRUGGLE WITHIN THE MIZO NATIONAL FRONT
16.2.8 METHODS USED BY THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT IN SUPPRESSING THE ARMED
MOVEMENT
16.2.9 ATTAINMENT OF THE UNION TERRITORY STATUS
16.2.10 THE BIRTH OF MIZORAM STATE
17.0 THE PEOPLE
17.1.1 ORIGIN OF THE CHIN/ZO (Colonialists View-1)
17.1.2 ORIGIN OF THE CHIN/ZO (Coloniaists View-2)
17.1.3 ORIGIN OF THE CHIN/ZO (Colonialists View-3)
17.2 CLASSIFICATION OF THE TRIBES IN THE HILLS
17.3 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PEOPLE
17.2.1 Chin Characteristics.
17.2.2 SPECIAL CHARACTERS OF SEPARATE TRIBES
17.2.3 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT
17.2.4 APPEARANCE AND PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS
17.5 THE GENERIC NAMES CHIN, KUKI AND ZO AND THEIR ANCIENT HOMELANDS
17.6 DEFINITION OF THE ZO TRIBES AND SUB-TRIBES
17.6.1 LIST OF ZO TRIBES AND SUB-TRIBES
17.7 CLANS AND SUB-CLANS
17.8 ZO NAMES
17.9 FIVE SCHOLARS OPINIONS ON THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE
17.9.1 FEEDBACK ON THE CHIN-LUSEI CONFERENCE: LEHMAN
17.9.2 FEEDBACK ON THE CHIN-LUSEI CONFERENCE: VUMSON SUANTAK
17.9.3 TOWARDS ZO UNIFICATION: KEIVOM
17.9.4 THE TERM ZO: HAU KIP
17.9.5 EXCLUSIVITY AND INCLUSIVITY IN ZOHNATHLAK IDENTITY FORMATION

17.10 THE CHIN-KUKI-MIZO: A LOST TRIBE OF ISRAEL?
17.10.1 Amishav Organization: Lost Tribe Returns to Israel
17.10.2 Lost Tribe of Israel
17.10.3 Menashe in Myanmar
17.10.4 ISRAEL: Lost and Found?
xiv
17.10.5 From India to Zion
17.10.6 More Bnei Menashe Arrive in Israel
17.10.7 Israeli 'Lost Tribes' Living in W. Bank
17.10.8 DNA tests prove that Mizo people are descendants of a lost Israeli tribe
17.10.9 Israels Chief Rabinnate Recognizes Mizos As An Israeli Lost Tribe
17.10.10 Tracking the Genetic Imprints of Lost Jewish Tribes among the Gene Pool of
Kuki-Chin-Mizo Population of India
17.11 THE ROLES AND RIGHTS OF WOMEN
17.11.1 STATUS OF MIZO WOMEN
17.11.2 PAITE WOMEN IN THE CHANGING POWER STRUCTURE
17.12 SOCIAL LIFE AND CIVIC WORKS
17.12.1 THE ZAWLBUK INSTITUTION
17.12.2 TLAWMNGAIHNA
17.12.3 THE YOUNG MIZO ASSOCIATION (YMA)
17.13 NEW ZO SETTLEMENTS OUTSIDE EAST ZORAM (CHIN STATE)
18.0 RELIGION
18.1 ANCIENT RELIGIOUS BELIEFS OF THE CHINS
18.2 THE RELIGION OF LAIPIAN PAU CIN HAU
18.2.1 INVENTION OF WRITING
18.2.2 THE LAIPIAN HIERARCHY
18.3 CHRISTIANIZATION IN CHINLAND (EAST ZORAM)
18.3.1 INTRODUCTION
18.3.2 Adoption of the Name Zomi Baptist Convention
18.3.3 American Baptist Missionaries in Chinland (East Zoram)
18.3.4 Chins For Christ in One Century (CCOC)
18.3.5 Brief History of the Catholic Church in the Chin Hills
18.3.5.1 Evangelization of Southern Chin State
18.3.5.2 Evangelization of Northern Chin State
18.3.5.3 Zones and Parishes
18.3.5.4 French Priest-Missionaries
18.3.6 KHUMI-CHIN ANGLICANS
18.4 INTRODUCTION OF BUDDHISM INTO NORTHERN CHINLAND (EAST ZORAM)
19.0 CULTURE
19.1 MUSICS AND DANCES(Colonialists View)
19.2 SUMMARY OF THE CHIN/ZO CULTURE
19.3 TRADITIONAL CHIN/ZO TEXTILES AND TRIBAL COSTUMES
19.4 MITHAN/MYTHUN( Bos gaurus frontalis) - THE NATIONAL ANIMAL
19.5 GREAT HORNBILL(Buceros bicomis) - THE NATIONAL BIRD
19.6 TRADITIONAL SONGS
19.7 FOLK DANCES AND FEASTS
19.8 HEAD-HUNTING AND OTHER SPECIAL FEASTS
19.9 RITUALS AND ROLES OF MEAT AND ZU
19.10 ZU AND LUNG 'BEER AND STONE' CULTURE OF KCHO
19.11 CHIN FACIAL TATOO CULTURE
20.0 MANNER AND CUSTOMS
20.1 VILLAGES
xv

20.1.1 JHOOMERS AS TAUNGYA-CUTTERS
20.1.2 VILLAGES OF RAIDNG TRIBES
20.1.3 ORDINARY VILLAGES
20.1.4 PLAN OF VILLAGES
20.1.5 WATER SUPPLY
20.1.6 VILLAGE DEFENCE
20.1.7 VILLAGE NAMES
20.2 HOUSES
20.2.1 DESCRIPTION OF A HAKA HOUSE
20.2.2 HOUSE-BUILDING
20.3 DOMESTIC ANIMALS
20.3.1 PIGS
20.3.2 GOATS
20.3.3 DOGS
20.3.4 FOWLS
20.3.5 MITHUN

20.4 FOOD
20.4.1 STAPLE FOOD
20.4.2 THE GARDEN
20.4.3 ORDINARY MEAL
20.4.4 TOBACCO CULTIVATION
20.4.5 COLLECTION AND USE OF NICOTINE
20.4.6 SMOKING
20.4.7 PIPES
20.5 HUNTING AND FISHING
20.5.1 CHIN AS HUNTER
20.5.2 ELEPHANTS, TIGERS, AND BEARS
20.5.3 TRAPPING TIGERS AND PANTHERS
20.5.4 FISHING
20.5.5 PROSPECTS OF SPORT IN THE HILLS
21.0 PRESENT PLIGHT OF THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE IN BURMA
21.1 TELEVISION AND RADIO BROADCASTING PROGRAMME
21.2 THE MARCH 31, 2004 ANNOUNCEMENT OF PROJECT MAJE
21.3 PROFESSOR DR. SALAI TUN THAN
21.4 CHIN STATE'S UNEASY COHABITATION WITH THE REGIME
BIBLIOGRAPHY
GLOSSARY
BRIEF BIOGRAPHIES OF REV. KHUP ZA GO, PU VUM KO HAU AND DR. VUMSON SUANTAK
...................................................................................................................................
xvi
PHOTOS
PHOTO A Field Marshal Sir George White
PHOTO B Chief Khup Lian + Saya Za Khup
PHOTO C Field Marshal Sir Frederik Roberts
PHOTO D Field Marshal The Lord of Magdala
PHOTO E Colonel Sir Ronald Mosquito Ross
PHOTO F Field Marshal Lord Philip Chetwode
PHOTO G Some Prominent Chin Leaders of the First Generation Inside Burma
PHOTO 1 Siallum Fort of the Chins
PHOTOS 2 + 3 Haka, Capital of Chin State
PHOTO 4 One of the famous Battlefields in the Anglo-Zo War(near Fort White)
PHOTO 5 Vangte: A historical village during the Anglo-Zo War (The entire villagers were/are
of the Guites (both tribe and clan); there were and still are about 250 households.)
PHOTOS 6 & 7 Two typical Scenes from the Zos daily life
PHOTOS 8+9+10 A traditional flute player, one traditionally-tatooed woman and a hunters house
(Southern Chinland)
PHOTO 11 A young Mru girl from the Chittagong Hill Tracts drinking tradtional Zo Zu (Zo rice-beer)
PHOTOS 11-A, 11-B1+B2 & 11-C: Some Zo Women in their Traditional Costumes
PHOTOS 12 Parts of Lophei & Thuklai (Old Fort White),
PHOTOS 13-14 Khuasak and Limkhai
(Photos 12-14, 24 & 25 are four of the seven historical villages in the Siyin Country)
PHOTOS 15-16 Two Scenes around the well-known, historical Fort White
PHOTOS 17-18 Mithan/Mithun (Bos gaurus frontalis)
PHOTO 19 Great Hornbill (Buceros bicomis)
PHOTOS 20-21 Javan Rhino (Rhinoceros sondaicus) & Sumatran Rhino (Dicerorhinus sumatrensis)
PHOTO 22 Leaders and Officers of the Siyin Indpedence Army (1944-45)
PHOTO 23 Two Siyin Chiefs and Four Elders
PHOTOS 24 & 25 Parts of Upper Thuklai (site of the original Fort White)
Note: Photos 1, 4, 5, 12-16, 24 & 25 are some historical sites and villages.
------------------------------------------------------------------
MAPS
MAP 1 Map of Chin Area
MAP 2 Routes of Migration of the Tibeto-Burman Groups Into Burma
MAP 3 Kuki-Chin Tribal and Linguistic Distribution (1957)
MAP 4 Geographical Centers of Chin Language Groups
MAP 5 Ancient or Historical - or both - villages inside Nothern Chinland
MAP 6 Japanese Thrust on Imphal-Kohima
MAP 7 Map of Chinland at the time of British Annexation
MAP 8 Map showing motor car roads in Chin State
LIST OF TABLES
TABLE 1 ROOTS OF THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE
TABLE 2 GENELOGICAL TREE OF THE ZO/CHIN RACE (KHUP ZA THANG)
TABLE 3 GENEALOGICAL TREE OF MIZO (CHAWNGKUNGA)
xvii
TABLE 3-A GENEALOGICAL TREE OF THE ZO PEOPLE WITH A NEW LINEAGE FOR THE SAILOS
(Suggested by Thang Za Dal - based on newly gained information)
TABLE 4 MAIN GENEALOGICAL ROOTS OF LUSEI, PAITE, THADO, SIZANG, BAITE AND SAILO
GENEALOGICAL INDEX
KEY TO SYMBOLS
SPECIAL TABLE - 1/A Genealogical Tree of K.A. Khup Za Thang, Compiler of ZO GENEALOGY (Vang Loks
Generation, Hang Sawks Descendant, the Khum Awn Sub-clan of the Suantak Clan
SPECIAL TABLE - 1/B Female Lines in the Khum Awn Sub-clan
SPECIAL TABLE - 2/A Genealogical Tree of Chief Khai Kam (Nge Ngus Generation, That Langs Descendant,
Khun Tongs Offspring, the Khan Vum Sub-clan of the Suantak Clan)
SPECIAL TABLE - 2/B Female Lines in the Khan Vum Sub-clan
TABLE 5/A Genealogical Tree of the Lua Tawng Sub-clan of Suantak Clan
TABLE 5/B Female Lines in the Lua Tawng Sub-clan
TABLE 5/C Genealogical Tree of the Mang Vum Sub-clan of Suantak Clan
TABLE 5/D Female Lines in the Mang Vum Sub-clan
TABLE 6/A Genealogical Tree of Sailo (Lalsavunga)
TABLE 6/B - - (Lallianvunga)
TABLE 6/C - _ (Manga)
TABLE 6/D - - (Vuttaia)
TABLE 6/E - - (Rolura)
TABLE 6/F - - (Laltuaka)
TABLE 6/G - - (Lianlula)
TABLE 6/H - - (Thangphunga)
TABLE 6/I - - (Chenkuala)
TABLE 6/J Genealogical Trees of Sailo (Inside Burma)
TABLE 7/A List of Zo tribes and Sub-tribes
TABLE 7/B Suantak Clan among the Faihriam Tribe (India)
TABLE 7/C Suantak Clan among the Thado-Kuki & Kam Hau/Tedim Tribes (Burma and India)
TABLE 7/D-1 & 7/D-2 Suantak Clan among the Paihte (Burma and India)
TABLE 7/E Suantak Clan among the Sizangs
TABLE 7/F-1 & 7/F-2 Suantak Clan among the Tedims
TABLE 7/G Suantak Clan among the Vaipheis (Burma and India)
TABLE 8/A Genealogical Tree of Vum Ko Hau (of the TUN NGO Sub-clan of Suantak Clan)
TABLE 8/B Female Lines in the Tun Ngo Sub-clan
TABLE 8/C Genealogical Tree of the Mang Zong Sub-clan of Suantak Clan
TABLE 8/D Female Lines in the Mang Zong Sub-clan
TABLE 9 Genealogical Tree of the SUANTE Sub-clan of Suantak Clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 9/A Female Lines in the SUANTE Sub-clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 10 Genealogical Tree of the SAWN TUN Sub-clan of Suantak Clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 10/A Female Lines in the SAWN TUN Sub-clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 11 Genealogical Tree of the TAUKON Sub-clan of Suantak Clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 11/A Female Lines in the TAUKON Sub-clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 12 Genealogical Tree of the TAWNG SUAK Sub-clan of Suantak Clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 12/A Female Lines in the TAWNG SUAK Sub-clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 13 Genealogical Tree of the HANG SEAL Sub-clan of NGAIHTE Clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 13/B Female Lines in the HANG SEAL Sub-clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 14 Genealogical Tree of the HANG MAN Sub-clan of SONG ZA Clan (among the Sizangs)
xviii
TABLE 14/A Female Lines in the HANG MAN Sub-clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 15 Genealogical Tree of the TAW TAK Sub-clan of SUNG (SONG) MANG Clan
(among the Sizangs)
TABLE 15/A Female Lines in the TAW TAK Sub-clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 16 Genealogical Tree of the SAMTE Sub-clan of SEAKTAK Clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 16/A Female Lines in the SAMTE Sub-clan (among the Sizangs)
TABLE 17 Genealogical Tree of Chiefs Khan Thuam and Kam Hau of the Sukte Clan/Tribe
TABLE 17/A Female Lines in the Mang Piang Sub-clan of the Sukte Clan/Tribe
TABLE 18 Genealogical Tree of Laipian Pau Cin Hau, Creator/Inventor of the first Zo Script
TABLE 19 Genealogical Trees of Haka Chiefs
TABLE 20-A Percentage of Lexicostatistics Similarity
TABLE 20-B Metrix of Lexicostatistic Percentages in 21 Chin Languages
TABLE 20-C Chin Languages in the Chin State of Burma (Myanmar)
DIAGRAMS 1 & 2: HOW THE NORTHERN CHIN/ZOS GET THEIR NAMES
LIST OF APPENDICES
APPENDIX A CORRESPONDENCES CONCERNING THE ORIGIN OF SAILO CLAN, AND SLAVERY
AMONG DIFFERENT ZO TRIBES IN OLDEN DAYS
APPENDIX A-1 NEW SPECULATIONS ON THE ORIGIN OF SAILO CLAN BASED ON KIM LELS
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SONG
APPENDIX A-2 KIM LELS SONG (ORIGINAL IN POETIC WORDS, TRANSLATIONS IN PLAIN WORDS AND ENGLISH)
APPENDIX A-3 KIM LELS SONG (FROM PAU TUALS NOTE BOOK, 1940)
APPENDIX A-4 KIM LELS SONG (FROM CAPT. MUN KHO PAUS BOOK, 1954)
APPENDIX B NEWS REPORT ON CHIKIM KUT - 2008
APPENDIX C NEWS REPORT ON THE ZO FESTIVAL-2004
APPENDIX D MIZORAM DIARY
APPENDIX E ON KHUASAK & LOPHEI VILLAGES
APPENDIX F INSCRIPTION OF EX-CHIEF KHUP LIAN
APPENDIX G A PORTION OF THE AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SONGS OF THE LATE CAPT. K. A. KHUP ZA THANG
APPENDIX H-1 THE SIX BOOKS OF THE PAU CIN HAU SCRIPT
APPENDIX H-2 THREE RESEARCH PAPERS OF PANDEY: PRELIMINARY PROPOSALS TO ENCODE THE PAU
CIN HAU SCRIPT INTO ISO/IEC 10646
APPENDIX I ANNIVERSARIES AND FREQUENCIES OF THE CHIN NATIONAL DAY
APPENDIX J TREES AND ANIMALS IN CHINLAND AT THE TIME OF BRITISH ARRIVAL
APPENDIX K PREFACE FROM THE GENEALOGY OF THE ZO (CHIN) RACE OF BURMA (1ST EDITION, 1974)
APPENDIX K-1 (SCANNED ORIGINAL TEXT OF THE ABOVE PREFACE)
APPENDIX K-2 INTRODUCTION (ENGLISH TRANSLATION) FROM THE 2ND EDITION OF THE SAME BOOK, 2007)
APPENDIX K-3 SCANNED ORIGINAL TEXT OF THE ABOVE INTRODUCTION
APPENDIX L VETERANS OF SIYIN CONTINGENTS AGAINST THE BRITISH DURING THE ANGLO-ZO WAR
APPENDIX M REV. DR. COPES INTRODUCTION IN NAYLORS HANDBOOK ON THE SIYIN DIALECT
APPENDIX M-1 PI LUAN ZA CINGS COMMENT ON THE SELECTION OF THE TEDIM DIALECT IN TIDDIM SUB-
DIVISION(IN TEDIM DIALECT)
APPENDIX M-2 ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE ABOVE ARTICLE
APPENDIX N PU NO THAN KAPS ANALYSIS ON THE CHIN NATIONAL DAY & CHIN CHIEFTAINSHIP
APPENDIX O BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE BRITISH GENERALS AND SENIOR
OFFICERS AND ADMINISTRATORS WHO HAD HAD PLAYED IMPORTANT ROLES IN CONQUERING
THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE INSIDE PRESENT-DAY BANGLADESH, BURMA AND INDIA
xiv
APPENDIX P LIST OF CHIN SOLDIERS OF THE 1ST AND 2ND CHIN RIFLES WHO WERE AWARDED
WITH VARIOUS HONOURS DURING THE KAREN-BURMAN WAR (Recipients of similar honours
from the 3rd and 4th Chin Rifles will be added as soon as reliable information is obtained)
APPENDIX Q ORIGINAL OF THE PANGLONG AGREEMENT (SCANNED PDF)
APPENDIX R REPORT OF THE FRONTIER AREAS COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY, 1947
APPENDIX S CHIN COMMUNITY(GERMANY)S STATEMENT (OCTOBER 2007) ON THE PERSISTING
WIDESPREAD RUMOURS THAT CHIN SOLDIERS SHOT AT PEACEFUL DEMONSTRATORS
ON VARIOUS OCCASIONS
APPENDIX T A RAKHAING/RAKHINE(ARAKANESE) SCHOLARS COMMENT - AN ARTICLE - ON THE
CHIN COMMUNITY (GERMANY)S STATEMENT (Appendix S)
APPENDICES U-1 & U-2 19TH CENTURY WARS AND MILITARY CAMPAIGNS
APPENDIX U-3 NUMBER OF RECIPIENTS OF THE INDIA GENERAL SERVICE MEDAL FROM TWO
REGIMENTS DURING THE CHIN-LUSHAI EXPEDITION AND CAMPAIGNS AGAINST
THE SIYIN-NWENGAL REBELLION
APPENDIX V FEASTING AND MEAT DIVISION AMONG THE ZAHAU CHINS OF BURMA: A PRELIMINARY
ANALYSIS
APPENDIX W HONOURS AND REWARDS GAINED BY THE ASSAM RIFLES SINCE 1891
APPENDIX X LIST OF CONTENTS, AND PREFACE OF THE CHIN HILLS, BY CAREY & TUCK
(These 5 pages are included here in order to give the reader some ideas about the topics in this book.)
APPENDIX Y COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND CIVIL ADMINISTRATORS OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT WHO
HAD TAKEN PART IN VAROUS MILITARY CAMPAIGNS AGAINST THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE (1841-1917)
APPENDIX Z BRIEF BIOGRAPHY OF THE LATE MAJOR-GENERAL TUANG ZA KHAI
APPENDIX AA CHIN HILLS REGULATION, 1896
APPENDIX BB MIZORAM ACCORD, 1986
APPENDIX CC LISTS OF THOSE WHO MADE VARIOUS SPECIAL FEASTS AMONG THE SIZANGS
APPENDIX DD THE BATTLE OF INSEIN NEVER REALLY ENDED (A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF THE BATTLE)
APPENDIX EE TEXT EXPLAINING THE CORRECTION OF SOME MANIPULATED HISTORICAL FACTS
APPENDIX EE - 1 SCANNED PAGES (74 & 75) OF ZO CHRONICLES
APPENDIX EE - 2 SCANNED GAZETTEER OF VILLAGES (THE SIYIN VILLAGES)
APPENDIX EE - 3 SCANNED DESCRIPTIONS OF LOPHEI & KHUASAK
APPENDIX EE - 4 SCANNED DESCRIPTIONS OF SAKHILING/LIMKHAI & THUKLAI
APPENDIX EE - 5 SCANNED DESCRIPTION OF VOKLAAK
APPENDIX EE - 6 SCANNED GAZETTEER OF VILLAGES (KAMHAU VILLAGES)
APPENDIX EE - 7 SCANNED DESCRIPTION OF LOPA
APPENDIX EE - 8 SCANNED DESCRIPTION OF HAITSI OR KUMNWE
APPENDIX EE - 9 SCANNED PAGES (330 & 331) OF THE PACIFICATION OF BURMA
APPENDIX EE - 10/1 SCANNED COVER OF THE TONZANG JUBILEE BOOK
APPENDIX EE - 10/2 SCANNED TEXT IN TEDIM DIALECT OF VISIT OF CHINS TO RANGOON
APPENDIX EE - 10/3 SCANNED ORIGINAL TEXT IN ENGLISH OF VISIT OF CHINS TO RANGOON
APPENDIX EE - 11 (MAP 1) SCANNED MAP TO ACCOMPANY THE CHIN HILLS GAZETTEER
(Showing locations of Fort White, Lophei, Khuasak, Voklaak, and Lopa)
APPENDIX EE - 11 (MAP 2) SCANNED MAP OF THE KAM HAU TERRITORY
(Showing locations of Tiddim, Tonzang and Lopa)
APPENDIX FF THE LONDON GAZETTE, SEPTEMBER 12, 1890
APPENDIX GG INTERVIEW WITH SHWEKEY HOIPANG ON THE CHIN FACIAL TATOO CULTURE
APPENDIX HH BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF CHIEF KHAI KAM, ONE OF THE MOST WELL-KNOWN
HEROES OF THE SIYIN-GUNGAL REBELLION 1892-93
ABOUT ME (THE AUTHOR), 2 FAMILY PHOTOS AND A PORTRAIT OF MYSELF
xx

PHOTO A
Field Marshal Sir George S. White, VC., GCB., OM, GCSI., GCIE., GCVO.
(6 July 1835 - 24 June 1912)
r
Adjusted from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Stuart_White &
http://www.britishempire.co.uk/forces/armycampaigns/africancampaigns/boerwar/stuartwhite.htm
Note: When he fought against the Chins in 1888-89 he was Commander of the Upper Burma Field Force with the
rank of major-general. tzd.
.............................................
1835 born 6th July in County Londonderry
1853 entered the 27th Inniskilling Regiment
1857 Indian Mutiny
1863 exchanged to 92nd as Captain
1874 married Miss Amelia Bayley, daughter of the archdeacon of Calcutta
1879-80 Afghan War. 2nd in command 92nd
1880-81 India. Military Secretary to the Viceroy
1881-85 Commanding Officer 2nd Battalion Gordon Highlanders
1884-85 Sudan Expedition
1885 Egypt. AA and QMG
1885 Madras. Brigadier-General
1885-86 Commanding Brigade in Burma Expedition
1886-89 In Command of Upper Burma Field Force
1889-93 Bengal. Major-General
1890 Zhob Field Force
1893-98 Commander-in-Chief India
1897-1912 Colonel of the Gordon Highlanders
1898-99 QMG HQ of Army
1899-1900 GOC Natal Field Force. Lieut-General
1900 28th Feb. Relief of Ladysmith
1900-04 Governor of Gibraltar
1903 Field Marshal
1912 died on 24th June.
___________________________________________
- See APPENDIX 0 BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF BRITISH GENERALS AND ADMINISTRATORS...
________________________________________________________________________________
-Created in this form by Thang Za Dal. November 2012.
PHOTO B
Chief Khup Lian(right) with Saya Za Khup, father of Vum Ko Hau(Photo taken on July 14, 1960).
Khup Lian was about 90 years old when this photo was taken. He died on December 3, 1962, at Lophei.
(Saya Za Khup was married to a daughter of the younger brother of Khup Lians father.)
- See APPENDICES E, EE & F for more information on Khup Lian
_________________________________________
- Source of Photo: Vum Ko Hau(Illustrations 67)
- Created in this form by Thang Za Dal. January 2012
PHOTO C
Field Marshal Sir Frederick S. Roberts
(30 September 1832 14 November 1914)
Place of birth Cawnpore, India
Place of death St Omer, France
Resting place St Paul's Cathedral, London
Allegiance United Kingdom
Service/branch Flag of the British Army.svg British Army
Years of service 1851 - 1904
Rank Field Marshal
Unit Royal Artillery
Commands held
Kuram field force
Kabul and Kandahar field forces
Governor of Natal
Commander-in-Chief of British forces in South Africa
Commander-in-Chief in Madras
Commander-in-Chief, India
Commander-in-Chief, Ireland
Command of British troops in Second Boer War
Commander-in-Chief of the Forces
Battles/wars
Umbeyla Campaign (1863)
Abyssinian Campaign (18671868)
Lushai campaign (18711872)
Second Afghan War
Battle of Kandahar (1880)
Second Boer War (1899-1902)
Awards
Victoria Cross
Knight of the Order of the Garter
Knight of the Order of St Patrick
Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath
Order of Merit
Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Star of India
- See APPENDIX 0 BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF BRITISH GENERALS AND ADMINISTRATORS...
__________________________________________________________________________________
* Adjusted from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frederick_Roberts,_1st_Earl_Roberts by tzd/January, 2012.
PHOTO D
Field Marshal The Lord Napier of Magdala
(6 December 1810 - 14 January 1890)
Place of birth Ceylon
Place of death London
Allegiance United Kingdom
Service/branch British Indian Army
Years of service 1828 - 1890
Rank Field Marshal
Commands held Commander-in-Chief in India
Battles/wars First Anglo-Sikh War
Second Anglo-Sikh War
Indian Mutiny
Second Anglo-Chinese War
1868 Expedition to Abyssinia
Awards GCB, GCSI, CIE, FRS
Other work Governor of Gibraltar
Constable of the Tower
Note: During the Lushai Expedition(1871-72) he had the rank of lieutenant-general and was already the Commander-in-
Chief in India. He played a crucial role in conquering the Lushai Hills by personally laid down the military strategy. tzd
- See APPENDIX 0 BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF BRITISH GENERALS AND ADMINISTRATORS...
________________________________________________________________________________
- Adjusted from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Napier,_1st_Baron_Napier_of_Magdala by Thang Za Dal/Jan. 2012
PHOTO E
Colonel Sir Ronald Mosquito Ross, K.C.B., K.C.M.G
The Burma and Chin-Lushai campaign medal awarded to Colonel Sir Ronald Mosquito Ross, K.C.B.,
K.C.M.G., late Indian Medical Service, whose discovery of the mosquito cycle in malaria won him the Nobel Prize
for Medicine and universal acclaim as one of the greatest benefactors of mankind.
( http://www.dnw.co.uk/medals/auctionarchive/viewspecialcollections/itemdetail.lasso?itemid=36374 )
- See APPENDIX 0 BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF BRITISH GENERALS AND ADMINISTRATORS...
________________________________________________________________________________________
- Created in this form by Thang Za Dal. February 2012.

PHOTO F
FIELD MARSHAL PHILIP WALHOUSE CHETWODE, GCB., OM., GCSI., KCMG., DSO.
Born 21 September 1869
Westminster, London, England
Died 6 July 1950 (aged 80)
Marylebone, London, England
Allegiance United Kingdom
Service/branch British Army
Years of service 18891935
Commands held Commander-in-Chief, India
Chief of General Staff in India
Battles/wars
Second Boer War
* Siege of Ladysmith
World War I
* Western Front
* First Battle of the Marne
* First Battle of the Aisne
* Second Battle of Ypres
* First Battle of Gaza
* Second Battle of Gaza
* Third Battle of Gaza
* Battle of Jerusalem
* Battle of Megiddo
Chetwode first saw active service in the Chin Hills Expedition in Burma from 1892 to 1893.
_______________________________________________________________________________________
Adjusted from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_Chetwode,_1st_Baron_Chetwode
- See APPENDIX 0 for his brief biography
- Created in this form by Thang Za Dal. April 2012.
PHOTO G
Some of the Most Prominent Chin Leaders of the First Generation Inside Burma
Front Row Sitting L - R: Lt. Col. Lian Cin Zam (CO., Chin Hills Bn); Mr. R. Tuang Hmung, W.K.H., B.A (Hons)
- Deputy Commissioner, Falam; Col. Dal Za Kam (Comd No. 2. Lt Inf Bde); Mr. Thawng Cin Thang, T.P.C
(Secretary, Chin Ministry); Lt. Col. Son Kho Pau (CO., 2nd Bn, Chin Rifles).
Standing L - R: Lt. Col. Po Kung (CO., 2 (E) Chin Bn); Mr. Za Hre Lian (Deputy Commissioner, Kampetlet);
Sithu Mr. Vum Ko Hau (Deputy Secretary, Foreign Office); Mr. Sa Vut, W.K.H.(Asst. Secretary, Chin Ministry);
Major[later Colonel] Van Kulh, BGM & Bar (Offg. Comd, 1st Chin Rifles)
____________________________________________
Courtesy of Photo by Dr. Huat Za Mang (Thuklai, Chinland/Texas, USA) - 2012
Photo taken in Rangoon, Burma, 1950.
_____________________________________________
- At the peak of the Karen Uprising from early 1948 to mid 1949 a number of Chin battalion commanders, among them
Col. Lian Cin Zam, tried to remain neutral between the Karens and Burmans. U Nu, the then Prime Minister, was forced
to fly to Pegu to personally plead to Col. Lian Cin Zam to side with the government. The Burmans could never forget
this humiliation. When he suddenly died in a military hospital under very unusual circumstances in 1956, the govern-
ment refused to transport his remains and family to Kalaymyo by Burma Air Force planes. So, his body and family were
flown to Kalaymyo by a company aeroplane of the Burmah Oil Company (BOC). Its directors were intimate friends of
the late colonel.
- Mr. Tuang Hmung later became Minister of Chin Affairs for a legislative period under the U Nu government.
- Mr. Thawng Cin Thang became Chief Commissioner of several Divisions.
- Lt. Colonel Son Kho Pau attained this rank at the age 26! He was a hero of the Battle of Insein, commanding the 2nd Chin
Rifles. Several soldiers from his battalion were bestowed with outstanding awards (see Appendices P & DD). Some years
later he was forced to resign without pay because of his disobedience to his superior, Brigadier Kyaw Zaw, who later took
refuge in the Peoples Republic of China where he died in mid 2012. Col. Son Kho Pau went underground in mid 1964 and
went to East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) with 150 men, where he got promises of military hardwares support from the then
Pakistan government. He and his bodyguards were ambushed and captured by the 7th Assam Rifles inside Nagaland in
1965 on their way back from East Pakistan. They were handed later over to the Burmese government. He was imprisoned
in Mandalay for ten years without trial before released under a general amnesty.
- Mr. Za Hre Lian later became Minister of Chin Affairs for one or two legislative periods in the U Nu government, and
then served as Burmas ambassador to the United States for several years where he died a few years ago.
- Mr. Sa Vut became a Township Officer.
- Major (later Colonel) Van Kulh became a Minister of Housing for some years in the General Ne Win government.
_________________________________________________
- Prepared and created in this form by Thang Za Dal, November 2012
PHOTO 1
SIALLUM (FORT OF THE CHINS)
- Lt. Col. Surgeon LeQuesne got his Victoria Cross for his action here on May 4, 1889.
- See 9.6.11 ACTION AT TARTAN(SIALLUM)
_______________________________________________________________________
- Restoration of it was done by the Burmese Government, but not strictly according to the original structures.
- Created in this form by Thang Za Dal. January 2012.
PHOTOS 2 & 3
Photo 2(above): A Section of Haka, Capital of Chin State
Photo 3(below): Sport Stadium and Panoramic View of Haka
________________________________________________
- Photographer unknown(These photos were circulated first around 2007).
- Created in this form by Thang Za Dal. 1.2012.
PHOTOS 4 & 5

____________________________________________________________________
- Photo(above): Phatzang aka No. 2 Stockade(distant summit), where the first battles between the British and
Chins took place in 1888-89. It was also one of the most well-known battle grounds between the British and
Japanese in WW II in the Chin Hills War Theatre. The distant valley is the Kale-Kabaw Valley.
- Photo(below): Vangte village - One of the well-known villages during the Chin-Lushai Expedition 1889-90.
See 9.6.6 Encounter with the Siyins; 12.4 Surrendered Guns
_____________________________________
- Photographer unknown. These were first circulated around in 2007.
- Created in this form by Thang Za Dal. January 2012.
PHOTOS 6 & 7
Two Typical Scenes from the Chin/Zo Peoples Daily Life
______________________________________________________
- Photographer unknown(these pictures were first circulated around 2007.
- Created in this form by Thang Za Dal/01.2012.
PHOTOS 8 + 9 +10


Photo Source: http://picasaweb.google.com/kchocatholiccommunity/MindatTownship?
__________________________________________________________________________________
Photo (above left): Musicians in this region (Southern Chinland) play flute with their nose,
instead with their mouth.
Photo (above right): A traditionally tatooed woman
Photo (below): Front veranda of a typical Chin/Zo hunters house.
_______________________________________________
Created in this form by Thang Za Dal. January 2012.
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Among the Traditional Dresses Seen Here Are (alphabetically): Cho, Haka, Matu, Mizo, Tedim and Thantlang
(Photos directly taken and prepared from the 60th CND Concert DVD by tzd. 06.2011)
________________________________________________________________________________________________
PHOTO 11-B-2
Two famous Zo singers: Lalrindiki Khiangte - aka - Daduhi (left) from Mizoram- and Lalhriatpuii(right) from
Manipur States, India
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PHOTOS 13 & 14
Photo 13(above): Limkhai Zo-Ngal(background)
A section of the lower part of Thuklai(foreground)
Photo 14(below): Khuasak(background)
A section of the top part of Thuklai(foreground)
Photos: Courtesy of....................................(Photos taken in 06/2009)
(tzd/12.2010)
PHOTOS 15 & 16
___________________________________
Two Scenes around the famous Fort White
* Seen in the first picture is the 92-km Kalaymyo-Tedim road. Fort White is located exactly at halfway
between the two towns. The road in the foreground leads to Tedim.
Photos: Courtesy of..................................................(photos taken in 06/2009)
tzd/05.2011
* NOTE: THE PHOTOS ARE TAKEN OUT FOR A SECRET REASON. THESE WILL BE INSERTED AGAIN IN THE FUTURE.
tzd.06.11.
PHOTOS 17 & 18
2 Mithuns in Mindat Township, Chin State.
(Photographer unknown)
- See 19.4 MITHAN/MITHUN
___________________________________________
- Created in this form by Thangzadal. January 2012.
_______________________________________________________________________
ttp://www.world-of-animals.de/Tierlexikon/Tierart_Gayal.html
h
PHOTO 19
GREAT INDIAN HORNBILL(Buceros bicomis)
- (Photographer unknown)
- See 19.5 THE GREAT INDIAN HORNBILL
______________________________________
- Created in this form by Thangzadal/January 2012.
PHOTOS 20 & 21
Source: http://ecofuture.net/environment/wp-content/blogs.dir/62/files/critically_endangered/javan-
Source: http://www.worldwildlife.org/ogc/species_SKU.cfm?gid=29
Photo 20(above): Javan Rhino (Rhinoceros sondaicus)
Photo 21(below:) Sumatran Rhino(Dicerorhinos sumatrensis)
- See 20.5.5 PROSPECTS OF SPORT IN THE HILLS
______________________________________________
- Created in this form by Thangzadal. January 2012.
PHOTO 22
Leaders and Officers of the Siyin Independence Army(1944-45)
PV 41.
Seated left to right on chairs: Bo Za Suan, Bo Mang Hau, Bo Thuk On, Bo Lam Khaw Mang(last Chief of Thuklai), Bo Thian Pum
(last Chief of Buanman), Bo Lian Thawng(last Chief of Khuasak), Bo Vum Ko Hau, Bo Thuam Cin, Bo Suang Hau
Thang(last Chief of Lophei), Bo Suang Son(last Chief of Liimkhai), Bo Pau Kam, Bo Pau Za Kam, Bo Son Ngul
Source: Vum Ko Hau
Note: Bo is a Burmese word for officer.
___________________________________________
(Created in this form by Thang Za Dal. April 2012)
PHOTO 23
TWO SIZANG CHIEFS AND FOUR ELDERS
Sitting (from left to right): Chief Pu Pau Khai of Buanman(Mrs. Vum Ko Haus grandfather), Pu Thuk Ngo, Elder of Buanman.
Standing( from left to right): Pu Kim Suang of Limkhai, Elder; Pu Kam Suan, Buanman Elder; Pu Mang Pau of Limkhai, Elder;
Chief Pu Mang Lun of Limkhai. These two Chiefs were among the five Sizang Chiefs who made peace with the British
Government. See 9.10.3 FORMAL SUBMISSION OF THE SIYINS in my Paper.
____________________________
Source of Photo: Vum Ko Hau, PV 39
______________________________________________
[Portrait of the Siyin Chin Chief Mang Lon of Sagyilain.]
Photographer: Unknown
Date: 1898
Notes: Photographic copy of a portrait made in 1898, reproduced on the Chin Hills Battalion Christmas card for 1938. The accompa-
nying note reads: 'The famous Siyin fighting chief, Mang Lon of Sagyilain, a Siyin hero of the Chin Hills of 1888-89-90 and who afterwards
rendered great services to the Government of India during the Siyin-Nwengal Rising of 1892.' [Gelatin silver print, 65x84mm].
Topics: Chin Hills Battalion; Chins (ethnic group);
Portraits: BURMA, Mang Lon. Sagyilain Chief
Places: Burma; Chin; Myanmar
http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/indiaofficeselect/PhotoEnqFull.asp?PrintID=110758
(Created in this form by Thang Za Dal, April 2012)
PHOTOS 24 & 25
- Top of Thuklai Village. The original FORT WHITE and the British War Cemetry were located here(see APPENDIX
EE, P. 3, under TOKLAING OR MWITUN[Thuklai or Muitung]. The long and wihte buildings are the Thuklai State
High School. Mualbem village is located on the top and other side of the distant mountain range seen here(left) and
Vangteh village is located on the other side of the distant mountain range seen here(right).
___________________________________________________________________
- Photos: Courtesy of Michael Suantak(photos taken in 2009)
- Created in this form by Thang Za Dal. January 2012.
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_________________________________________________
MAP 8 - See 21.1. TELEVISION AND RADIO BROADCASTING PROGRAMME
- Created in this form by thangzadal/hamburg/10.2011.
SPECIAL EXPLANATION
As the subjects mentioned below are very confusing not only for non-Zo scholars, but even for many Zo scholars
themselves as well who are not familiar with the background history of these subjects, this author deems it necessary
to make a brief explanation about them at the beginning of this paper.
KAM HAU/SUKTE & TIDDIM TRIBES
Those who are called the TEDIM TRIBE today were known as the KANHOWS or the KAMHAU TRIBE during
the British colonial period. Actually, this term originated in a person named KAM HAU.* He was the eldest son
of Chief Khan Thuam* of the Suktes.(Sukte is the name of both the tribe and clan.) According to the traditions
of the Suktes and Sizangs the chieftainship was inherited by the youngest son in contrast to that of the
Thado-Kukis, for instance. Therefore, the Sukte chieftainship was inherited by Za Pau, Khan Thuams
youngest son by his first wife. (He had another younger son with his second wife, but this son was not entitled
to inherit the chieftainship by traditions.) Kam Hau therefore founded the Tedim village and became its chief.
He expanded his influence among the neighbouring tribes, except the Sizangs. So those who were ruled by
him and his successors became known simply as the Kam Haus or the Kam Hau tribe - and later the Tedims
or Tedim tribe. The Suktes were ruled by his father, his youngest brother and nephews.
- See 9.12.2 Rise and Deeds of Kantum

SIYIN VILLAGES
One comes across only five villages in THE CHIN HILLS, Vol. II, PART III: GAZETTEER OF VILLAGES (see
APPENDICES EE - 2, 3, 4 & 5), namely Koset (Khuasak), Lope (Lophei), Sagyilain or Limkai (Sakhiling or
Limkhai), Toklaing (Thuklai), and Vokla (Voklaak). But then if one further reads the Vol. II, there suddenly
appeared some more Siyin villages. People of some of the newly emerged Siyin villages were in fact a mixture
of Sizangs and other Siyin-related communities who were living in the neighbourhood of the five core Siyin
villages. Soon after the British conquest a number of new villages were founded by people of these original
Siyin villages, such as Limkhai Bungh, Limkhai Zo-ngal, Limkhai Leidaw and Limkhai Takhawl/Duhmang;
the Lopheis later founded three more villages: Suangdaw/Tamdeang, Tuisau and Tuivial (see APPENDIX F);
the Thuklais and Pumvas founded Dolluang; the Khuasaks founded Hiangzing, Theizang, Taingen, Khaikam,
Thing-U-nau or Siyin Ywa; and the Voklaks Zawngkawng, and so on. See APPENDICES EE .
SiYIN CLAN, TWANTAK (THUAN TAK) CLAN, SIYIN TRIBE, BWENMAN (BUANMAN) CLAN,
TOKLAING (THUKLAI) CLAN, ECT.
Carey and Tuck mix up all these terms. Actually, when they use Siyin Clan or Twantak (Thuan Tak) Clan,
they mean the Khuasaks and Lopheis. When the Sizangs left Ciimnuai and founded a new village they named
it THUANTAK KHUA (Thuantak village), which was located close to the present Khuasak village. Other
Sizangs later moved out and founded Limkhai, Thuklai and Voklak/Buanman. But those who would later be
known as the Khuasaks and Lopheis remained at the old village site for several decades more. Thats how
they got the name: the Twantak clan or Siyin clan. When Carey & Tuck use the Siyin Tribe, they mean all
the Sizangs. The Sizangs themselves, however, do not know or use such terms as the Sizang clan or the
Buanman clan. There is, of course, a "Thuklai clan", but there are no "Buanman clan" and "Siyin clan" .
(For more information on this subject, see 17.7 Clans and Sub-clans)
It is very confusing for non-Zos with the term ZO because there is a tribe in northern Chin State and Manipur
State which is also called ZO or ZOU. However, when ZO is used in the broader sense, it is meant to cover
all other tribes who commonly indentify themselves as ZO.
(See 17.6 DEFINITION OF ZO TRIBES AND SUB-TRIBES & 17.6.1 LIST OF ZO TRIBES AND SUB-TRIBES)
__________________________________________________
* See TABLES 17 & 17/A for their Genealogical Trees.
SOME OLD AND NEW SPELLINGS OF TRIBAL NAMES
OLD SPELLINGS(used during British colonial period) and NEW SPELLINGS or TERMS used by local people with
the same meaning.
CHIN NWE = CIIMNUAI - The oldest known settlement of the northern Chins since they arrived in the Chin
Hills. It is located south of Tiddim(see Map 5)
HAKA = HALKHA, HAKA
KANHOW = KAM HAU -
KHWUNGLI = KHUANGLI
KLANGKLANG/KLUNG KLUNG* = THANTLANG
KOKIE = KOOKIE = KUKI
KWESHIN = Khualsim
KAPI = KHUAPI
LAWTU = LAUTU
LOOSHAI/LUSHEI = LUSEI
NWENGAL = GUNGAL - The west bank of Manipur River in Tiddim and Tonzang Townships
NWEITE = GUITE
NORN = NGAWN
SHINTHANG = SENTHANG
SHURKWA = SURKHUA
SIYIN = SIZANG
SOOTIE/SOKTE = SUKTE
TASHON = TLAISUN, TLASUN, TAISUN, TASUN
THETTA = SAKTA
TIDDIM = TEDIM **
VAIPE = VAIPHEI
WHENOH = HUALNGO
YAHOW = ZAHAU
YO = ZO, ZOU
YOKWA = ZOKHUA
ZOPE = ZOPHEI
ZOTUN = ZOTUNG
* Klung Klung: A term used in The Image of War or Service On the Chin Hills by Surgeon-Captain A.G.E. Newland,
1894.
** In all official documents and World Atlas this spelling TIDDIM is still used, although the local people prefer to use
and are using now TEDIM both for the town and for themselves in their daily life and in writings as well. Author
1
THE ZO PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH, BURMA AND INDIA: AN INTRODUCTION (XIV)
1.0 INTRODUCTION
I would like to explain in a few lines why I decided to prepare this paper. Since mid - 1988 - and
especially after Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was awarded the 1991 Nobel Prize for Peace - every now and
then I happened to meet people who showed some interest in the people to whom I belong - that is,
Chins or Chin-Kuki-Mizo as we are often designated by outsiders. So I began searching for books, journals,
booklets, articles, travelers guides, etc. on my people in public and university libraries and in book stores.
After years of intensive searchings I had to conclude that even in serious academic publications, prestigious
encyclopaedia and almanacs, and information leaflets published by various Christian churches from the
West that have followers in Chinland for decades, either no mention is made at all about us, or even if any
mentions are made, the facts are mostly misleading.
Although there are already a number of books written by Zo scholars on our people, their works are
mostly either purely academic or the combination of academical approaches and Christian theological
outlooks. So personally I think their works do not really reflect the current and core essences of the Chins
identity as a separate and distinctive ethnic unit. My main simple reason therefore for preparing this paper is
to give outsiders - and the Burmans and the Zo people themselves as well - at least a slightly different
picture of us from what all the Burmans and outsiders have written about us until today. For this reason this
paper may sound more like a simple information paper than an academic one. And it indeed is just a simple
information paper!
As we did not have a modern script until the American Baptist missionaries created it for us in the early
1900s we had had only orally transmitted historical records. I shall, therefore, have to heavily quote from
the few existing sources, especially that of British colonial records, to render the facts in this paper more
creditability and authenticity. I shall even quote entire paragraphs on several occasions. Although many of
these colonial records contain a number of false information, we simply do not have any other better
documents other than these records. The so-called documents and records that have been produced and
kept by the Burmese state institutions themselves are not much better than our own oral history either,
because these documents and records are badly manipulated by the Burmans to suit their own historical
context. In fact, the history of the Chin/Zo people first begins in the mid 19th century when scholars and
colonial officials from the West started making researches and keeping records on them.
The book from which I shall quote mostly is that of The Chin Hills by Carey & Tuck. According to the list of contents
in this book it seems to have been arranged in chronological order, but, in reality, it is not. And since my Paper is
prepared topically, it could indeed be very confusing for the reader at first glance. So, in order to enable him to get an
idea about what I mean - and the reader certainly may be curious about the full contents of this book as well - I am
enclosing these contents as a 5-page Appendix (APPENDIX X).
And not as the title implies, in reality this paper covers overwhelmingly about events that have taken
place in East Zoram. It is due mainly to the fact that Ive got fewer materials on the Zo people inside India
and Bangladesh. And also in cultural matters I deal only with the traditions of the Tedim/Paite, Sizangs,
Suktes, Zous and Thados from the Tedim and Tonzang townships in northern Chin State, Burma. The
simple reason is that I am more familiar with traditions from these regions. (For more statistics on West
Zoram visit Wikipedia under Mizoram.)
Originally, the ZO people did not call themselves either Chin or Kuki. These two alien words are believed
to have originated in Burmese and Bangali respectively. They called and still call themselves in any of the

Note: As the reader will see I put all the notes/remarks either immediately after the passages to which they refer, or as footnotes, according to the
Chinese method, for the readers convenience. Author
2
following terms: Asho, Sho/Cho, Laimi, Yaw, Mizo and Zomi.
Since they all cannot yet agree until today upon a single nomenclature that covers all the Zo tribes,
Chin-Kuki-Mizo or sometimes Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi is used by both outsiders and the Chin/Zo themselves.
The two words: ZOMI and MIZO always confuse outsiders. In fact, MIZO and ZOMI have exactly the
same meaning - that is, ZO MAN or ZO PERSON. Those who prefer to call themselves ZOMI insist that
its grammatically more correct and therefore this terminology should be used. But those who prefer MIZO
to ZOMI insist that this term had already been used officially in a historical document called the Mizo
Memorandum, dated April 26, 1947, which was submitted to the then British Government and the
Government of India by the Mizo Union, on behalf of all the Chin-Kuki-Mizo tribes.(The Mizo Union was
founded in Aizawl on April 9, 1946.) So, they argue that it should be used. Interestingly, even those who
prefer to call themselves ZOMI, for example, call an Indian Mivom which literally means man dark
although its real meaning is supposed to be dark/black man and its the same with a European. He is
called Mikang - literally man white.
These days two new terminologies are rapidly getting popularity and are therefore widely used among
several Zo tribes, namely: ZOFATE and ZONAHTHLAK - that is, Children of Zo or Descendants of Zo.
Also among those who prefer to call themselves ZOMI the term: ZO SUANTE is equally getting very
popular as well now. Zo Suante and Zofate have exactly the same meaning. Since Mizo and Zomi have
exactly the same meaning anyway, I shall simply mostly use either CHIN or CHIN-KUKI-MIZO or CHIN/ZO or
sometimes simply ZO, and their land: CHINLAND or ZORAM interchangeably in this paper for the sake of
convenience. In several Chin/Zo dialects Ram stands for country. Vumson first used in Zo History the terms
East Zoram for the Chin State and West Zoram for the Mizoram State. I shall also use these terms
interchangeably in this paper.
The following excerpts on the Chins are from some of the most prestigious, authoritative and
internationally recognized reference books, publications of academic institutes and religious institutions.
1.1 _ CHINS or KUKIS
A tribe living in the mountainous region between Lower Bengal and Upper Burma. They form a collection of tribes
belonging to the Tibeto-Burman group of the Indo-Chinese race, and consist of three divisions: Northern Chins, who
inhabit the Chin Hills and a small part of the country to the north of them; the Central Chins( known as Kamis, Kwemis,
Mros, Chinboks and Chinbons) live in the Pakokku Chin Hills and the northern Arakan district; and the Southern Chins of
the Arakan Yoma. The Chins are, for the most part, a warlike race, divided strictly into clans over which their leaders
and upper classes have almost despotic power and influence. They are uncleanly in habits, treacherous and given to
intemperance.(The Encyclopedia Americana, 1947)
1.2 _ KUKI
A name given to a group of tribes inhabiting both sides of the mountains dividing Assam and Bengal from Burma, south
of Namtaleik river... In the case of the Thado Kuki who followed them, the Lushai, who drove the Thado north from the
district called Lushai hills, the Lakher, and the various tribes of the Chin hills in Burma - Haka, Siyin, Sokte, etc. - there
is, inspite of divergences, so strong a similarity in general type and culture that they can be fairly treated as forming a
single group, ruled by chiefs on a quasi-feudal system, exogamous, patrilineal, attaching great importance to genealogy
and descent... Clans claim descent from a common ancestor... Chiefs weild wide authority; their subjects are bound to
them by service tenure, a man accepting a chiefs protection assumes a vassalage which he cannot put off at will... All
diesease is ascribed to spirits and can be driven off by appropriate disinfectants or ceremonies, but a beneficent
Creator is believed in, to whose abode souls go after death, having to pass a malignant demon on the way... The Kuki is

3
generally an indefatigible hunter and snarer of game, warlike, bloodthirsty and destructive. His languages belong to the
Tibeto-Burman family and his folklore savours of the Arabian Nights.(The Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1959)
1.3 _ CHINS

A group of tribes of Mongol origin, occupying the southernmost part of the mountain ranges separating Burma from
India... Chin villages, often of several hundred houses, were traditionally self-contained units, some ruled by council of
elders, others by headmen. There were also hereditary chiefs who exercised political control over large areas and
received tribute from cultivators of the soils... The Chins have much in common with the Kuki, Lushai, and Lakher
people and speak related Tibeto-Burman languages... Domestic animals, kept mainly for meat, are not milked or used for
traction. Chief among them is the mithan, a domesticated breed of the Indian wild ox...Traditional religion comprises of
a belief in numerous deities and spirits, which may be propitiated by offerings and sacrifices. Christian missions have
made many converts...(The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1986)
1.4 _ MIZOS, also called LUSHAI, or LUSEI
Tibeto-Burman - speaking people numbering about 270,00... Like the Kuki tribes, with which they have affinities... Every
village, though comprising members of several distinct clans, was an independent political unit ruled by a hereditary
chief. The stratified Mizo society consisted originally of chiefs, commoners, serfs and slaves(war captives). The British
suppressed feuding and headhunting but administered the area through the indigenous chiefs...(The New
Encyclopaedia Brittanica, 1986)
1.5 _ KUKI-CHIN-VLKER [Kuki-Chin-Peoples]

A collective name for a group of old Mongoloid peoples and tribes (population in 1985, 3. 5 million) in West Burma, East
India and Bangladesh. It covers several other small tribes that are closely linked to the Kukis such as Chins,
Mizo(Lushai) and the Meiteis or Manipuris in the Manipur plains... There was also headhunting. The Meiteis have
become Hindus and there are several Christians among the Mizos and Chins.(Brockhaus Enzyklopdie, 1990)*
1.6 _ THE CHINS*
The Chins, who dwell in the mountainous regions of West Burma and East India, are well-skilled in fishing, hunting and
weaving fine textiles...(Burma: Weltmission heute Nr. 22/ Evangelisches Missionwerk in Deutschland, 1996). Remark:
This 205-page book on Burma, prepared by the Evangelical Mission Work in Germany, under the title of Burma: World
Mission Today No. 22, devouts only twelve lines or six sentences on the Chins.
1.7 _ THE TERM CHIN IS IMPRECISE
It is a Burmese word(khyang), not a Chin word... No single Chin word has explicit reference to all the peoples we
customarily call Chin, but all - nearly all - of the peoples have a special word for themselves and those of their
congeners with whom they are in regular contact. This word is almost always a variant form of a single root, which
appears as zo, yo, ks u,s u, and the like. The word means, roughly, unsophisticated...[p. 3]. Another group of Kuki-
Chin speakers are the Kuki(Shakespear, 1912). Kuki appears to be a Manipuri term. (Manipuri, or Meitei, is the Kuki-Chin
language of a long-Hinduized people who have for many centuries ruled the Manipur Valley.). Kuki peoples inhabit the
relatively low hill country in Manipur, Cachar, Tripura (or Tiperah), and possibly the northern part of the Chittagong Hills
Tracts. The so-called New Kuki, especially the Thado, are Northern Chin who were pushed out of the Chin Hills proper
into Manipur and into the Naga Hills of Burma and Assam by Lushai in the middle of the nineteenth century. Some of the
Old Kuki, such as the Vaiphei(see Carey and Tuck, 1896; Needham, 1959), consist of refugees from the Chin Hills who
were forced out earlier by similar pressure at the end of the eighteenth century...[p. 5]. The 1931 Census of India
reported about 345,000 persons speaking about forty-four distinct Chin and Chin-related dialects(Census of India, 1939,
4
pp. 183-184, 189). Most of these dialects and languages are mutually unintelligible. Embress and Thomas, 1956(p. 14)
estimate that there were 350,000 Chin in all of Burma in 1943 and 554,842 Kuki and Chin peoples including those in
Pakistan[Bangladesh] and India in 1931...[p. 6]. However, there is no absolute separation between the Kuki and some of
#the northernmost Chin of Burma. Even some of the old Kuki, like the Vaiphei, were not long ago Tiddim-type Chin...[p.
16]. For instance, some of the so-called Old Kuki Kuki of Manipur-Assam probably did not arrive there as recently as
the rest of the Old and the New Kuki. The New Kuki were pushed out from the Chin-Lushai country by their near
relatives, the Lushais, in the 1700s and 1800s. The Old Kuki seem first to have been mentioned in the Manipur
chronicles about 1554(Shakespear, 1909, p. 373). The cultural and social organization of the Kuki, and especially of the
older Old Kuki, resembles that of the Southern Chin in style and simplicity...[p. 25]. It is used in contrast to such
terms as zo, the common Chin name for themselves, which expresses their view of being backward and
uncultivated...[p. 30]. Chin are zo mi because they lack the civilization of the Burman, whose culture they envy,
however still will not emulate...[p. 55].(Lehman)
1.8 _ CHIN-HILL-TRIBAL PEOPLE
AREA: Around 351 miles from North to South and 80 miles from East to West and approximately 20,880.08 square
miles.
POPULATION: 750,000 inhabitants, two thirds of the region is situated on the mountains and hilly ranges.
The majority of the inhabitants are Chin-hill-tribal people.
RELIGION: Christian is the major religion of the Chins but 86 percent of Chins are belonged to the Protestant
Denomination numbering about fifty sects, and there are few buddhists, animists and a few Islams.
(Source: CATHOLIC CHURCH IN CHIN HILLS. Myanmar Catholic Directory-2000: Official directory of the Catholic Church in Myanmar)
1.9 _ CHINS**
Inhabiting the western hills of Burma as far north as the Somra Tract, and as far south as Sandoway and Thayetmyo,
the Chins are divided into a great many tribes and speakers of different dialects. They use the destructive taungya type
of shifting hillside cultivation described in chapter viii. Indirect rule, through native chiefs, has also been British practice
in this area, and with equally satisfactory results from the standpoint of loyalty. In addition, the Chins have furnished
many recruits for the armed forces, in peace and war. They are reputed to have low moral standards and also low
standards of cleanliness, the urge to bathe being inhabited by the cold mountain air as well as by the distance to the
nearest source of water. Stevenson describes their clothing as follows:
The dress of the men can be said to dwindle from little in the north to still less in the south, and the sex exhibits a
magnificent resistance to the wide climatic variations to which it is exposed. (H.N.C. Stevenson, The Hill Peoples of
Burma, p. 7)
1.10 _ THE CHINS*
-... Numbering circa 220,000 - are of Tibeto-Burman origin, migrated to Central Burma through Chindwin Valley about
300 years ago; they were driven to the mountains in the west by later comers such as the Burmans and
Shans...The Chins, with the exception of a few Buddhists and Christians who have had come into contact with the
Burmans and Europeans, are primitive Animists... Andru describes that the standard of the Chins moral is very low,
and that of their cleanliness as well which is due to their reluctance to have a bath for the mountain wind is chilly and
the water sources faraway...(Burma: Land. Geschichte. Wirtschaft, 1967; Hans-Ulrich Storz/Schriften des Instituts fr
Asienkunde[Documents of the Institute of Asian Studies], Hamburg).

*
Excerpts from books marked with asterisk on previous and this pages are of my own translations from the original German texts.
** Burmese Economic Life . p. 32. Standford University Press. USA. 1947. By J. Russel Andrus(Fomer Professor of Economics,
University of Rangoon)
- Italics in 1.9 are mine.
5
2.0 GEOGRAPHY
2.1 INTRODUCTION
The Zo people have got two internationally recognized statehoods: Chin State in Burma and Mizoram in
India. With its legal area of 36,000 sq. km Chin State is just slightly smaller than Switzerland. It was formerly
known as the Chin Hills District and then later as the Chin Special Division. The Mizoram State, which
was formerly known as the Lushai Hills Districtsand then later as the Mizo Hills District, has an area of
21,008 sq. km.
Territories in which the Chins are inhabiting extend from the Somra Tracts in Nagaland and the North
Cachar Hills in India down to the Rakhine Range (Rakhine State), Ayeyawady (Irrawaddy) valleys and the
Bago Range (Pegu Yoma) in Burma. These territories are largely mountainous except in the northern and
southern ends and Ayeyawaddy, Kale-Kabaw - and Gangaw valleys. The mountain ranges, which are
largely north-south oriented, are a continuation of the Naga and Patkoi Hills (Patkoi Range) extending as
far south as the Rakhine Range. The highest peak in Chinland, Arterawttlang (Mt. Victoria), is 3,053 metres.
Aizawl, the capital of Mizoram, lies at 1,214 metres and Haka, the capital of Chin State, is located at 2,460
metres above sea level.
Mizoram is a land of rolling hills, rivers and lakes. As many as 21 major hills ranges or peaks of different
heights run through the length and breadth of the state, with plains scattered here and there. The average
height of the hills to the west of the state are about 1,000 metres. These gradually rise up to 1,300 metres
to the east. Some areas, however, have higher ranges which go up to a height of over 2,000 metres. The
Blue Mountain, situated in the southeastern part of the state, is the highest peak in Mizoram.
Main rivers in Chin State are Bawinu, Kaladan, Meitei(Manipur) and Tio. The biggest river in Mizoram is
River Kaladan. It is known as Chhimtuipui Lui in Mizo language. It orginates in Chin State and passes
through Saiha and Lawngtlai districts in the southern tip of Mizoram and goes back to the Rakhine State,
Burma, and finally enters the Bay of Bengal at Akyab. The Indian government has invested millions of
rupees to set up inland water ways along this river. The project name is known as the Kaladan Multipurpose
Project.
Lakes are scattered all over Mizoram State, but the most important among these are Palak, Tamdil,
Rungdil, and Rengdil. The Palak lake is situated in Chhimtuipui District in southern Mizoram and covers an
area of 30 hectares. It is believed that the lake was created as a result of an earthquake or a flood. The
local people believe that a village which was submerged still remains intact deep under the waters. The
Tamdil Lake is a natural lake situated 110/85 kms from Aizawl. Legend has it that a huge mustard plant
once stood in this place. When the plant was cut down, jets of water sprayed from the plant and created a
pool of water, thus the lake was named Tamdil which means 'Lake of Mustard Plant'. Today the lake is an
important tourist attraction and a holiday resort. In Chin State there is only one sizable natural lake which
looks like a human heart and is called Rih, located at Rihkhuadar.
2.2. CLIMATE
Chin State and Mizoram have a mild climate: it is generally cool in summer and not very cold in winter. In
Mizoram during winter, the temperature varies from 11C to 21C and in summer between 20C and 29C.
Since Chin State has several more higher mountains than Mizoram the temperature in winter can drop
below freezing point. Snow falls very rarely there, and when it does the Zo people say the mountains
vomit. The entire areas are under the regular influence of monsoons. It rains heavily from May to
September and the average rainfall is 254 cm per annum in Mizoram. The average annual rainfall in Haka is
228 cm and 276 cm in Kanpetlet. Haka has an average of 118 rainy days and Kanpetlet 127 days per
6
year. Winter in Zoram is normally rain-free. Zoram is rich in flora and fauna and many kinds of tropical trees
and plants thrive in the whole areas.
2.3. VEGETATION
Most parts of Chin State were originally covered with rain forests, as the following information will reveal.
However, deforestation is a very big problem nowadays, especially in central and northern Chin State. The
main culprit of this problem is the Burmese government. Since the government does not do anything for the
economic development of Chin State, people have to use every available fertile plots and forests for both
cultivation and for firewood. And the people themselves are also partly to be blamed because they do not
look for alternative and new ways of living - that is, for instance, they keep on building new houses that are
no more suitable for the present conditions, or keep on depending on traditional foodstuff that need a great
deal of firewood, and so on. With regard to vegetation of Chin inhabited territories and their immediate
neighbouring regions see the following quotations(quoted as posted by the Online Burma Library on
24.12.2002/www.burmalibrary.org).
2.3.1. Chin Hills-Arakan Yoma Montane Forests (IM0109)
The Chin Hills-Arakan Yoma Montane Rain Forests [IM0109] are globally outstanding for bird richness, partly because
they acted as a refugia during recent glaciation events... Much of the southern Chin Hills remains biologically
unexplored. Hunting and habitat loss have led to the local extinctions of several mammals in recent times, including the
gaur(Bos gaurus), elephant(Elephas maxismus), and rhinoceros(Davis et al. 1995)... (National Geographic Society
1999)...http://www.worldwildlife.org/wildworld/profiles/terrestrial/im/im0109_full.html
2.3.2. Mizoram-Manipur-Kachin Rain Forests (IM0131)
The Mizoram-Manipur-Kachin Rain Forests [IM0131] has the highest bird species richness of all ecoregions that are
completely within the Indo-Pacific region. Therefore these rugged mountains' biodiversity remains largely unknown.
This large ecoregion represents the semi-evergreen submontane rain forests that extend from the midranges of the
Ara-kan Yoma and Chin Hills north into the Chittagong Hills of Bangladesh, the Mizo and Naga hills along the
Myanmar-Indian border, and into the northern hills of Myanmar...
http://www.worldwildlife.org/wildworld/profiles/terrestrial/im/im0131_full.html
2.3.3. Naga-Manipuri-Chin Hills Moist Forests (34)
This ecoregion is one of the richest areas for birds and mammals in all of Asia. This Global 200 ecoregion is made up
of these terrestrial ecoregions: Northern Triangle subtropical forests; Mizoram-Manipur-Kachin rain forests; Chin Hills-
Arakan Yoma montane forests; Meghalaya subtropical forests; Northeast India-Myanmar pine forests...
http://www.worldwildlife.org/wildworld/images/profiles/g200/g034.html
2.3.4. Northeast India-Myanmar Pine Forests (IM0303)
The Northeast India-Myanmar Pine Forests [IM0303] is one of only four tropical or subtropical conifer forest ecoregions
in the Indo-Pacific region. Location and General Description: These forests are found in the north-south Burmese-Java
Arc. The Arc is formed by the parallel folded mountain ranges that culminate in the Himalayas in the north. Moving
south are the mountain ranges of Patkoi, Lushai Hills, Naga Hills, Manipur, and the Chin Hills...
http://www.worldwildlife.org/wildworld/profiles/terrestrial/im/im0303_full.html
7
3. ADMINISTRATION
The British put several Zo tribes and their areas in todays Burma under a single administration area and
administered it with an act known as the Chin Hills Regulation 1896(see APPENDIX AA). This regulation
was replaced by the Chin Special Division Act of 1948, which was adopted on October 22, 1948. There
were six sub-divisions in the Chin Special Division: Tiddim, Falam, Haka, Mindat, Paletwa and Kanpetlet.
The Chin Special Division was changed to Chin State under Section 30(B) of the Constitution of the Union
of Burma adopted on January 3, 1974. And the former six sub-divisions were then transformed into nine
townships: Tonzang, Tiddim, Falam, Hakha(Capital), Thantlang, Matupi, Mindat, Paletwa and Kanpetlet.
Since 2000 three more townships, namely Rezua, Rihkhuadar and Cikha, were added. So, altogether there
are 12 townships.
Mizoram is divided into 8 districts: Aizawl, Champhai, Lawngtlai, Lunglei, Kolasib, Mamit, Saiha and
Serchhip.
4. POPULATIONS
The Chin population in Chin State in 2001 was 432,673(2001 Annual Statistics of Burma). 98 percent of
this population is ethnic Chin. The rest is ethnic Burmans - most of them are government servants. More
than 1,000,000 Chins are living in Sagaing, Magway(Magwe), Yangon(Rangoon), Bago(Pegu) and
Ayeyawady(Irrawaddy) Divisions, Rakhine(Arakan) State and Naga Hills in Burma.(Burma is made up of
seven ethnic states, and seven divisions in Burma Proper.) The Mizoram State has a current population of
more than 900,000.* About 90 percent is ethnic Mizo. The Zo populations in Tripura, Assam, Manipur and
Nagaland states in India are estimated at 250,000. The populaltion of Zo in Chittagong Hill Tracts in
Bangladesh is estimated to be about 30 000- 45 000. So, altogether the total Zo population would be not
less than some 3 million, excluding the Manipuris(Meiteis) who are also regarded by a number of
anthropologists to be Chin. Pu L. Keivom believes that the Zo population could even be as high as 5
million. See 17.8.3 for his article.(The population estimates above in India and Bangladesh were as of
1985.)
5. LANGUAGE
Despite the lack of a common language among them until today the Zo people can communicate each
other in six or seven major dialects, which belong to the Sino-Tibetan linguistic groups. These six or seven
major dialects are so closely related to each other that someone who speaks one of them needs only
from six months to one year to understand and to be able to speak quite fluently any other of them,
provided that he lives among that dialect-speaking people. From Burmas independence in 1948 up to
1988 the Chins were officially permitted to learn their language only up to the second standard. However,
they could learn their dialects up to 4th standard in schools inofficially thanks to an influential and far-
sighted Chin education officer in Chin State. But since 1989 the government adopts several subtle tricks
so that they can no more effectively learn their language in public schools.
Burmese and English are now compulsory subjects. In Chin State the Laizo dialect, which is spoken in
the Falam region has been used as semi-official Chin language for the 30-minute Chin Radio programme
which is broadcast daily from Rangoon by the state-owned Burma Broadcasting Service. It was changed
___________________________________________
* The sudden increase in population in Mizoram was not because of high birth rates, but the Mizos living in neighbouring states of Manipur, Assam
and Meghalaya etc. during the armed struggle for nationhood returned after it had gained statehood.
8
later to Myanmar Radio and Television(MRT). In contrary to this, the Mizos in India have complete freedom
in promoting and using the Hualngo/Lusei dialect as their common language and it has already been
highly developed enough that it can be majored in India up to the masters degree level. This dialect is
spoken by more than 900,000 people and well-understood by another 100,000.(This dialect is also
known as the Duhlian dialect.) Today, many Mizo varieties have been assimilated into a language
identified as Mizo. Chhangte(1993: I), a noted linguist among the Mizo says: Nowadays the term Mizo
refers not only to the Luseis but also other tribes such as: Chawhte, Hmar, Hnamte, Khawhring, Khiangte,
Ngente, Paihte, Paute, Ralte, Rawite, Renthei, Tlau,Vangchia and Zawngte. ... Modern spoken Mizo is
more or less the same as the language of the Lusei tribe(also known as Lushai) and has been the lingua
franca of the area for a century.(Khoi Lam Thang, p. 38) See MAPs 3 & 4 of the Geographical Centers of
Chin Dialectal Groups, and TABLES 20/A; 20/B & 20/C
6. EDUCATION AND HEALTH
Under Mizoram University, there are 29 undergraduate colleges including 2 professional institutions affiliated
with the university. The total enrollment in these institutions is approximately 5200 students. According to
the 2005 official statistics of Burma there were 1057 Primary Schools, 86 Middle Schools and 39 High
Schools in Chin State. There were 4,540 teachers. There is not even a single higher learning institution
within Chin State. The nearest ones - one university, one computer college and another technical college -
are located in Kalaymyo in Sagaing Division. Chin State has only 24 hospitals with 500 beds, and 45
Health Centres in 2005.
Mizoram boasts a literacy rate of 88.8% the second highest among all the states of India, after Kerala.
(Source: Wikipedia. 03.08.2007.) According to the latest official statistic of 1984 on the literacy rate among
the Chins inside Chin State was 74 percent.

7.0 ECONOMY
7.1 AGRICULTURE
Agriculture is the mainstay of the people of Zoram. More than 70% of the total population is engaged in
some forms of agriculture. The age-old practice of Jhum cultivation is carried out annually by a large number
of people living in rural areas. The climatic conditions of the state, its location in the tropic and temperate
zones, and its various soil types along with well-distributed rainfall of 1900 mm to 3000 mm spread over
eight to ten months in the year, have all contributed to a wide spectrum of rich and varied flora and fauna in
Mizoram. These natural features and resources also offer opportunities for growing a variety of horticultural
crops.
In terms of economic development, Mizoram has lagged behind in comparison to the rest of the country.
Cottage industry and other small-scale industries play an important role in its current economy. The people
of Mizoram have not taken a keen responsibility for the development of industry due to lack of market raw
materials. The industry is wanting but lately there is a much wider chance for the development of forest
products. The 9th Five Year Plan (19972002) gives much priority to the "agro-based industry" as nearly
70% of the population is engaged in agriculture.
7.2 FOREST PRODUCTS
Thirty percent of Mizoram is covered with wild bamboo forests, many of which are largely unexploited. In
spite of that, Mizoram harvests 40% of India's 80 million-ton annual bamboo crop. The current state
9
administration wishes to increase revenue streams from bamboo and aside from uses as a substitute for
timber, there is research underway to utilize bamboo more widely such as using bamboo chippings for paper
mills, bamboo charcoal for fuel, and a type of "bamboo vinegar" which was introduced by Japanese
Scientist Mr. Hitoshi Yokota, and used as a fertilizer.
All the bamboos used in Rakhine State in Burma was extracted mainly from the Paletwas area in
southern Chin State. Besides, several kinds of hardwood, such as Teak(Tectona grandis), Pinkado(Xykua
dolabriformis) etc., and Cinnamon(Cinnamomum) are found in abundance in southern Chin State. (Union of
Burma: Customs and Culture of Indigenous Peoples - The Chins, p.13/ see Bibliography).
The pine is not the species Longifolia, but Pinus khassia, and is the best resin-producing tree in the
world; it is found throughout the length and breadth of the hills, generally growing only to a moderate size.
The natives use the tree for planks for building purposes and for torches...It is more than possible that a
resin industry will be successfully worked in the future, as resin is scare in India and commands a high
price, and each year we put less money into the hands of the natives, who, having acquired a taste for
articles of European manufacture, will, when they find that cooly[coolie] work is not obtainable, procure resin
and sell it either to the Forest Officers or to traders in the Upper Chindwin and Pakokku districts.(Carey and
Tuck, p. 8)
Until today the Chins do not have any say at all in exploiting their own natural resources.
7.3 MINES & MINERALS
Zoram is predominently made of silty shale and sandstone. Limestone and igneous rocks are also found.
The silty shale and limestone are of soft formation. Because of this, roads built on the slopes of the
mountains in Chin State are difficult to maintain. Ngaw Cin Pau, a Chin geologist, named these rocks
Zoflysch because of their similirity to the Flysch rocks of the Alps in Switzerland. Suangdawmual,
Bukpivum, Ngullumual, Leisan, Dawimual and many other small peaks along the the Zoram-Burma border
are built of chromite and nickel bearing ultrabasic rocks. Garnierite, a nickel silicate mineral, was found
there. The nickel content is 1.19 to 4.49 percent.
The present main mineral of Mizoram is a hard rock of Tertiary period formation. This is mainly utilized as
building material and for road construction work. However, several reports (both from Geological Survey of
India and State Geology & Mining Wing of Industries Department) revealed that the availability of minor
mineral in different places.
7.4. HANDLOOMS & HANDICRAFTS
Zo women typically use a hand loom to make clothing and other handicrafts, such as a type of bag called
Pawnpui and blankets. The Mizos rarely did much craft work until the British first came to Mizoram in 1889
when a demand for their crafts was created with this exposure to foreign markets. Currently, the production
of hand looms is also being increased, as the market has been widening within and outside Zoram.
Traditional Zo textiles with old and new designs alike are very popular now - especially with tourists from
the West and Asia. (For more information on this topic see 19.3 TRADITIONAL CHIN/ZO TEXTILES)
7.5. TOURISM
With its abundant scenic beauty and a pleasant climate, Mizoram hopes to develop its tourist-related
industries. Specific tourist projects can be developed to put Mizoram on the "tourist map" of India. With the
development of Reiek resort centre and a number of other resort centres in and around Aizawl, as well as
establishment of tourist's huts across the entire state,tourism has been much developed. Tourists, however,
10
require a special permit for visit called Innerline Permit. Anyone who wants to visit Mizoram must apply this
permit at the Indian diplomatic mission in the country of his residence before leaving for India because this
permit cannot be applied inside India.
As for Chin State foreign tourists are permitted to enter only southern parts such as Mindat and
Kanpetlet townships. Foreign tourists, including Burmese citizents who hold any foreign passport, are not
allowed to enter nothern Chin State. The remotest towns that they can visit are Kalemyo and Gangaw.
7.6. ENERGY SECTOR
Despite the presence of a great potential for hydropower, Mizoram does not have its own power generation
operations worth mentioning. At present, there are 22 isolated Diesel Power Stations scattered about the
state and 9 Mini/Micro Hydel Stations in operation. The above total installed capacity of the Diesel Power
Stations is 26.14MW and the Mini/Micro Hydel Stations is 8.25 MW. As per the 16th Electric Power Survey
of India under CEA, Government of India, the restricted peak load demand of the state during the 2002-
2003 year was 102 MW. Against this, an effective capacity of about 16 MW from Diesel Power Stations and
6 MW from the Mini/Micro Hydel Stations is available from local power plants at present.
Although Chin State has a great potential for extracting electricity from water power, according to the
Burmese governments official statistics of 2005, there were only 10 hydroelectric plants constructed by the
government and three more plants contructed and owned by private investors in Chin State. There are a
number of self-constructed and self-financed primitve mini-hydroelectricity plants.
8.0. INFRASTRUCTURE
8.1 ROADS
Mizoram is connected through National Highway(NH) 54. The NH-150 connects with Seling in Mizoram to
Imphal in Manipur. The NH-40A links the State with Tripura. A road between Champhai and Tiddim,
Myanmar, will soon connect the two countries.
According to the 2005 official statiscs the total length of all the motor roads in Chin State was about
1,062 miles or 1200 kilometers. Out of these only 194 miles are paved or tarred. That means the rest are
only dry-season-only roads. And many of them are only jeepable. Even among these roads several were
constructed and maintained by the local people without any government help.
8.2 AIR SERVICES
Mizoram has only one airport, Lengpui Airport, near Aizawl and this Airport can be reached from Kolkata by
Air within a short period of 40 minutes. Mizoram is also accessible from Kolkata via Silchar Airport, which is
about 200 Kms. from the state capital of Mizoram. There were only four air ports on the edge of Chin
State, namely, Kalaymyo, Gangaw, Saw and Hti Lin. But since several years ago only Kalaymyo is still in
use. The rest are too small for the jet airplanes which are now in service.
8.3 RAILWAYS
Mizoram can be easily reached by train at Bairabi rail station or via Silchar. Bairabi is about 110 Km and
Silchar is about 180 Km. from the State capital. Since a couple of years ago Chin State has got railway
connections to central Burma through the Kalaymyo-Gangaw-Pakokku railways.
11
8.4 WATER WAYS
Mizoram is in the process of developing water ways with the port of Sittwe(Akyab) in Rakhine State,
Myanmar, along the Chhimtuipui River. India is investing $103 million to develop the Sittwe port on
Myanmar's northern coast, about 160 km from Mizoram. Myanmar committed $10 million for the venture,
which is part of the Kaladan Multipurpose Project. Kaladan River is navigable from Sittwe up to Paletwa, a
town in southen Chin State. There are steamship services along the Chindwin River, and Kalaywa is a port
through which Chin State has access to the rest of the country. Kalaywa itself is located in Sagaing
Division.
9.0 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AT THE TIME OF BRITISH ARRIVAL
9.1 INTRODUCTION
As there are several misconceptions about the legal status of the Chins at the time of British annexation of
their country I shall reproduce the following passages from the original book* almost word-for-word in this
and the following chapters so that the truths may be brought to light. One among them is that all the
political-minded Burmans from all walks of life still think and believe even up to this day that the Zo country
was once a part of the Burmese empire with the simple argument that if they could have even conquered
the kingdoms of Assam and Manipur, then the Chins who were living in the neighbouring regions around
these two kingdoms must have automatically been conquered as well. They therefore resented and still
resent very much that the British made it a condition when Burmese nationalists demanded independence
that the non-Burman nationalities must decide for themselves whether they wanted or not to be a part of an
independent Burma.
The quoted passages in the next few pages shall clearly show that the Chins had never been
subjugated by the various kingdoms around them - namely, Arakan, Assam, Bengal, Burma and Manipur -
before the British arrived at the scenes. However, one of the main reasons why they had never been
subjugated by the said kingdoms was most likely due simply to the fact that they were still too wild and
their country made up only of high mountains and thick forests that it was not worthwhile for them to
attempt to conquer such savage tribes. But even if in case any of these kingdoms had ever wanted to
conquer them it may most certainly not have succeeded. The Burmans had attempted for a couple of times
to invade their land, but they were ignominiously defeated on all occasions(see 9.6.6 Encounter with Siyin,
and also the Footnotes; 9.8.7 The Haka-Burman War; 9.10.2 The Battle of Tartan and APPENDIX E).
So, if one looks back today at their history then, their savagery seems to be, ironically, a blessing in
disguise. As the reader will find out from the following pages, even the worldpower Great Britain had
needed 34 years to pacify them after the fall of the Kingdom of Burma in 1885 until the Haka and Kuki
rebellions were completely suppressed in 1919. See 9.9 The Haka and Thado-Kuki Rebellions(1917-19).
9.2 THE COUNTRY
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 1-4)
9.2.1 Physical Characteristics
The Himalayas from the north of Assam shoot out a chain of spurs, which, running due south, eventually dive into the
Bay of Bengal. Captain Yule, who went as Secretary to the Envoy to the Court of Ava in 1855, thus described this chain
__________________________________________________________
* Carey & Tuck, Vol. 1.
12
and its inhabitants:-
Still further westward in the Naga country, between longitude 93 and 95, a great multiple mass of
mountains starts southwards from the Assam chain. Enclosing first the level alluvial valley of Manipur,
at a height of 2,500 feet above sea, it then spreads out westward of Tipperah and the coast of
Chittagong and Northern Arakan, a broad succession of unexplored and forest- covered spurs, inhabited
by a vast variety of wild tribes of Indo- Chinese kindred known as Kukis, Nagas, Khyenes, and by many
more specific names. Contracting to a more defined chain, or to us more defined, because we know it
better, this meridian range still passes southward under the name of Arakan Yoma-daung, till 700 miles
from its origin in the Naga wilds it sinks the sea hard by Negrais, its last bluff crowned by the golden
Pagoda of Modain, gleaming far to seaward, a Burmese Sunium...
From the southern borders of Assam and Manipur, latitude 24 approximately, these hills are now known to us as the
Chin-Lushai tract and the inhabitants by the generic names of Chins and Lushais. The Chin-Lushai tract is bounded on
the north by Assam and Manipur, on the south by Arakan, on the east by Burma, and on the west by Tipperah and the
Chittagong hill tracts.
When Yule wrote the above description of the Chin-Lushai tract it was described on the maps as undefined and
unsurveyed. Southern Lushais had not yet been penetrated by Lewin; the Northern Lushais knew Assam only as a
good raiding field; McCulloch had not gained his control over the Chins on the southern border of Manipur; the British
Government had not yet assumed the direct administration of the Arakan Hill Tract, which Colonel Phayre(Sir Arthur
Phayre) eleven years later described as being as little known to the British Government as the tribes of Central Africa
before the days of Burton, Speke, and Grant; the Government at Ava was indifferent to the savages on the western
border of Burma; and lastly the Rajah of Tipperah had to look to the British to check the forays of his trans-border men.
It is intended in this volume to write only about the Chins, but the reader will find it convenient to understand
something of the neighbouring tribes and their country as we now know them, and of their former history; he will then
recognize in the names of the existing tribes and clans those vague general colloquial appellations by which the Chins
have been classified in ancient records and in recent gazetteers.
9.2.2 System of Administration The Chin Hills are administered by a Political Officer with headquarters at Falam; he
has, besides a Senior Assistant, three Assistants with headquarters at Tiddim, Falam,
and Haka respectively, which places are strongly garrisoned, the former, with its line of communication, by a battalion of
military police and the two latter by a regiment of Burma infantry. The Siyins and Soktes are controlled from Tiddim, the
Tashons and their tributaries from Falam, while the Hakas, Klangklangs, Yokwas and the Independent southern villages
are dealth from Haka.
9.2.3 Boundaries The tract administered from Falam is bounded on the north by Manipur; on the west
by a line drawn due south from Lunglen through the Buljang peak to the western edge
of the lake north-east of Tattun, which is supposed to be the source of the Tyao[Tio] river; thence the Tyao river to its
junction with the Boinu or Koladyne[Kaladan]; thence the Boinu to the most southerly point of its bend towards the
north; thence a line drawn due south to the Arakan boundary; thence the Arakan boundary to a point due west of Tilin in
the Pakokku district; on the south by a line drawn due west from this point to the boundary of the Pakokku district; on
the east by the eastern foot of the hills which border the Kabaw, Kale, and Myittha valleys*.
9.3 EARLY DEALINGS WITH THE CHINS AND LUSHAIS
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 12-25)
9.3.1 Chittagong Border

In 1760 Chittagong was ceded to the East India Company by the Mohamedans. No attempt, however, was made to bring
___________________________
* See on next page for explanation
13
any part of the hills under control until 1859, when, with a view of protecting our borders from the aggressions of the hill
tribes on the east, the district called the Chittagong Hill Tracts was formed and placed in charge of a Suprintendent,
while a special Act was passed to enable him to deal with the people in a manner suited to their condition.
In Mackenzies North-Eastern Frontier of Bengal we find on record the innumerable raids and outrages committed in
Chittagong by the hillmen from the beginning of the present century. The earliest notice of aggression dates from 1777,
when Ramoo Khan, probably a Chukma Chief, rebelled against the authority of the East India Companys cotton farmers
and called in to his assistance large bodies of Kooki men who live far in the interior part of the hills, who have not the
use of firearms and whose bodies go unclothed, were wont to the plains. Almost yearly from 1800 to 1872 do the
records bemoan the raids of Kukis, Shendus, Kumis, and other tribes, who swooped down from their fastnesses on the
east to murder, pillage, and burn.
In 1854 the Superintendent of Police at Chittagong, reviewing the history of the tract for the previous 20 years, so far
as it appeared in the local records, stated that there had been 19 raids in which 107 persons had been slain, 15
wounded, and 186 carried into slavery.
The year 1860 saw the great Kuki invasion of Tiperrah, and the following year a large body of police marched into the
hills to punish and avenge. The Lushais burnt their own villages and fled to the jungle...The policy of the Government
from the very beginning had been one of defence of our borders and non-interference with the trans-border tribesmen;
this policy had failed; no schemes and no efforts sufficed to keep the Lushais from raiding into our territory. Even the
energetic and plucky Lewin, who, unescorted, visited the trans-border Lushais in their fortified villages and made
desperate attempt to penetrate into the heart of the Chin-Lushai hills, was unable, even for a time, to restrain the raiders
or check their ravages, and the hillmen continued plundering our territory, slaving and carrying into captivity our people.
Our officers wrote countless appeals and proposals for the better protection of our subjects, until in 1871 the
unpardonable outrages of the Lushais, committed chiefly in Cachar and Sylhet, brought matters to a climax and decided
the Government to send an expedition into the hills to punish the raiders, recover our subjects from captivity, and to
convince the tribes that we were both able and willing to reach their most distant villages and avenge raids committed
within our terrritories and upon our people...During the next five years two more outrages were perpetrated and in 1888
the Chin-Lushai community, known as the Shendus, entered into the Chittagong hills on a marauding expedition...
9.3.2 The Tipperah border
Tipperah lies south of Sylhet and north of Chittagong; the kingdom formerly included plains as well as the hills which
merge into the Lushai country. The East India Company annexed the paying part of Tipperah, namely, the plains, in
1761, but of the barren hills that fenced them no cognizance was taken. These hills became what we still know as
Independent Tipperah, governed by a Rajah. From 1785, when we read that the Rajah was victorious over the outer
Kukis who had just made a savage inroad into his territory, until the Lushai Expedtion of 1871-72, the Lushais were
continually troubling Hill Tipperah. The year 1824 saw a series of raids by the then called Poitoo Kukies, who were said
to number 50,000 or 60,000 and to be the most formidable and turbulent of the hill tribes.
In 186o the Kukis again burst into the plains, burnt and plundered 15 villages, butchered 185 British subjects, and
carried off about 100 captives, escaping into the hills before the troops could come to the scene. These raids were
known as the great Kuki invasion of 1860, and the outrages were perpetrated in British territory and not in Independent
Tipperah. During the same year, however, a fierce attack was made on the Rajahs territory, in which several villages
were destroyed before the raiders were driven back into the hills. In 1871, when the Lushais were playing a havoc in the
south of Assam, Hill Tipperah was not free from raids, and in that year a Political Agent was appointed to Hill Tipperah to
assist the Rajah. This arrangement was discontinued in 1878, the conduct of our political relations with the State being
entrusted to the Migistrate of Tipperah, who has an assistant residing in the hills.
_______________________________________________________________
* Explanation for previous page
Footnote 2(p. 5): These boundaries are not strictly defined. The question was discussed in Foreign Department Letter No. 1391E., dated
the 3rd July 1890, to the Chief Commissioner of Assam; Foreign Department letter No. 1396E., dated the 3rd July 1890, to the Government
of Bengal, and in Burma Political Department letter No. 787-2614, dated the 28th July 1893, to the Government of India in the Foreign
Department. The boundary between the Chin Hills and Manipur was settled by a Commission in 1894.
14
9.3.3. The Assam border
After turning the Burmese conquerors out of Assam in 1824, the Government attempted to administer all that was not
absolutely necessary for the control of the frontier through a Native Prince; this arrangement failed, and Assam became
a non-regulation province in 1838. On its southern borders lay the Lushais, the principal tribes known to Assam being
Thadoe and Poitoo Kukies. For many years, long before our occupation, the inhabitants of the plains to the south had
lived in dread of the Kukies, who used to come down and attack the villages, massacring the inhibitants, taking their
heads, and plundering and burning their houses. The first Kuki or Lushai raid mentioned as being committed in Assam
was in 1826, from that year to 1850 the local officers were unable to restrain the fierce attacks of the hillmen on the
south. Raids and outrages were of yearly occurence, and on one occasion the Magistrate of Sylhet reported a series of
massacres by Kookies in what was alleged to be British territory, in which 150 persons had been killed.
In 1849 the Kuki outrages were so savage and numerous that Colonel Lister, then Commandant of the Sylhet
Infantry and Agent for the Khasi Hills, was sent in the cold weather of 1849-50 to punish the tribes. His expedition was
only partially successful, for he found the country so impracticable that he considered it unwise to proceed further than
the village Mulla, which contained 800 houses and which he surprised and destroyed without opposition, all the male
inhabitants being absent on a marauding excursion. This expedition, however, had the effect of keeping the Assam
southern border tolerably free from disturbance up to the beginning of 1862, when raid recommenced...
In the cold weather of 1868-69 the Lushais burnt a tea garden in Cachar and attacked Monierkhat, and an expedition
was organized to follow the marauders, to punish the tribes concerned, and to recover the captives. This expedition was
in command of General Nuthall and consisted ot three columns,but the heavy rains coming on, the want of provisions
and lateness of the season caused the expedition to fail in its principle objects. No tribes were punished and no
captives were recovered. The next season Mr. Edgar, the Deputy Commissioner of Cachar, made strenuous efforts to
get into touch with the Lushais. Accompanied by a small escort he visited them across the border and left nothing
undone to conciliate and make friends with them; his good intentions and friendly attitude, however, met with little
success, for 1870-71 saw a series of Lushai raids on a more extensively organized scale and of a more determined
character than any previous incursions of the kind...
9.3.4 THE LUSHAI EXPEDITION The Government of India now decided that an expedition should be made into Lushai
1871-72 country during the ensuing cold weather(1871-72). It was decided that the force
should consist of two columns, the right advancing from Chittagong and the left
from Cachar. General Brownlow, C.B., commanded the former, with Captain Lewin, Superintendent of the Chittagong
Hill Tracts, as Civil Officer; and General Bourchier, C.B., with Mr. Edgar, Deputy Commissioner of Cachar, as Civil
Officer, was in charge of the left or Cachar column. In addition to these two columns, a contingent of Manipuris
accompanied by General Nuthall, the Political Agent of Manipur, made a demonstration across the southern border to
co-operate with General Bourchiers portion of the expedition.
The entire political and military conduct of the expedition was placed in the hands of the Military Commanders, who
were specially instructed that the object of the expedition was not one of pure retaliation, but that the surrender of the
British subjects held in captivity should be insisted on, and that every endeavour should be made to establish friendly
relations with the savage tribes and to convince them that they had nothing to gain and everything to lose by placing
themselves in a hostile position towards the British Government.
The Cachar column, which consisted of half a battery of Artillery, a company of Sappers, and 500 rifles, started on
the 15th December. After encountering and overcoming considerable reistance and penetrating a very difficult country,
General Bourchier destroyed the chief village of the offending tribes and imposed conditions of peace. Hostages were
taken and a fine of arms and produce was levied. The column reached Cachar on its return on the 10th March.
The Chittagong column of about the same force as that starting from Cachar advanced from Demagiri to deal with
Lyloos and Howlongs. Punishment was inflicted on these tribes and their full submission on suitable terms was secured.
The restoration of all captives and an engagement to keep the peace in future were among the conditions on which the
submission of the tribes was accepted. At the close of the expedition frontier posts were built to protect the border and
15
bazaars were opened to encourage the Lushais to trade.*
Assam now enjoyed comparative peace until 1888-89, when the hillmen, as already described, raided into Chittagong,
and Assam furnished a force of 400 police under the command of Mr. Daly to co-operate with General Tregears
column. Entering the hills from Cachar, the police, with a detached force of the Chittagong column, attacked and
destroyed several villages which were implicated in the outrages committed in Chittagong in 1888. When the troops
retired at the close of the operation, they left two posts in the North Lushai hills - one at Aijal, the other at Changsil -
and a Political Officer was appointed to adminster the North Lushai Tract, with headquarters at Aijal.
The quotations below are from Rathbone Low on the same Expedition(pp. 109-113):
In 1871 the Indian Government was involved in hostilities with the wild tribes on the south-east frontier
of Bengal, known by the common name of Looshai, and Colonel Robertss services were again brought
into requisition. Their country, almost a terra incognita, is situated between the southern extremity of
the Cachar district and the northern boundary of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, and consists of a belt of land
about 100 miles in length, traversed by high ranges of mountains running nearly due north and south. On
the Chittagong side of the Looshai portion of the country, these mountains are more or less inhabited,
but towards the Cachar frontier the broad and wwampy valleys are almost entirely devoid of population, a
result due not so much to their unhealthiness as to the raids of more powerful neighbours.
The Looshais, says Colonel Roberts, are a family of the great Kokie tribe, who may be found in Indepen-
dent, or Hill, Tipperah, which bounds the Looshai country on the west. The Lushais first raided on British
territory in 1850, and, in January of the following year, Colonel Lyster, political agent in the Cossyah and
Jyanteah Hills, and Commandant of the Sylhet Light Infantry, marched from Cachar with a small force, and
penetrated their country a distance of 100 miles, inflicting severe punishment and releasing 400 captives,
but he expressed his confirmed impression that this robber tribe will not cease to infest the frontier until
they shall have been most severely dealt with.. Matters remained tolerably quiet until 1862, when aggre-
ssions occurred in Sylhet, culminating in 1868-69 in a series of outrages on the tea-gardens of Cachar,
when the Government despatched two columns, undeer Brigadier-General Nuthall and Manjor Stephenson,
7th Native Infantry, with tweenty days provisions. But the expedition started too late in the season, and
was ill-organized, and returned without with opposition or effecting any of the objects sought to be attained.
The Supreme Government now tried the policy of conciliation, and, on the 20th December, 1869, Mr. Edgar,
Deputy Commissioner of the district, accompanied by Major Macdonald of the Survey Department, and a
small escort of police, lelf Cachar and visited Soonai and Beparee Bazaar, the centre of the territory of
Sookpilal, the most powerful of the chiefs raiding on British territory, who paid him a visit on the 23rd March,
and discussed the question of the boundary between the Looshai and British states...
At the time Lord Napier of Magdala, the Commander-in-Chief, accompanied by Brigadier-General
George Bourchier, C.B., commanding the eastern frontier, whose name has appeared before in these
pages, happened to be on a tour of inspection through the district, and, under his lordships instructions,
the Brigadier-General proceeded to Shillong to take steps for the protection of the frontier, and des-
patched a small force up the Soonai river, which succeeded in ensuring the safety of Mr. Edger, then
returning from his mission to Sookpilal. On the 24th February the Commander-in-Chief, having inspected
Dibroogahur and the other stations on the Brahmapootra, reached Cachar, and, as the season was too
far advanced for active operations, in conjunction with the General commanding the district, he made
arrangements for defending the frontier, forts and stockades being established at suitable point, with
roads communicating between them.
Acting on the recommendation of Lord Napier, the Supreme Government, on the 30th June, 1871,
directed the Military Department to organize an expedition in the Looshai country, to consist of two
columns, starting from Cachar and Chittagong, with the forces of Rajas of Munnepore[Manipur] and
Tipperah acting in co-operation, while the services of Sookpilal were to be brought in requisition on the
north, and of Rutton Pooea, a powerful chief, on the south, from which side the Chittagong column
would attack. Lord Napier, in the previous March, had impressed on the Government that all the details
_____________________________________________________
* Footnote 1 on p. 16(Carey & Tuck): This account is condensed from Mackenzies North-Eastern Frontier of Bengal. pages 313-316.
16

connected with the organization and equipment of the force and supply of carriage, should be carefully
considered beforehand, so that there might be no chance of failure, such as had lately overtaken some
mountain expeditions.
On the 13th July his lordship was definitely called upon to submit his proposals for giving effect to
the measures decided upon against the Looshais, and, four days later, the Commander-in-Chief
submitted his scheme, the main features of which were that each column was to consist 1,500 picked
men from the Regular Native Infantry, half a Peshawur Mountain Battery, with two steel guns, and two
5.5 inches motors carried on elephants, and one company of Sappers and Miners. No tents were to be
carried, each fighting man being supplied with a waterproof sheet, and baggage and camp followers
were to be reduced to a minimum, everyone being rationed by the Commissariat. These recommenda-
tions were adopted, as well as others suggesting that the co-operation of the Munnepore and Tipperah
Rajahs should be limited to the protection of their own frontiers, the opening out of roads, and main-
taining communications through their own territories. The Commander-in-Chief also strongly insisted
on the Political Officers with the columns acting in subordination to the Generals, and Colonel Roberts:-
This move was attended with the happiest results; indeed, it is not too much to say that it is so, as
much as to the efficiency of the troops, the ultimate success of the expedition was due.
The suggestions of the Commander-in-Chief having received approval of the Government, orders
were at once issued to the several departments concerned, and, by the beginning of September, the
fitting out of the two columns had been fairly commenced...Lord Napier, who had formed, from personal
observation in Abyssinia, a high estimate of the energy and professional capacity of Colonel Roberts,
placed the entire preparation of the columns in his hands, and the result was that nothing could be
more complete and efficient than the organization and equipment of the expedition...Colonel Roberts
was appointed Senior Staff Officer of the Force, and, having despatched the stores and equipment
of the columns by the 3rd November, joined Brigadier-General Bourchier, commanding the Cachar
column* (his old comrade at Delhi), at Silchar, the Sudder, or principal station of the district. The Chitta-
gong column was commanded by Brigadier-General Charles Brownlaw, C.B., but with its operations
we are not concerned...
9.3.5 The Arakan Hill Tracts.
In 1826, at the close of the First[Anglo-]Burmese war, the division of Arakan was annexed by the British. On account
of the formidable ranges of mountains and the wild tribes which inhabited them on northern boundary of our possessions
was fixed, nor was our administration on the frontier anything more than nominal. The hill tracts, from the time of the
annexation until a comparatively recent date, appear to have been raided by the same Chins and Lushais as raided into
Chittagong. In 1842 an expedition under Captain Phayre and Lieutenant Fytche was undertaken to punish the border
tribes, and between 1863 and 1869 there were 30 separate raids reported, in which 65 persons were killed and 268
carried into slavery...
In 1866 it was decided that the Chief Commissioner of British Burma should assume the direct administration of the
hill country and that an inner or administrative boundary should be laid down, within which internal crime could be
effectively repressed and protection afforded against aggressions from the exterior. Within this boundary adminstrative
measures were to be introduced, and at the same time friendly relations with the tribesmen outside the border were to be
_________________________________________________________________________
Rathbone Low, p. 13 (Footnote)
* The Cachar, or left, Column consisted of:- Half Peshawur Mountain Battery, Captain Blackwood, R.A.; one company Sappers and Miners,
Lieutenant Harvey, R.E.; 500 men of the 22nd Panjaub Native Infantry, Colonel Stafford; 500 of the 42nd Assam Light Infantry, Colonel Rattray, C.B.;
500 44th Assam Light Infantry, Colonel Hicks; and 100 police, under Mr. Daly. There were 1,400 coolies, under Lieutenant-Colonel Davidson of the
Commissariat; also a Coolie Corps of 800 men for the carriage of the Sepoys baggage, under Major Moore. In addtion 600 Coolies joined during the
campaign to replace casualties. There were 121 elephants, and 32 others arrived later; of which 20 died in the campaign. The Staff Officers, besides
Colonel Roberts, were Captain Thompson, Brigadier Major, and Captain Butter, Aide-de-Camp. Dr. Buckle, Inspector-General of Hospitals, was in
medical charge, and Mr. Edgar was Political Officer of the Column, acting in subordination to the General. The Topographical Survey was under
Captain Badgley, and the telegraph under Mr. Pitman.
17
cultivated. In 1870 the first Superintendent of the Hill Tract was appointed and the country within the inner boundary
garrisoned by police posts. These arrangements hold good to this day and have worked well. The administrative
boundary has not advanced and, as Arakan played no further part in the final occupation of the Chin-Lushai country, the
history of this tract and its relations with the Chins will now drop out of this book.
9.3.6 The Manipur border.
In the early times occasional communications passed between the British Government and the Manipur State, but our
present relations with the State may be said to have originated in the First Burmese war. Manipur had been devastated
by the Burmese, and its ruling family had fled to Cachar. The British troops, aided by a Manipuri contingent, drove the
Burmese out of the State and, when peace was made with the British in 1826, the independence of Manipur was recog-
nized by Burma in the Treaty of Yandaboo. A Political Agent was then appointed to Manipur. The country of Manipur is
flat, but it is girded about with mountain chains. The most southern village in the plains of Manipur is Shuganu, the
Siberia of the State, to which offenders until a recent date were banished. South of this village the hills spring from the
plains and immediately rise to an elevation of 4,000 feet; and in these hills live Chins, who in Nur Singhs time(1834-50)
are known to have been raiding and preying on the plains and, as we shall notice, continued to do so up to a very
recent date.
Before 1850 the Chins took possession of Mombee, a hill village overlooking the plains of Manipur. In 1857, in
__________________________________________________________
(Gazette of India, May 4)
Field Force Order by Brigadier-General G. Bourchier, C.B., Commanding Cachar Column, Lushai Expeditionary Force -
(No. 65, dated Cachar, the 19th March, 1872)
1. On the breaking up of the Cachar Column, Lushai Expeditionary Force, the Brigadier-General Commanding feels deep pride in the
reflection that he has received the congratulations of the late Viceroy, of the Governments of India and Bengal, and of His Excellency the
Commander-in-Chief, on its services.
2. The Brigadier-General does not presume to offer an opinion as to whether the success of the column has equalled the expectations of the
Government, but he has unfeigned pleasure in recording his belief that its discipline, energy, and devotion to the service could not have been
surpassed.
3. From the beginning of November, when the troops were first put in motion, to the present time, every man has been employed in hard
work, cheerfully performed, often under the most trying circumstances of heat and frost, always bivouacking on the mountain side, in rude
huts of grass or leaves, officers and men sharing the same accomodation, marching day by day over precipitous mountains, rising at one
time to six thousand feet, and having made a road fit for elephants from Luckipur to Chipowee, a distance of one hundred and three miles.
The spirits of the troops never flagged, and when they met the enemy, they drove them from their stockades and strongholds until they were
glad to sue for mercy.
4. The history of the Expedition from first to last has been sheer hard work.
5. On the advance wings of the 22nd Regiment, Native Infantry, under Colonel Stafford, the 42nd Regiment, Native Infantry, under Colonel
Rattray, C.S.I., and the 44th Regiment, Native Infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Nuthall, the hardest work has fallen. Each has shared in the
actual fighting, the 44th more than either of the other corps, but to the officers in the rear most important duties were assigned in protecting a
line of communication extending over one hundred and ten miles from Tipai Mukh to Volonels stronghold of Chamfai, and watching through
spies the attitude of the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages, conveying provisions and the post, and keeping the road constantly patrolled.
The Frontier Police did equally good service with the troops in this way. Each field-officer in the rear had assigned to him a certain number of
posts for which he was responsible, and to their vigilance may be attributed the fact that our communications have not for a day been
interrupted.
6. Young officers may especially feel glad at having had such an opportunity of gaining experience in mountain warfare.
7. Before taking leave of the Column, the Brigadier-General would tender his heartfelt thanks to the officers and soldiers, who, for so many
weeks, have co-operated with him, and to whom he feels he is entirely indebted for any success which may have attended the operations. He
will have much pleasure in bringing their conduct, and that of the officers of the several departments, civil and military, with the Column, to the
notice of His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief, for submission to the Government of India.
By Order, (Signed) H. THOMSON,
Captain Brigade-Major.
Source: Woodthorpe. pp. 334-335
18
consequence of a serious outrage on a hill village in Manipur territory, the Maharajah sent an expedition against the
Chins. Although the Maharajah himself accompanied the force, the expedition was unsuccessful...In a memorandum
written in 1861, Major Culloch, the Political Agent at Manipur, wrote:-
South of the Namsailung are some powerful tribes, amongst whom Manipur is nothing; in fact to that
part no Manipuri has ever penetrated and even as far as the Namsailung no one but myself has ever
attempted to proceed. The people as far as the Namsailung have all submitted to me and will obey my
orders, and my name is amongst those to the south of it...Beyond the Manipur boundary are the
Sootie[Sokete] and Loosai[Lushai] tribes. These are both powerful and dangerous, but at present they
profess friendship, and I encourage them to come and go, though, if it were possible, the Sootie should
be attacked. In connection with those people and as a protection to the south of the valley, the Rajah
and I have established in the south, villages of Kukis to whom are given arms and whom we call sepoy
villages. They are unrestricted as to cultivation and have to send scouts to watch the tribes at the
season when they are most able to move about and do mischief.*
Between the years 1857 and 1871 seven raids are recorded against the Kanhows, besides two more committed
during the expedition of 1871-72, and, although several officers have stated that after the expedition in 1857 against
them the Soktes had remained friendly, Mackenzie points out that this could hardly be the case in the face of the above
record of raids. He writes[North-Eastern Frontier of Bengal, p. 155]:-
Toward the end of 1871, when preparations were being made for the expedition against the Lushais,
the Maharajah of Manipur sent for the Chief of the Sooties to ascertain what assistance he could afford
towards the expedtion. The Chief replied that he was unable to come to Manipur as the Lushais were
then collecting in great force and he did not know whether their object was to attack his tribe or to set
out in any other direction...
The Maharajah of Manipur supplied a contingent of 2,000 men to assist the Lushai Expedition of
1871-72, which acted under the orders of Major-General Nuthall, who was then officiating Political
Agent at Manipur. The contingent occupied an extended line of posts along the southern boundary of
Manipur for the purpose of watching the Lushais, against whom Brigadier-General Bourchier was
operating through Cachar. This position was calculated to secure the fidelity of Kanhow, whilst it
enabled the contingent to take full advantage of any assistance he might render. The hostile attitude
of the Sooties towards the other tribes was well known, but, in the event of their throwing in their lot
with them, the contingent would also have been in a position to attack them...**
...In 1878 Colonel Johnstone, the Political Agent, reported that the Maharajah was anxious to be allowed to subdue
the Sooties, but acknowledged that he could not do so without assistance in arms and ammunition. The Government of
India, however, did not approve of aggressive action. In 1879-80 the Sootie Kukis again committed a number of
atrocities on the frontier, but the next year they left Manipur in peace and confined their action to the Kale and Kabaw
valleys of Burma...
9.4 RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE CHINS AND UPPER BURMA
In 1886 the possessions of the King of Burma were transferred to the British, and the next two years were spent in
exploring the country, supressing local rebellions, and stamping out dacoity. In due course attention was paid to the
Kabaw valley, the Kale State, and the Yaw country, which were the western border tracts of the King of Burmas
kingdom, as we found it. The Kabaw valley was included in the Upper Chindwin district; the Kale State was under the
control of the Deputy Commissioner of that district; the Yaw tract was included in the Pagan and afterwards in the
___________________________________________________________________________________
* North-East Frontier of Bengal, by Sir Alexander Mackenzie, p. 155[Carey & Tuck, p. 18]
** Ibid, p. 165[Carey & Tuck, p. 18]

19
Pakokku district.
9.4.1 The Kabaw Valley* The Kabaw{or Kubo) valley, inhabited by Shans, lying between the Shan States of Taungdut
on the north and Kale on the south, was occupied in 1886 by our troops, who advanced from
proposed to divide the valley between the Sawbwas of Kale and Thaungdut, or to make it over to Manipur, but both
proposals fell through, as the Sawbwa of Kale did not attend the meeting which was convened on the 20th February
1887, and the inhabitants refused to be made over to Manipur, doubtless being influenced by the fact that prior to 1834
they had been from time to time under Manipur rule and had by no means appreciated it. The people unanimously
declared for British rule and did not wish to be placed under any native form of government. Finally, therefore, it was
decided that the valley should be included in the Upper Chindwin district and the Kubo Valley Military Police Battalion**
[which was much later transformed into the 1st Burma Rifles] was raised for its protection.
9.4.2 The Kale Valley The Kale valley, at this time, was ruled by a Swabwa, but the State was paralyzed by the civil
war which was waged between two rivals for the Sawbwaship, an uncle and his nephew. In
1886 we found the old Sawbwa, Maung Yit, in power, but he had to be deposed owing to his unscrupulous and corrupt
government, and on the 1st January 1887 his rival, the Kya Maing, Maung Pa Gyi, was appointed in his stead. The ex-
Swabwa was sent to Mandalay with his attendants and ordered to reside there. We had found the Kale State in a most
unhappy condition, for the country, divided against itself, was fighting either on the one side or the other, and
moveover the Siyin Chins, taking advantage of the confusion, descended from the hills and committed a series of such
barbarous raids that the valley was partially depopulated.
9.4.3 The Yaw Country The Yaw country was first approached at the close of 1887, when four columns starting from
Pakokku, Kalewa, Alon, and Salin entered the tract, the primary object of the movement being
to clear the country of dacoits and to give the Civil Officers an opportunity of learning and settling the country and
meeting the Chiefs of the trans-border tribes. Captain Eyre, Deputy Commissioner of Pagan, was associated with the
columns which advanced from the south and Captain Raikes, Deputy Commissioner of the Chindwin district,
accompanied the column from the north.
There was at this time living in the Yaw country a man who, although he had no pretensions to royal blood, had
assumed the title of Shwe Gyo Byu Mintha and had succeeded in raising a rebellion in October 1887 on the confines of
the Chindwin, Myingyan, and Pagan districts. In the operations which followed, Captain Beville, Assistant Commissioner,
and Major Kennedy were killed, and the pretender, being defeated, fled into the Yaw country. The columns which
operated in the Yaw country in the cold weather of 1887-88 dispersed the various deacoit gangs, and the Shwe Gyo Byu
Prince fled to the Chin Hills.
This seasons work in the Yaw country is important, as comprising our first serious dealings with the Chins from
Upper Burma, although Captain Raikes had met some Tashon Chins at Indin when he was paying the Kale Sawbwa a
__________________________________________________________
* The Kabaw valley was ceded to Burma in 1834 by Manipur. The Rajah receives Rs. 500 monthly for his concession.(C & T, p. 21. Footnote
No. 1)
- Manipur relapsed into civil war and Marjit Singh, one of the princes, brought in the Burmese who invaded the country in 1812-13 and, after
heavy fighting in which some of the commanders killed, set him on the throne and were rewarded with the cession of the Kabaw Valley
(Harvey, 283)
** The 10th Gurkhas started out as a police unit created in 1887 to keep order in the Kubo Valley on the west of Burma. The reason for this
was that King Theebaw of Burma had angered the British with some rather provocative acts including the setting up of a French Bank in
Mandalay together with a detachment of French troops to guard it. This was too much for the British Viceroy who stepped in, deposed
Theebaw and assumed control of the country. There was a breakdown of public order and military police battalions were raised to protect
life and property. The Kubo Valley Police Battalion was made up of recruits who had served in the Indian Army, mostly Gurkhas, and they
proved to be very good at their job. It may seem odd that these Gurkhas became part of the Madras army, but Burma was at the time in the
Madras Military command, so that when it was decided to create a permanent force there the Kubo Valley Police Battalion became a
regiment of the Madras Infantry. They were uniformed and equiped like the Gurkha regiments. The Chins and Lushais were primitive tribes
who were raiding areas on the east of Burma. Several expeditions had failed to control these guerilla fighters. The 10th, or the 1st Burma
Infantry[Rifles] as they were at first called, constantly patrolled the region, living off the land in many cases for four years. The terrain was
hard and the enemy elusive so it was a testing time for the new regiment.
Source: http://www.britishempire.co.uk/forces/armyunits/gurkha/10thgurkhas.htm
20
visit in March 1887 and had taken the opportunity of warning them against what had now been ascertained to be the
regular annual Chin raids in the valley, they had not yet been formally approached or interviewed.
9.5 NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE CHINS
9.5.1. Negotiations with the Siyins
Captain Raikes was instructed, not only to break up dacoit bands, but also to open up communications with the Chins
and to prepare the way if possible for an exploring party through the hills to Chittagong. He was warned to be careful not
to frighten or excite the Chins, the Chief Commissioner preferring to put off the exploring party rather than excite their
hostility. Captain Raikes arrived in Kale at the beginning of December[1887] and, as the southern column drove no
dacoit bands out of the Yaw country into the Kale valley, he was able to devote his whole attention to the Chins.
Arriving at Kalemyo on the 14th he sent messengers to the Siyin tribe, inviting the Chiefs to come to Kalemyo to see
him. On the 26th four Chiefs, Tunsun, Howsun, Dowsan, and Htensan, responding, a durbar was held at the Kalemyo
pongyi kyaung.
The Chins were informed that the British Government had decided to recognize Maung Pa Gyi as Governor of the
Kale State. As the Sawbwa had behaved in a loyal manner and had also paid tribute to the British Government the
Deputy Commissioner was authorized to inform the representative Chiefs of the Siyin tribe that all raids within the
Sawbwas territory must cease and that, if in future any raids by members of the Siyin tribe occurred, they would
beconsidered as acts of hostility towards the British Government and the Chiefs of the tribe would be held responsible
for them unless they made over the raiders in custody to the Deputy Commissioner and caused all prisoners to be given
up free for ransom.
The Deputy Commissioner was most anxious to encourage trade between the Chins and the Shans of the Kale State
and informed the Chiefs that, if they ceased to commit raids and other acts of aggression in Kale territory, they might
rest assured that the British Government would not interfere with them in any way; on the other hand, the Deputy
Commissioner, as representative of the British Government, wished to meet the principal Chiefs from time to time and to
maintain friendly relations with them.
As regards prisoners then in the Chin Hills, who were captured in former raids, the Deputy Commissioner did not
consider that he was authorized to call up the Chins to make any terms, as they were captured at a time when the Kale
country was in a state of anarchy and before the Sawbwas authority had been formally recognized by the British
Government.
The route to Chittagong was discussed, and enquiry was made whether the Chins would object to the advance of a
column of British troops through their country; also whether, in the event of their having no objection to such an
advance, they could supply transport coolies and guides.
Tunsun did most of the talking during the meeting and was profuse in his promise of friendship with the young
Sawbwa. He stated that since the deportation of the old Sawbwa the Siyins had committed no raids in the plains.
Upon being questioned about Chittagong, Tunsun said that none of the Siyin and Sagyilain people* ever went far
beyond the western boundary of their tract; that part of the country was occupied by the Liyos[Laizo], who had no
dealings with the Siyins, and that any attempt to proceed beyond the Siyin-Sagyilain* western boundary would be certain
to result in complication with the Liyo tribe. Tunsun seemed much opposed to any exploration through the Siyin-Sagyilain
tracts. He said that, if our column entered the Siyin-Sagyilain tracts and marched as far as the Nankathe(Manipur) river,
a general panic, which he and the other Chiefs would be unable to repress, would ensue. As far as the Siyin tribe was
concerned, he was sure that there would be no hostility, but the panic created by our presence would have a disastrous
effect, and he strongly protested against any advance being made beyond the Letha range[the watershed between the
Chindwin and Manipur rivers, known to the Chins as Thang or Thangmual].
As regard our visiting the Letha range Tunsun said that, provided we gave timely notice of our approach, there would
be no objection to our going up the hill and not proceeding beyond it. At the close of the meeting Captain Raikes gave
presents to the Siyin and Sagyilain Chiefs, and the proceedings ended with a military display which seemed to impress
___________________________________________
* Sagyilain was just another old name of Limkhai village and the Sagyilain people also are therefore Sizangs. tzd
21
the Chins.
9.5.2 Negotiations with the Tashons
Captain Raikes proceeded from Kalemyo to Indin and sent messengers up to Falam to invite the Tashon Chiefs to an
interview; Sonpek[Con Bik], the Head Chief of Falam, himself came down to Sihaung at the foot of the hills, but refused
to go to Indin. Captain Raikes therefore proceeded to Sihaung and held a durbar on the 3rd January. The interview
lasted four hours.
The chief matters of importance then discussed were -
(1) The recognition of the Kale Sawbwa by the British Government.
(2) Raids committed by the Siyin tribe in Kale territory.
(3) The encouragement of trade between Chins and Shans on the east and between Chins an Chittagong on the
west of the Tashon tract.
(4) The advance of an exploring party through the Tashon tract to examine and report on trade routes through
the Tashon tract to Chittagong.
With regard to the recognition of the Sawbwa Maung Pa Gyi, Sonpek remarked that the whole of Burma belonged to
the British Government, and that the British Government could of course nominate whomever they pleased as Sawbwa.
He and his people were quite willing to recognize the Sawbwa in possession as ruler of the Kale country. No raids had
been committed by the Siyin tribe since some members of his tribe had been interviewed at Indin in March 1887. This
cessation of raids was attributed, to a great extent, to the influence excercised by Sonpek over Chins of the Siyin
tribes, and Sonpek was congratulated on the success which had so far attended his intervention between the Siyin
Chins and the people of Kale. Hope was expressed that he would succeeded in preventing all raids in future and that in
case the Siyin tribe should recommence raiding he would do his utmost to help the Sawbwa to resist. Sonpek replied
that he had not sufficient authority over the Siyins and the Sagyilains to stop raids and that he could not undertake to
restrain them, but that in case raids should recommence he would willingly give all assistance in his power to the
Sawbwa.
Captain Raikes explained to Sonpek that we were anxious to encourage trade not only in Burma, but also in
Chittagong and now that the British owned all the country on the east and west of his tract, it would undoubtedly be a
good thing, and advantageous for all parties concerned, that trade should be equally maintained with Chittagong on one
side, and with Kale and the Chindwin on the other. With a view to ascertaining how this trade could best be developed,
Captain Raikes was anxious to learn all particulars about the existing trade route and to visit it himself. Sonpek
remarked that the question of a trade route between Kale and Chittagong through his country had never been raised by
Burmese officials sent by the King of Burma or by the Kale Sawbwa. Captain Raikes replied that he knew that to be the
case, and that the reason why no such proposal had previously been made was easily explained. When the last
interview was held several years before, the Kale and Chindwin country belonged to the Burmese, while Chittagong
belonged to the British; now, however, the whole country on both sides belonged to us and it was only natural that we
should wish to open our trade.
Sonpek said that he was not prepared to answer any questions about the route; that such a route existed he had no
doubt, but he knew nothing personally about it, and he considered it unadvisable that any advance should be made
through the Tashon hills at present. He wished for time to consider the matter and he wished to consult the other
Tashon Chiefs who were not at the durbar. He did not intend actually to object to the British Government sending a
party through his country, but it was impossible for him to guarantee the safety of that party; his territory was
extensive, the people wild, and he had no means of ensuring safety to life and property. If he gave any promise to the
effect that a party sent by the British Government through his country would not be molested, he would be accused of
treachery if afterwards the party met with any opposition. He therefore declined to say anything except that, so far as
he was personally concerned, he had no objection to a party passing through his country, provided that he were relieved
from responsibility in case the party met with opposition. He protested, however, against any advance being made
immediately, or until he had had time to consult with the other Chiefs and to thoroughly prepare his people for our visit.
Sonpek also said that he was not in a position to give any particulars as to the country to the west of the Tashon
tract. He did not know whether the Tashon tract adjoined Chittagong, or whether there were other tracts and tribes
22
between Tashon and Chittagong, and he begged that no more questions might be asked as he was not accusstommed
to long interviews. The proceedings then terminated with a large distribution of presents, which Sonpek at first refused
to accept, saying that he did not wish for presents, that he had brought none himself(he brought two baskets full of
rotten eggs), and that all he wanted was to make the acquaintance of Captain Raikes. After a good deal of talking he
accepted the presents for himself and the other Chiefs. Major Macgregor, who was present throughout the interview,
allowed the Gurkhas who accompanied the party to fire two volleys and five rounds of independent firing. The Chins
were astounded at the effect of the two volleys on a target at 500 yards.
9.5.3 Attempted Negotiations with Yorkwas and Hakas [and the Soktes and Kanhows]
After this interview Captain Raikes marched down the Kale valley intending in like manner to interview the Haka and
Yokwa Chiefs, but learning that Captain Eyre was already in communication with them he turned round and marched
through the Kale State to the Kabaw valley, meeting on the way some Sokte and Kanhow representatives who had come
to visit him. The Chiefs, however, would not come on account of the raids which their tribesmen had committed the
previous year in Kabaw valley. The reconnaissance into the Chin country after much deliberation was abandoned for the
year, but Captain Raikes submitted a report setting forth the manner in which it should be undertaken during the next
cold weather.
Meanwhile Captain Eyres negotiations with the Yokwa and Haka Chins ended abruptly and disastrously, for the three
men whom he sent up to the hills to call the Chiefs were arrested by the Yorkwas; two were murdered and the third Shwe
Hlaing escaped, found his way to the Arakan Hill Tracts, and thence was returned to Captain Eyre at Pagan.
9.6 EVENTS WHICH LED TO THE FIRST CHIN EXPEDITION(1888-89)
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 25-31)
9.6.1 Combination between the Tashons A combination of circumstances now occurred which completely upset all
and the Shwe Gyo Phyu Prince* our Chin frontier arrangements. took up residence in Tashon territory, and
the ex-Sawbwa of Kale and his followers escaped from Mandaly and joined
him. Maung Tok San and Maung Tha Dun, officials under the ex-Sawbwa, who had been deported to Alon for
misconduct, joined the party, and finding the Tashons excited and suspicious after their interview with Captain Raikes,
persuaded them to espouse the cause of the Shwe Gyo Byu Prince, and to aid him fighting against the British
Government. Accordingly on the 4th and 5th May a strong body of Tashons descended suddenly on Indin and carried
off the Sawbwa of Kale to the foot of the hills. Here, on the 6th May, he was obliged to save himself by promising to join
the rebellion and he was allowed to return to his capital. Nearly all the Tashons then returned to the hills, while the Shwe
Gyo Byu Prince, with a mixed force of Burmans and Chins, held Chingaing. The Sawbwa sent 200 men to attack them
and despatched messengers to the Deputy Commissioner of the Upper Chindwin for assistance.
9.6.2 Renewal of raids in Kale and Yaw Valleys Meanwhile the Haka and Yokwa Chins committed raids in the
Yaw country, killing eight and carrying off 28 persons. The Tashons
committed two serious raids in the Kale valley, and the Siyins under Kaikam[son of Chief Kuppow/Khup Pau] attacked a
party of Shans in the valley, killing one and carrying off four boys. Troops and police were hurried up to the Kale valley
via Pakukku and Kalewa, Brigadier-General Faunce taking command in person. Captain Raikes went to Indin with a
large escort, to hold an enquiry into the circumstances of the carrying off of the Sawbwa. He was not attacked and he
found no signs of the rebels. Arrangements were now made for the protection of the valley against Chin raids, and the
advisability of punishing the Siyins, Tashons, and the Hakas, collectively or separately, was discussed throughout the
rains.
An ultimatum was sent to the Tashon Chiefs, ordering to deliver up the Shwe Gyo Byu and his officers, and a
message was also sent to the Siyins to deliver up Kaikam together with the captives whom he carried off. While the
____________________________________________
* He and his followers later voluntarily surrendered to the British, but he was hanged some years later. And his assistant was used as just
a runner.

23
advisability of merely protecting the valley, in lieu of sending a costly expedition into the Chin Hills, was still under
discussion, the hands of the Government were forced by the Siyins Chins, who came down to the plains, burning, killing,
and capturing with utmost daring; nor were the Siyins the only tribe on the war-path, for the Soktes swooped down on
the Kabaw valley and the Tashons under the Shwe Gyo Byu ravaged the plains. During the month of October the Shwe
Gyo Byus men committed one raid, the Siyins committed five, and the Kanhows one. Within 12 days 122 Shans were
carried off, 12 killed, and 14 wounded; moreoever, the ancient town of Kampat was entirely destroyed and Kalemyo lost
35 houses by fire. Brigadier-General Faunce, with whom Captain Raikes was associated as Civil Officer, had
garrisoned the whole length of the Kabaw valley and the Kale State with a line of posts, but these in no way checked
the ravages of the Siyins, who bade fair to devastate and depopulate the whole valley inspite of the strenuous efforts of
both troops and police.
9.6.3 Preparations for Operations An expedition against the Chins on modified scale was now sanctioned.
against the Siyins It was determined to deal first of all only with the Siyins and to inflict on
them such a crushing blow as not only to cripple them for the future, but
also to terrify the Tashons into giving up the rebels Shwe Gyo Byu and his followers, and the Shan captives. The month
of November was spent in arranging for the expendition. Captain Raikes and his assistant Mr. Hall busied themselves
with obtaining intelligence regarding the Chins, their villages, and the route to their country. The General[Faunce] was
engaged in massing troops at Kambale, and arranging for the better defence of the valleys. Hill coolies were collected in
Assam and sent for the expedition. Assam troops were sent through Manipur to the base of operations, and the 42nd
Gurkhas, who were on their way to Assam via Manipur, were detained to increase the force. A levy of Military Police,
composed chiefly of Punjabis, was sanctioned to garrison the Yaw valley against the depredations of the Southern
Chins, the Chinbokes, and Chinmes. The plan of campaign decided on was to march first against the Koset, the head
village of the Siyins, and from this centre to deal with the surrounding villages of the tribe. At the urgent representation
of the Political Officer the Kanhows were now included in the punishment which was to be meted out to the Siyins. The
route selected for the advance of the column from Kambale was along the Chin path which descended from the summit
of the Letha range on the immediate right of the Segyi stream...
9.6.4 Commencement of On the 7th December[1888] the Siyins commenced the fighting by mortally wounding
the operations. Lieutenant Palmer, R.E., who was in command of the Madras Sappers. He was shot
through the stomach from an ambush close to the stockade and died the next day and was buried at Kambale...On
Christmas day a determined attack was made on the working party, which was under the direction of Lieutenant Butcher
of the 42nd Gurkhas. The Chins were in great force, and we now know that the Tashons and Siyins were fighting side by
side on this occasion. The Chins swooped down from the heights on to the party, which was working on a narrow spur,
and attacked them from all four sides, fighting under cover of heavy undergrowth... Whilst disputing every stage of our
advance into their hills, the Chins showed considerable tactical ability by taking offensive in the plains and attacking
Shan villages and our posts in the rear of the advancing column...
9.6.5 Advance into the Hills _ On the 30th December[1888] Sir George White arrived at Kambale and accompanied
the force, which continued steadily advancing up the hills, the Sappers assisted by
coolies making a road in the track, along which were constructed rough stockades, in which the troops slept and rations
were stored. The troops found their route always heavily stockaded and the stockades generally held by the enemy,
who never ceased to ambush when opportunity occurred, both day and night...
9.6.6. Encounter with theSiyins _ On 27th January[1889] the road-making party was again confronted by Chins. The
working party was sent back to the stockade and the troops, now unencumbered,
attacked the enemy, who retired slowly, making a stubborn resistance, till they reached formidable and skilfully placed
stockades, where they made a stand. Sir George White,* at our stockade, hearing heavy firing in front, joined the
attacking party with a small enforcement of the 42nd Gurkhas, and at once ordered, and took prominent part in the
__________________________________________________________
* See APPENDIX O for more about him and other British Personalities who had played important roles in Chinland.
24
charge, which was brilliantly led by Lieutenant-Colonel Skene, D.S.O.[He was later killed in action in Manipur. tzd] Sir
George White, in a telegram* to the Chief Commissioner of Burma, described the action as follows:-
Enemy** yesterday attacked our working party on road above this and held our covering party, 40 British and 100
Gurkha, from 9 till 2, when I arrived and ordered their positions to be charged. We carried all, driving them entirely
away, getting off ourselves wonderfully cheaply. Only one Norfolk dangerously wounded. Enemy in considerable
numbers, using many rifles and ammunition. They fired at least 1,000 rounds, standing resolutely until actually charged,
even trying to outflank us. Their loss probably about eight or ten, but they were carried down the khuds at once. Most
difficult enemy to see or hit I ever fought.
The result of this action was a serious blow to the Siyins and they now realized that it was impossible to save their
villages. The fight had taken place on one of their historic battle-fields,*** for it was here that they had overthrown an
army sent against by the King of Burma in former days:**** On 22nd January after several skirmishes, in which we
suffered loss, General Faunce proceeded to the summit of the Letha range and from an altitute of 8,200 feet looked
down on the Siyin villages lying 3,000 feet below him. No. 4 stockade was established on 31st January and No. 5 three
days later. Accompanied by Sir George White and Major Raike, General Faunce advanced on Koset(Siyin) on 4th
February with a strong force.
9.6.7 Destruction of Koset and Descending from the high range on to the village, he gave the Chins but
occupation of Toklaing. small chance of resistance, and they did no more than fire a few shots and
then busied themselves with carrying off their household goods. The enemy
then set fire to their own village, which, with the exception of six houses, was reduced to ashes before the arrival of the
troops. After the halt of a few days to bring up food and bedding, the troops attacked and captured without difficulty the
two large villages of Bwenman and Toklaing. On the 13th the column left the camp at Koset and moved to Toklaing,
where a post[the original Fort White] was built, the houses of the village furnishing material for it.
9.6.8 Destruction of Siyin villages The Siyins now approached the Political Officer, but would not produce their
Burman slaves, and it was evident that their intention was to procrastinate
until the rains set in and to prevent active operations against them. Their messages and promises were also shown to
be worthless, as the troops were continually fired on and the post fire into. The troops therefore started out from Fort
White, and by 6th March not a single Siyin village remained in existence. The destruction of the Siyin villages was
accomplished with a good deal of firing, but very little damange to life and limb.
9.6.9 Dealings With the Sokte and Meanwhile the Sokte and Kanhows had tried to persuade the Political Officer
occupation of Tiddim that they had no Burman slaves and begged that we should neither demand
their guns nor attack their villages. The negotiations fell through and on the
9th March[1890] General Faunce advanced into the Sokte country with a large force, accompanied by Major Raikes, to
attack the tribe. The first objective was Wunkathe[Vangteh] and Saiyan[Saizang]. After a very difficult march and in the
face of determined opposition, Wunkathe, a village of 220 houses, was reached and found to have been fired by its
inhabitants. It was completely destroyed together with large stores of grain. From Wumkathe the column proceeded on
______________________________________________________
* Telegram No. 82, dated the 28th. January 1889.(Footnote 3, Carey & Tuck, p. 28)
** The contingent consisted of 1,200 Sizangs(including the Vaipheis and Khuanos), 400 Kamhaus(Tedim) and 30 Sukte. (Vumson p. 118 &
Thawng Khaw Hau, p. 51).
- Auhtors note: Among the Sizangs were also several men from the Sizangs neighbouring villages such as Dimlo, Pimpi, Suangpi,
Phunom, Thangnuai, Zung and Vaiphei warriors, etc. See APPENDIX L.
*** Footnotes 1(Carey & Tuck, p. 133:) The fight took place at the same spot which the Siyins held so doggedly against General Faunces
advance in 1889.
**** Footnote 2 (also on p. 133): The Burmese armys invasion in question took place in Kasone, 1239[January 1878] according to Burmese
Chronicles. (See APPENDIX E for detail of the Burmese invasion.)
- Authors Note: Some of the greatest battles between the British and Japanese in Burma also took place around this location in World War II.
(MAP 6)
25
the 10th March to Saiyan. Saiyan was occupied after an attempt at resistance, the inhabitants making their way with
difficulty, and after incurring considerable loss, across Nankathe. After destroying Saiyan, the force marched on to
Tiddim. The village was the home of Khocin[Khua Cin], at this time the Chief of the Kanhow clan; the Kanhows
consequently fought well in the defence of their capital, wounding four sepoys and setting fire to the village when they
could no longer protect it. General Faunce names the enemys losses at 25 killed and 45 to 50 wounded. After the fall
of their capital the Kanhows made but poor resistance and their remaining villages on the left bank of the river[Manipur
River] and south of Tiddim were destroyed, either by the troops or by the Chins themselves, with little trouble and loss.*
9.6.10 Renewal of negotiations After punishing the Kamhows, the troops returned to Fort White and Major Raikes
with the Tashons opened negotiationw with the Tashons, which at first promised well, for Boimon, a
Falam Chief of standing, came to the Nattan Stream to interview him. The result,
however, was disappointing, as the Tashons refued to surrender the Shwe Gyo Byu and his associates, and they were
not in a position to enforce the surrender of the Burman captives held by the Siyins and Kanhows, as Major Raikes then
considered them able to do.
9.6.11 Action At Tartan** On 4th May the last action of the expedition was fought and it merits fully
description. Some new huts had been noticed on the site of Tartan, and to destroy
these a party was sent from Fort White on 4th May. The following account is taken almost verbatim from the report of
Captain C.H. Westmoreland, 42nd Gurkha Light Infantry. The column, consisting of 65 rifles of the 2nd Battalion Norfolk
Regiment and 60 rifles of the 42nd Gurkha Light Infantry, occupied the heights above New Tartan without opposition.
The main body advanced with the intention of rushing the village, but encountered determined resistance from the Chins,
who were strongly posted in two stockades.
The upper stockade consisted of a log-hut, the sides and roof of which were bullet-proof. It was connected with a
ravine to the east by a trench about 3 feet wide, 5 feet deep, and 20 yards long. The trench was covered with logs and
planks flush with the ground. The hut itself was surrounded at a distance of 5 or 6 yards with rows of sharp-pointed
stakes about 3 feet high. The second stockade was in the bed of the ravine. It consisted of a hole about 6 or 9 feet
square, from which a trench ran down the ravine. Both trench and hole were covered with logs and planks and were
bullet-proof. In both stockades there were a few spaces between the logs through which the Chins fired, and the only
way in which they could be carried was by pulling away some of the timber.
At the lower stockade, early in the action, Second-Lieutenant Michel fell mortally wounded. The troops at first
endevoured to turn out the defenders of the upper stockade by firing through the openings between the logs. Before
long the covered trench was noticed and pulled open and the Chins in it were shot. After accomplishing this under fire
from the Chins in the lower stockade and in a the neighbouring jungle, the column retired, burning the village as it went.
The Chins, who had suffered heavily, did not follow, being deterred by the loss which they had sustained and kept in
check by a small covering party on the heights. In this action our loss was one officer killed and two (Captain Mayne
and Surgeon LeQuesne) severely wounded and three men killed and eight wounded. Surgeon LeQuesne received the
Victoria Cross for conspicuous coolness and gallantry displayed whilst dressing Lieutenant Michels wound.
9.6.12 Arrangements after the close The expediton now closed and the garrison of Fort White settled down for the
of the expedition rains... Fort White was connected with the Kale valley by a mull-track and
____________________________________________________________________
* Note: As the British practised the tactic of burning down every village, which showed any sign of resistance, and taking away or destroying
the domestic animals and grains anyway, the Chins themselves burned down several of their own villages and destroyed their grains before
the British could do it.
** Note: Footnote # 2 on page 30. The village called by us New Tartan is known to the Chins as Shellum, and they give the following account
of the fight. Shellum was a settlement in which about 100 persons of the Bwenman clan lived. They had built block-houses in case of surprise
by the troops, who actually did not surprise them, the first intimation they received of their approach was seeing a fox-terrier which was in
advance of the troops. The Chins, men, women, and children, all crowded into the block- houses, approximately 80 in numbers; they had
time to get well into their positions as the troops marched past the village before they saw it. The troops then turned and attacked the block-houses.
Twenty-nine Chins were killed and 11 wounded. Lyen Kam, the Bwenman Chief, was killed. There were 40 untouched persons left in the block-
houses when troops retired. The Tartan Chiefs(Dolyn) youngest brother killed and Tan Chim, another brother, wounded. Dolyn came out of it all
right, but five years later died in the Myangyan jail.
26
9.6.12 Arrangements after the close The expediton now closed and the garrison of Fort White settled down for the
of the expedition rains... Fort White was connected with the Kale valley by a mull-track and
telegraph line. The line of communication was held by four stockades. Major
Raikes remained in the hills as Political Officer and Colonel Skene in command of thre troops. The Siyin and Kanhow
Chins were now living in encampments near their respective cultivations and, though beaten and driven from village
sites, they maintained a dogged demeanour, showing no signs of surrender, and worrying us whenever opportunity
offered.
9.6.13 Events in the Yaw country Whilst General Faunce was engaged in fighting his way up in the Chin Hills, a
very serious state of affairs had existed in the Yaw county, for the
inhabitants, who were armed, broke out into open rebellion, and, assisted by the Southern Chins, espoused the cause of
the Shwe Gyo Byu Prince...Troops, however, were quickly sent to the front, marching down the Kale valley as well as up
from Pakokku, and, after some sharp fighting, the rebellion was quashed and the inhabitants of Yaw disarmed.
This brings the history of the Chin Hills up to the end of the season 1888-89. We had 67 casualties during the
expedition and the state of affairs was that all the Siyin and 18 of Kanhow villages had been destroyed, and our troops
now occupied their tract. The Tashons were harbouring the Shwe Gyo Byu Prince and would not comply with out
demands, and the Yokwa and Haka Chins were still unmolested and unvisited, and had in no way suffered for warring on
our troops and raiding in our plains.
9.7. THE CHIN-LUSHAI EXPEDITION (1889-90)
9.7.1. Introduction Thus the Governnment of Bengal had good reason for wishing to settle the Lushais once and
for all at exactly the same time as the Burma Government found it imperative to face the Chin
question in the interests of the newly acquired province of Upper Burma. It therefore happened that the Chins were dealt
with from the east and the Lushais from the west at the same time, for while a column from Burma was being pushed
forward into the Siyin country in December 1888, Colonel Tregear in command of a column of 850 strong, with two
mountain guns, entered the Lushai country from Chittagong via Rangamutti and Demagiri. The Lushais took the
offensive, and at the very time that this column was advancing they swooped down into the plains and attacked and
burned 24 villages, killing 101 persons and carrying off 91 captives.
The result of the 1888-89 expedition was the punishment of several villages and the establishment of Fort Lungleh in
the heart of the South Lushai tract...As soon as the country was again practicable Colonel, now Brigadier-General,
Tregear marched a second time into Lushai from Chittagong to complete the work of the former expedition and was
placed in command of 3,400. The expedition is called The Chin-Lushai Expedition of 1889-90. Forces advancing from
Burma and Assam worked in co-operation. The punishment of the Lushais was completed...(Carey & Tuck, p.13)
As soon as the rains had begun and the troops had settled down in Fort White the Siyins began to give trouble. The
fort was in reality no fort at all, but consisted of houses, scattered on the side of a hill and surrounded by an abattis of
kaingbrush and sticks. The Chins, who are cat-like in their movements, soon learnt that their power to annoy us lay in
their skill into the fort between the sentries, and night after night the cattle-pens inside the piquets and abattis weere
found to have been visited and cattle stolen. On one occasion the whole heard of 70 head was carried off, but was
recovered. Another time a drabi was shot and decapitated in the middle of the fort, the Chins escaping through the
sentries. On one night in June a determined attempt was made by the Chins to set fire to the house in which the
Myook[township officer] and the interpreters were living. The Chins crept into the post and set fire to the roof of the
house; the damp thatch, however, only smouldered and the Chins, being discovered, decamped after firing a volley
through the house and into the sepoys who were attracted by the shouts of the Burmans. The intention was to shoot all
the guides and interpreters and the plan was to reserve fire until the Myook and his people should rush out of the
burning house, when by the light of the fire they could be easily picked off...(p. 32)
_______________________________________________
* Authors (tzd) Note: There were several skirmishes between the Chins and the British even up to the end of 1894 in Southern and Northern
Chinland. Anyone who is interested to know more about these skirmishes is advised to see the original book(pp. 32-117), and also The
Chin-Lushai Land by Col. A. S. Reid, M.B.
27
9.7.2. Negotiations during the rains Throughout the rains Major Raikes kept up negotiations with the Soktes,
Siyins, and the Tashons, and although he succeeded in recovering 186
Burman captives from the two former tribes, he was unable to get intouch with the people who, refusing to surrender
guns and the majority of their slaves, never lost an opportunity of ambushing convoys, cutting telegraph wire, and firing
into the post. The Tashons, throughout the rains, had shown a desire to be friendly, but quietly and studiously evaded
our demands for the surrender of the Burman rebels living in their tracts...(p. 32)
9.7.3 Proclamation to the Tashons In August 1889 Sir Charles Scrosthwaite visited the Chindwin, and after
discussing matters with Major Raikes issued a proclamation to the Tashons.
The Chief Commissioner declared his intention of sending a force to their chief village; and promised the Tashons
immunity from punishment and an amnesty for past offences on condition that they assisted the troops in their march
and did their best to compel the Siyins and Kamhows to surrender their captives. The Chiefs were required also to meet
the officer in command of the British force at the chief village, to deliver up all captives in possession of the tribe, and
to pay a fine of Rs. 10,000. The payment annnually of two elephant tusks and ten silk sheets as tribute was made a
further condition. Failure to comply with these terms would involve the severest punishment. Being unwilling to drive the
Tashons to extremities, the Chief Commissioner waived the condition previously imposed which required the surrender of
the Shwe Gyo Byu Prince and made no mention of the demand for the delivery of guns by the Sokte and Siyins.(pp. 32-
33)
9.7.4 Organization and Objects of the Expedition ...Orders for an expedition from Burma and Chittagong, to be
styled the Chin-Lushai expedition, were issued from Army
headquarters on 5th September 1889. The troops operating from Burma were to be divided into two columns, one called
the Fort White column operating from Fort White as a base against the Siyins and the tribes between the base and the
Manipur river, the other called the Gangaw column starting from Gangaw as a base and advancing via Yokwa on Haka.
A force called the Chittagong column was to march from Lunglei to Haka, msking the road as it advanced. After the
arrival of the force at Haka, flying columns were to move northward against the Tashons and in such other directions as
the General Officer in command might decide in consultation with the Political Officer. The objects of the expedition were
declared to be the punishment of tribes which had committed raids in British territory and had declined to make amends,
the subjugation of neutral tribes which had come within our sphere of dominion, the exploration of the country between
Burma and Chittagong, and the establishment, if possible, of semi-permanent posts in the hills to ensure complete
pacification and the recognition of British power. Brigadier-General W.P. Symons was placed in command of the
expedition with full control in political as well as military matters...The Southern column which was to advance from Kan
into the southern Chin Hills under General Symons, consisted of 1,869 men. The Northern column, which was to operate
from Fort White, consisted of 1,622 men under Colonel Skene...(Carey & Tuck, pp. 33-34). And the Chittagong Column
under the command of Brigadier-General Tregear consisted of 3,380 men, plus 400 men of the Cachar Military Police. In
this Column, besides the 3380 + 400 men, 2,511 Punjabi coolies; 782 local coolies; 2,196 mules, and 71 elephants were
also included as transport. Altogether 7,271 fighting men were deployed in the Chin-Lushai Expedition.He[Gen. Symons]
has worked hand in hand with the commanding officers at Fort White and in the Kale Valley, and has been most
successful, under my instructions, in bringing about the surrender and submission of the proud and obstinate Northern
Chins. (See Footnote on next page and APPENDIX FF)
9.8. HISTORY OF THE LAIS(HAKAS, KLANGLANGS, YOKWAS, KAPI AND THETTAS)
(pp. 152-163)
9.8.1 Origin of the Lais The clans which claim the title of Lais are the Hakas, Klangklangs, Yokwas, Thettas,
and Kapis, as well as certain other independent southern villages. The first two are
universally acknowledged as Lais, and refuse to admit that the others belong to their race, asserting that they are of a
different origin. The tradition is that there was a village of huge size called Yoklang, which covered the hill upon which
Kwarwa now stands, and that thence two brothers, Seo Hle abd Hlwa Sha, sons of grandsons of Chiefs, started south
and eventually founded a village which they called Pailan, 3 miles north of Haka and just below where the Falam mule-
28
track now runs. Seo Hle, the elder, asserted his right to be Chief of the newly formed village and insisted that Hlwa Sha
should give him a pig once a year in token of his overlordship. To this Hlwa Sha pretended to agree and only asked that
he should be allowed to kill the animal while Seao held it. The pig was therefore produced, but as Seo Hle stooped down
to seize it, Hlwa Sha stabbed him to the heart with the bamboo pike which had been prepared for killing the pig.
9.8.2 Legendary information Hlwa Sha was now in undisputed possession, but believing that the place where he had
of Lai communities slain his brother would bring ill-fortune to his village, he removed to the hillside upon which
Haka now stands, and allowed hi people to build in scattered hamlets. Several generations
after, Tan Hle, Yatang, and Bong Long, three brothers in direct descent from Hlwa Sha, began to collect the scattered
people into villages, and about the same time two Chiefs of Yoklang and Mwel Lun and Ting Lon, founded Klangklang,
while villages began to form at Yokwa, Thetta, and Kapi, the three later tracing their descent to a wild goat which
conceived and gave birth to a man on the top of a precipice called Boi Hrum(the Chiefs jungle) close by...
9.8.3 Distribution of territories There was now an enormous tract of country at the disposal of the Haka Chiefs, and
certain portions appear to have been alotted to each, and it became the custom for
the younger branches of the chief families to leave the mother-village and found villages in the newly acquired territory
____________________________________________________________
NORTHERN COLUMN(also known as Fort White Column) Chin-Lushai Expedition under COLONEL C. McD. SKENE, DSO against the Chins
(1,622 men )
* 1st Btn Cheshire Regiment (300)
* 42nd Gurkha Light Infantry (477)
* No 5 Coy Queen's Own Madras Sappers and Miners (95)
* 10th Bengal Infantry (460)
* 38th Bengal Infantry (290)
................................................................................................................................................
SOUTHERN COLUMN,(also known as Gangaw Column). Chin-Lushai Expedition under BRIG-GEN. W. P. SYMONS against the Chins
(1,869 men)
* 1st Btn King's Own Scottish Borderers (500)
* 1st Bengal Mountain Battery (84)
* No 6 Company, Queen's Own Sappers and Miners (151)
* 2nd Battalion, 4th Gurkhas Regiment (410)
* 2nd Madras Infantry (630)
* Burma Company Queen's Own Sappers and Miners (94)
..................................................................................................
Note: The above two columns were also kown as the CHIN FIELD FORCE
- Source: Carey & Tuck, p. 34.
____________________________________________________________________________
CHITTAGONG COLUMN(also known as Chittagong Field Force), Chin-Lushai Expedition under BRIGADIER-GENERAL V. W. TREGEAR
against the Lushais (3,380 + 400 men of
the Cachar Military Police)
* No. 2 Company, Bengal Sappers and Miners (177)
* 3rd Bengal Infantry (821)
* Detachment 9th Bengal Infantry (301)
* 2-2nd (P.W.O.) Gurkha Regiment (779)
* Half Battalion, 2-4th Gurkha Regiment (369)
* 28th Bombay Infantry (Pioneers) (731)
* Detachment, Chittagong Frontier Police (202)
- Cachar Column.- Four hundred men of the Cachar Military Police
- The transport consisted of -
2,511 Punjabi coolies
782 local coolies
2,196 mules
71 elephants
..................................................................................................................
- Source: The London Gazette, September 12, 1890. (APPENDIX FF)
29
under the protection of, and paying tribute to, the Hakas. Thus the sons of Tat Sin were settled in Aibur, Bwe, Dongvar,
and other villages; Lyen Hnon with the aid of the Shanpi family made his sons Chiefs of Bwelet, Hrein Hrein, and
Nyerlon, and the younger branches of the Nunthwa Sun family occupied Klangkhwa, Lonzert, and the country from
which the Kwe Hring people had just been driven. The Darkwa Sun and Kenlaut families, although very numerous,
appear to have taken but little part in extending the influence of the tribe, and their present inferior position among the
Haka families may be attributed to this cause...
9.8.4 Extention of Haka territory The Chiefs of the Haka-tribe claim supremacy over villages containing in the
aggregate nearly 3,000 houses, having an estimated population of 15,000 persons,
4,000 of whom are fit to bear arms. Their northern border runs in the longitude of Hairon; the Pao stream dividing them
from the Tashons, whilst the Shimu Tlang, with its continuations, is their frontier with the Yahows. No natural features
divide the Hakas, Klangklangs, and Yokwas, and most of the southern villages on these borders are influenced by two
or even all three clans...Their territory on the west was curtailed by us when we made the Boinu the division between the
Chin and South Lushai Hills...
9.8.5 Haka Chiefs The Haka territory was acquired more by colonization than by force of arms, and less than
one-fourth of the villages now tributary to the Haka Chiefs are the result of conquest.
Apparently in the time of Yahmon and Tat Sin the territory then belonging to Haka was divided amongst the Chiefs, who
sent out the younger branches of their families to form and rule villages which should pay tribute to themselves at Haka.
In nearly every case the descent of the Chiefs now ruling villages can be traced back to the old Haka stock, the chief
families of which are, - (1) Shanpi, (2) Shante, ( 3) Nunthwasun, (4) Darkwasun, (5) Kenlaut, and the following pedigrees
show how the Chiefs were related to each other, and the names of the villages still ruled by their direct descendants, as
well as the relationships upon which the present Haka Chiefs base their claim to levy tribute.
9.8.6 Attitude of the Hakas The rains of 1890 had been an anxious time at Haka. The garrison was too small to
take the field, and Mr. Ross was hampered by having, in addition to his duties in the
hills, charge of Gangaw subdivision of the Pakokku district, which neccessitated his frequent absence from Haka. The
Hakas were convinced that we had to come to stay, and some of the minor Chiefs were openly chafing at our
occupation. On more than one occasion the Tashons were approached with a view to the conclusion of an alliance and a
distinct plan of attack was at one time actually formulated in Haka-Kotarr, which village looked for support from the
west. Only a want of cohesion among the Chiefs themselves made these schemes abortive. The peace of the hills,
however, was marred by Haka-Yokwa feud, which broke out afresh and threatened innumerable complications...(p. 47)
9.8.7 The Haka-Burman War The Hakas now declared that they were no longer friendly with the Burmans, and
commenced a series of raids which were only put to an end by our occupation of the
hills. The Burmans seem to have suffered in patience until Lon Seo, the grandfather of Vanlein[Van Lian], was ruling
Haka, when they determined to send a punitive expedition into the hills, and an army said to have been 1,000 strong
and led by Maung Myat San, apparently the same man as the leader of the Burmans in the attack on the Lushais,
advanced into the hills. Bondwa, Yokwa, Vanhna, and Haka were destroyed in succession, the Lais offering but little
opposition to the advance of the force. The Burmans had hoped to find supplies at Haka, but all the grain had been
removed, and finding themselves short of provisions they began to retreat by the line along which the Hata road now
runs. The Lais swarmed upon their flanks and rear, and at the pass half-way between Haka and Faron a successful
onslaught, led in person by Lon Seo, created a panic, and the Burmans fled in all directions. The Hakas boast that only
Maung Myat San, who knew the paths, escaped. In any case the defeat was decisive, for the Burmans never again
attempted to invade the Haka terrritory, while the Lais, emboldened by their success, organized a series of ferocious
raids into Burma which were almost invariably successful, and by which they obtained guns, money, and cattle in
ransom for captives...(Carey & Tuck, pp. 152-156)
9.8.8 THE KLANGKLANGS
The Klangklangs, after the defeat of the Lushais on the Rongklang, allied themselves by marriage to the Haka Chiefs.
30
They thus secured comparative peace on their eastern border, and were able to use all their available resources against
the Lushais on the west. By constant petty raiding they succeeded in pushing their influence as far as the Blue
Mountains and the Tipi river, which the southern bend of the Boinu was frequently ravaged by their raiding parites, who
even penetrated the territory now within the geographical boundary of the Arakan Hill Tracts. The Klangklangs first came
into direct contact with the British on account of Howsata, who wished to marry Ya Hwits daughter[known in the west as
Yahuta]. Yahwit demanded a price which Howsata was unable to pay, but eventually agreed to substitute human heads
for cattle and gongs which had been originally demanded. To obtain these heads, Howsata organize the raiding party
which accidentally coming upon Lieutenant Stewarts camp killed that officer and the greater part of his survey party.
There is no authenticated case of the Klangklangs raiding into British territory on the west, although there is no
reason to doubt that many of the young bloods of Klangklangs have accompanied Lushais raiding parties.
9.8.8.1 Extent of Klangklang territory The Klangklang Chiefs assert that thie influence extends as far as Kairumas
village on the north-west, and as far south as Shibaung and the geographical
boundary of the Arakan Hill Tracts, while on the west they lay claim to the villages of the Blue Mountain. The Boinu and
the Tyao chosen as the boundary between the Chin and Lushai Hills has strictly curtailed their territory; and now
recognize only 20 villages as belonging to the tribe. These contain rather less than 1,000 houses with an estimate
population of 5,000, among which, on the border villages, we find many Lushais, who are callled Mur by the Hakas, and
as there has been a good deal of intermarrying, there are many half-breds who, however, all claim to be Lais...
9.8.8.2 Our dealings with the Klangklangs The Klangklangs were first known on the Arakan and Chittagong frontiers as
Shendus and to these borders they confined their raids, for as far as our
enquiries go, they appear never to have gone to Burma. Some of them accompanied the raid led by Howsata in which
Lieutenant Stewart and his survey party were murdered. The did not oppose the advance of the Chin-Lushai expedition
of 1889-90, but directly as the rains of 1890 set in, they appear to have regretted their submission and endeavoured to
organize an attack on Haka post. In this they did not succeed, but in the following year the majority of their villages
joined in the attack on the Political Officer at the Laawvar, and from that time until the surrender of Lalwe in 1894 our
dealings with the tribe were of punitive character. The disarmament of the tribe was completed in 1895, and they now
possess only one gun to ever ten houses.
9.8.8.3 Occupation of the Klangklang Meanwhile news had been brought into Mr. Tuck, Assistant Political Oficer at
Haka, that the Klangklangs had arranged to attack the column. A strong
forace under the command of Colonel Mainwaring was therefore at once organized and proceeded by forced marches.
Klangklang village itself was surprised and occupied without a shot being fired on the morning of the 2nd[April, 1891].
At about the same time the Klangklangs, led by Lalwe and Koizway, attacked Lieutenant Mottas column as they were
halting for breakfast at Laawvar stream. The story of the attack is told thus by Lieutenant Macnabb:-
I had not been there two minutes and we were just discussing what the total desertation of Hyrankan
might portend, when the question was settled by the Chins, who opened fire on us from all sides. The
Military officers ran to their posts, whilst I, thinking the attack was a mere surprise which would speedily
be repulsed, took over to finish my breakfast, until I was undeceived by seeing wounded sepoys
staggering to the water, and finding the enemys fire maintained. I then went forward to see if I could be
of any assistance and joined the advance guard, where I found that Lieutenant Forbes and Jemadar
Amara Singh Negi had both been wounded...In accordance with orders from Colonel Mainwaring the
column then pushed up the steep ascent to the village some 2,000 feet above, which we reached
at about 8 P.M. in the dark and with the greatest difficulty.
Our losses were five killed and Lieutenant Forbes, Jemadar Amara Singh Negi, and 14 others wounded.
9.8.8.4 Arrangements for the punishment of Most of the Klangklang villages were engaged in this attack, and
the Klangklangs the number present was probably not less than 500 men with some
31
300 guns; the actual losses of the Chins were never ascertained, but it is known that the Chief of Tunzan and several
others were killed. For military reasons, and for the sake of the wounded, it was necessary to return to Haka before
undertaking offensive operations, and as some of the Haka friendlies were in the hands of the enemy, the village at
Klangklang was not burnt, but a fine of Rs. 5,000 was inflicted, payable at Haka within 5 days. The troops returned to
Haka on the 5th, and the Klangklangs failing to pay the fine, arrangements were made for a punitive expedition.
Before these were completed, however, Yahwit, the principal Chief, came in to Lieutenant Macnabb at Haka and the
following terms were imposed and accepted. Lalwe and Koizway, the Chiefs instigated and led the attack, were to be
given up and any village which harboured them was to be destroyed. The houses of these men were to be razed to the
ground, and the arms and movable property of all engaged in the attack were to be confiscated and made over to the
Political Officer.
9.8.8.5 Tender of Submission As an earnest of his good faith Yahwit handed up 17 guns, six mithun, a large
elephant tusk, and a number of brass vessels and gongs. At this period our action
was greatly confined and hampered by the Manipur rebellion, and it was the end of April before instructions were
received that no reinforcements could be sent, and that the Klangklangs should be dealt with by the troops and
transport locally available.
9.8.8.6 Punitive Measures against On 2nd May therefore a column of 300 rifles with 2 guns, but with very
the Klangklangs limited supply of transport, left Haka and making a double march occupied
Klangklang the same day. The houses of Lalwe and Koizway were found to
have been destroyed, but great difficulty was found in collecting the fine in guns, and Tanzang, Hriankan, and other
villages openly defied us. The four days rations, which were all that could be carried, did not permit of extended
operations, and it was found possible to visit only Klangrwa, which with Twaykan paid its fine in full. The column had
then to return to Haka, taking with it the eldest son of Yahwit as a hostage. The rains having commenced, further
measures against the Klangklangs were abandoned for the year, and active operations brought to a close. Haka was
garrisoned by the 39th Garhwal Rifiles and commanded by Colonel Mainwaring, whilst Lieutenant Macnabb, with Mr.
Tuck as his assistant, was in political charge of the Southern Hills(pp. 51-54)
9.8.9 THETTA With Thetta village, however, we had no progress. During the open season General Symons
had refused to accept their submission until they had surrendered all their captives. This they
had obstinately refused to do, and our relations with them had remained unchanged. The other tribes wishing to test our
power and seeing that this might be done without risk to themselves if they could get that village to fight, did not cease
to taunt the Thettas, and eventually induced them to believe that in any case we should destroy their village. The Chiefs
of Thetta still counselled peace, but some of the younger men, thus urged on and instigated more especially by
emissaries from Yokwa and Kotarr, attempted the life of the Poliitcal Officer at Haka and afterwards fired a volley into
the Madras guard stationed at Chaunggwa...It was thus necessary to again postpone the expedition[against the
Thettas] and a party of 40 rifles under Lieutenant Ducat, 2-4th Guarkhas, with Mr. C.H.P. Wetherell, Assistant
Superintendent of Police, was despatched to restore communication. The party reached Chaunggwa, repaired the
telegraph line, and returned to Rawvan without opposition, but on the 21st December, when the party was within three
miles from Yokwa, a volley was fired from an ambuscade and Mr. Wetherell, who was in advance of the party, was shot
dead...(p. 48)
9.8.9.1 Attack on Thetta On the 30th December a reinforcement of 40 rifles, Burma Sappers, reached Haka,
and on the 1st January the Thetta column of 135 rifles, commanded by Captain
Carnegy, 2-4th Gurkhas, with Mr. Ross, Political Officer, left for Thetta. On the 2nd, when about two miles from the
village, the fighting began, the Thettas taking advantage of the thick jungle fired from ambuscades placed in every
favourable position, and we lost two sepoys killed and one wounded before the village was reached and rushed. The
Chins met the charge with heavy volleys from their fortifications and the troops, unable to penetrate the hedges of
cactus, had to withdraw. An attempt was now made to reconnoitre the village, and, while doing so, Lieutenant James,
R.E., was shot dead. It was now decided, in view of the position of the village and the heavy stockading, that the force
32
was insufficient to run the risk of the heavy losses which must occur if the village were forced, and as the Thettas sent
messages by the Haka Chiefs who accompanied the party that they wished to surrender, Mr. Ross reluctantly
abandoned his intention of destroying the village and accepted a fine in guns and live-stock. The Thettas were then
allowed to swear friendship and the column returned to Haka...(pp. 48-49)
9.8.10 THE YOKWAS
The Yokwas were able to form a tribe in much the same manner as the Hakas had done, except that the members of
the Chief families did not leave the mother-village, and the newly founded hamlets were placed under the charge of
trustworthy free-men. It is asserted by the Yokwas that they were a recognized State in the kingdom of Burma. They
say that Lyen Son went to Mandalay to see the Burmese kingd, and that a treaty was made by which tht Yokwas
received a Yaw blanket and a viss of salt from all the villages on the border on the condition that raiding ceased...
9.8.10.1 Organization of the Yokwas The Yokwa tribes contains 13 villages comprising rather more than 500
houses. It population may be estimated at under 2,500 persons. The people
claim to be Lais, and although this is disputed by the Hakas, the two tribes intermarry. The two dialects differ, yet
intelligent people of both tribes readily understand each other. The Kenmwe family is the most influential, but the
hereditary principle is not well developed amongst the Yokwas, and on several occasions people, unconnected with this
family, have led the tribe. Thus Lyen Son, who was Chief of Yokwa when we first came into the hills, had only the right
of a ready knife and a tireless tongue to his position. Now that he is dead Ratyo, who is not in the direct line of the
descent of the Yokwa Chiefs, is perhaps the most influential of all the Yokwas.
Tinhmon, the son of Karsim, is by right the hereditary Chief, but being a stupid and somewhat weak young man he
has been pushed aside, and Ratyo, Kokle, and Shwelaing now rule the tribe. The following pedigree, which does not
pretend to be exhaustive, shows the relationship of some of the more important men...Most of our business with the
tribe is conducted through Shwelaing, who eight years ago quarrelled with his brothers and fled westward through
Arakan, being eventually sent back to Rangoon via Calcutta. He is the only Chin who has ever visited the latter city.
Shwelaing was an interpreter at the time of the Gangaw rebellion and accompanied the Chin-Lushai expedition in1889-90,
to the advance of which the Yokwas offered a feeble resistance. Since then he has been in our employ. He lives in the
Yokwa village and acts as an agent to the Assistant Political Officer at Haka. The Yokwa tribe was disarmed in 1895
and it is now estimated that there is only one gun to every 10 houses.
9.8.11 THE SOUTHERN INDEPENDENT VILLAGES
(pp. 162-163)
There are some 45 independent villages administered from Haka; these contain nearly 3,500 houses and have an
estimated population of 17,000 persons. They are inhabited by Yotuns, Shintangs, Lawtus, Yos, and Lais, and have all
more or less intermarried. The Yotuns are the most numerous, while the Lais have the most influence. The majority of
the Yos live beyond our frontier twoward Arakan, and Lunsoi, Ngapai and Soipi, which are influenced by the Haka
Chiefs, are the only Yo villages, although the Lawtu villages of Nagrin, Kwahrang, Tangaw, and Shurgnen are very
closely allied to the Yos.
Thetta and Kapi are the most important of the Lai villages and have successfully resisted all attempts of the Hakas
to bring them under control. Their influence is very wide and some of the most southern villages even now give them
peace-offerings. The history of the Kapis and Thettas is a long continued series of petty raiding, either into Burma, or
against any one else whom they thought they could attack with impunity. Their Chiefs seem to have no power of
organization and were not of the kind which establishes tribes, so both clans are still confined to their original villages
and their surplus of population has for the most part been gathered into the Haka net. Of the Zotun villages Aika,
Rawywa, Lungno, and Shirklai are the most important, and Shurkwa, Lotaw, and Tonwa are the largest of the Shintang
villages.
9.8.11.1 Raids in the Plains Of the independent villages, only the Lais waged a systematic raiding warfare with
33
Burma. Thetta was the chief offender, but all the Lai villages were involved. Some of
the Shintang villages also raided, notably Shurkwa and Tonwa, but only in spasmodic way. The Lawtu villages did not
raid at all and the Yotuns do not appear to have gone beyond cattle-stealing. Of late years a considerable intercourse
has sprung up between the southern villages and Burma, and we find in nearly every village a Burmese-speaking Chin,
who conducts the petty trade and acts as an agent for the Burman traders.
9.8.11.2 Our dealings with the If we except the Lais, the inhabitants are a peace-loving people, and it is not only
independent villages along the southern border, which is harassed by the Chinboks and Chinmes, that the
villages are in an unsettled state. With the exception of Thettas, the villages offered
no opposition to the occupation of their country, but afterwards several independent villages had recourse to arms.
However, the defeats they experienced at Shurkwa, Rawywa and afterwards at Thetta, have established our authority
amongst the southern villages. All independent villages were partially disarmed in 1895.
9.8.11.3 Occupation of Khapi The Garhwal Rifles, with Colonel Mainwaring in command and Lieutenant Macnabb,
Political Officer, advanced via Lunhaw and Bonwa, meeting the column from Haka on
the 5th February. The Thettas came out to meet the columns and the fines were duly paid. Mr. Ross now returned to
Rawvan, where he met General Graham, and final arrangements were made for an advance on Surkhwa and two guns
of No. 2 Bengal Mountrain Battery were pushed on from the Chaunggwa to join the column, which now consisted of 300
rifles. On the 14th Februay this column, with Colonel Mainwaring in command, moved from Thetta, and occupying Kapi
on the same day, imposed as fine of guns for a raid committed near Gangaw, fixed an annual tribute, and enforced the
surrender of the captives still in that village...(p. 49)
9.8.11.4 Attack on Shurkwa On the 16th the column advanced by the Paizon road, spied having reported the
direct Shurkwa road to be heavily stockaded. This manoenuver turned a strong
position held in force at the Boinu ford, from which the Shurkwas were driven by a few volleys, while feeble attack on
our rear-guard was easily repulsed. The column camped near the small village of Paizon, and at daylight the next
morning commenced to shell Shurkwa, but the Chiefs surrendering, further hostilities were stopped and the village
occupied. With some difficulty eight captives were recovered, a fine in guns and live-stock inflicted, and the tribute
realized. The oath of friendship was then taken and several villages, under the influence of Shurkwa, having tendered
their submission, the column returned to Haka...(p. 49)
9.8.12 Visit of Chins to Rangoon Late in September[1891] permission was given for a party of Chiefs to be
taken to Rangoon and after some difficulty, representative Chiefs of Haka,
Thetta, Klangklang, Kapi, and Yokwa were persuaded to go. It was hoped that the visit would show the Chins how small
and insignificant their country was and give them an idea of the power and resources of the British. To this end they
were shown the garrison and batteries at Rangoon, and parades were held for their edification at Myingyan and
Mandalay. These hopes were realized to some extent, for the Chiefs returned, astounded at the steamers, railways, and
machinery, dazed by the speed and distances they had travelled, and bewildered and cowed at the size and population
of the towns...(Carey & Tuck, p. 60)
9.9 THE HAKA AND THADO-KUKI REBELLIONS(1917-19)*
When World War I broke out in Europe Britain mobilized all her human resources to add strength to her fighting troops,
and she recruited soldiers and noncombatants from all her colonies. In 1916 about half a million noncombatants from
Brtish India and Burma were sent to Mestopotamia, Iran, France and Turkey.
_________________________________________________
* Note: In his dissertation(Religion and Politics among the Chin People in Burma -1896-1949. Uppsala University. 2000, Dr. Lian Hmung L.
Sakhong) Sakhong mentions only about the Haka Rebellion, but completely omits the other two major rebellions: the Sizang-Gungal - and Thado-
Kuki Rebellions. Sakhong comes from Haka. Actually, Vumson deals extensively with both of the Thado-Kuki and Haka rebellions under the
title of Thado-Haka Resistance Movement 1917-1919(Vumson, pp. 133-137).
34
Among them were 4,000 young Chins. 2,100 young men from the Lushai Hills District went to France voluntarily. The
British demanded a fixed number of young able-bodied men from every tribe and village for the French labour camps. But
more men were demanded in 1917, one thousand men from each of the administrative subdivisions of Falam, Haka and
Tedim. The Chins, who had never left their country, feared that their youths would never come back, as was the case
with some who had gone earlier. Moreover, the people still resented the collection of arms and slaves by the
British.
So the first uprising broke out in the Haka region in September 1917 by Vankio, Chief of Zokhua. The rebellion was
joined by other chiefs in the region, namely Haka and Thlantlang. From the main areas of uprising in Zokhua, Khuapi,
Aitung, Surkhua, Hnaring and Sakta the rebellion spread in the later part of 1918 to Zonghing in Mindat and the
southern Lushai Hills, covering the upper Bawinu to Wantu, Lailet and Ngaphai. 18 villages were burned down and more
than 600 guns were confiscated at the end of the uprising.
Pamberton, the British negotiator, ceded part of the Chin country to Manipur. The land occupied by the Thados fell
within the semi-independent Minipur Kingdom. When in 1917 Manipur authorities demanded that a large number of young
men go to Europe, the Thado chiefs decided to stand against the Manipuris and the British. They refused to send a
single man. The uprising was joined by other Thados, who lived in the hill regions surrounding the Manipur valley,
covering an area of 7,000 square miles. As the British had collected arms from the Thados prior to the uprisings they
had to use mostly only spears and bows and a handful of guns at the begining of the rebellion. Even then the rebellion
lasted from December 1917 up to May 1919. The British operations were carried under the command of Brigadier-
General Macquoid, whose base was in Mawlaik, with General Sir H. Keary as the Commander-in-Chief of 3,000 men.
Almost one third of all the Thado villages were burned down to the last house and several Thado chiefs and resistance
fighters were captured and sent to jails where some of them died in captivity. Altogether 970 guns were confiscated from
the Thados areas alone from the time of the British annexation to the end of the rebellion.
The account of these two uprisings are described in detail in Chapters XVI and XII of the History of the Assam Rifles.
I shall quote here some selected passages from this book.
In the end of 1917 troubles near home, viz. the rebellion in the Chin Hills and amongst the Kuki tribe
of Manipur, obliged the cessation of the war drafts to the army, as it was not long before every available
man of the Assam Rifles was required to suppress the rising in co-operation with the Burma M.P. Police
force. It took a year and a half of continuous active service in mountainous country on the part of 2400
of the Assam Rifles and 3000 of the Burma Military Police before order was finally restored, which was
achieved by means of a scheme by Major A. Vickers, Commandant 3rd A.R., and officially approved...
(p. 197)
...Here digression must be made to explain events which occurred in the far south of the Chin Hills
(Burma) and which first called for the services of the Assam Rifles. It happened that in those hills the
Burma authorities in the early winter of 1917 were confronted with a somewhat similar trouble in an
effort to raise a Labour Corps in that area, and this trouble, aggravated by tribal discontent due to
certain action taken by the authorities to check slavery which still existed in that region, caused a
serious outbreak of rebellion. The ignorance as to any cause for anxiety in which the authorities dwelt,
and the suddenness with which the southern Chins rose, were remarkable. In early December
1917 the D.I.G. Assam Rifles received a wire from the Superintendent Chin Hills inquiring if he had any
knowledge of likely trouble on the Chin-Lushai border. The reply stated he had no such knowledge, the
only minor trouble known of concerned Zongling in the Unadministered Area towards Arrakan. Twelve
hours later came an urgent wire to Shillong from Falam, the headquarters station in the Chin hills,
saying the southern Chins had risen, Haka station surrounded, and begging for urgent assistance.
Permission to act having been obtained, the D.I.G. sent orders to Captain Falkland, Commandant 1st
A:R. at Aijal, to march at once with 150 rifles for Haka, and in a few hours they were en route to cover
the 16 marches as rapidly as possible. A few days later another urgent wire from Falam called for more
help, and as active trouble had not yet started in Manipur, Captain Montifiore with 150 rifles of the 3rd
A.R. at Kohima was ordered to the Chin Hills, travelling as expeditiously as possible - by rail to Chitta-
gong, river steamer to Rangamatti, country boats to Demagiri, whence onwards a fortnights hard
marching to Haka. As neither Falkland nor Montifiore could reach the disturbed area till well after
35
Christmas, and details of their moves and actions in the Chin hills did not reach Shillong for some
weeks, we can turn to the Kuki troubles fermenting in the Manipur state...
(pp. 212-213)
...We can now turn to the doings of Captain Falkland, 1st A.R., and Montifiore, 3rd A.R., who had been
first to be employed in suppressing the revolt in the Chin hills and of whose operations for a long time
nothing was heard. Neither of them arrived at Haka in time to relieve it, having such long distance to
traverse before reaching the scene. Haka, besieged for a fortnight, was relieved by a Burma M.P. Column
under Captain Burne after two considerable actions between Falam and Haka and just before Falkland
arrrived. Being then sent southwards, his Column co-operated with two Burma ones under Colonel Abbay,
Major Burne, and Mr. Wright, the Superindent Chin Hills. They were engaged frequently, the principal
actions being against the Yokwa Chins at Kapi, Aiton, Shurkwa, Naring, Sakta, and many other places
where severe opposition was met with, for the Chins are stout fighters(Sketch Map 2). Falkland sustained
many casualties and Mr. Wright and Mr. Alexander were badly wounded...(pp. 227-228). (Italics in the
last sentence above is of my own. tzd)
...The terrain of operations for supressing this rebellion eventually included the entire hill country
surrounding the Manipur valley and covering an area of 7000 square miles. The valley of Manipur, 1000
square miles in extent and exceedingly fertile, alone is level, an ancient silted-up lake, of which the
Longtak and Waithok lakes with certain swamp localities are the last dwindling remains...These people[the
Kukis] used to be expert bowmen and as such were much feared by other tribes, as well as by reason of
the autocratic rule under which they live, and which gave their Chiefs a greter power for combining
effectively against any foes. The gradual acquisition of numbers of old fire-arms had led to the disuse of
the bow and arrow, their other weapons being the spear and dao. They also use a curious sort of leather
cannon made from a baffalos hide rolled into a compact tube and tightly bound with strips of leather...
The Civil authorities were inclined to treat the idea of the Kukis having many fire-arms as absurd, giving as
their view that perhaps 100 or so were at most scattered about the hills. It was soon shown that the number
had been greatly underestimated; in many actions in different parts of the hills the rebels had 70 or more
in use at a time, and the total number of fire-arms confiscated by the end came to nearly 1000 weapons,
which, though old flint-lock or percussion muzzle-loaders, were good enough for their jungle fighting and
guerilla tactics at fairly close range...(pp. 214-216)
...However, all was ready in early November, and the force(2400 rifles) was handed over to the Brig.-Gen.
Macquoid, who with his staff(Captains Coningham, Henderson, Lowry Corrie and Major OMalley, P.M.O.)
reached Imphal on the 7th, and a day or two later all Columns were in movement into their respective
rebel areas. Gen. Sir H. Keary, G.O.C. of the whole operations, made his headquarters at Mawlaik near
Kendat...(p. 233-34)
...The operations in the Kuki and Chin hills were included in the grant of the British General Service and
Viceroy Medals and clasp for the N.E. Frontier. To commemorate their combined operations together,
extending for a year and a half, in suppression of this rising, the Burma Military Police Battalions pre-
sented the Assam Rifles with a handsome shield to be competed for the in rifle shooting annually by
the different Battalions.
General Sir H. Keary, K.C.B., K.C.I.E., D.S.O., in his final despatch on the operations, records that
the small losses sustained during so many months of incessant field service should not by any means
be taken as the measure of the resistance offered by the rebels, but rather is it a tribute, and a high one,
to the fighting efficiency of mostly young troops, in all relating to the tricks and tactics of hill and jungle
warfare, and to the use made of this knowledge by young officers in many cases with no war experience
of any sort who had led them. The following rewards were obtained for their good service during the
Kuki operations: 1 C.I.E., 1 O.B.E., 5 Indian officers and 9 riflemen the I.D.S.M., 1 Indian officer the
Kings Police Medal. There were numerous Mentions in Despatches, several were promoted on the field,
and a number of Jangi Inams were granted.(pp. 237-238). See APPENDIX W for the list of more
recipients of different medals.
36
9.10 THE HISTORY OF THE SIYIN TRIBE
(Origin and distribution of the Siyins) Carey & Tuck, pp. 127-134
9.10.1 Origin of the Siyins The origin of the progenitors of the Siyin tribe is, according to the natives,
shrouded in mystery. Tradition states that a gourd fell from the heavens and, bursting
with the fall, emitted a man and a woman; these became the Chin Adam and Eve, and their garden of Eden was Chin
Nwe, a village already mentioned. This story is not peculiar to the Siyins, but is believed by all the tribes in the Northern
Chin Hills...As the Sokete forefathers left the first village and moved south, thus earning the name of Sok Te, so the
Siyins moved east and settled near some alkali springs, after which the sept was given the general name of She=alkali
and Yan= side. The Sheyantee has been corrupted into Siyin by the Burmans and we have accepted their
pronunciation for general use. The Siyins are called Taute or Taukte by the Lushais and Southern Chins, Tau meaning
stout or sturdy and te is the plural affix implying people....
Course of Siyin history in the time of the Twantak Chief No-man[Ngo Mang]
The history of the Siyin tribe before Chief No-mans [Ngo Mang] reign is not exciting; the tribe was small and not in
position to annoy its neighbours. In No-mans reign, however, the Siyins waged wars in Lushai, fought against the
Manipur army in 1857, and had no less than six wars with the Tashons, in three of which the latter and the Burmans
were allies. On one occassion the Siyins were divided against themselves and No-man had to face the united forces of
the Tashons, Burmans, Soktes, and Limkhais.
The village of Lope[Lophei], which was built by Somman[Sawm Mang] and inhabited by Twantaks[Thuan Tak/Suantak]
from Koset[Khuasak], was the first cause of the first war with the Tashons, for Lua Twam[Lua Thuam], the Chief,
purchased a gun from the Yahows and then tried to evade payment. The Tashons took up the quarrel of their tributaries
and, although Lope paid a slave in satisfaction, they determined to subduce the Siyins and make them tributary to
Falam. The Tashons brought a huge force and completely surrounded Lope village, blocking all the nullahs; resistance
was out of the question, and the entire population with the exception of 14 persons was captured or killed. These
captives were taken to Falam and were distributed among the surrounding villages as slaves. Lua Twam himself was one
of the 14 who escaped. He succeeded in ransoming his wife, and she is the only one who is reported to have returned
from captivity. The result of this raid was that Lope was destroyed and the few remaining people settled in Koset, and
now for the first time the Siyin tribe paid tribute to Falam. No-man only once carried arms against the Manipuris when he
assisted the Soktes to repel the attack on Tiddim in 1857. This fight has been described in the chapter dealing with the
Soktes. The Siyins say that having so easily overthrown the Maharajahs troops on that occasion, they were
encouraged to resist the British 31 years later...
In No-mans time the Siyins were chiefly armed with spears, and hence their heavy losses. No-man, however, realized
that the Siyins were but a small community and that to hold its own it must be well armed. During his lifetime the Siyins
first became possessed of arms, procured for the most part from Burma. In Koppows time the majority of the guns
acquired by the tribe came from the west and were purchased from the Lushais. The deadly feud with Burma, which
commenced in No-mans time owing to the murder of Chins in the Kale valley, was prosecuted orginally from motives of
revenge. But the Siyins soon discovered that raiding was profitable also, as the captives whom they carried off could
be ransomed for guns. In No-mans time the Siyins armed themselves by capturing Burmans, whom they exchanged for
guns, sulphur, lead and iron...
The Siyins under Kuppow [Khup Pau]
Kuppow[Khup Pau, son of Ngo Mang] at once prosecuted his fathers feud with Burma, and at the head of three clans of
Twantak, Toklaing[Thuklai], and Bwenman[Buanman] he attacked and destroyed Kalaymyo, carrying off even the
phongyis[Buddhist monks] into captivity. At this time a Wun[minister in Burmese royal court] was in temporary charge of
the Kale State. He raised an army to detroy the Siyins, enlisting the sympathies of the Soktes and Tashons in his
cause, and at the same time making friendly overtures to the Limkais to ensure their neutrality during the campaign. The
Tashon army, drawn as usual from the Yahow and Whenohs, as well as from the Tashon villages, marched to
37
Sagyilain[Limkhai] where it was joined by the Soktes under Yapow, Kochin, and Yetol. Whilst the allies were awaiting the
approach of the Burman force from the east, the Limkais informed Kuppow that he was surrounded, as the Tashons lay
on his south, the Soktes would advance from the west, whilst one Burmese force was marching down from the north and
another approaching from the east...
Kuppow considering his position desperate decided to use diplomacy to at once save his village and defeat his
enemies the Burmans. He therefore sent profuse professions of friendship to the Sokte and Sagyillains and an
expression of submission to the Tashons...Kuppow then set out to meet the Burmans and attacked them on the Letha
range and entirely overthrew them and chased them back to Burma. The Siyins state that they took four heads, two
prisoners, one cannon, two guns, and all the baggage of the force. Kuppow then started out to meet the second
Burmese army, which was advancing on Koset[Khuasak] from the north; but it had already heard of the overthrow of
the eastern force and retreated through the Sokte tract back to the plains, paying the Soktes a bribe for assisting them
in their retreat. This was the last Burmese attempt before our occupation of Upper Burma. The next foreign force to
enter the Siyin tract was that under General Faunce in 1888-89...
9.10.2 _ THE BATTLE OF TARTAN[TAITAN or SIALLUM]*
(See also 9.6.11)
... The Chin leader[Vum Ko Hau] is heir to the ruling Lunman clan of the Siyin Chins. Some of his grand uncles fell in
the action against General Sir George Whites army at No. 3 Stockade and at Tartan in the Siyin Valley. At this latter
place 60 out of 80 holders of the Fort fell on May 4, 1889. Lieut.-Colonel F.S. Le Quense won the Victoria Cross (Times
April 18th 1950.) But his own dashing qualities of leadership and toughness in resisting Burmas enemies during the
Second World War were natural qualities he breathed at his birthplace: Fort White. This very high post bears the name of
Field Marshal Sir George White, V.C., O.M., G.C.B.,G.C.S.I., G.C.M.I.E., G.C.I.E., G.C.V.O., LL.D., who took three
years to subdue the heroic Siyin Chins after the fall of Mandalay and the humiliation of King Thibaw.**(Diplomats in
Outline: Vum Ko Hau Siyin of Siyin Valley...- THE DIPLOMATIS The Review of the Diplomatic and Consular World.
London.(Vum Ko Hau, p. 135.)
_ Telegram from the District Staff Officer, Burma, to the Chief Secretary to the Chief Commissioner, Burma.- No. 1283,
dated the 9th May 1889.
- GENERAL FAUNCE wires. Begins: 323 C.F., Fort White, May 5th 1889. A new Siyin village near site of Tartan,
south-east of this, having been seen from Sagyilain by party referred to in my 320C.F., I sent 65 Rifles, Norfolk, 60
Rifles, 42nd, under Major Shepherd, Norfolk, yesterday to destroy new Tartan which consisted of 15 houses. No
opposition till after troops entered village, at bottom of which two very strong stockades, flanking each other and
connected by covered way with plank-roof. Siyin Chins held their fire till troops were within 50 yards. They stood their
ground and fought with great pluck, eight being killed with the bayonet. In the first stockade their loss was 30 killed and
many wounded. I regret our loss was heavy...
- YOUR No. 1283. Chief Commissioner(Sir Charles Crosthwaite, K.C.S.I.) will be glad to know whether it is to be
understood that the attack was successful and that both stockades were taken and the village destroyed.
- Telegram from Major F.D. Raikes, C.I.E., to the Chief Secretary to the Chief Commissioner, Burma - 163P,
dated the 15th May 1889.(Source: Vum Ko Hau, 170)
New village of Taitan was destroyed, but one stockade was not taken as Officer Commanding Force considered if there
were further casualties column could not return to Fort White that night and no arrangements made for camping out. On
9th May 150 Rifles under General Symons went out and destroyed remaining stockade; place found deserted; General
____________________________________________________
* See PHOTO 1
** See APPENDIX E for more explanation.
- Note: Source of all telegrams (Vum Ko Hau, 169-170)
38
Symons relieved General Faunce on 6th May 1889.
- Telegram from the District Staff Officer, Burma; to the Chief Secy to the Chief Commissioner, Burma: - 1488,
dated the15th May 1889.
Following from General Officer Commanding Chin Field Force. Begins: May 10th. Party 150 Rifles, Norfolk, and 42nd
Gurkhas, under Brigadier-General Symons visited TAITAN, scene of fight on 4th May, yesterday. Were unopposed
though signal shots were fired. Found many graves and several bodies were buried in enemys trenches. Siyin Chins
repaired stockade which was all completely destroyed and burnt. Ends.
Pau Thual, a heroic defender of the Taitan Fort, composed the following song:(Vum Ko Hau, p. 232, # 39.
See also APPENDIX L.)
Phung Sakluang leh leido sakluang
Tul Luang thing bang hong ki phom
Phung luang lumsuang bang beal ing
Pu von min nam sial ing
Bodies of relatives and enemy
Were heaped like logs on one another
Bodies of relatives served as my fort
And called the heroic names of my clansmen
as I killed the enemy
The following poem was composed by the late Rev. T. Hau Go Sukte(see 18.3.2 RELIGION) in honour
of the heroines and heroes of the Battle of Siallum.
SIALLUM FORTRESS
(Battle of Siallum 4th May 1889)
Mark ye well this honoured spot,
Stained with blood of heroes slain;
They to keep our ancient lot,
Fought a horde from Great Britain.
Mark ye thhistoric date,
Eighteen eighty nine May fourth;
They their precious blood poured forth;
When for us who born of late,
They their precious blood poured forth;
Sowed the seed of liberty.
__________________________
(Source: X-Sender: khoiksm@hotmail.com[Rev. Khoi Lam Thang]
To: suantak@us.net
Cc: zomi@yahoogroups.com, Zoni@onelist.com, ciimnuai@yahoogroups.com,
Date: Thu, 24 May 2001 11:45:34 -0000
Subject: [ZONET] May ni 4 ni leh SIALLUM KULH

9.10.3 Formal Submission of the Siyins ...The Political Officer now met the Siyins on equal terms and offered to
release the two Chins for the 17 Burmans who were known to be still in
captivity. After much discussion and many meetings, some of which were held in the jungle, between Captain Rundall
with 10 sepoys and Kuppow and Kaikam surrounded by a large armed following, the Siyins agreed to surrender the 17
Burmans. On the 1st September[1890], at a durbar held by Brigadier-General Wolseley[see Appendix O], who was on
39
inspection duty in the Chin Hills, the Siyin Chiefs*[Khup Pau, Chief of Khuasak; Thuk Kham, Chief of Lunmun; Kam Lam,
Chief of Sumniang; Mang Lun, Chief of Sakhiling/Liimkhai; Pau Khai, Chief of Buanman] formally took the oath of
submission and friendship to the British Government and accepted Captain Rundalls terms, which included the
surrender of all slaves and a promise to cease raiding on the plains and cutting telegraph wire. The yearly tribute fixed
for the tribe was Rs. 200 in cash or kind and an elephant tusk and Rs. 100 in case were accepted as tribute for the first
year. After the Burmans had made made over to Captain Rundall he released the two Siyin prisoners.(C & T. p. 43)
9.10.4 THE SIYINS
(THE EVENTS OF 1893-94)
The last two years work in the Siyin tract has been to thoroughly subdue and disarm the inhabitants, a task which has
been prolonged owing to the extraordinary obstinate nature of these tribesmen. This, however, is now accomplished and
the inhabitants are completely cowed and the country ripe for more regular and less forcible administration than hasbeen
the rule during the first six years of our occupation. Four hundred houses comprise the tribe, which is divided into
fourclans. These clans occupy six villages only and these six villages are now built on approved sites, at once removed
from the plains of Burma, and near our posts. The Siyin clan inhabits three of these villages, whilst Toklaing, Sagyilain,
and Bweman clans severally occupy the remaining three villages. Each clan is ruled by its own Chief and each Chief is
directly responsible to the Assistant Political Officer at Tiddim. Of all the clans Sagyilain alone retains guns. Only 55
guns were withdrawn from its 90 houses, the rest being left as a reward for remaining loyal during the rebellion of 1892
and for the subsequent assistance given us whilst disarming the other three clans. From the 400 Siyin houses we have
withdrawn 431 guns...The Siyin is now thoroughly thrashed and the tribe will now sink into insignificance.(C & T. p. 111)
9.10.5 Manner of dealings with Siyins _ Experience has taught us that we should not allow the Siyins to scatter in
small hamlets, and for years to come it will probably be necessary to
confine them to large villages placed near our posts and out of sight of their once happy raiding grounds in Burma. We
have also learned that the Siyin is a thief by nature and must not be trusted. Owing to the great difficulty in detecting
offences it is very advisable to hold the whole tribe responsible for every theft which is committed in the Siyin country,
unless the offender is handed up for punishment...To Political Officers of the future the following advice is ventured.
Never pardon a Siyin for any offence, never allow Kaikam[Khai Kam] to return to Chinland, and never forget that we owe
a deep debt of gratitude to Mang Lon[Mang Lun], the Sagyilain[Sakhiling/Liimkhai] Chief, who stood by us and assisted
us during years of great anxiety and when the Siyins were armed and formidable.(Carey & Tuck, p. 134)
9.11 THE SIYIN-NWENGAL[SIZANG-GUNGAL] REBELLION(1892-93)**

9.11.1 Introduction At the beginning of the year 1892 the impact of the British presence was felt everywhere.
Coolies were demanded from villages and heavy fines were increasingly imposed for any sign
of opposition. What made the Chins most determined to oppose the British was their demand for the freeing of slaves
and the collection of guns as fines. In the Hualngo-Lusei area, Nikhuai, a Zahau chief, who ruled a mixture of Lusei,
Zahau and Paite tribes rebelled against the British. Three other Lusei chiefs also refused to meet British demands.
Several Chin tribes in the Gungal area (the right bank of the Manipur River), the Sukte and Kamhau tracts rebelled
against the British, including Thuam Thawng, Chief of Kaptel. Thuam Thawng persuaded other Chins, especially the
Sizangs, to stand against the British. Chief Khai Kam of Khuasak, Thuam Thawng, Pau Dal(son of Thuam Thawng), and
Khan Hau, Chief of Heilei, decided to send messengers to Lusei, Haka, Tashon and Za Hau chiefs. The
messengersbrought back news of the willingness of these people to cooperate with them, and it was decided to invite
__________________________________________________
* Authors Note 1: The Lophei people were still residing at Khuasak, their original mother village. So at this time Khup Lians hereditary chieftainship
was not yet restored. It was restored when he and the Lophei people were permi tted to move back to their former village in 1894 which
was completely destroyed by the Tashons. See Remarks on Khuasak and Lophei villages in APPENDICES E & F. For photos of Chiefs
Mang Lun of Limkhai and Pau Khai of Buanman in PHOTO 23.
** See on next page for explanation
40
Mr. Carey, the Political Officer, to Pumva village and to ambush and kill him.
9.11.2 Plot of Twum Tong No sooner had Captain Rose crossed the Lushai border than the villages around
(p. 77) Botung conspired to attack the post. Twum Tong[Thuam Thawng], Chief of
Kaptyal[Kaptel], was the originator of the scheme; but his project was approved not only by the Nwengal, but also by
Yahow and Whenoh villages. Twun Tong was the first Nwengal Chief to submit to the British authority, and only a few
days previously he had received Captain Stevens and Mr. Sherman with every mark of respect and hospitality at his
village. His conduct, therefore, at first sight appears unaccountable, especially when it is remembered that some 200
Siyin and Sokte Chins were actually working for and accompanying the column when Twun Tong and his neighbours
formulated this plan to attack Lieutenant Henegan. Three years have elapsed since these events occurred, and we have
learnt that Twum Tong at this time had no private quarrel with the Government, but being an astute Chief, he had
grasped the policy of the Political Officer.
9.11.3 Policy of Disarmament This was to withdraw guns whenever opportunity offered, steadily and unostentatious-
(p.77) ly, so as not to rouse the clans to combined resistance, which would undoubtedly
have followed had a general disarmament been attempted. Twum Tong produced sound arguments to convince his
neighbours that total disarmament was aimed at, and he called their attention to the fact that the Political Officer had
during the season withdrawn guns from Kwungli, Taungshwe, Shellum, Shinshi, Yamwel, and Saimon, as well as from all
Tashon, Yahow, Whenoh or Nwengal villages on various pretexts, as fines for raiding, disobedience of orders, or for
carrying arms in the vicinity of the troops.
9.11.4 Outbreak of the Rebellion Whilst engaged on this tour in the south, Twum Tong, the Chief of Kaptyal*,
(p. 81-97) succeeded in inducing the Twuntak[Thuantak] and Toklaing[Thuklai] clans of Siyins to
join common cause with him, to rebel and attempt to drive our troops from the hills.
The story of the outbreak of the rebellion and the subsequent operations was given in detail by Mr. Carey in a report to
the local Government, dated the 26th May 1893, and the following extract from his report may be utilized to continue the
thread of this narrative: -
On 1st September 1892 I left Fort White on a protracted tour of inspection in the Southern Chin Hills, and
Mr. Fowler was left in charge of the Northern Chin Hills. When I left Fort White I looked on the behaviour of the
Siyins and Kanhows as satisfactory, all the Chiefs with the exception of Karmlung of Pomba and Kuppow of
Pimpi having come into wish me good-bye, and I had not a suspicion of the deep plot which was then being
planned by the very men who were bidding me farewell, and as for the conduct of the Nwengals I looked on
I lookit as annoying rather than dangerous, and I was counting on bringing them into order in another three
months and as soon as the rains ceased...On the 20th September Mr. Fowler telegraphed to me that he had
received information that Lushais and Yahows had met at Kaptyal to arrange with the Nwengals a plan for open
hostilities against the Government, and that the Pimpi Chins sympathized with the movement. On receipt of
this news I made a double march to Falam and interviewed the Falam Chiefs, who denied all knowlege of the
__________________________________________________________________
* Footnote 1 (p. 81): When the Nwengals attacked Botung (Bochung) and resisted Captain Stevens advance to the assistance of that garrision, the
Siyins had in no way identified themselves with the revolt, and it was not until July or August that they were persuaded to espouse Twum Tongs
cause. That old Chief realized that the murder of Me San and the attack on Botung would not pass unpunished, and he therefore convened several
councils to discuss the action which he should take. Kaikam, the son of Kuppow, the Siyin Chief, was notorious for his love of raiding and warfare,
and Twum Tong induced him to go to Kaptyal to attend his meetings. He had but small difficulty in persuading him that the Government intended to
disarm all the Chins piecemeal and that the Nwengals would be dealt with first and after them the Siyins. He explained that, if the
surrounding tribes would but combine, there should be no difficulty in driving the troops from the hills and thus saving their guns. Kaikam
and Twun Tong took an oath to stand by each other and to attack the troops...
- Twum Tong, the Kaptyal Chief, and his son have both died in jail, and I have now appointed the second son, a lad of 15, to be Chief, and I have
selected his advisers and placed him under the care of his cousion Howchinkup, the Kanhow Chief, who will see that the majority of the
villagers return and build the village, which already contains several houses.(The Events of 1893-94; under the title of: (7) The Sokte Tribe;
the last paragraph on page 111)
41
occurrence. I telegraphed to Mr. Fowler that such a thing as Lushais and Chins combining was impossible
as the Northern Chins and the Lushais are old enemies, and I informed him that it was improbable, now
that the open season was at hand, that those villages implicated in the rising of May had met and were dis-
cussing the advisability of war or surrender. I also instructed him to warn Pimpi not to be led into trouble and
to remind them of all they suffered in 1888-90....
Mr. Fowlers answer was that Twum Tong had sent messengers offering to surrender and asking for terms, and this
action on his part I looked at as very natural, as Twum Tong had much to lose by war, his magnificent village had never
been destroyed, and to this fact was due his influence and the size of his village, which was largely recruited from the
Sokte villages which had been destroyed in 1888-89... During October and November the Chin plan of campaign was
carried on with vigour by the Siyins, but poor spirit by the Nwengals; we lost several men killed and wounded, the
telegraph line was destroyed, mules were stolen, the Fort White-Kalemyo road blocked, and No. 3 Stockade attacked
and fired into on several occasions...On the 10th November Tannwe [Thangnuai] was destroyed and on the same day a
large combined force of Siyins and Sokte attempted to capture the mules and cut up their escort. The Chins were driven
off with loss and hunted over the hills...In conclusion I am able to report that the Siyins and Nwengals have received
very severe punishment for their dastardly outrage on 9th October and that the great majority of the rebel guns have
been withdrawn, whilst several of the most dangerous characters have been deported to Burma...Taking all matters into
consideration, I now think that the Siyin-Nwengal rebellion was the very best thing that could have happened for the
future peace of the Northern Hills and the Kale valley. I now only regret that it cost us the life of Myook Maung Tun Win
and the lives of so many soldiers...All through this report I have borne in mind that the military operations were for a
large portion of the expedition personally conducted by a very senior Military Officer, Brigadier-General Palmer, C.B.,
and I have therefore refrained from encroaching on what will form the subject of his dispatches. I must, however, if only
to acquit myself of the charge of egoism in my report on the expedition, place it on record that the great results which
have been achieved, in what is probably the most lengthy seasons work which has ever been known in the Assam
chain of mountains (9th October 1892-24th May 1893) reflect the highest credit on the troops engaged. No one realizes
more than I do that it is one thing to plan and another to carry out those plans, and that the policy and plans were
loyally carried out is examplified by the result of the partial disarmament of a mountain tract, fully 80 miles in length and
40 in breadth(see accompanying map), and peopled by an offshoot of the great Kuki tribe and consequently cousins to
the warlike Angamis and turbulent Naga tribes...(pp. 81-97)
The Sizangs sent a message to the Political Officer at Fort White (10 kilometers from Pumva), informing
him that Thuam Thawng was ready to surrender himself and that he brought with him an elephant tusk, a
rhinoceros horn and 150 guns to be presented to the political officer. But Mr. Carey was called to southern
Chin Hills, so that Mr. Maung Tun Win, the Township Officer in the northern Chin Hills, was assigned to the
task of going to Pumva to receive Thuam Thawng and his presents and guns. On October 9, 1892, Mr.
Tun Win and his two interpreters, and 30 soldiers who escorted them, on their way to Pumva in the Sizang
region, were ambushed by the Sizangs. Only five soldiers escaped. The rest, including Maung Tun Win
and his two Burmese interpreters, Aung Gyi and Aung Zan, were killed.(They were former slaves of the
Chins and served as interpreters for Carey, the Political Officer, since 1888.)
The British retaliation was harsh. The British sent General Palmer with a force of 2,500 men with two
mountain guns. Hundreds of villages in the Sukte and Kamhau tracts were burned down to the ground and
livestock taken away and crops destroyed as well. Besides, the British took family members of resistance
fighters as hostages. Due to lack of food it was impossible to keep women and children in the jungle, so
they had to come out again from their half-a-year hiding. At the end of the Siyin-Gungal Rebellion several
chiefs and resistance fighters from various tribes had either surrendered or been captured and sent to
jails in Burma, where some of them died in captivity. Among them were Chief Thuam Thawng,* who died in
Kindat Jail in December 1893, and his son, Pau Dal, in the same Jail in January 1894. Chief Khai Kam of
Khuasak was sentenced to life and banished on the notorious Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean.
42
9.11.5 THE SIYIN* REBELLION
By Major General R.C. Stewart C.B.
Commanding Burma District
Dated Chindwin River: 21st February 1893
I beg to note, for the Chief Commissioners information, the state of affairs in the Chin Hills, as the result of my late
visit to Fort White and Haka.
Note on the state of affairs in the Chin Hills in February 1893.
Military Situation: The Chief Commissioner is aware of the circumstances connected with the murder of the Myook and a
portion of the escorts by the Siyins and Nwengals, and subsequent telegrams and diaries have related the progress of
the revolt and of the operations which were deemed necessary to suppress it. On the first outbreak of the Siyins on the
9th October 1892 the garrisons of Fort White was reinforced by two guns of No. 7 Bombay Mountain Battery, and 100
rifles with Headquarters, 1st Burma Battalion, under Captain Presgrave, and subsequently by 200 rifles Norfolk
Regiment, under Captain Baker, which enable the offensive to be taken with vigour; and General Palmer, Commanding
the Myingyan District, arrived at Fort White on the 1st December and assumed control of the operations. As the most
effective way of dealing with the Siyins, General Palmer asked for more troops, and so 300 rifles, 5th Burma Battalion
under Lieutenant Taylor, and the Headquarters and 400 rifles, 6th Burma Battalion, under Captain Keary, D.S.O., were
added to the force.
Posts were then established at Dimlo, Phunnum, and Montok; and on the 2nd Januray General Palmer with two
guns, 100 rifles, Norfolk Regiment; 50 rifles, 21st Pioneers, 200 rifles, 1st Battalion; 100 rifles, 5th Burma Battalion;
moved from Fort White across the Nankate[Vangteh] and on the 13th January occupied Kaptial[Kaptel], the principal and
most recalcitrant village of the Nwengals. The policy throughout had been to harry the revolted tribes, and to destroy
their grain supplies as much as possible. Small parties have been despatched daily from several posts to search the
valley and ravines, and to hunt up Chins still lingering in the vicinity of the occupied villages. The results have been
satisfactory and the tribes are being severely punished. It is difficult to estimate what their losses have been, because
in all encounters with our troops the Chins have invariably been seen to carry off their wounded. On our side the losses
have been extemely heavy, a total of 53 having been killed and wounded since the operations commenced.
When I left Fort White General Palmer and Mr. Carey were very hopeful that both the Nwengals and the Siyins would
shortly submit. Some guns had already been brought in from villages across the Nankate, and Dimlo, Pomvar and other
Siyin villages were asking terms. I have every reason to hope, therefore, that full submission may shortly be expected,
and I consider it a matter of congratulation that the revolt has been localised, and that the neighbouring tribes have not
joined in it.(Vum Ko Hau, pp. 453-454)
9.11.6 The Operations against the Siyin Rebels As already remarked, it was not until the visit of the Viceroy to
(The Events of 1893-94, pp. 103-106) Burma that the extra troops were sanctioned for the Northern Chin
Hills and consequently the Pimpi operations could not be
commenced as early as they should have been, as the garrison weakended by the absence of men on furlough was
unable to take the field without reinforcements.
The rebels at this time amounted to 127 men fully armed with their families; they all belonged to the Siyin[Khuasak &
Lophei] and Tokelaing [Thuklai] clans, formerly occupying the villages of Shwimpi Suangpi], Pimpi, Tannwe[Thangnuai],
Phunum [Phunom], and Pumba[Pumva]; they were the only rebels who had not been coerced into surrender last year.
Major (then Captain) Presgrave, Commanding the Northern Chin Hills, now (21st December[1893]) commenced work
by advancing into the rebel tract in three parties of 75 rifles each; the parties severally starting from Fort White, No. 3
_______________________________________________________
* Under the term Siyin in this particular case the British meant those who were and still are living at such villages as Pimpi, Shwimpi (Suangpi),
Phunom, Zung, Thangnuai, etc. These villages are located in the immediate vicinity of these present-day Siyin villages: Toklaing (Thuklai), Koset
(Khuasak), Bweman (Buanman), Sagylain (Sakhiling/Limkhai), Lope (Lophei), Pumba (Pumva), Voklak, Dolluang, Tamdeang/Suangdaw and
Theizang.
- For a list of some of the veterans of the Sizang contingents against the British from 1888 to 1894. see APPENDIX L.
- See also APPENDICES EE to EE - 11(MAP 2) for more informatiion on other related topics.
43
Stockade, and No. 2 Stockade. These parties scoured the country, but without success, for, although they found traces
of the existence of the rebels, they were unable to to come up with them as the rebels had elected to hide in the dense
jungles, hoping that these tactics would sicken us into retiring and into leaving them in peace...The Siyin was
determined and so were we, and the same result might have been accomplished without all this expense to us and all
this suffering to them had they so wished it. They were determined to fight it out to the end, if privation is one of the
chief causes of their final capitulation, they have but themselves to blame. I wish to place on record that the successful
issue of this operation is due in great measure to the skill of Major Presgrave, who commanded the troops throughout
the entire operation, and to the determination and energy displayed by Lieutenant Sutton and his detachment of the 1st
Burma Rifles, who worked magnificently throughout.
______________________
_ It is true that our instructions were to punitively visit the tribes, but that force is no remedy had been proved with the
Siyins and the Kanhows, who have taken the severest punishment with courage and obstinacy that have excited our
wonder and admiration.
_ Brigadier-General W. Penn Symons, C.B. Commanding, Chin-Lushai Expeditionary Force
_____________________________________
9.12 THE HISTORY OF THE SOKTE TRIBE
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 118-126)
9.12.1. Origin of the Sokte The Sokte, in common with all the Northern Chins, believed that their original
progenitors commenced life at Chin Nwe[Ciim Nuai] and they affirm that their tribal
name of Sokte bears out this theory. Sok or Shok means to go down or below and te is the plural affix applied to
persons, and the tribal name therefore Sokte, implying those who went south or below the parent village to settle.
Molbem, which lies south of Chin Nwe, is, we know, the original capital of the Sokte tribe...The Soktes trace back their
pedigree for six generations. Of the first two Chiefs, Mang Pyim and Mang Kim, tradition tells us but little. They are
supposed to have fostered the little settlement at Molbem[Mualbem], which became a large and flourishing village in
Mang Kims time. Both these Chiefs are buried at Molbem...
9.12.2 Rise and Deeds of Kantum The first name of real note in the history of the Sokte is that of Mang Kims
son, Kantum[Khan Thuam]. As a young man, Kantum quarrelled with his
fathers people and lived in the south till Mang Kims death. He then returned, accompanied by followers from the
Tashon country, and placing himself at the head of the Sokte family proceeded to conquer the Northern Chin Hills. He
carried his arms right up to the plains of Manipur; and all the tribes he met with on the way either paid him tribute without
fighting, or paid him tribute after having defeated. The great work of his life was the conquest of the Northern Hills...The
tribes conquered by Kantum were the Nwites[Guite], who then occupied the tract we now know as the Kanhow tract; the
Yos, who are still found dotted about the Northern hills and in the hills south-east of Cachar; the Thados, who then, and
still, inhabit the hills fringling the plains of Manipur and the Kabaw valley; and the Vaipeis[Vaipheis], a tribe which has
entirely disappeared from the Chin Hills...We may, therefore, fix the approximate date of the Sokte conquest as
1840...Kantum died and was buried at Mobem. He had six sons: the eldest was Kanhow and the youngest Yapow[Za
Pau]. According to the tribal custom Yapow inherited his fathers house at Mobem and the chieftainship of the
tribe...Kanhow, however, had already founded a village called Tiddim in the midst of his fathers conquests and although
by right of custom he was subordinate to his younger brother, he nevertheless ruled his villages so absolutely that the
Sokte tribe became known as two separate communities; those villages directly under Yapow adhering to the tribal name
of Sokte, whilst those ruled by Kanhow took the name of Kanhowte or Kanhows people, who are known to this day as
the Kanhow clan of the Sokte tribe...At his fathers death Kanhow at once adopted an aggressive policy, and although
his father earned the title of the conqueror, to Kanhow belongs the credit of consolidating the aliens into one tribe,
whose name became fully terror to Manipur, Lushai, and Burma...(pp. 118-19)
9.12.3 Expedition of Manipur against the Sokte In 1856 the Soktes committed a serious raid on a hill village in
Manipur. The result of the expedition undertaken in consequence
44
of this raid has already been noticed. Soktes and Siyins tell us that the Maharajah, who was carried in a palanquin, led
his army right up to Tiddim, Kamhow allowing it to advance in peace. Kanhow meanwhile collected all his forces at
Tiddim. Here Yapow joined him with the Soktes, and the Siyins under their Chiefs also came to Tiddim to fight the
common enemy. When the Manipuris were within a few miles of Tiddim, Kanhow let out his force against them, and after
a few minutes of heavy fire the Manipuris broke and retreated, leaving heavy baggage and the Maharajahs palaquin in
the hands of the Chins. The Manipuris tried to return home along the course of the Manipur river and the Soktes state
that more were drowned in the river than were killed by the Chins. Tradition so exaggerates the catastrophe of the
Manipuris that the Chins now believe that so many bodies floated down the river as to poison the water, and that the
Burmans sent a message up to the hills begging the Chins not to defile the river as it was used for drinking purposes.
The Soktes assert that they captured forty guns, and the reward for the Siyins for their assistance was three
Manipuris heads.* After this and during the rest of Kanhows reign his people from time to time raided Manipur.(pp. 120-21)
9.12.4 Aid afforded by Kochin in Lushai Expedition The first event of interest in Kochins reign was the
part he played as our ally in the Lushai campaign of 1871.
As already related, he furnished assistance at the instance of the Maharajah of Manipur. The Sokes say that the
Manipuris sent a large brass pot to Kochin at Tiddim, and asked him to help them in their war with Vanolel. He joyfully
assented, collecting a huge raiding party, which numbered severa hundred men and, accompanied by his brothers, set
out from Tiddim, and marching two days and one night reached Champai. They found the village heavily stockaded and
therefore decided not to attack, but to fight from a large stockade which the Lushais had constructed on the road to the
village, which they quietly occupied at night. The next day they opened fire on the Lushais, killing three, but the Lushais
surrounded and fought them all day, and at night the Kanhows considered it adviserable to retire.
This they succeeded in doing with a loss of three killed and four wounded.
The next day General Bourchiers column marched into Champai, and the following extract from the Pioneer of the
7th May 1872 bears out the Chin story: -
On the 17th February they(the left column) reached the village(Champai). But other invaders had been there
before them; and signs of war and slaughter greeted them on every side. The withdrawal of the Manipur
contingent from the frontier, owing to sickness, had set free the Sokte Kookies, old enemies of the Lushais,
who, seizing the opportunity and knowing the panic caused by the advance of the British column, made fierce
onslaught under the guidance of their Chief Kanhow. Lalbura it is true had beaten them off with loss, but their
attack had probably prevented his occupying a strong position which he had stockaded across the route by
which the column came, and frustrated the hopes he entertained of entangling them in the mountains.
Whilst Kochin was thus actively assisting the British troops by attacking Lalbura in the rear, the action of the
Manipuris in arresting Nokatung alienated him from our cause. After obtaining the restoration of the bones of Nokatung,
who died in Manipur, and an exchange of prisoners, Kochin having nothing more to gain by negotiations, set to work to
avenge Nokatungs treacherous arrest and consequent death by raiding and pillaging Manipur. Mention has already been
made of the raiding on Manipur and the expedition sent in 1875 against the Kanhows...(pp. 122-23)
9.12.5 THE SIYIN AND KAM HAU CHIEFS IN RANGOON**
_ In April[ 1891] Myook[Civil Officer or in modern usage: Township Officer - its a Burmese word] Maung Tun Win took
down the Kanhow Chiefs who had been captured at Tunzan[Tonzang], and four other Siyins (Kumlin, Ya Wun, Howsun
and Kuplyin) to visit Rangoon[the seat of the British colonial administration] and Mandalay [the residence of Burmese
kings until the British conquest]. It was considered that the sight of our power and possessions would do much to
convince the Chiefs of the futility of resisting us, and would also tend to overcome their mistrust of our sentiments
towards them. Except that one Siyin died, the trip was a great success in every way, and the Chins returned well
pleased with all that they had seen and the kind of treatment which they had experienced throughout their travels. On
the 23rd June Captain Rose, having collected all the Soktes and Kanhows of importance, held a durbar at Fort White,
_________________________________________________________
* According to the Sizangs record the Sizangs captured 12 guns for themselves.
** See on next page for explanation
45
when Howcinkhup and all the elders of the clan took oath of allegiance to the British Government and swore to abstain
from raiding Burma. Howcinkhup and all the Kanhow prisoners were then released, and they amply repaid the
Government for this act of clemency a year and a half later by staunchly standing aloof from the rebellion which was
raised by their relations of the Nwengal tract in common with the Siyins. (Carey & Tuck, p.54)
9.13 THE TASHON TRIBE
9.13.1 Legendary Origin of the Tashons The Thados, as has been remarked, claim their origin from the bowel of the
earth, and the Tashons also believe that their original parents stepped, not
out of a burrow like the Thados, but out of solid rock. At Shunkla there is a large rock and out of this the Tashons
believe that a man and a woman came, who settling down close by became the parents of those who are now called the
Shunkla tribe proper. The Tashons call themselves Shunkla after the name of the village which they believe their first
parents started, building themselves the first house after emerging from the rock, and by this name they are known to
all the southern tribes...(Carey & Tuck, 141-142)
9.13.2 Rise of the Power of the Tashons After the Shunklas(Tashon is the Burmese corruption of the word Shunkla)
had founded Falam they gradually brought all their neighbours, both relations
and aliens, under their control. When we occupied Chinland we found the Tashons numerically the most powerful in the
hills... The Tashon tribesmen, unlike Siyins and Soktes, do not claim one common progenitor. They are a community
composed of aliens, who have been collected under one family by conquest, or more correctly strategy. The esprit de
corps in the tribe therefore falls far short of that displayed in the Siyin, Sokte and Thado tribes. The members of the
Falam council are not looked up to as every mans hereditary and lawful lord, as is the case with Chiefs in the north.
They are parvenus and aliens, who cannot expect to be treated with the respect which high birth demands and secures
in all Kuki tribes. The Tashon Chiefs themselves are well aware that their birth does not entitle them to the love and
respect of their people. To maintain their position they keep their people constantly crushed under a yoke of taxation
and fines, and should any village show signs of impatience or resistance it is promptly dealt with and crippled. The
people of the Tashon tribe may be classed into five divisions - (1) The Shunkla(2) The Yahow(3) The Tawyan(4) The
Kweshin(5) The Whenoh. These five divisions may be subdivided into - (1) Shunkla of Falam(2) Other Shunkla(3)The
Yahow tribe proper(4) Other villages of Yahow origin (5) Kwungli[Khuangli](6) The Norn[Ngawn] family(7)The Kweshin and
Minledaung community(8) Tawyan(9) The Whenoh clan.
9.13.3 Suzerainty of the Tashons From the foregoing pages it will be gathered that the Shunklas of Falam rule
and the Council of Chiefs a heterogeneous community composed of various aliens, who far outnumber
the ruling tribe. The fact that they have acquired and maintained their rule
_____________________________________________________________
** Explanation for previous page:
Authors Note 1: There had always been a very unique relationship between the Sizangs and the Sukte/Kamhaus from ancient times up to WW II.
They were natural allies in times of war and peace, even though they had fought against each other for a couple of times. And although the
Sukte/Kamhaus expanded their territory even as far north as the Manipuri Kingdom they remained the allies of the Sizangs who lived in their
immediate neighbourhood. The Sizangs had even fought together with them as their ally against the Manipuri when the later invaded the
Sokte/Kamhau territory. Or they (Sukte/Kamhaus) remained mostly neutral during the several tribal wars of the Sizangs and the combined forces of
the Tashon/Tlaisuns, Hualngos, Zahaus and Khuanglis. (For more information on these subjects, see 9.10 The History of the Siyin Tribe, and 9.12
The History of the Sokte Tribe.) And they were once again allies against the British Colonialists and later against the Japanese, too, during the
Second World War. The Sizangs were so fiersely independent-minded that they did not attempt to expand their influence to any other
tribes, nor did they tolerate attempts by others to influence them either.(See also Conclusion Remarks on p. 4 of APPENDIX EE )
Note 2. Chin Chiefs and Elders were invited to Rangoon in 3 batches: In the 1st batch were the Sizang and Sokte Chiefs as mentioned
above(Footnote 2, p. 54: The Kanhows were Howcinkhup[Hau Cin Khup], Ninzathang[Neng Za Thang], and two women, and the Siyins were
Kumlin[Khum Lian], Ya Wum[Za Vum], Howsun[Hau Suang], and Kuplyin[Khup Lian]; in the 2nd batch were Chiefs from Haka area(see 9.8.8);
and in the 3rd batch were 49 Chin Chiefs and Elders representing several tribes in November 1893 - among them were 1 Chief and 6 minor
chiefs of the Tashons and 4 of their followers. Two Siyin Chiefs: Mang Lon of Sagyilain and Ngo Kho Thawng of Thuklai, and 6 Elders were also in
this batch. (Carey & Tuck, p.101-102)
46
over all these people speaks well for their power of administration. They hold their position, not so much through their
prowess in the field as through the ingenuity which has enabled them to play off one sept against another and thus
uphold their rule over the whole. The Falam tribe is administered by a council of five Chiefs, who are all chosen from the
Shunkla and Falam villages. The post of councillor is attained, not by virtue of birth, but by the vote of the people. It is
a most extraordinary circumstance to find a Kuki tribe disregarding birth, and appointing to rule them five men who
may be of plebeian origin and who have attained affluence by successful trade, proved their wisdom in diplomacy, or
fought their way to fame in raids and wars. Amongst the Chins, as among the Kukis, it is the male issue which
commands respect and demands rights, but amongst the Shunklas a plebeian like Sonpek[Con Bik] who is the
greatest man in the tribe, can make himself Chief by right, through marrying into a family of Chiefs. Such a thing would
not be possible amongst the Hakas and Soktes. The aristocratic family of the Shunklas is the Kong Perr[Cong Khar],
to which the two old councilmen Karr Lyin[Khar Lian] and Man Hlorr[Mang Hlur] belong. The other three are men whose
position in the tribes is due either to their own efforts or to distinction gained by their fathers.(p. 149)
9.13.4 March to Falam General Graham now fixed the 10th March[1891] as the date on which the Haka-
{Second Expedition to Falam} Falam column should start, and on that day a column of 300 rifles and two guns
under the command of Colonel Mainwaring, accompanied by Mr. Ross and
Lieutenant Macnabb, Political Officers, marched from Haka along the new mule-track, which was now finished as far as
the Minkin hill. On the 13th, after a peaceful march, the column camped on the same spot as in 1890 on the north-west
side of the capital, the Northern column, as already related, encamping near Pate. The reception of the columns was
friendly, but the Tashons had gathered in force around their mother village, and both columns were very closely watched
by Chin piquets...On the 16th the Haka column started on its return march, leaving Lieutenant Macnabb with the road-
making party under Captain Stevevens, who had not yet completed the mule-track. During the next four days the road
was completed, and Liutenant Macnabb, who had seen much of the Falam Chiefs during this time, had gained valuable
information regarding the sentiments and customs of the Tashons...(pp. 50-51)
9.13.5 Meeting with the Tashon Chiefs and In the afternoon of 11th March[1889] General W. Penn Symons
the Gathering of Chins at Falam summoned the Falam Chiefs and read out the terms which had
already been explained to them some three months previously by
Major Raikes. The Chiefs, to our intense surprise, after permitting the columns to approach their capital unopposed,
firmly and politely declined to acknowledge the supremacy of the British Government by paying tribute; and, without
absolutely refusing, expressed their doubts at being able to pay any portion of the fine imposed on them by habouring
rebels and raiding in the plains.
The General dismissed the Chiefs with a solemn warning to carefully consider their final answer, which was to be
given within two days. At this time the whole valley, in which formerly lay the original village of Falam, was full of armed
Chins, numbering not less than 3,000 men, gathered from all sides; the host seemed to to settle itself in groups of from
10 to 100 men; they were quiet in demeanour, but held their heads high and seemed quite prepared for whatever might
be the result of the negotiations. The crowd was a motley one, the Tashon Chiefs dressed in the gaudy tartan of the
tribe, well armed with bright guns, vermilion and black parti-coloured da scabbards, and beautifully inlaid powder-horns.
The Whenohs were conspicuous by their chignons, which contrasted with the lofty head-dresse of their neighbours, the
Yahows, who were present carrrying the strange Shendu chopper-shaped da in basketwork scabbards. Scattered
around in bunches were scowling Siyins, the half-breeds from Tawyan and Minledaung, the semi-independent clique of
Kwungli, and the trans-Nankathe tribesmen of Sokte and Poi origin. The congregation was armed with a variety of
weapons; spears and flint-lock guns predominated, but bows and quivers of barbed arrows were carried by not a few.
Each man bore his food-supply for a few days on his back.(p. 39)
9.13.6 Position of the Tashons Doubtless it was the presence of this large force drawn from so many tribes and
from the very borders of the Lushai country that induced the Tashon Chiefs to show
a bold front, fully believing that with our small force we should be alarmed at the display of the Chin strength. The
Chiefs when they informed General Symons that they would not pay tribute were quite sincere and intended to fight
rather than pay, though they preferred to gain their end without fighting if possible. It must be remembered that the
47
Tashons held a unique position in Chinland at this time. All the tribes from Manipur to Haka and from Burma to Lushai
owed them nominal allegiance and the Tashons, realized that their prestige would be gone and the name of Falam
lowered in the eyes of Chinland if they in common with the petty clans had to pay tribute and acknowledge the
supremacy of the white men. (p. 39)
9.13.7 Decadence of the Tashon Power The Falam council recognizes that the tribal position is in a most critical
state at the present time. They not only failed to keep us out of the Siyin
country in 1889, but they also met with no success when they tried to prevent our visiting Falam in 1890 and again, two
years later, when we placed a post at their village. Their position then became still more unstable. They had approved
the Siyin-Nwengal rebellion, although they did not openly assist the rebels, and when we had finished dealing with the
Northerners, we disarmed some Whenoh and Yahow tribesmen as well as some Norns subordinate to the Kwungli and
tributary to Falam. The people thus saw what we already suspected, namely, that Falam was afraid to fight us for the
guns of their subordinates. This year has seen the partial disarmament of the south, and now that the northern and
southern tribes are disarmed, the Tashons recognize that their turn comes next, and they are very awkwardly placed. If
they surrender their guns, their power will be diminished and their prestige lowered; if, on the other hand, they fight, they
are certain to be beaten, their fine capital will be at the mercy of the troops and Government as a punishment may split
up the present Tashon possessions into two or three independent chieftainships, Falam retaining the Shunklas,
Kweshins, Torrs, while the Yahows and Whenohs would be independent of the Tashons and directly subordinate to the
Assistant Political Officer at Falam.(p. 151)
9.13.8 Occupation of Falam Marching from Haka on the 10th March[1892] the column was met on the 12th by a
deputation of Falam Chiefs and arrived on the 13th at our old camp near Falam, where
we were met by more Chiefs. The Falam Chiefs were now told for the first time that we intended to occupy their village.
They strongly objected, having hoped that we would camp where we were as we had done the two previous years.
However, we had not come out to bandy words with them, and so, keeping the principle Chiefs as a safeguard, the
troops advanced with all military precautions, it being impossible to see the villages until quite close to it. No resistance
was offered and the village was peacefully occupied... (p. 65)
9.14 THE YAHOW TRIBE
The Yahow tribe is apparently as distinct from the Shunklas as is the Siyin tribe from the Soktes. The Yahows affirm
that once upon a time the sun laid an egg on the earth and that a Burmese woman picked it up on the Webula Hill, and
taking it home with her and placed it in a pot, when in course of time it hatched and produced four boys. These boys
thrived and grew up to manhood and married women of the people who were in existence when they were hatched. The
eldest Hlungsao settled at Kairon, the second went to Tosum, the third to the village of Khanron, whilst the youngest
named Yahow founded Klao village, the present capital of the Yahow tribe, and the home of Vannul, the present Chief,
who is the legimate descendant of the founder of the tribe which bears his name. In course of time the clan Yahow
became powerful, but around their villages lived other strong communities related to them, but of different family; those
we now identify as the inhabitants of Rumklao, Minkin and Kwungli. The last village was formidable, for the Norns are an
offshoot of it. They now reside on the left bank of the Manipur river, their villages stretching from Bawlaw to ShinShi and
again on the right bank of the river in a group, the principals of which are Kopwal and Sailmon...(pp. 143-145)
9. 15 THE WHENOH TRIBE
The Whenoh community community consists of Lushais who have been left behind in territory which is now a part of
Chinland, but which formerly was inhabited by Lushais. They were driven west by the Chins across the Tyao and later
still were forced further west and across the Tuipi river. When we first came here there were no Lushais living between
the Tuipi and the Tyao, but now that raiding has been stopped the Lushais can and doubtless will avail themselves of
the opportunity to return and rebuild in the now uninhabited tracts. The Whenohs say that they came out of rocks at
Seipi. This is a village which doubtless was large and powerful years ago, but which now insignificant, owing to the fact
48
that most of the people have left it to build other villages in its vicinity. It is probable that when the Chins drove out the
Lushais, Sepi village made peace and was allowed to remain behind, paying tribute to the Chins. The people have many
characteristics of the Lushais; they wear their hair on the nape of the neck and live in temporary villages built of
bamboo...(p. 148)
9.16 THE THADO TRIBE
The hillmen, known as the Kukis or Khongjais, live for the greater part north of the Chin Hills boundary line and in the
hill territory belonging to Manipur, but as they are our northern neighbours, and also because we have six Kuki villages
in the Kanhow jurisdiction, it many be interesting to give a short acount of these people. The Manipuris call the Kukis
Khongjais, and class them as either old or new according to the date when they settled down under Manipuri rule. The
Chins, however, know them only by the name of their original progenitor, Thado, though they divide them into various
familiies, the chief of which is the Mangvum family, which is at the present day found inhabiting the villages of
Lormpi(Mombee), Twelbung, Ewankwa, Sinnum, Saivum, and Shimwell, all under Manipur. Other and less aristocratic
families are Vumlu and Vumtam, which are found in Kainzoi and Kwun Kam(Savum Kwa) in Manipur territory, and in
Hianzan, Balbil, Haitsi, Hanken, and Halkum int he Chin Hills. There can be no doubt that the Chins and the Kukis are
one and the same race, for their appearance, manners, customs, and language all point to this conclusion...(pp. 135-140)j
9.17 THE YO TRIBE
The Yo tribe three generations back occupied the tract of country now inhabited by the Kanhow clan of Soktes, and
many of the Kanhow villages are inhabitedd still by Yos, whose tribal name has given way to that of the Kanhow. As
has been shown in a previous chapter, Kantum, the Sokte, conquered all the inhabitants right up to the borders of
Manipur, and Kanhow, his son, founded Tiddim village and ruled the newly acquired conquests of his father. The
conquered Yos thus became known as Kanowte, Kanhows men, and as they intermarried with the Soktes who settled
north with Kanhow, there is now no real differeance between the conquerors and the conquered. Soktes, Yos, and
Kanhows are practically one people, though no Sokte Chief would admit that he is not of superior birth to a Yo. The Yos
who still live in the Chin Hills are treated as Soktes. The great majority of them live in the Kanhow tract and are
subordinate to Howchinkup. For many years past, as is shown in the Manipur records, number of emigrants crossed the
Northern Chin border and setttled down along the south of Manipur plain, west of the longitude of Howbi peak and in the
hills south of Cachar. These Yos as well as the Thados and Nwites are called by the Manipuris Kukis or Khongjais, who
only made their acquaintance after they had migrated north, but the people call themselves by the name of Yo, and
those who belong to the Man Lun family consider that they have a right to be proud of their birth...(p. 140)
9.18 THE NWITE TRIBE
The Nwites, in commond with the Northern Chins, believe that they are the descendants of tha man and woman who
fell from the clouds on the earth at Chin Nwe. From Manipur records and from the lips of old tribesmen we know that
formerly the Nwites owned large villages around the present posts of Tiddim. But now these village-sites are either
deserted or occupied by Kanhows, and the Nwites have left Chinland and have settled down on the southern border of
Manipur and the north-east concern of Lushailand. The Nwites were conquered by Kantum, the Sokte Chief, and the
greater portion of them quietly submitted to his rule, and after his death to that of his sons. But the land appears to
have been incapable of feeding both the conquerors and the conquered, and therefore the later had to give way...The
Nwites have not totally disappeared from the Chin Hills. The large village of Wunkathe[Vangteh] is inhabited chiefly by
Nwites who, however, are subordinate to the Sokete Chief and who for all intents and purposes are Soktes. About 1870
the great exodus of the Nwites from around Tiddim occured, the people moving by two routes, one party going north and
settling down at and around Mwelpi, the site of an old Thado village, and the other party migrating into Lushai and
settling down amongst the Lushais under the Chief Poiboi. The Torngorngs, or Nwites, were visited in 1892 by the Chin
Hills Political Officer, who also met several of their Chiefs again whilst engaged on the demarcation of the Chin-Manipur
boundary...(pp. 140-141)
49
9.19 THE EVENTS OF 1894-95[FINAL STAGES OF BRITISH ANNEXATION]
(pp. 114-117)
9.19.1 Expedition against Thetta During the rains of 1894 peace reigned in the Chin Hills, broken only by
Thetta village, which decoited some baffaloes on the Kan-Haka road. This
village, which had during the previous cold weather recommenced the prosecution of blood feuds, now became restless
and the Chiefs refused to recognize our right to summon them and to control the actions of their people.
After a full enquiry has been held concerning the conduct of the village, the Government of India sanctioned an
expedition against Thetta. The force consisted of 150 rifles of the 6th Burma Battalion and 50 rifles of the 1st Burma
Rifles, and also two guns of No. 7 Bombay Mountain Battery, which were sent from Mandalay. The expedition was
commanded by Major Keary, D.S.O., 6th Burma Battalion, and Mr. H. N. Tuck was entrusted with the political control.
The expedition left Haka on 1st January 1895 in two parties. Major Kearys force, consisting of 150 rifles and two guns,
advanced on the village, whilst Lieutenant Henegan, with 50 rifles, made a detour and, marching via Rawvan, took the
village in the rear. The Thettas offered no opposition and the village was occupied on 2nd January, being the fourth
anniversary of the previous attack. Mr. Tuck at once convened an assemblage of the villagers and publicly announced
that the Government had ordered the total disarmament of the village. The Chiefs promised to comply with the terms and
were held as security for their own promises.
The villagers were prepared to pay a small fine in guns, but they had not expected total disarmament and they now
tried by every passive means to evade the demands. The troops therefore, adopting the tactics which had been learnt in
the Northern Chin rebellion, moved out and laid waste the fields and burned the grain supplies, which soon had the
effect of bringing in 80 guns, the full number demanded.
9.19.2 Surrender of guns by Yokwas Meanwhile Mr. Carey, the Political Officer, who was watching events at
Haka, was approaced by the Yokwas, who brought in 33 guns and promised
to increase this number to 80, at the same time begging that they might not be punished by the troops for any mistakes
which they had committed in the past. It had not been intended to punish Yokwa or to disarm the tribe, but now the
chance was too good to be lost and Yokwa was ordered to pay a fine of 100 guns.
9.19.3 Disarmament of southern villages It is now probable, as Yokwa was in such a satisfactory frame of mind, that
other villages in the immediate vicinity of Thetta would also lay down their
arms, and it was therefore proposed that the column should leave Thetta and march south to Shurkwa to disarm as
many villages as might appear willing to peacefully surrender their guns. The Local Government sanctioned this proposal
and Mr. Carey then joined the column at Thetta. Thetta had now completed its fine and therefore the Political Officer
released the Chiefs and in open durbar degraded them from their position, dissolved the council forever, and appointed
Radun, an hereditary and well-disposed Chief, to be the sole recognized Chief of the village. The column then marched
south to Shurkwa and during the next 10 days the surrounding villages brought in their guns to our camps and broke
them up themselves in our presence,..
9.19.4 Further progress of disarmament A further grant of Rs 5,000 was now obtained to continue the work and
messengers were sent to the powerful Naring group ordering them to bring in
a portion of their guns and they unhesitatingly complied. Messengers were next sent to the two Haka villages of
Dongvar and Bwelon, demanding their guns, and these villages, after reference to the Haka Chiefs, meekly obeyed the
order. The column returned to Haka on 15th February, having taken 936 guns from the 37 independent villages, the
Yokwa tribe, and two Haka villages. It was evident, by the surrender of the Bwelon and Dongvar guns, that that the
Hakas were not prepared to to fight for their guns, and so the Chiefs were summoned and informed that it was decided
to disarm the tribe fortwith. They made no protest, but merely begged that the disarmament should be partial and not
thoroughly, as their guns were really necessary to protect their crops from wild animals and had never, like the Thetta,
Klangklang, Yokwa, and Shurkwa guns, been misused for firing on the troops.
9.19.5 Disarmament of the Hakas and Yokwas The assessment on the Haka villages was fixed, as
50
in the case of the independent southern villages, at
two-thirds of the total number of guns, which we believed, and not what the people themselves asserted,
that they possessed. Curiously enough the Yokwas, who had voluntarily come forward and surrendered
guns, now cavilled at paying up the 100 demanded of them, and so Mr. Thruston accompanied by Captain
Hehegan marched to Yokwa and brought pressure to bear on the Chiefs, which resulted in the full amount
of 100 guns being surrendered, in addition to a further number of 32 out of the extra 50 now demanded for
procrastination. Mr. Carey now left the Southern Chin Hills and Mr. Tuck[Assistant Political Officer] continued
the work of disarmament.
9.19.6 Disarmament of Klangklang and villages On 7th March, with a party of 100 rifles commanded by Lieutenant
on the South Lushai border Geoghegen, he left Haka to disarm the Haka and Klangklang
villages which lie to the west of Haka and which border the Southern
Lushai Hills. The party remained out for 20 days and dealt with 24 villages, withdrawing 224 guns from the Klangklang
country and 84 from the western Haka villages. The Klangklang tribe was thus practically disarmed for, in addition to
the 224 guns now received, 266 had been withdrawn prior to the trip, and thus 490 guns had been taken from a tribe
which contains but 975 houses. While Mr. Tuck was collecting guns on the Lushai border, Mr. Thruston remained at
Haka and received the guns brought in by the surrounding Haka villages, which amounted to two hundred in the three
weeks. On 1st April the gun register showed that we had disarmed the Chin Hills to the following extent: -
Tashons 255
Yahows 40
Whenohs 76
Hakas 605
Klangklangs 490
Yokwas 140
Independent villages 940
Siyins 433
Soktes 340
Sokte-Nwengals 533
Kanhows 307
Thados 123
___
4,302*
___
9.19.7 Tour in the Yahow and Tashon tracts In the Central Chin Hills Mr. Biggwither, Assistant Political
Officer, accompanied by Captain Keate, 6th Burma Battalion, made
a tour in the Yahow tract, visiting 24 villages. The trip was entirely successful and peaceful; an increase of 739 houses
was discovered and cordial relations were established with Vannul, the Chief of the Yahow tribe, who up to this time had
held somewhat aloof of us, and had not visited us in our houses. Mr. Biggwither also made other tours in the Tashon
tract which were of a friendly and peaceful nature.
_____________________________________________________
* Authors(tzd) Note: The Chins everywhere did not surrender all the guns they actually had; but when it became too dangerous to keep them without
licence they destroyed these guns themselves, because the British did not pay any compensation for surrendered guns anyway. The
conservative estimate of hidden guns among the Sizangs alone were some 500. This author has no reliable information as to the amount of
unsurrendered guns among other Zo tribes, but it could also surely be a couple of thousands. See this British record:The Chief Manh Suang
deported as a Political prisoner for urging his villagers not to surrender unstamped guns; vide Criminal case No. 21 of 1898/99 dated 12
December 1898.(Source: Vum Ko Hau, p. 202. Manh Suang was the paternal uncle of Khup Lian. As Manh Suangs only son was deemed unfit
to inherit the chiettainship, it was passed on to Khup Lian. Vum Ko Haus mother, Ciang Zam, by the way, was a daughter of Manh Suang. )
51
9.19.8 Final settlement with the Siyins In the beginning of December[1894] the Political Officer, accompa-
nied by Mr. Fowler, made a tour in the Siyin country for the purpose
of appointing Chiefs of the various clans, for, with the exception of Mang Lon, Chief of Sagyilain, all the
Chiefs had died or been deported during the rebellion of 1892. Strict enquiries were instituted as to the hereditary
rights of the various claimants and durbars were held at Tavak[Khuasak], Lope[Lophei], and Toklaing[Thuklai], when the
Chiefs of each clan were formally appointed, each receiving a parchment sanad. This incident closes the rebellion of
1892-93.
In January[1895] Mr. Fowler, with a small escort, made a tour in the Siyin country, his primary object being to remove
the two villages of Tannwe[Thangnuai] and Shwimpi[Suangpi] which had been built by the Siyins in proscribed country.
The houses were demolished by the people themselves, who were then taken back by the Assisstant Political Officer
and settled down in the authorized villages inhabited by their respective families.
9.19.9 Tour in the Nwengal country In February[1895] Mr. Fowler made an extended tour in the Nwengal country,
visiting several new villages which were being started under the auspices of
Howchinkup; the people were found to be rebuilding houses and settling down comfortably. In March Mr. Fowler made a
tour in the Kanhow tract, marching through Tunzan[Tongzang] and Lenacot to the northern boundary at the mouth of the
Yangchaung stream. Here he unsuccessfully attempted to recover a box of treasure which had been lost in the Manipur
river the previous year. Mr. Fowler was met not only by all the Kanhow Chiefs, but also by the trans-border Kuki Chiefs,
one and all of whom were friendly and polite. During the trip 50 guns were stamped and licensed...
9.19.10 Substitution of military police for In December 1894 a Military Police Battalion relieved the 1st Burma Rifles in
troops in the Northern Chin Hills the Northern Chin Hills. The Police Battalion consists of six police companies
and the sanctioned strength of officers is six. The battalion is furnished with
two guns(7 lb., 150 pounders); also with 30 mounted infantry, signalling appratus, and mule transport. It is intended in
the future that the battalion shall be composed of Gurkhas and Garhwalis only, but at present Sikhs, Pathans,
Garhwalis, and Gurkhas are found in the ranks. The three Sikh companies which were transferred from the Mandalay
Police Battalion are a particularly fine set of men. The battalion is fully capable of doing the work required of it, which up
to last December was performed by the military. Captain Whiffin, 18th Bengal Lancers, was the first Commandant of the
Battalion.
During the year no offences were committed by Chins against the telegraph wire, no shot was fired throughout the
year in earnest, no raids were committed by our tribesmen across any of our borders, and no murders of our people
committed in the hills.
10.0 SYSTEMS OF GOVERNANCE IN ANCIENT CHIN/ZO SOCIETIES
10.1 INTRODUCTION
Hereditary chieftainship was common in central, northern and western regions of Chinland with the
exception of the Tashon area in the central region as were already mentioned earlier. A number of
those chiefs ruled over several villages stretching over vast areas and many of them had both political,
military and judiciary powers over their subjects. And although some Chiefs may have had ruled just a few
villages, their influence could reach far beyond their own jurisdiction. Here is an example. The Siyin
Chiefs and for that matter all the Chin Chiefs were never under foreign sovereignty and they all wielded the
powers of kings and monarchs from time immemorial. They waged war any time they chose and kept any
number of slaves in their own house or in other distant villages collecting feudal levies as the occasion
demanded. These feudal allies or in a few cases slaves were acquired in various ways. Feudal allies were
acquired in times when strangers requested for food or clothings from the richer feudal lords in times of war,
defeated or oppressed persons came to the stronger lords for protection and alliance; the third category
consisted of slaves who were actually prisoners of war but who were never redeemed...(Vum Ko Hau, pp.
52
178-179) The following passages will reveal more about how the Chins were ruled in olden days.
10.2 THE POSITION OF CHIEFS
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 200- 203)
10.2.1 The Kuki, Siyin and Sokte Chiefs
_ The Kuki race is characterized by its respect for birth, and, as the Chin are but a family of that race, we find in them
a natural reverence for him who by right of birth is Chief of the tribe, or clan, or family. The Chief may be wanting in
qualifications and there may be many of other families his superior in ability; but, unless he is physically or mentally
quite unfit for his position, there is no danger of his being supplanted, and the usual course is for elders and advisers to
assist him in his rule. The position of the Chin Chief in regard to the people is very similar to that of a feudal Baron. The
Chief is lord of the soil and his freemen hold it as his tenants and pay him tithes, whilst they in common with the slaves
are bound to carry arms against all his enemies. If a fugitive or an outcast takes refuge in a village, he pledges himself
as vassal or slave of his protector.
We found that the Siyin and Sokte Chiefs in particular were in a familiar position to the Barons of old who ruled their
tenants and were subordinate, both they and their tenants, to the King. The Sokte Chiefs ruled their tenants, received
their tithes, and fought their own private quarrels, and at the same time they paid tax to the Tashons and obeyed their
summons to collect their forces to fight in the Tashon interests.
10.2.2 Haka and Southern Chiefs

_ At Haka and in the south an intricate state of affairs exists, for the Chiefs of several clans, presumably for the sake
of strengthening their position and controlling powerful dependents, in times gone by founded the village of Haka and
peopled it with their several families and immediate followings. The position of the Haka and other Southern Chiefs in
common with that of the Northern Chiefs is that of hereditary and lawful rulers, but as already shown in previous
chapter, the Tashon custom is different.
In the Northern Hills a Chief, when he becomes too old to lead the clan on raids, naturally leaves these arduous
duties to his sons, but he does not abdicate in his sons favour, and he continues to the end as the head of the clan. It
is a custom for no man in the north to eat the liver of any animal whilst his father is alive as it is deemed disrespectful
to do so. Amongst the Hakas the very marked respect of age, which is so noticeable in the north, is entirely wanting.
10.2.3 Falam Chiefs
_ The Falam Chiefs pretend that all on the council are hereditary Chiefs; such, however, is not the case, though it is
possible for a man of common extract to become connected with the hereditary Chiefs by marriage; and this is how the
Tashons promote a commonder to the rank of Chief. The Chiefs are elected to the council by the people, but as a
general rule they belong to the old families, and only when a common man is particularly conspicuous as a soldier, a
diplomatist, or as a rich merchant, is he promoted to the council. The Tashons say that a man must have slain another
before he can attain to the council. If this is the fact, there must have been many cold-blooded murders committed as
the Tashons are not warriors.
10.2.4 Mizo Chieftainship*
The people lived in villages, each of which was ruled by a Chief(Lal) who was entirely independent. The first known
____________________________________________________
* Sociology of the Mizos, by H.L. Malsawma, B.A.(Hons.), M.A., Ph.D.(ISBN 81-87502-37-1) pp. 14-15
- Footnote 2 (Carey & Tuck, p. 137): Amongst the Siyins and Soktes the reverse is the rule[from that of the Thados]: The elder sons go out into
the world and found their own villages, whilst the youngest stays at home with his father and helps him, and at his death the youngest son
inherits almost all the fathers property and the chieftainship of the tribe or clan, his elder brothers becoming subordinates to and paying
him the tribute which is due to the head of the tribe.
53
clan which introduced the Chieftainship was the Hnamte clan of the Lusei sub-tribe while they were in Khawrua and
Tlangkhua in the Chin Hills of Burma. At that time the powers and position of a Chief were said to be trivial in nature. It
was originally not hereditary one but voluntary to be a head of the clan. It is said that the people had adopted the Chief
system so that they could be guided and governed in all activities of life. In course of time the eldest son of the the
former Chief became a Chief. In case there was no male issue in the family it was a custom for a younger brother of the
former Chief to suceed.
In course of time the Mizo Chief became the real centre of authority in Mizoram. He may be best described as a
Maharaja of a petty separate state. In times of war or in the Council the Chief was the head and his word carried weight.
Theoretically, all that in the village belonged to the Chief. He could call upon people to furnish him with everything that
he needed. He administered the village as advised by the Elders of Council who were appointed by him from the
common citizens of his village.
To assist him, each Chief appointed some elder men known as Upa(s)(Advisors or Elders). Furthermore, there was
gradation among the Upas or Advisors. The regular government of the the Mizos consisted of a Lal or Chief, Khawnbawl
Upa or Upamin(Chief Advisor), and Upas(Advisors or Elders) and the people. The basis of selection and appointment of
Khawnbawl Upas or Upamin was believed to be the confidence and support people had in them. Once selected the
appointment of the Upa became hereditary unless an exceptional case intervened...
10.3 OTHER FORMS OF RULERSHIP

Among other tribes in southern parts of Chinland, which were called by the British as independent southern
Chins, the status of rulership was determined by merits - that is, people elected their leaders every three
years or more depending on the duration of the shifting cultivation practiced in the area. The candidate
should either be wealthy (having abundant surplus of harvest, for instance), or a victorious warrior or a
highly skilled hunter. In a way it was a democratic headman system.
The following are terminologies concerning different rulerships among the various Chin/Zo tribes. Among
the Tedims, Sukte and Sizangs a hereditary chief is called Ukpi (Uk=Rule+ Pi=main/chief), meaning
roughly main/chief ruler. Or, he is sometimes also called Sia Kaai Hausa(headman who receives
tributes). And a simple headman is called Hausa. Among the Haka and related tribes a hereditary chief is
called Ram-uk Bawi(he who rules a country), and Khua-bawi(village chief) stands for a normal village
headman. Among the Falam and related tribes Bawi or Mi-uk(he who rules people) are used for a
hereditary chief. The Mizos terminologies for a hereditary chief is Lal(lord) and a village headman is
Khualal(village lord). Among all these rulerships the hereditary chief was at the top of the hierarchy. At
the second level was the headman, and the Upate(village elders) were in the third position.
10.4 FEUDALISM AND ANCIENT CUSTOMARY LAWS
Most Zo tribes had their own customary laws - or some tribes may share some or a large part of their
customary laws- and they were ruled according to these laws. Many chiefs in fact were just executing
the customary laws that were practiced by their specific tribes with the help of village or community elders.
Several of these customary laws were still in use until very recently in nearly the entire Chin State with the
exception in matters of capital offences.
The following excerpts from Pu Lian Uks article will reveal how much the Chins put value on their ancient
customary laws:
...The Chins, whose religion was then animism, were ruled by their numerous Chieftains with their customary
laws from the time immemorial of their long history...After the annexation of Paletwa area and many other
Chin communities which fall today in the Burma proper by the British, the Chin customary law was first
compiled by U Tet Pyo which was known as Maung Tet Pho Customary Law of the Chin Tribe by John Jardine,
54
1884. A text translation and general note was later made by Dr. F. Forchammer, the then Professor of Pali
and Archaelogy, British Burma. When the whole of Chinland was eventually annexed after a long and stubborn
resistance, a regulation known as the Chin Hills Regulation 1896 was enacted. In this Regulation a provision
was made to grant the use of the Customary Laws and the continuation of the system of their local
administration. This Regulation was followed in the administration of both the Chin Hills and the Naga Hills
throughout the occupation of the British.
When Burma was about to get independence and a Frontier Areas Commission of Enquiry was formed
in May 1947 , the Chin delegation agreed to amalgamate with the Union of Burma on the condition that the
customary laws are retained and respected. The following dialogues between the Chin delegation and the
chairman of the Enquiry Commission will illustrate the importance attached by the delegation to the retention
of their customary laws:
Chief U Thang Tin Lian:As we have said in our memorandum, we should like to go into Burma proper.
Only as far as the preservation of the Chin customs is concerned we should like to deal with that matter
ourselves.
Chief U Pum Za Mang: ...If we could preserve our ancient customs we should like to join with
Burma proper.
U Sein Lien: We want to control our internal affairs ourselves and for the rest we should like to
join Burma proper.
Chairman: What internal affairs do you mean?
U Sein Lien: Ancient customs.
Kanpetlet Chin Representative:We suggest that the customary law be applied to all legal matters
including criminal offences.
Chairman: to U Lun Pu(Mro-Chin): What do your people want?
U Lun Pu(through interpreter U Tha Aung): We want to amalgamate with Burma, but we want our
people to be ruled according to our customary laws.
Chairman:What sort of quarantee do you want from the Government of Burma about the retention
of your customs?
U Lun Pu:(through U Tha Aung):We want to decide all the cases by ourselves.
...As a result of the presentation made by the Chin delegates mentioned above, the Chin Special
Division Act 1948 was passed which guaranteed the use of the Chin Customary Laws in the Chin
Special Division. Meanwhile, the use of the Chin Hill Regulation 1895 was continued in the Naga
Hills till 1959...*
11.0 RAIDS AND METHODS OF WARFARE
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 227-236)
_ The word Shim of the Northern Chin dialect means both to fight and to raid. The whole system of warfare is what we
call raiding, and the only tactics resorted to are those devoted to surprising the enemy. The Chins, Lushais, and Kukis
are noted for the secrecy of their plans, the suddenness of their raids, and their extraordinary speed of retreating to
their fastnesses... The most striking characteristic of the Chin-Lushai raid is the extraordinary distances which the
raiders cover to reach the scene of operation. After committing a raid they have been known to march two days and
two nights consecutively without cooking a meal or sleeping so as to escape from any rescue parties which might follow
them...
________________________________________________
* Source: Effect of the Customary Law and Its Importance Upon the Chins, by Pa Lian Uk, B.A., LL.B(Rgn.). This article appeared in the Rangoon
University Chin Students Literature and CulturalSub-Committee Magazine 1968-69. pp 131-133)
Note 1: Pu Lian Uk is now living as an exile in the US and still actively involved in Burmese politics against the present regime in Burma. tzd
Note 2: The first compilation of the Chins customary law was done by a Burman named Maung Thet Pyo, Assistant Commissioner of Myde, under
the title of The Customary Law of the Chin Tribe, 1884. It was translated into English by Maung Shwe Eik, Myook[Civil Officer], Assistant
Government Translator, British Burma, with General remarks by Dr. E. Forchhammer, Professor of Pali and Government Archeologist, British
Burma.(Source: Chin Chronicles, compiled and edited by Rev. Khup Za Go, First Edition 1988; Churachachanpur - 795128, Manipur, India).
55
11.1 Early Tactics of the Chins When we first advanced into the hills the Chins fought in the open and from behind
stockades, but they soon learned that our quick-firing rifles were too much for them;
and they could not stand against the charges of British and Gurkha troops. They then tried fighting from covered-in
trenches as at Tartan in 1889. This fight, though considered but a drawn battle from our point of view, was regarded by
the Chins as an overwhelming disaster to their arms; they frankly admitted that they were beaten and could never again
stand face to face with British troops.
11.2 Success of the Chins in Guerilla Warfare In many Chin discussions and councils it was argued that,
in 1890 although fighting in the open and holding stockaded positions were
impossible, they could more than hold their own in guerrilla warefare. In 1890 therefore the Chin tactics were
persisitently to hang around parties, firing from secure ambuscades, or cutting up straggiers on the lines of
communication...The Chins saw their chance and buzzed about the long unwieldy column like hornets, firing first into the
advance guard, then into the baggage, and again into the rear-guard. In these skirmishes, although we doubtless had
more men in the field than the enemy, we really got the worst of it, for it was but occasionally that we hit a Chin, and we
used to have casualties inflicted on us nearly every time we moved out. Furthermore, we did the Chins but little damage
for we could not move at night hampered as we were by the cooly corps. The Chins, therefore, never lost sight of us;
they always removed their cattle and property at our approach and then burnt their wretched sheds in which they lived.
We were never able to stay out more than ten days at a time, and in so short a period could do little damage to property
and could in no way check cultivation. The Chins laughed at us and boasted that they could always keep out of the way
of people who were blind at night and who could never move off beaten paths.
11.3 Characteristics of Chin Warfare The Chin will not willingly risk his life more than he can possibly help.
Although we have all admired the Siyins at various times who have carried
off their wounded comrades in the most plucky manner, and who have crept into camp singly or in pairs and stolen and
killed in our very midst, yet as a race Chins are not courageous.* Their tactics are the best that can be devised to suit
their numbers, their weapons, and their country. We cannot blame the Chin for not meeting us in the open; he is armed
with flint-lock and we with quick-firing weapons of precision. We cannot expect the Siyins, who have but some 750 men
all told, to run risks. On account of the smallness of their numbers they do not fight in large but in small parties. If they
see the chance of killing three of us, but believe that they must lose one man in so doing, they will not attempt it, but
will wait until they can kill a man without running the slightest risk of losing one of themselves.
The difficulty in Chinland is not due to the Chin, but to the mountains in which he lives. But the Chin is the most
exasperating of enemies, for he will silently stalk a party for days awaiting his chance, and then suddenly and when
least expected a shot is fired in our midst and word is passed along for a doctor.
The Chin almost invariably ambushes from below the path and not as one would expect from above. The reason is
sound. The spot has been carefully selected, and after discharging his gun into the back of a man at so close range as
to set fire to his clothes, the Chin slips off his rock and dives down the khud or along the side of the hill, not only out of
sight, but usually out of possible line of fire also. When he fires from above he previously makes certain that his line of
retreat is protected from our line of fire; for he would not fire and run uphill exposed to a chance volley in dense jungle
or to the aim of a marksman in the open. We have therefore often given a Chin the credit of having done a very plucky
thing when in reality it was merely an impertinent action, but one which involved him in no danger whatever.
11.4 Outbreak of the Siyin Rebellion The Siyin-Nwengal rebellion broke out with truly Kuki suddenness** and we
were taken by surprise. Although the outbreak resulted in a moral victory, it
was, as has been shown in a previous chapter, a heavy blow. The Siyins commenced with a certain dash and
___________________________________________
* I personally do not really understand what this remark should mean: How a primitive people with just a few thousand flint-lock and later musket
guns and small population could show their courage against an enemy who numbered thousands of well-trained, well-organized and well-
armed with the most modern weapons. Besides, entire villages were destroyed and livestock and grains either taken away or destroyed by their
enemy. To fight a protracted war against such a superpower enemy would only be suicidal. Author(tzd).
** See on next page for explanation
56
endevoured to make it impossible for us to hold the hills; but owning to the extreme care which they evinced for the
safety of their own persons they never caused us the slightest anxiety, although only 60 men were available at this time
fo the column. Troops were quickly hastened to the hills, and the plan of campaign was first to smash all combined
opposition, then break up the columns into several small parties which were placed at many points of vantage in the
hills. Large columns then set out and destroyed all the rebel villages and drove the rebels into scattered settlements in
the jungle and nullahs.
11.5 Tactics Adopted to Suppress the Rebellion Meanwhile the rebels vigorously carried out their tactics of
ambushing escorts and we lost several men. But we had gained our
first point; we had scattered them. We then turned the tables by placing outposts on all the sites of rebel villages, and
the officers in command, working in combination or separately, systematically ambushed all paths and cultivations. In
short, we took leaf from the Chin code of warfare, and in very short time the Chins found that their hidden stores of
grain had been discovered and burnt, that they could not move without running into our ambuscades, and that any
attempt to cultivate involved serious personal risk. Like the Chin conquerors from whom we borrowed these tactics, we
found the scheme successful and speedily pruductive of results. Before the season closed the Siyins and Soktes were
disarmed and crippled; for they found that starvation or disarmament stared them into the face and they preferred the
latter.
11.6 Prevention of the Cultivation and In case of trouble in the Chin Hills a rule which we have adopted in the past
Destruction of the Food-Supply is suggested to future Political Officers and Officers Commanding. It is to
place yourself in position to ambush instead of being ambushed and attend
more to the destruction of grain and to the prevention of all cultivation than to the pursuing of Chins. The weakest point
of the Chin is his food-supply. If that is stopped he must give in, where as he may escape if he is merely hunted; by
stopping it you bring him to you, although he can keep ahead of you when you hunt him. Besides preventing all
cultivation, the small outpost system is excellent for surprising the Chins. Small parties of a dozen rifles or so can move
without coolies and incumbranches, and at night. They are free to follow up tracks, to lay ambuscades, and to hun up
nullahs. The Chin cannot keep his eye on all these parties and must necessarily often fall into the traps set for him or
allow himself to be surprised in camp.
In 1894 the notorious rebels Kuppow and Kaikam were still at large and it was determined to hunt them down. To
effect this several parties were placed in the rebel tract throughout its length, and parties of sepoys carrying twoand
four days rationson their back daily scoured the thick jungle, marching and counter-marching. The rebels, although
doing their utmost to evade them, found it impossible to do so, and were continually ambushed whilst on the move, or
were tracked to and caught napping in their camps. At last, worn out, dispirited, and half starved, the remnants of the
band, including the rebel Chiefs, laid down their arms and surrendered.
11.7 Enforcement of Joint In dealing with rebels a Political Officer should be sure to enforce joint responsibility
Responsibility on those villages connected by blood ties with the rebels by stopping their cultivation
until they have brought in their relatives. During the 1894 operations Dok Taung was
arrested because one of his men was with the rebels. It was notified that Dok Taungs release could only be procured by
the surrender of the rebels, and immediately the whole Sokte tribe and Kanhow clan arose and hunted the Siyin rebels
with enthusiasm and vigour, not because they hate them, but in order to gain the release of Dok Taung...
_____________________________________________________________________
** Explanation for previous page:
About 20 000 men of the Mizo National Army (MNA) and Mizo National Volunteers(MNV), the military wings of the Mizo National Front, which
led the Mizo armed struggle against the Indian Government for 20 years, attacked and captured all the police and Assam Rifles garrisons
throughout Mizoram at the zero hour - one oclock March 1, 1966.(IST). The plans and preparations were carried out in utmost secrecy that
the whole India was caught by surprise. On March 2, Mizoram became the centre of world attention as major news media flashed news of
the uprising. The Indian government declared Mizoram as a disturbed area and ordered its army to enter it.(See 16.2.4 THE ARMED
UPRISING AND ITS CONSEQUENCES for detail.)
57
11.8 Flanking While villages have still to be attacked and before the rebels are scattered, the troops have
found that it is almost impossible to avoid casualties whilst proceeding against or returning
from a village. It is impossible to prevent being ambushed both going to and coming from the objective. But by flanking
wide on both sides of the path the danger from ambuscades is minimised, and in order to prevent Chins from slipping
round the flankers and firing into the main body at close quarters, it has been found advisable not only for the advance
guard to flank, but also the main body and the rear-guard. Eight to ten men flanking on each side of the road have been
found ample. The men should be changed frenquently as the work is very arduous. They should be taught that the point
of the column should never for one moment be in advance of the flankers. After much argument and discussion it has
been decided that when Chins fire from ambush the best thing to do is to rush them. They hate being rushed, but they
usually keep two or three guns in reserve to fire on the troops as they rush forward. When these are discharged the
Chin attempt is over, for they cannot reload in time to fire a second time. The advantage of rushing at am ambuscade is
that the Chins pay more attention to effecting their escape than to their aim when they know that they will be rushed.
This would not be the case if they knew that their volley would termporarily check the advance of the troops.
11.9. Care Necesary in When in camp particulary care has to be taken that our people are not ambushed at
Getting Water the water-supply. It is a favourite device of the Chins to ambush anyone who may
creep out of the camp in the evening for water, and they also very often fire on the
water piquet when it starts out in the morning to protect our people during the day.
11.10 Precaustion at Grey dawn is always a dangerous time for sentries, who are often stalked at this
Early Dawn hour. We have often lost men in the early morning who have carelessly wandered
outside the piquets for various reasons. If the enemy is stalking the offensive, grey
dawn is the time to expect heavy volleys, and at any time if the Chins appear to be restless and to be working up for a
fight, all small parties should be warned to be on the alert in the early morning. The Chins know well that at this hour a
camp is more likely than at other times to be off its guard. Some are still asleep, some are cooking, some are scattered
for various reasons, and the sentries naturally feel that their vigilance need not be so strict as during the hours of
darkness. Often we have been attacked at this hour in Chinland, and it was at this time that Lieutenant Stewart of the
Leinster Regiment was killed and his party cut up. The men were scattered and the Europeans were either killed in bed
or fought in their pyjamas.
11.11 Necessity of Great Watchfullness Double sentries have been found advisable at night when operating against
On the Part of Sentries the Northern Chins and time and labour should always be spent in providing
the sentries with as good a shelter as is possible. Yearly we have lost
sentries through their own carelessness and neglect of ordinary precautions and ignorance of the cunning of the enemy.
A Chin will wriggle up a sentry on his belly as noiselessly as a snake and shoot him in the back at a distance of a few
feet and trust his nimbleness, to the darkness, and to the momentary surprise to escape the volley which is sent after
him. We have all heard of the wonderful way in which the north-west border men can sneak into camp and lift horses,
camels, and rifles, and experience has taught us that the Chin is in no way inferior to the Pathan as a thief. We have
known boxes being cut off from beside of the head of the owner in his bed, of heads being cut off and carried away in
our midst, and of herds of cattle being taken out of the pens in the post and driven through the line of piquests.
11.12 Ingenuity of the Chins In 1889 murder and theft were carried on to such an extent at night that in addition to
Avoiding Detection the abattis and the sentries and the outlying piquets a system of tell tales was
invented which consisted of numerous empty kerosine, ghee, and other tins, being
connected with strings and strewn round and close to the post. It was expected that the Chins would become entangled
in the connecting strings and so rattle the tins and give warning to the sentries. The tale tell system, however, lasted
but for a few nights, as every dawn showed that the tins had disappeared, having been carried off under the noses of
the sentries by the Chins, who wanted them tins for the sake of converting the solder into bullets.
Spiking a path with bamboo panjies at night is a very excellent plan to keep off thiefs for once in a way, but this plan
will not answer as a rule, for the Chin will creep up to the panjies, pluck them up, and make his way through bushels of
58
them. The Chin is certainly a very dangerous individual at night, and luckily he rusts so much to silence that thieves
only enter posts singly or in pairs. But it is most unpleasant to know that any night an enemy can, if he makes up his
mind to do so, creep into ones house or tent.

11.13 Naga Parties The Chins, as already remarked, is always dangerous when taking the offensive, but falls off
when acting on the defensive. In order to keep him out of camp it has been found best not to
put on countless sentries, but to go out and ambush him. A most successful plan is for Gurkhas, naked, except for
dhotie, and armed with their rifles and a dozen rounds, to slip out of camp after darkness, in parties of eight or a dozen,
and to lie in wait along the paths, or in any likely place for the coming of the Chins. These little parties are commonly
called Naga parties, and they have on many occasions ambushed and killed Chins who otherwise would undoubtedly
have killed our sentries or stolen from inside the posts. At the commencement of the fighting in 1892-93 the Chins
invariably volleyed into camp at night and we occasionally lost men and animal; but the Gurkhas soon stopped this, for
as soon as it was dark, they slipped out of camp and stalked the Chins, who had taken up well-selected positions and
who only expected answering volleys from camp after every volley which they fired.
Once at Montok a large party of Chins took up a very safe position on a ridge and volleyed into camp at 300 yards
distance from the opposite side of a khud. It was found that the piquets could not dislodge them, so 15 Gurkhas under
a jemadar slipped out of camp and crept up to within 20 yards and almost simultaneouyly with the Chin volley fired into
the camp, the Gurkhas volley crashed into them, killing three. After this the Siyins tried no more to stalk at us at night,
for they did not relish being stalked themselves as they found that the Gurkhas could do.
11.14 Piquets on Points The formation of the mountains is such that only one in every 50 camps is sound
of Vangtage from a military point of view as it is impossible to camp on the peaks, and the sides
of the hills are always commanded by some ridges, knolls, and hills. Military Officers
found that to prevent the Chins from taking possession of these points of vantage it was necessary to hold them
ourselves; for although Afghans would certainly cut off and cut up these somewhat isolated piquests, Chins dare not do
so and therefore the men are safe enough. It was found that the Chins, who do not mind entering a camp and then
escaping through sentries, do not like running the risk of being cut off by piquets placed at considerably distance from
the camp, which would be warned by firing at the camp if Chins were detected in it.
11.15 Buckshot for Sentries It is practically impossible to disguise from the enemy where the piquets are placed,
as they sit on the hill-tops and note everything in the day time, and at night they
move round the camp, firing from time to time in order to draw the fire of the piquets, and thus learn their positions. But
the enemys knowledge of the position of the piquets is of no consequence, as they are afraid to cut them up. The
piquets save the camp from being fired into, and, if the Chins elude the piquets and come unpleasantly close, Naga
parties can soon clear them off. Buckshot for sentries has been found effective at night in the camp and in the posts.

11.16 Gateways Not to be Attacked When attacking a village officers should remember that the paths lead to
the village gates and that the Chin village gateways are always the most
strongly fortified of all the defences of the village; therefore it should be a rule, unless guns accompany the party, to
effect an entrance at any point except by the gateway. In no circumstances should troops enter villages by the sunken
paths and underground tunnels which are the regular entrances into many villages, especially in the Yahow country and
the independent south. In conclusion, the Chin has so far proved himself a dangerous enemy when taking the offensive,
but when acting on the defensive he quickly loses heart and the real way to defeat him is to ambush him and stop all
cultivation.
12.0 THE ARMS OF THE CHINS AND THE LOCAL MANUFACTUR OF GUNPOWDER AND BULLETS
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 220-227)
Sixty years ago the weapons of the Chins were bows and arrows, spears and short das(swords). The warrior also
carried a raw hide shield, which was capable of resisting the force of these primimitive weapons. At this period guns
59
began to find their way into the country, at first chiefly through Burma and later on the majority through the Lushai Hills
until the annexation of Upper Burma and disarming of the border districts, which forced a large number of guns into the
hills, for the Burmans preferred to sell their guns for a trifle to the Chins to giving them up for nothing to British
Officers.
12.1 SPEARS

Spears are universally used as a weapon of war; they are usually 5 feet long, shod at the butt with a long foursided
spike and at the other end with spear head, which is sharpened at the sides as well as at the point; the weapon is very
heavy as one-half and often two-thirds of its length is iron and the wooden shank is merely used to connect the sharp
pointed butt with the razor-edged spear-head. Spear-heads vary considerably in form, according to whim. The
handsomest shapes are found amongst the southerners, whilst the very broad-bladed spear-heads is a curiosity found
only amongst the Whenohs and Yahows. It is not the custom, as amongst the Nagas, to decorate spears with human
hair or with any ornamentation; occassionally a spear is noticed with a fringe of goats hair dyed red fastened below the
head.
12.2 BOWS AND ARROWS
Bows and arrows are still used for shooting games, but not as weapons of war. The bow is from 2.5 to 4 feet long, is
made of bamboo, and the bow string is also made of bamboo; the arrow is 1 foot to 18 inches in length, iron-barbed and
feathered. The arrow is usually discharged from the chest and apparently with no great force, but it is astonishing how
hard the iron-shod arrow hits, for we have seen an arrow flicked from the bow, drawn only to the chest, penetrate an
ince of board.
The people speak of poisoned arrows, and it is blood poisoning which they allude to and not to a vegetable poison.
The arrows are said to be stuck into a putrefying carcass before use, and the wounds then inflicted by them are fatal
and caused by blood-poisoning. Putrefying kidneys are considered the best portion of the carcass for poisoning arrows.
Arrows are not now poisoned as they are only used as a weapon of the chase.
12.3 SHIELDS
The shield is merely a reminisecence of a by-gone day. A few shields may still be found in almost every village, and
they are brought out and carried by dancers at feasts. The shield made out of the hide of the mithun is some 2.5 feet by
1.5 feet broad; in the centre is a boss projecting outwards, and inside the cavity are two cane handles which the hand
grasps. The shields are very tough and effectually stop arrows, though these do penetrate sometimes as much as six
inches. Often these shields are adorned with two or more rows of brass discs and tassels of goats hair dyed red.
12.4. SURRENDERED GUNS*
Over 4,000 guns have been withdrawn from the Chins since our occupation, the great majority having been surrendered
during 1893 and the two following seasons...That guns have come into the country from both east and west is
demonstrated by the fact that weapons with the names of Burmans in Burmese characters and the names of Indian
sepoys in the Persian character have been found stamped on the heelplates of muskets...The Chin blacksmiths are
unable to make gun barrels, springs, and hammbers, and, when breaking up guns, great care should always be taken
that the locks and butt end of the barrels never fall into the hands of the people, who are able to beat out and file into
shape all the other component parts of the gun. Often locks of the guns contain pieces of natiave workmanship and
even springs,though they are usually too weak or brittle to be of any permanent use...
____________________________________________________
* In total the British collected about 10 000 guns from the entire Chin/Zo country (including the Lushai HIlls) after the Anglo-Chin/Zo War and the
Haka and Kuki Rebellions of 1917-1919.
60
The Chin hates weight in a gun and therefore he invariably discards the stock of western manufacture and carves out
one of his own pattern and peculiar to him. This custom is universal throughout the the hills, but the workmanship of the
Siyins and Soktes is infinitely superior to that of the southerners; their stock is lighter in weight and more slender and
graceful in form than those heavy and more clumsily hewn stocks of the south, and, although new-comer to the hills
would not detect any difference, an old resident can tell by a captured gun whether a band of raiders were northerners
or southerners. The Chin values his gun according to its lightness, length, bore of barrel, and class of lock; the barrel
should be as long as possible and the bore not larger or smaller than to just admit the top joint of the third finger at the
muzzel, and the lock most appreciated is the one with the heavy hammer, which possesses the longest and stoutest
main spring...
The vanishing of the guns with black tree oil is a curious custom; it gives the gun a very smart appearance; but his
gun is the most prized possession of the Chin and nothing is too much trouble if it can decorate or improve his
treasure...Wunkathe[Vangteh] in the Northern Chin Hills was noted for its beautiful guns, and when that village was
disarmed, we found that the reputation was fully deserved, for the barrels were as bright as silver, the gun-stocks were
beautifully shaped, and the paint, brass-work, and all other appointments were perfect.
The characteristic of the gun which strikes an Englishman most is the extreme smallness and narrowness of the butt
and hell-plate, for the recoil from the heavy charge is enormous, and from the narrow heel is quite incapable of
protecting the shoulder. Our weapons are heavy in the stock and light at the muzzel, but the Chin weapon is the
reverse; the stock weighs next to nothing, and all the weight lies in the barrel; and the Chin is able to withstand the
recoil, one would expect better marksmanship from him as the weapon cannot be so apt to kick up and through high as
ours are so very prone to do...
12.5 CHIN METHODS OF MAKING GUNPOWDER
One has read in reports and gazetteers that the Chins manufacture locally a weak powder, but after some years
experience we are in position to assert that the powder, although slow in igniting, is particularly powerful. We have seen
men shot at a distance of 200, 300, and 400 yards, and, when one takes into consideration that the bullet is a light one
and circular, and the barrel is smooth-bored, one has a very high respect for the local gunpowder. Those of us who
fought the Siyins in 1888-89 and again in 1892-93 need no assurance that the Chin powder is good. The Pimpis made it
unpleasant for us at 400 yards, and at the passage of the Manipur river the Chins dropped bullets among us at still
greater range.
The manufacture of powder is effected in the following manner, which perhaps is the most curious and extraordinary
of all Chin customs. Where, when, and how they learnt the secret is a matter worthy of a very deep thought; perhaps it
came from the Chinese through the Burmans. As described in a former chapter, the Chin house is so built that the pig-
pen may be beneath the house and the household latrine immediately above the pen. The sides of the pig-pen are
banked up so that no rain may fall or flow into it and spoil or wash away the thick crust of exrement. The nitrates
obtained from this are used for making gunpowder... The next question arises is where the sulphur comes from, as
powder must have sulphur as an ingredient.
Although a sulphur spring has been found in the hills, the Chins do not directly look to the earth for their sulphur,
and before our occupation of their tract they imported large quantities from Upper Burma. Now this import is stopped, but
it does not prevent the manufacture of powder, for to begin with, it must be remembered that in faeces there is a certain
quantity of sulphur, but a larger quantity is found in the aunglauk bean, which when burnt gives the charcoal which is
used to mix with nitrate. This bean is known as aunglauk by the Burmans and to the Chins as nattang[ngatam] in the
north and is spoken of as Ga by Colonel Mc Cullock in 1859, but we know no English name for it.(Note: The Aunglauk
bean is called in modern term sulphur bean. tzd.)
We know that the Chins soak it for days in streams until it is soft and rotten before he cooks it for food, and we know
that the bean when soaking gives off a very powerful stench of sulphuretted hydrogen and also that, if the bean is
eaten without being previously soaked until rotten, it is poisonous and kills quickly. There is no doubt about the fact that
the Chin derives his saltpetre of its substitutes from his dung-heap and his sulphur and coal from a bean, and that the
gunpowder thus manufactured is as strong and powerful as that with which he mixes imported sulphur though without the
61
addition of imported sulphur it is slower in ignition. When mixing the charcoal with the nitre it is not uncommon to sprinkle
the mixture with zu or Chin liquor if it appears to be too dusty. Charcoal made from a tree called Mayagyi by the
Burmans is also used, but not as a rule, except when imported sulphur is added.
There are two classes of powder, the coarse, which is poured down the barrel, and the fine dust, which is used for
priming the pan. The former is carried in a flask made of the horn of a mithun and the latter is carried in a dainty horn of
a gorral. Both flasks are ornamented with lacquer, vermilion, and silver. The Chin has no measure for regulating the
charge he pours into the barrel; what he guesses is sufficient, though to our minds the charge is excessive. Probably all
the powder is not burnt. Old rags and three leaves are used as wadding.
12.6 PROJECTILES

The projectiles of the Chin gun varies in composition, size and quantity. Lead of course is the favourite metal, but it is
fortunately scarce and the Chin has had to turn to brass, bell-metal, iron, round stones, and even clay pellets. The
leaden balls are cast in moulds which are made as follows. First of all bees-wax balls of the size of the bullets required
are rolled and are strung on a slim strip of bamboo, which is run through the centre of each ball, a quarter of an inch
dividing each; the balls are then smeared with a composition of wet clay and paddy husks and placed in the sun to
harden; the bamboo skewer is withdrawn and the mould heated over fire until the wax runs through the passage made by
the withdrawal of the skewer. Molten lead is poured into the mould, which is then broken, and the leaden bullets are
found the exact size and shape of the original balls of bee-wax and all connected by a leaden neck, the circumference
of which is the same as that of the bamboo skewer originally used...
The clay pellets are far more dangerous than one would suppose; they are made of very fine and pure clay, which is
taken from the beds of certain streams and which is thoroughly kneaded and cleansed of all impurities; it is then
fashioned into balls which are baked as hard as stone. The Chin says that this clay ball will penetrate the stomach at
close quarters and he chiefly relies on his ambushes at close quarters. If it strikes a bone, the clay ball will break up
and fill the wound with mud and often cause death from putrefaction. The stones which are used as round as necessary,
or oblong, and are taken from the river-beds. Chins are known to have used an iron arrow with a barp, which protrudes
from the muzzle, to shoot elephants. Similar pieces of telegraph wire have been used against us. In 1890 a naik of the
42nd Gurkhas was killed and almost decapitated by a long piece of telegraph wire which was fire at him at about 20
paces and which struck him lengthways across the face.
13.0 JAPANESE INVASION OF CHINLAND AND EAST INDIA
13.1 INTRODUCTION

Japan, under its dictator General Tojo, formed the Axis power with Italy under Mussolini and Germany
under Hitler. Japan then declared war on the United States of America and attacked Pearl Harbor on 7th
December 1941. By 1942 Japan had overrun China, French Indochina, British Singapore and Malaysia,
Thailand and the U.S. possessions such as the Philippines, Guam etc. The Japanese crossed the Burma
border in early 1942, took Pegu and Rangoon, and marched north toward Chinland.
The advance On to New Delhi Chalo Delhi was launced in full scale by the Japanese in March 1944.
The 15th Japanese Imperial Army under the command of Lt. General Renya Mutaguchi was assisted by the
Indian National Army (I.N.A.)commanded by Commander-in-Chief Subhas Chandras Bose. The main attack
of India was launched through the Chin Hills and the Chindwin Valley(see MAP 6).
By early 1942, having successfully driven the British into India, the Japanese occupied Burma, east of
Chindwin River. In May 1942 the Governor of Burma fled to Simla in India and established a Burmese
Government there. Vumthu Maung, a young Chin nationalist and several of his fellow activists were freed
from Katha and other jails by the Japanese. As soon as the they were back in Chinland, after crossing the
Dry Zone of Burma on foot, they organized the Chin freedom movement(see 14.1).
Japan wanted to win the favour of Asian people and to do so they propagated the Greater Asia Co-
62
Prosperity Sphere. In an attempt to win the trust of the Chin people the Japanese freed Chin soldiers of the
Burma Army who had been captured by them. These Burma Army regulars and the Chin Hills Battalion later
became the backbone of the Levies formed to defend Chinland from the advancing Japanese.
The first fierce battle the Chin Hills Battalion and the Chin Levies fought against the Japanese Artillery Battalion was
at No. 3 Stockade near Theizang village. A barrage of rifle fire and pangis of the Chins halted the first major Japanese
advance from Burma reaching No. 3 stockade. In the fighting the majority of the advancing Japanese troops including
their commanders were killed. Captain Sakamaki told us after their occupation of the Chin Hills that very few of them
returned to Kalemyo alive. (Vum Ko Hau, p. 25)
To begin with the Japanese forces crushed the 17th Division[of the 14th British Army] in the Chin Hills area and
pushed their drive in three directions - the west bank of the Chin River, the Tammu area, and midway between the
Imphal-Kohima Road by way of Wukulu after crossing the Chindwin River. The focal objective of the Japanese forces
was to beleaguer Imphal and to gain mastery over the Imphal Plains... Then the Japanese forces, which had been in
full readiness for an opportunity to strike, went into action and after a little more than a month of fighting established
domination over the Imphal Plains. The Indian National Army under the command of Subhas Chandra Bose, head of the
Provisional Government of Azad Hind, advanced into Indian territory for the liberation of their motherland.(Vum Ko Hau,
pp. 44-45)
The 31st Division (Japanese 15th Army) of 20,000 men under Major General Kotuku Sato marched
across the Chin-Naga Hills to attack Kohima on April 4, 1944. Kohima was defended by Chin and Naga
soldiers of the 1st Assam Regiment. After a week of severe fighting, with assistance from the 2nd Indian
Division, Kohima was held and the Japanese advance was stopped at Dimapur in Assam. Major General
Tsumoru Yamamotos 33rd Division attacked Imphal from all sides over a period of four months but could
not break through. General Mutaguchi ordered his men to continue in the task till all of your ammunition is
expended. If your hands are broken, fight with your feet. If your hands and feet are broken, use your teeth.
If theres no more teeth left in your body, fight with your spirit. Lack of weapon is no excuse
for defeat. But the Japanese lacked not only arms. They were also madly driven by hunger and thirst.
The Imphal-Kohima battle which now ended was the last and greatest of the series that had been fought
continuously during the past ten months on all the Burma fronts. They have achieved substantial results; the Japanese
Army had suffered the greatest defeat in its history. Five Japanese Divisions(15th, 18th, 31st, 33rd and 56th) had, at
any rate temporarily, been destroyed as fighting formations, while two other divisions, an independent brigade, and
many line-of-communication units had been badly mauled. Fifty thousand Japanese had been killed or died, and their
bodies counted in the Arakan and Assam sectors.(Slim, W., Field Mashal. Defeat into Victory. London. 1956)
The British troops were assisted by several thousands of local Chin Levies in their offensive campaigns
against the Japanese.
13.2 JUSTICE UNDER THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION
In the early days of the Japanese occupation the Japanese soldiers behaved correctly and politely.
There was not a single case of rape - in contrast to the British propaganda. But later their attitudes
changed as their supplies grew thin, and herds of cattle belonging to the local people were slaughtered
and grains confiscated by force. After some months in the Chin Hills the Japanese showed their methods
of ruling an occupied country. Contrary to their propaganda the Japanese applied very cruel methods in
ruling the Chin country.
Every educated person who served with distinction with the British against the Japanese before their occupation of
the Chin Hills was invited from time to time to report to Tiddim. Most of the invitees expressed their unwillingness to
serve in the new administration. When they got to Tiddim, the new divisional headquarters of the Japanese Army for
north Burma and East India, they found that things were not moving as they expected. Some of the Chiefs who took
active command of their clan Levies found themselves in chains; many people were slapped as they reported. Other
Chiefs were required to reside near the Japanese camps; guns were requisitioned lest they would be used for revolt.
63
Some suspected as spies for the British were slapped, boxed, and beaten to death in drawing rooms within the sight of
their families. All were required to bow low in front of Japanese officers. One had to announce ones name every time
one reported to the Japanese commissioner. Many a fat and haughty person during the British days became slim and
cautious overnight. As soon as the Japanese reached the heart of the Chin Hills, they started killing people on the
slightest suspicion. I believe that this was to frighten the people and to show who the real masters were for the fact
that they would not win the love or respect of the place they occupied in the ordinary way. The worse form of sufferings
by the people in the Japanese occupied zones were the requisitioning of food and labour. On account of the war, no
cultivation could be done and as such less food was produced, but the Japanese imperial troops came without rations
and as such they had to requisition whatever food they could in the occupied territory. This was most difficult in a place
like the Chin Hills through which they attempted to invade India. Almost all the ponies were requisitioned, also cattle and
later mithuns. The 300-mile long motor road from Kalemyo-Chin Hills to Bishenpur-Imphal was to be maintained by the
local requisitioned labour; this gave no time for the local people to cultivate; the Japanese troops depended on the
peoples food and they gave them no time to cultivate to produce food. This was impossible.(Vum Ko Hau, p. 31)
This kind of requisitioning of labour by force did not take place only in the Chin Hills. The same thing was done for
the Burma-Siam railway line construction. This work was more familiarly known as the Death Railway line. Beside the
European prisoners-of-war from Indonesia and Southeast Asia, many labourers from Indonesia, Thailand and south
Burma were requisitioned. Some whole families were sent and never returned. (Vum Ko Hau, p. 52)
13.3 ARMED RESISTANCE MOVEMENTS AGAINST THE JAPANESE
As soon as the Japanese occupied the Chin Hills, a local army called the Chin Defence Army(C.D.A) was
formed up by them. The first batch of officers were appointed from those whom the Japanese used as
guides and intelligence officers on the invasion of the Chin Hills and Assam.
The tasks of the CDA was to look after the Japanese occupied territories of the Chin Hills, while the
Japanese forces and the INA were to invade India.
By June 1944, however, many Japanese troops had begun to retreat towards the Chin Hills from the Imphal front.
Tiddim was made the field hospital for Japanese troops. Every day my Levy Commander, Bo[officer in Burmese] Pau
Za Kam, had to supply about seventy labourers to bury Japanese who died in the Tiddim(Lawibual) field hospital...All the
local traitors reports about our impending rebellion reached my headquarters first and I could destroy them... Before we
parted from the Japanese Headquarters at Tiddim, Bo[officer in Burmese] Thawng Cin Thang and I had vowed that I
would look after our interests in the Japanese occupied areas and that he would take care of what went on in the British
territories... I had the satisfaction of having looked after his brother who was reported adverse to the Japanese
commissioners. The fact was recorded by Bo Thawng Cin Thang in a written certificate. Together with Colonel Kelly, Bo
Sein Lian and Bo Suang Lian left Saizang on the 13th March 1944 and hid themselves in the west bank area of the
Manipur river although the locality was traversed by Japanese troops on one occasion when they marched up to cut off
British troops at Singgial at M.S. 102. They formed the first staff officers of the resistance movements which were later
known as the Sokte Independence Army* and the Siyin Independence Army* or in short S.I.A. The organisation of the
Sokte Independence Army was initiated by Chief Bo Hau Za Lian of Suangzang, Bo Thawng Cin Thang and other
headmen on the West bank of the Manipur river. Bo Thawng Cin Thang, Bo Hau Za Lian, Bo Sein Lian, Bo Suang Lian,
B.G.M., and the other commanders and members of the S.I.A. crossed the Manipur river and made headquarters at
Mualbem...
And in every part of the Chin Hills various resistance movements were secretly organized against the Japanese. A
well-formed organization among them in the Northern Chin Hills was the Chin Leaders Freedom League, whose main aim
was to look after the interests of the undefended local Chin people from the Japanese oppression. Some of its
outstanding leaders were Vum Ko Hau(Thuklai), Gin Za Tuang(Tonzang), Vul Za Thang(Tonzang), Pau Za Kam(Khuasak),
Khai Mun Mang(Thuklai), Sum Mang (Zahau area), Awn Ngin(Buanman), Zuk Tsio and Pi Don Khaw Cing...(Vum Ko Hau,
pp. 31 & 55).
_________________________________________
* See on next page for explantion
64
The resistance movements quickly spread to Ngawn, Falam, Zahau and Haka areas, and in September 1944 an open
rebellion was launched. After being suppressed for so long the Zo people were exploding for freedom, and an
organization called Free Chins was born. The Free Chins attacked the Japanese at Mualbem, Sualim, Suangaktuam and
Sakhiang...The success of the Free Chins, or as it was then known as the Chin Independence Army, was enormous. Lt.
General Shinichi Tanaka[Commander of the 18th Division of the 15th Japanese Imperial Army in the Arakan war theatre]
was not satisfied with the intelligence reports collected by the Arakan, Indian and Burman agents on the movements of
the British inside East India. He therefore gave orders to recruit the local Chins, too. The Japanese intelligence network
under Captain Tanaka Seirokuro was very successful when Chin agents were employed. At first the Masho and Khami
Chin agents collected information on the movements of the West African Division as it moved south down the Kaladan
Valley. As Chin settlements stretched from the Valleys of Kaladan to Bandurban and Chiranga, the Chins could easily
infiltrate into Chittagong and head west in Bengal. However, the Japanese defeat in the beginning of 1945 changed the
conditions. The Japanese intelligence network depended on getting their food supply from the local people, and in many
instances the Japanese used brutal methods to obtain food. The local people therefore attacked the base of the
__________________________________________________________
Dear Mr. Vum Khaw Hau,
Damm good show for the grand job of work you have done and been doing. We are extremely anxious to hear the
outcome of SUAH LIM show. I think, the quicker we get your family and other important persons behind the screen,
the better, as the 60 reported now at PHUNOM can divert anywhere they like.
(1) We shall greatly appreciate if Suang Hau Thang, Lian Thawng, Sumbedar Thuam Cin and other notables can
be called.
(2) O.C. will not object to Chiefs and familiies coming over to us voluntarily. This applies to important and Jap blacklisted
persons as well. As for the mass of the people from the Valley, we can assure that it is only a question of a few
days before our troops arrive. So, would it not be advisable if they hide food in the jungle and keep themselves out
of the houses, if Jap punitive party attempts to come.
Arrangements re: this FREE CHIN MOVEMENT, in all respects, sounds extremely O.K. Please extend
my congratulations to MESSRS. SON NGUL and COMPANY for their impending appointments in the
FREEDOM MOVEMENT. Chief Hau Za Lian will come to see his men on 21-9-44. He will tell you details.
Better times soon
P.S. V. Good news just received. Yours sincerely,
Please ask Mr. Suak Pum. Thawng Cin Thang**
20-9-1944
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
** Explanation for previous page:
- The passages and Vum Ko Haus letter above are included here to straighten out the records as to the existence of the two separate
organizations(Siyin Independenc Army and Sukte Independent Army), and the letter above is one of the three letters of Bo Thawng Cin Thang
addressed to the author[Vum Ko Hau] in connection with their wartime activities in 1944.(It is an exact reproduction of the original text from
his(VKH) book on page 60.) The letter shows the cordial relations, mutual-respect and trust between the top leaders of the two separate
organizations. For further information on this subject see Vum Ko Haus book, pp. 55-62.(Some Suktes lately accused that some Sizangs had tried to
replace the Sukte Independent Army with the Siyin Independece Army.)
And there is a big confusion about the two names. Originally - and officially - it was Sukte Independent Army, NOT Sukte Independence Army. It
was formed up in early 1944 whereas the Siyin Independence Army was formed up much later(the Siyins had used INDEPENDENCE). At the
beginning the short form of the Siyin Indepence Army was written in the following way: SIA(Siyin) in order to avoid confusion between the two
abbreviations, However, both words (independent and independence) have lately been interchangeably widely used in several papers. All the leading
personalities of both armed organisations were intimate friends, or former classmates, or comrades and those who later fomed the Siyin
Indpendence Army themselves had had actively participated in the Sukte Independent Army earlier. There always were very close cooperations
between them the end of WW II when the two armed units were dissolved.(Source: E. Pau Za Kam of Khuasak, who himself was a founder of the
Siyin Indpendence Army.)
- See also Biography of Major-General Tuang Za Khai(APPENDIX Z) and APPENDICES EE to EE - 11 (MAP 2) for more informatiion on
related topics.
** Mr. Thawng Cin Thang later held the post of Chief Commissioner in several Divisions before he retired and passed away.
- See PHOTO 22 for members of the Siyin Indpedence Army.
65
intelligence unit and slaughtered all the Japanese.(Vumson, pp. 177-178)
The Japanese were in several Asian countries heartily welcomed at the beginning of World War II as true
liberators from the yoke of various Western colonial powers, but their cruelties soon became so loathsome
that at the ending parts of the War uncountable Japanese lost their lives at the hands of the occupied
peoples.
14.0 THE AWAKENING OF POLITICAL AND NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESSES
14.1 INTRODUCTION
Soon after World War I the Chin-Kuki-Mizo gradually began to develop political and national
consciousnesses. They began to realize that they were belonging to a single ethnic entity and that their
common destiny was closely intertwined. The first known political and nationalist movement among them
took place in the then Southern Chin Hills under the leadership of a young nationalist named Vomthu
Moung(also often spelled as Vumthu Maung) with the formation of a political organization called Chin
Taung Nyi Nyut Ye Aphwe.(Chin Hills Unity Organization) in March 1933. It held its first party conference on
April 29 in 1934 at Wa Re village in present day Mindat Township. 129 Chin political leaders were arrested
in 1939 and sent to various jails across Burma. They were freed by the Japanese in 1942.*
Then some of the most outstanding political movements took place among the Zo people inside present-
day India under the banner of the Mizo Union with its submission of a memorandum known as the MIZO
MEMORANDUM to the British Government in 1947, and the submission of the Paite National Councils
Memorandum to the Indian Government in 1960. There were and are several groups and individuals among
the Zos on both sides of the international boundary who aspire to unify all the Zo tribes under a single
administration and with a single nomenclature.(The drive for reunification with the Zo people inside
Bangladesh is still somewhat neglected until now. Author)
The following are the most important historical papers that document the affairs of the Chin/Zo people
from the time of British colonial rule up to the present.
Actually, the British wanted to put the two Zo territories - Chin Hills and Lushai Hills - under a single
administrative head at the Chin-Lushei Conference of 1892. However, the implementation of this idea was
never realized for a number of reasons. According to Prof. Pum Khan Pau, some of the reasons were
personal rivvalries among some high ranking officials who attended the conference, and logistic, strategic,
communication and geographical considerations.
In accordance with the resolution reached at this conference Mr. Carey, the Political Officer of the Chin
Hills, drafted the Chin Hills Regulation 1896(see APPENDIX AA), which was approved by the British
Government and officially promulgated on August 13, 1896.
14.2 CHIN-LUSHAI CONFERENCE
Fort William, the 29th January 1892
At the final meeting of the Chin-Lushai Conference held at Fort William, on 29th January 1892.
PRESENT:
The Honble Sir Charles Alfred Elliot, K.C.S.I., Lt. Governor General of Bengal
__________________________________________________
* Authors Note: There are several conflicting information with regard to this political movement that this author cannot yet confirm the most
reliable one. The information here therefore shall serve only as general informaion for the time being. See also APPENDIX N
66
His Excellency Lieutenant- General the Honble Sir. J. C. Dormer, K.C.B., Commander-in-Chief, Madras.
Sir Alexander Mackenzie, K.C.S.I., Chief Commissioner of Burma.
W.E. Ward Esq., C.S.I., Chief Commissioner of Assam
Sir Henry Mortimer Durand, K.C.I.K., C.S.I., Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign Department
Major General E.H.H. Collin, C.I.E., Secretary to the Government of India, Military Department
Major-General Sir James Browne, KCSI. C.B., R.E., Quarters-Master-General in India
The following resolutions were passed: -
1. The majority of the Confererence are of the opinion that it is desirable that the whole tract of the country known as
the Chin-Lushai Hills should be brought under one administrative head as soon as this can be done. They also consider
it advisable that the new Administration should be subordinated to the Chief Commissioner of Assam. Sir J. Dormer and
Sir Alexander Mackenzie would defer any final decision as regards the eastern part of the tract till further information is
obtained.
2. The Conference is not prepared to assert that this can be taken immediately. As matters stand now, the difficulties
of communication, of supplies, and of transport are very serious, and it will in any case be necessary to suspend
action until after the close of the present cold seasons operations in the Chin and Lushai Hills.
3. The first thing to be done for the control of this tract is to improve the communication between the important places
such as Cachar and Aijal, Aijal and Lungleh, Aijal and Manipur, and the posts situated respectively on the eastern and
western sides of the tract. The opening out of this line is a work of pressing importance. The necessary commisariat
staff should also be provided to arrange for transport and supplies, till the track is able to provide them
for itself.
4. The Conference is of the opinion that the boundaries of the new administrative area should be, generally speaking,
the boundaries of the tract occupied by the savages newly brought under British control, but the details of those
boundaries can only be settled after consultation with local officers.
5. The Conference is agreed that North and South Lushai, with such portions of the Arakhan Hill Tracts may hereafter
be determined, should be placed under Assam at once on the condition that:
a. Complete transport and commissariat equipment for supplies from Chittagong to South Lushai, and from Cachar to
North Lushai, are provided;
b. Funds are granted for road and telegraph from Aijal to Lungleh.
-------
{Signed} C.A. ELLIOTT
{Signed} J.C. DORMER, Lieut. Gen.
{Signed} A.MACKENZIE
{Signed} W.E.WARD
{Signed} H.M. DURRAND
{Signed} E.H.H. COLLEN
{Signed} JAMES BROWNE, Maj. Gen.
(Source:Foreign Department Report on Chin-Lushai Hills, September 1892(reprinted 1980/No.3)
_____________________________________________
- See Footnate on next page for a short quotation from Prof. Pum Khan Paus abbreviated paper on this topic:
http://www.scribd.com/doc/24109249/
The full text can be accessed at: The Indian Historical Review, Volume XXXIV, No. 1(January 2007), pp. 187-209. Published by the Indian
Council of Historical Research, New Delhi, 2007.
67
14.3 MEMORANDUM SUBMITTED TO HIS MAJESTYS GOVERNMENT, GOVERNMENT OF INDIA AND ITS
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY THROUGH THE ADVISORY SUB-COMMITTEE BY THE MIZO UNION
MIZO MEMORANDUM
Memorandum of the case of the Mizo people for the right of territorial unity and solidarity and self-determination within
the province of Assam in free India submitted to His Majestys Government and the Government of India and its
constituent Assembly through the Advisory Sub-Committee for Assam and fully excluded areas and partially excluded
areas.
Pursuant to the resolution passed by the General Assembly of the Mizo Union at Aijal in September 1946 subse-
quently supported by the Mizo Conference at Lakhipur (Cachar) in November 1946 this memorandum prepared by the
Mizo Union and supported by the Mizos outside the Lushai Hills Manipur State, Cachar, Tripura and the Chittagong
Hill Tracts, etc.
The memorandum seeks to represent the case of Mizo people for territorial unity and integrity of the whole Mizo
population and full self-determination within the province of Assam for the realization of which an appeal is made to
His Majestys Government, the Government of India and its constituent Assembly to make a special financial provision
from year to year for a period of ten years or until such time as the Mizos shall assert that they can maintain their
self determination without this financial provision.
14.3.1. THE PEOPLE AND THE LAND
The Mizos are a numerous family of tribes, closely knitted together by common tradition, custom, culture, mode of
living, language and rites. They are spread over a wider area extending far beyond Manipur State, Cachar, Tripura
State, Chittagong Hill Tracts and Burma contiguous with the boundaries of the present Lushai-Hills District which was
carved out arbitrarily for administrative purpose.
The Mizo people have been known under different names. They were wrongly identified as Kukis during the time of
Lord Warren Hastings when Administrator of Chittagong sought help of the British against the Kuki raiders, and it
continued to be applied to the whole group until 1871 when it was supplanted by the term Lushai as a result of the
active and prominent part taken by the Lushai, sub-tribe of Mizo race, against the British Expedition known as the First
_____________________________________________
* Explanation for previous page:
During 19-21 May 1988 an unusual gathering took place at Champhai, a small town in the Indian state of Mizoram, some 20 kilometres from the
Myanmar border. It was the First World Zomi Convention and was attended by a large number of people, estimated at more than 1,000 from parts
of Mizoram, Manipur and the contiguous Chin state of Myanmar. On the third day, the convention pledged solidarity and integration to take on a just
struggle for Zo-Reunification under one administrative umbrella. Though it went unnoticed by the Indian press, the convention became the forer-
unner of the Zo-Re-unification Organization with the avowed object of unifying the Indian state of Mizoram and the Chin state of Myanmar where
the Zo descendants are predominent.
What was significant about the convention is that the Zo people on both sides of the international boundary met for the first time over an issue that
they had long been airing separately. The event coincided with the political upheavel in Myanmar, which was triggered by the demonstrations by
the townfolk and students of Rangoon Institute of Technology, the minority communities later joined with the people in the Myanmar heartland.
Smaller tribal groups in Manipur who see themselves as part of the Zo group too had developed these ideas. The Paite National Council in
Manipur, for instance, submitted a memorandum to Prime Minister Jewaharlal Nehru urging him to take steps to re-unite all the Chin tribes into
one territory by rectifying the artificial demarcation/boundary between India and Burma. Later in the 1980s, books began to appear emphasizing the
common ethnicity of these people. The basis for such assertions had been brought out by the Mizo Union, the first political party in the former
Mizo Hills District, in 1947:
It is a great injustice that the Mizos having one and the same culture, speaking one and the same language, professing one and
the same religion, and knit together by common customs and traditions should have been called and known by different names
and thrown among different people with their homeland sliced out and given to others.
The main body of this article examines the underlying problems of the settlements of the Zo people on the Chin-Lushai Hills as it was referred to
during colonial rule, with special reference to the colonial period. It looks into the possible factors responsible for the failure of the Chin-Lushai
Conference of 1892, which has far reaching effects on the social-economic and political unity of the various tribes of Zo descendants of the Indo-
Myanmar border areas in the post-colonial period.(Administrative Rivalries On A Frontier: Problem of the Chin-Lushai Hills. pp. 187-88 )
68
Lushai Expedition. The present Lushai-Hills District was thus curved out of the Mizoland for administrative convenience
and the Mizo people living within the District came to be known as Lushais while the other Mizos left out of the Lushai
Hills District and annexed to the surrounding Districts, continued to be known as Kuki without their consent. However,
the solidarity of the Mizo people as a race and a distinct block is testified by the name of places, mountains, and
ranges of the Lushai Hills, Cachar, Manipur, Tripura, Chittagong Hill Tracts, Burma, known and called after the names
of them. Shakespeare, Stevenson, Liangkhaia, Shaw, Kingdonward and Kim of the Statesman are some of the
authorities on this.
The Mizos have nothing in common with the plains nor with the Naga or Manipuri, etc. They are distinct block. The
areas now under their occupation are mostly hilly except the eastern portion of Cachar district extending to the Barial
range in the North Cachar Hills. Wherever they go and wherever they are, they carry with them their primitive customs,
cultures and mode of living in its purest origin, always calling and identifying themselves as Mizo.
The nomenclature of the word KUKI was and is known to the Mizos; it was a name merely given to them by the
neighbouring foreigners.
Again, it was wrong that the word Lushai should be used as covering all the Mizo tribes since it is misrending of the
Lusei, only sub-tribe of the Mizo race. Hence though perhaps, not originally intended, it has created a division. Only the
word Mizo stand for the whole group of them all : Lusei, Hmar, Ralte, Paite, Zo, Darlawng, Kawm, Pawi, Thado, Chiru,
Aimol, Khawl, Tarau, Anal, Puram, Tikhup, Vaiphei, Lakher, Langrawng, Chawrai; Bawng, Baite, Mualthuam, Kaihpen,
Pangkhua, Tlangau, Hrangkhawl, Bawmzo, Miria, Dawn, Kumi, Khiangte, Khiang, Pangte, Khawlhring, Chawngthu,
Vanchiau, Chawhte, Ngente, Renthlei, Hnamte, Tlau, Pautu, Pawite, Vangchhia, Zawngte, Fanai, etc, all closely related
to one another culturally, socially, economically and physically thus forming a distinct ethnical unit.
14.3.2. TRADITIONAL ORIGIN
Traditionally Mizos claim descent from Sinlung, a mythical rock north of the Shan state. Migration by tribal group seems
to have taken place about the beginning of the 5th century, halting at several locations from longer or lesser periods
through the Shan state, Chindwin Valley and Chin Hills until they finally came to settle in their present occupied areas
and the villages claimed by the various Mizo tribes, wherever their present habitat may be, as their original homes are
within or close to the border of the present Falam Sub-Division.
14.3.3. THE MIZO POPULATION
[A] The Mizo people in the Lushai Hills alone number 1,46,900 with an area of 8,143 square miles
according to the census of 1941.
[B] The Mizo population of Manipur State contiguous to the Lushai Hills again comes to about 70,000 with an area of
about 3,500 square miles.
[C] The Mizo in the Cachar District contiguous to the Lushai Hills, the Mizo again number approximately 9,000 with an
area of about 300 square miles.
[D] In Tripura state contiguous to the Lushai Hills, the Mizo again number approximately 7,000 with an area of about
250 square miles.
[E] In the Chittagong Hill Tracts, contiguous to the Lushai Hills, the Mizo population is generally approximated to be
about 15,000 with an area of about 3,000 square miles.
[F] In the Chin Hills (Burma) also contiguous to the Lushai Hills who are now commonly known and termed as the Chins,
number not less than 90,000 with an area of about 3,800 square miles occupied by them.
The total Mizo population of the contiguous area alone thus comes roughly 3,38,400 and the areas about 18,993 square
miles.
69
It is a great injustice that the Mizos having one and the same culture, speaking one and the same language,
professing one and the same religion, and knit together by common customs and traditions should have been called
and known by different names and thrown among different people with their homeland sliced out and given to others.
The whole contiguous area of the Mizo population as detailed above occupies the middle and the most important
portion of Indias Eastern Frontiers. It is, therefore, the more imperative that His Majestys Government, the Government
of India and its constituent Assembly should do the just and proper thing and grant the Mizos their just demand for
TERRITORIAL UNITY AND SOLIDARITY.
14.3.4. MIZO HISTORY AND BRITISH CONNECTION
The Mizo people were independent, each village forming an independent unity, and their country was never subjugated
by the Maharajas of Manipur, Tripura and Chittagong nor by the Kacharis. However, there had been frontier clashes
between the Mizos and the neighbouring people which ultimately brought the British to the scene in 1871. The Mizo
country was subsequently annexed to the British territory in 1890, when a little less than half of the country was carved
out for the Mizo people and named Lushai Hills while the rest have been parcelled out of the adjoining districts. Since
the Mizos have remained loyal, friendly and peaceful. At all time, whenever the British needed help as World War I,
Abhor Expedition., Houkip Rebellion, and World War II, the willing services of the Mizo people were readily available.
The Mizos have an efficient system of administration and discipline. Being a distinct block they retain to a
considerable degree their ancient and traditional laws, and customs and organizations, beginning from village under the
guidance of the Chief and the Elders, while young and old have their respective leaders in all walks of life.
Except in Cachar, the Mizo people are excluded from the Government of Indias Act and the areas inhabited by them
are kept as a special responsibility of the Governor of the province in his capacity as the Crown Representative and the
Legislature have no influence whatsoever. In other words, the Mizos have never been under the Indian Government and
never had any connection with the policies and politics of the various groups of Indian opinion.
Now that the British are quitting these Mizos who have never been under the Indian government and whose ways are
all different from others, cannot be thrown on a common platform with the rest of India. It is therefore, important to the
highest degree that the Mizos be given self-determination in its fullest form.
14.3.5. THE PRESENT GENERAL CONDITIONS OF THE COUNTRY
As stated in the foregoing paragraphs, the Mizo areas are mostly excluded. The political officer is supreme in every
respect. The Education is mostly carried on by the Christian Missionary groups. The general communication of the
country is extremely poor. The land is extremely hilly without good roads; and the people poor and simple, primitive and
divided into tribes and clans. The highest education is mostly derived from outside the district; but in mass literacy the
Mizo people is highest in Assam. The people are mostly intelligent and as such given equal terms they always outshine
their fellow-workers of other community in the fields at home. They are born strategist. Their greatest short-coming is
lack of finance as a result of their trade and commerce and limited scope open for them. Their areas stretch from north
to south parallel with the Burma border line for defence along the eastern border of India.
This being the background, it is all the more imperative that the Mizoram be given special financial provision by the
Central from year to year while allowing them their territorial integrity as anything short of this will be detrimental to their
upbringing. In other words, the Centre shall grant financial provision from year to year for the purpose of development
of the country while the district shall join autonomous Assam through legislature with adequate representation and be
also eligible to the provincial service with due reservations at the same time retaining their territorial integrity and self-
determination : as otherwise thrown among forty crores of Indians the 3,38,400 Mizos with their unique systems of life
will be wiped out of existence.
14.3.6. OUR CASE
In the light of the facts stated in the foregoing paragraphs and in view of geographical position and the strategical
importance of the Mizoram for the defence of India and taking into consideration the unique characteristics of Mizo
70
polity and compact block of Mizoland this Memorandum is placed with the authority for
[1] Territorial unity and solidarity of; the whole Mizo population to be known henceforth as Mizo and Mizoram for Lushai
and Lushai Hills District, retaining the sole proprietary right over the land.
[2] Full self-determination with the province of Assam:
[A] With the National Council having the supreme legislative authority and executive body and judiciary within the
district the composition and function of which will be prescribed by rules.
[B] Any concurrent subjects in which the district may be connected with the autonomous province of Assam or India
as a whole shall be by negotiation with the national councils which will be set up; according to wishes of the general
public, any legislation may be applied to the district only with sanction of the national council with any modification.
[C] Special financial provision by the Centre from year to year until such time as the Mizos shall assert that they are
able to maintain their territorial integrity and self-determination without this financial provision.
ALL ABOVE ITEMS SHALL BE SUBJECT TO REVISION ACCORDING TO THE FUTURE TREND OF EVENTS TO THE
EXTENT OF SECEEDING AFTER TEN YEARS.
For this end it is to be understood that the democratic system of Government in its purest form shall at the very outset
be introduced. Passed and approved by the Mizo Union representatives conferences at Aijal, Lushai Hills, Assam on
22nd April, 1947.
26-4-1947
Sd/- KHAWTINKHUMA
President
Sd/- VANTHUAMA
General Secretary
The Mizo Union, Aijal,
Lushai Hills,
ASSAM
(Source: True Copy/Zogam.Online)
14.4. MEMORANDUM
Submitted by the Paite National Council
for Re-unification of the Zomis of India, Burma and Pakistan under one Country
To,
The Prime Minister,
Government of India,
New Delhi
Submitted by the Paite National Council to the Prime Minister of India for the Re-unification of Zomis of India and Burma
under one country.
We, the undersigned, in continuation of the resolutions passed at the Annual General Assembly of the Paite National
Council held at Hanship village from the 10th to 13th October, 1957 and at Mualnuam village from the 6th to 8th
71
February,1960 and the Memorandum submitted thereof, have the honour to submit this Memorandum of ours again in
pursuance of the resolution passed at the General Meeting of the Paite National Council held at Hiangtam Lamka village
from the 27th to 29th May,1960 with a request that Government of India, with good-will and under standing, will take
initiative as to group all Chin people inhabiting the Indo Burma border areas within one country as specified and justified
herein for the safe-guard of their economic, social, political rights, etc.
14.4.1. [1] RE-UNIFICATION OF THE CHIN PEOPLE INTO ONE TERRITORY
The name Chin: The word Chin is supposed by some Authorities to be a corruption of Chinese word Jen or Man.
It is related to names such as Chingpa, China, Shan, Siam etc. Many leaders have always attempted to interpret the
word Chin as analogous to Kuki. there has been no difference of opinion that there are some, of course, Kuki stock of
people. But there is a gulf of arbitrary difference between Chins and Kukis in the sense of grading or grouping system.
The identity of the Chins can be best verified in the Linguistic Survey of India, Volume III, Part III by G.A. Grierson,
I.C.S.; Ph.D; D. Litt; C.I.E. because the Author who collected the Data, Specimen and Records by referring to 30
Authorities, was an authorized one by the British Indian Government. Thus, according to this Book, under Chin, as a
genius, come all the Kuki tribes and other various tribes; whereas Kuki as a species is a sub-group of Chin or in other
words, Kuki is another grouping system excluding some tribes under Chin. Hence Chin is a wider denotation and Kuki a
narrower denotation.
14.4.2. [2] THE ORIGIN OF THE CHINS
The Chins are believed to be of Chinese origin as supported by Bamboo-reed musical instrument and others. The
traditional memory claimed their remote original place as a Cave in China where, for fear of enemies, they hid
themselves; which is interpreted in different dialects as Sinlung in Hmar and Khul in Paite and other languages. Thus in
view of the tradition and history, the Khul Union as assigned to the place of their origin was once constituted as a
political reconciliation by some leaders in Manipur. Nothing of their sojourn is known beyond this cave-period till they
settled in Burma. But there is a traditional belief that during their sojourn some of them migrated to Siam and some
through the Northern Hilly Tracts of Burma. However, the fact is that the Chins are Tibeto-Burmese origin as also
manifested in the Linguistic Survey of India. The fact of their relation with Tibetans is revealed amongst others by some
common dialects of which mention may be made of Five and three which are pronounced as Nga and Thum
respectively in both Tibetan and Chin dialects. Then within the memory of man, some of them migrated through the Chin
Hills and settled in the Manipur Hills, Mizo District, Tripura Hills, Chittagong Hill Tracts and North Cachar Hills; and this
is still proved by the names of villages which the Chins carried from place to place during the period of their sojourn.
14.4.3. [3] THE PEOPLES OF CHIN
In this respect also, the Linguistic Survey of India is the most reliable source of information which easily and
apparently revealed who the Chin are, from the view point of Anthropology. The word Chin is synonymous and is used
to denote the various hill tribes of Burma, Manipur, Mizo District, Tripura, North Cachar Hills in India and of the Arakan
and Chittagong Hill Tracts of Pakistan. Even Manipur language is said to have originated from the Chin stock as Meitei-
Chin. Attempts have always been made by some leaders to group all the tribal of Manipur, except the Nagas, into Kuki
just to confuse the authorities and some leaders by citing the Governments records. This is wrong analogy and is
connoted due to the fact that during the British Regime, some Kuki officials who manned the key posts personally
enticed the British officers that no proper, correct data and records could be assessed as to record some tribes to the
effect of their genetical existence and to the true picture of their ethnology, with a result that many tribal communities
were whimsically misnamed as Kukis. Again emphasis has always been made by some leaders that the same stock of
people are called Kukis in the Republic of India, and Chins in the Union of Burma or a Chin becomes Kuki the moment
he crosses the Indo-Burma border and vice-versa. This fickle change of nomenclature, as if metamorphosis, is nothing
but too fictious.
Opinions may be differ and leaders may claim as belonging to one group or another, and also published some self
72
interested books like Thado-Kuki Clan so as to include all other tribes under their whimsical encirclement. But no other
information, data, specimen and records are more accurate and reliable than that of the Linguistic Survey of India by G.
A. Grierson. Thus according to page 2 and 3 of this Book, under the Chins of India, over and above that of Burma,
come the following tribes: Thado, Ralte, Lai, Bangjogi, Bete, Aimo, lJiroi-Lamgang, Purum, Chinme, Yindu, Khami Sokte,
Paite, Lakher, Pankhu, Allam, Anal, Kolren, Hmar, Welaung, Chibon, Siyin, Tashon, Lushei, Rangkhol, Langrong, Chiru,
Kom, Cha, Chimbok, Khyang or Sho. These peoples, as Chin tribes, form a distinct ethnological unit and closely related
to one another linguistically, traditionally, socially, culturally, physically, historically, etc. The Chins, unlike the Nagas,
can converse with a clear understanding in their respective dialects.
14.4.4. [4] THE TERRITORY OF CHINS
According to an unbiased Anthropologist, as manifested in the Book of Linguistic Survey of India, the territory
inhabited by the Chin tribes extends from the Naga Hills in the North down into the Saudoway District of Burma in the
South, from the Mytha river of Burma in the East almost to the Bay of Bengal in the West. Hence, the territory of Chin
had been demarcated as to include some part of India and Burma and their existence of geographical bounds also had
been circumscribed by their consolidated ethnological inhabitant of these areas. Moreover, though the territory due to
the Divide and Rule Policy of the British, was artificially disintegrated into main Divisions; yet the International Boundary,
the Mac-Mohan Line, which is the basic point of Sino-Indo border dispute, still seals Burma as a part and parcel of India.
14.4.5. [5] THE RELATIONSHIP OF CHINS OF INDIA AND BURMA
Mentioned has already been made of their ethnology that all the tribal peoples, other than the Nagas in the Indo-
Burma border areas, are called Chins and no sane tribal of this region could deny of their relations with the tribal peoples
of Burma and of the recent migration from the Chin Hills of Burma to India. As such, the ethnological unit or origin and
the relationships of the Chins of Burma and India have been conspicuously transmitted through their culture, social life,
history, tradition, language, poetry and songs and customs as marked by their uniform celebrations of National
Festivals, etc. So is the case in many other aspects of their daily life and administration. There may be slight variations
in the dialects, but the Chins, unlike the other tribal people, can converse in their respective dialects freely. And the
chain of their relationship is circumscribed not only by geographical bounds but more often by racial unity. The Chins
of Burma and India have and still maintain a distinctive culture and social life of their own which have been pervaded
through ages in poetry and songs with thoughtful and meaningful ideas. The feeling of their blood relationship has been
imbibed so much in them that no constitution on earth or no existing law will justify this separation of Chin people who
had been living together through ages without bar and segregation.
14.4.6. [6] THE POLITICAL STATUS OF THE CHINS BEFORE, DURING AND AFTER BRITISH REGIME
The Chins lived in a complete independence before the British Regime without any outside interference whatsoever
from any quarter, and no part of her territory was ever subjugated under Burmese or Indian administration. They even
raised into the plains of Burma. The contiguous area inhabited by the Chins as already mentioned was a compact and
homogeneous one. But as far as in the Nineteenth Century, the British came and eventually conquered the Chins (in all
nearly 7,000 guns were taken from the tribes between 1893 and 1896) and the area was arbitrarily divided under them
for administrative convenience by disintegrating it into Chin Hills, Manipur, Tripura, Arakan, Chittagong Hill Tracts and
North Cachar Hills. The land so conquered was annexed to their administration. Even then the Chins in various regions
were still knitted together by common tradition, custom and culture, mode of living, language and social life. During the
British Regime, the Chins of Burma and India freely mixed together and lived harmoniously. As there was no restriction
of movement as is imposed today there was free intermarriage and social and commercial trading intercourse amongst
them. They administered themselves in accordance with their own customary laws and ways. It was rather a sovereign
land where the people enjoyed a perfect harmony of their own, and their recognition attributed by the Government was
the levying of Nominal House Tax by the British. When Burma was partitioned from India in 1937, we were not consulted
nor were a chance given to us to explain what we were and are.
73
When India was in the threshold of Independence from the shackles of foreign domination, the terms were agreed
upon that Burma and Pakistan would also be given self domination status. Thus the Chins have undisputable right of
regaining their former political status. But, unfortunately, no such provisions were guaranteed to the Chins nor were
they given a chance to claim perhaps, due to their ignorance and unconsciousness of their political fate. Inspite, the
artificial Indo-Burma boundary demarcated by the British was secretly confirmed between the contracting parties
themselves without considering the culture, custom, history, tradition, relation, economic condition, political rights, etc.
of the Chin people of these regions. This Division not only leads to the detriment of the peoples weal but deprives of
their political, economic and social rights and is quite unfair, unconditional, undetermined and unadaptable because no
strong voice as to preserve their fundamental rights can be raised from either side.
Since no part of the Chin Territory was ever subjugated under the Burmese or Indian Government and the Chins
enjoyed their self-administration before the British annexation; they after the British let the country, have legitimate
right to be free again. But when India achieved her independence in 1947, the Chins in this region were too ignorant and
illiterate as to determine what future form of political status would be most desirable and conducive form them and for
the Indian independence. They in the true sense were far from being realized, and subsequently some part of the Chin
areas were annexed to Burma and some to India without their knowledge. The consequence is that while the other
brethren of India, for more than ten years of keen exercising their right to enjoy self-determination to solve their political
destiny, the Chins have been neglected too much and given no chance other than the step-motherly treatment as a
second rate citizens, to enjoy such status irrespective of their legitimate right and of provision incorporated in Indian
Constitution for minorities and tribes. Hence something could be done for their preservation and checking all these
shortcomings and maladjustment by re-uniting all the Chin tribes, for they will surely succumb sooner or later to
extinction and extermination, and may even cause costly and irreparable loss. Thus for a stable and sound
administration of the country and as our legitimate rights, we, for and on behalf of all the Chin peoples, put forth this
demand for the reunification of the Chins within one country where every community can has District or Division or
Region for the preservation of their fundamental rights.
Therefore, for all the facts and reasons enumerated above, we approach the Government of India with good-will
and understanding to take initiative step immediately as to re-unite all the Chin tribes into one Territory by rectifying
the artificial demarcation of the boundary between India and Burma as specified thereof.
Yours faithfully,
Dated: the 30th May, 1960
Churachandpur
Sd/- T. GOUKHENPAU
President,
Paite National Council
Sd/- S. VUNGKHOM
Chief Secretary
Paite National Council
(Source: True Copy/www.zogam.org)
__________________________________
14.5 FIRST WORLD ZOMI CONVENTION
Venue : Champhai: Mizoram
MAY 19 21, 1988
13.5.1 DECLARATION
74
We, the people of Zo ethnic group,
Inhabitants of the highlands in
The Chin Hills and Arakans of Burma,
The Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh,
The Mizoram State and adjoining hill areas of India
Are descendants of one ancestor.
Our language, our culture and tradition,
And no, less our social and customary practices
Are clear evidences of the ethnological facts.
Further, our historical records,
And footprints both written and unwritten
In the sands of time testify
To the truth of our common ancestry.
Much against the interest for preservation,
Consolidation and promotion of our ethnic identity,
The British colonial rulers after subjugating us
During the later part of the 19th century,
Exercised the imperialistic policy
Of Divide and Rule.
As a result, our ancestral homeland was divided,
So were members of the Zo community distributed
Like cattle sold and separated.
Adding grave insult to injury,
The emergence of the sovereign state
Of India, Burma and Pakistan in 1940s
Had the administrative fragmentations aggravated
And gave birth to deeper agonies of separation
For the constitutional laws of respective countries
Divided Zo ethnic origin into different nationalities.
For better part of the century,
Largely because of our limited outlook
Both in terms historical and political,
The gravity of our uncertain situation
And the danger for our ethnological demise
Received no meaningful political response.
The genocidal threat of neo-colonialism
Against our Zo ethnic survival
Still remain ever unredeemed.
Now with political consciousness gaining momentum,
And the spirit of nationalism quickening us
Come fuller realization of our human rights
And of our political prerogatives
We cannot but feel burdened
With the paramount importance of Zo Reunification
For preservation and existence of Zo ethnic identity.
75
Re-asserting, therefore, our faith and confidence
In the code of comity of Nation
For redeeming injustices done to Zo ethnic origin,
We, the delegates to the First World Zo Convention of Zo Reunification
Ethnically enshrined on this day
Twentieth Day of the Month of May
In the year of our Lord Nineteen Eighty-Eight
Upon the alter of Zo Reunification
As under:
14.5.2 CHARTER OF AGREEMENT
I
We solemnly affirm the truth
That members of Zo ethnic origin
Now living in Burma, India and Bangladesh
Are a people of common ancestry
Speaking a common language,
Blessed with common social,
Cultural and religious background,
And destined to common political fate and destiny.
II
We sincerely pledge and affirm
Solidarity and integration to take on
A just struggle for Zo Re-Unification
Under one Administrative umbrella
In conformity with the resolution of the Chin-Lushai Conference
Held at Ford William, Calcutta
On January 29, 1892.
III
We firmly hold the universal truth
That our political aspirations for Zo Reunification
Regardless of international boundary constraints
Are the inalienable rights of all Zo ethnic origin,
Further, we solemnly acknowledge the claim
For Zo Re-unification to be wholly legitimate.
IV
We firmly adopt the principle of non-violence
For attaining the Zo Re unification.
V
We sincerely appeal to the consciences
Of all heads of States and Governments
Under whom Zo Communities are citizens respectively
To recognize and acknowledge
The rightful claim for Zo Reunification.
Further, we appeal to one and all
76
Believing in the Universal Human Rights
To lend support to the just struggle
For Zo Reunification
At all levels and at different stages.
14.5.3 ORGANISATION
In order to promote the just struggle
For Zo Re-unification
I
We solemnly affirm and resolve
That a loose political forum
Called the ZO RE-UNIFICATION ORGANISATION be formed.
(And is hereby formed)
Further, we resolve that
Zo re-unification Organisation (ZORO)
Be a forum covering all political parties
And Individuals
(i) Acknowledging the rightful claim
For Zo Re-unification;
(ii) Accepting the paramount importance
Of Zo Re-unification
Above and beyond party politics, and
(iii) Willing to subscribe the ideas and views
As may develop time to time
Through the forum of ZORO.
II
WE affirm and resolve that
(i) ZORO as a forum shall not interfere
In any local political programmes and activities
Of any constituent political party;
(ii) No constituent political unit of ZORO
In absence of consultation with ZORO
Shall organize any local political party activities
As may adversely affect the objectives of ZORO;
(iii) Any of the political parties
Involving and participating in ZORO
Shall enjoy the privilege of exercising certain discretions
As to form frontal organizations
Within the respective party concerned
Primarily for promotion of the just struggle
For Zo Reunification, and
(iv) ZORO, as a forum, shall normally finalise
Important policy decisions
77
In matters related directly or indirectly
To the just struggle for Zo Re-unification.
WE, the Undersigned,
For and on behalf of Zo people,
Living and children yet to be born,
Look to God in prayer,
And seal this document with our signatures.
LONG LIVE ZO RE-UNIFICATION.
SIGNED BY 40 DELEGATES REPRESENTING DIFFERENT ORGANISATIONS. AND NINETY EIGHT OTHERS.
(Source: True Copy/Zogam.Online)
14.6 ZO RE-UNIFICATION ORGANIZATION(ZORO)
General Headquarters, Aizawl, Mizoram
MILLENIUM DECLARATION
On this auspicious 108th ANNIVERSARY of the CHIN-LUSHAI CONFERENCE 29th January Millenium year. We, the
delegates of the ZO Re-Unification Convention, according to the Declaration of First World Re-Unification Convention
held at Champhai in May 1988 reaffirmed the commitment anew and proclaim the following Millenium declaration:
- We the indigenous people of the ZO country proclaim and accept that ZO is our Nationality because we are the
descendents of a man, whose name was ZO and the ZO inhabited Area is ZO country.
- Our objective is the restoration of the Fundamental Rights of the ZO Nation by re-unifying our people. The ZO
peoples Fundamental Rights had been taken away by the divisions of our country into parts of three countries.
- We, hereby affirmed our commitment with solidarity and integrity to take up our struggle for Re-Unification of the Zo
people under one administrative head in the spirit of Chin-Lushai (as the British then called us) conference of 1892.
- We salute the freedom fighters of our fathers who courageously stood up against the contingents of the British
expeditions which brought the division of our Zo country under the administrations of the then Assam, Burma,
and Bengal.
- We strongly protest the British colonial administrations act of placing the administration of our country under Burma,
India, and Pakistan after the Second World War against the wishes of the Zo people.
- We, therefore, appeal to the international community to recognize our basic human rights and support our claim to
re-instate the deprived rights of our ZO people in the spirit of Atlantic Charter which manifested against territorial
changes contrary to the wishes of the people concerned. We appeal also to restore Zo peoples Fundamental Rights
as a national entity, which had been taken away by an colonial alien concerned. We appeal also to restore Zo
peoples Fundamental Rights as a national entity, which had been taken away by an colonial alien nation and given
to three alien nations in contrary to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Art. 15) which forbids the arbitrarily
deprivation of a persons nationality. We signed this declaration in the spirit of the Chin-Lushai (ZO)conference
resolution held at Fort William, Calcutta on January, 1892.
(R.W. ROZATHANG
Chairman
(R.THANGMAWIA)
Secretary General
DATED AIZAWL THE 30TH OCTOBER 1988
_________________________
78
15.0 INDEPENDENCE OF THE UNION OF BURMA
15.1 INTRODUCTION

The signing of the Panglong Agreement by the peoples representatives of Burmans, Shans, Kachins
and Chins on the 12th February 1947 at Panglong in Southern Shan State gave birth to the Union of
Burma. If the Shans, Chins and Kachins had not signed this treaty, only Burma Proper or Ministerial
Burma would have gained independence and there would never be a Union of Burma. The Kayas or
Karennis, who later joined the Union, did not sign this treaty. The four Karenni states, which were later
made into Kaya State, were de jure independent sovereign states recognized in a treaty signed in 1875
by both the Burmese kings and the British.
The non-Burman peoples have always by tradition mistrusted the Burmans in general that it could even
be said that the signing of the historic Panglong Agreement itself could be materialized solely on the
grounds of General Aung Sans personal sincerity and honesty. As an attempt to prove this point and, the
historical backgrounds that paved the way for the birth of the Union of Burma, I shall quote the following
lengthy passages from Vum Ko Haus own book(Profile of A Burma Frontier Man) since I, the author, do not
have any other more reliable and detailed documents on this topic than this book on hand at the moment.
Another important reason for quoting these passages is the fact that modern Burmese history, especially
about the most critical hours at its birth, have so badly been manipulated by those in power that it is time to
straighten at least some of the untruths out.
For the culmination of the last and final independence of Burma the following historical factors are the
significant episodes:
1. The Aung San-Attlee Agreement
2. The Panglong Agreement
3. The Frontier Areas Commission of Enquiry*
4. The Provisional Cabinet of Bogyoke Aung San
5. The Provisional Cabinet of Thakin Nu
6. The Authors of the Constitution of the Union of Burma
7. The Nu-Attleee Agreement
The Aung San-Attlee Agreement paved the way for the Burmans and the Frontier peoples for free
intercourse and for the frontier leaders to become the Governors executive counsellors. The Panglong
Conference sealed the fate of the future of the Frontier peoples as well as the people of ministerial Burma.
They decided to fight together for the independence of Burma. The Frontier Areas Commission of Enquiry
composed of the leaders of the Frontier Areas who had been elected as Consellors to the Governor of
Burma to represent their respective races viz the Shans, Chins and the Kachins. For the first time in the
history of Burma three Frontier leaders elected by their own races sat as Members of the Executive
Council of the Government of Burma. The names of the three frontier leaders were the Honble Sao Sam
Htun Counsellor for Shans; Honble Vum Ko Hau Counsellor for Chins and Honble Sinwa Naw Counsellor
for Kachins. They took office in March 1947. They led their delegations earlier to the Panglong Conference
where they were instrumental in the successful drafting of the Panglong Agreement. The drafters of the
Panglong Agreement and other outstanding frontier leaders were:
___________________________________________________________________
* Official Usage: The Frontier Areas Committee of Enquiry
Note: See APPENDIX R for full text of The Report of the Frontier Areas Committee of Enquiry, 1947
79
Authors of the Panglong Agreement
1. Sao Shwe Thaike, later President of the Union.
2. Sao Sam Htun, later Counsellor for Shans.
3. Vum Ko Hau, later Counsellor for Chins.
4. Duwa Zau Lawn, later a State Minister.
5. Duwa Sinwa Naw, later Counsellor for Kachins.
6. On the Burmese side Bogyoke Aung San was advised by U Tin Tut. But the drafting of the Agreement was
left to the Frontier leaders. The drafting of the historic document took two days as it had to be amended three
times as the first two drafts which included a clause stipulating immediate statehood for the three frontier
races - the Shans, the Chins and the Kachins - was not acceptable to Bogyoke Aung San. On the last
day of the conference the Chin leader Vum Ko Hau told his opposite numbers that since Bogyoke Aung
San had promised all other things that he had asked for his people, he was prepared to postpone demand
for immediate statehood for the Chins for decision at the Constituent Assembly. This decision paved the
way for further modification of the Agreement to be signed before the end of the conference. On the
successful conclusion of the historic Panglong Agreement uniting the Frontier Areas and ministerial Burma
for the first time in the history, the respective Leaders and Chiefspokesmen of the four Delegations were
asked to speak at the celebration Banquet. The Speakers at the Banquet on the 12th February 1947(since
gazetted as Union Day) were U Aung San on behalf of ministerial Burma, Vum Ko Hau on behalf of the
Chins, Duwa Zau Lawn on behalf of the Kachins and Sao Shwe Thaike on behalf of the Shans. Dr. Maung
Maung, Ph.D. sums up the Panglong Agreement in Burma Constitution as follows:
The Panglong Conference attended by Aung San and AFPFL leaders, all the Saophas of the Shan States,
and leaders of the Chins and the Kachins and representatives of the SCOUHP(Supreme Council of United
Hill Peoples) started early in February and reached agreement on February 12, celebrated today as Union
Day and a national holiday to commemorated the coming together of the peoples. It was a unique occasion.
The Kachins asked for an autonomous state within the Union, and the issue was debated hard and long,
for the Kachins only had their snow-capped mountains which would not be adequate resources for a separate
State. The Chins, led by their young leader Vum Ko Hau, asked Aung San if he would take care that the Chin
Hills got good roads and schools; he promised and they decided to join the Union not even bothering for a
separate State. The unreserved acceptance of Union by the Chins paved the way for agreement. The Shan
Saophas threw in their lot, and the Kachins who were promised that the question of demarcating and
establishing a separate Kachin State within the Unified Burma would be studied with consideration.
The author of the Union of Burma H. Thinker records: The Shans were led by Sao Shwe Thaike,
Sawbwa of Yawnghwe, and the Sawbwa of Mongpawn. The most prominent Kachin leader was the Sama
Duwa Sinwa Nawng of Myitkyina, who had worked for the Japanese. The Chins were represented by
Vum Ko Hau, a former leader of the Allied Chin Levies.
Bogyoke Aung Sans personality then was such that his word was sufficient as far as ministerial Burma
was concerned and his success in winning the confidence of the three vital Frontier Counsellors helped in
no small measure in the deliberations with the Frontier leaders. This was important because it was then the
aim of the newly created Frontier Areas Administration to divide the whole Frontier Areas which include the
Chin Hills, Kachin Hills, Shan States and the Karenni and Pyapon district from those of the ministerial Burma
and attempt to form a separate state should ministerial Burma opt to severe herself from Britain. Since the
Frontier Areas form nearly half(47%) of the total area of Burma and compose of all the adjacent boundaries
of Burma with China, India, Pakistan, Laos and Thailand, the decision of the three frontier leaders was vital
during the crucial pre-independence period...
On the fourteenth anniversary of the Union of Burma the Prime Minister[U Nu] acknowledged the importance
of the historic resolutions of the Frontier leaders with Bogyoke Aung San at the Panglong Conference:
...On February 12, 1947, Bogyoke Aung San and leaders of the indigenous peoples met in conference
at Pinlon. Leaders from the hills and the plains and their peoples resolved at the Pinlon Conference to win
80
together independence for Burma. They also resolved to establish after independence the Union of Burma
to assure fair shares of all rights and privileges to all the peoples. Leaders from the hills and plains so
endeavoured in pursuance of the resolution that they won independence for Burma in 1948. Simultaneously
the Union of Burma as we see it now was formed with Constituent States and Special Division. In this
manner we have come to observe February 12 as Union Day in order to commemorate that day in 1947
when the peoples resolved in concord and unity to establish a Union of Burma, a day that is valued and
cherished. Again it may be said that we have come to observe this day because we value and cherish
the unity and concord of the indigenous peoplesof Burma. I submit this answer to my blood relations
on how the Union Day came to be established..(pp.108-110)

WITH COLLEAGUE AUNG SAN
...Concerning the Frontier peoples and the frontier areas probably for the first time in the history of a
political party in Ministerial Burma the AFPFL(Anti-Fascist PeoplesFreedom League) under the president-
ship of U Aung San issued a rejoinder to the Governor of Burmas speech on the reoccupation of Burma:
AFPFL is fully determined to ensure and safeguard the interests of national minorities. Burma is more
interested in the hill areas than anyone else; democracy should be established to enable the hill peoples
to express their views freely. U Aung Sans interest in the Frontier peoples is manifest from the above
statements made in October 1945. From it I realised that he really meant to look after the welfare of the
Frontier peoples along with his demand for a future independence of Burma. As was well known in those
days the intention of the then Buma government was to divide the whole of the Frontier areas comprising
47 % of the total area of Burma from those of ministerial Burma should the latter opt to secede from
Britain and the conservative elements thought of administering the Frontier peoples separately...
...Bogyoke Aung San was very sincere. He spoke and behaved well and very kind-hearted from the time
he first met us. We all were housed in temporary thatched and bamboo buildings erected temporarily in the
valley of Panglong. I shall never forget the afternoon when Bogyoke Aung San accompanied by Bo Khin
Maung Gale approached my hut and rather shyly asked if he was welcome. I told him to come in and sit
down. It was an all bamboo floor. I boiled the Shan tea supplied by the hospitable Saophalongs and offered
it to them with salt. I asked him about his London visit and whether the British government would give
Burma independence. He said he expected that they would as the government in power was the Labour
government led by Mr. Attlee and not Mr. Churchchill. I asked if he had discussed the frontier areas with
Mr. Attlee. He said:We demanded that the Frontier Areas should get independence along with the Burmese,
but HMG replied that it would depend on the desires and decision of the Frontier peoples themselves.
You will have to choose for independence. I would however like to mention the status of the socalled
independent Karenni States. The people got no benefit from it....
...The seperation of the Frontier Areas from ministerial Burma had gone a long way not only in Burma but
in Britain as could be envisaged by the Kings message read by Governor Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith in the
City Hall on the 17th October 1945 which I read in the Calcutta Statesman. Finally, the Kings message
had a special word for the Hills peoples of Burma who had with such steadfast courage maintained for three
long years the fight against the enemy. A separate arrangement would be made for their administration,
so that special attention might be given to their welfare and their indigenous institutions be developed.
His Majesty expressed the hope that the day was not far distant when they too would desire of their own
free will to take their place in a self-governing Burma. HMG would do all in their power to forward this
last step in the historic task of the unification of Burma. There was a proposal by the Frontier Areas
Administration to separate the Frontier Areas from ministerial Burma. In separate discussions among the
Frontier Area peoples we said that in case of the necessity to look after ourselves we would do our utmost
and also that we might have to make friends with all neighbouring and other friendly countries and ask for
assistance in the first instance from foreign countries.
We might also become a Commonwealth country. We discussed the mineral, forest and other likely
products of the areas. But Bogyoke Aung San said that he needed us. Without the Frontier Areas forming
81
nearly half the total area of the whole of Burma and without the various Frontier peoples of Burma,
comprising the basin of the Irrawaddy river would again be reduced to the size of Upper Burma under
King Thibaw. The important foreign countries would be bounded by the Frontier Areas. We the Burmans
need you the Frontier peoples, and you need us the Burmans. One without the other would be like a
body without limbs and vice versa. These utterances we liked to hear and they penetrated right
into our hearts. I mentioned to Bogyoke that at times some Burmese politicians had casually said that
only they are the clever ones and that they alone can do everything without the help of the frontier
peoples. When such irresponsible persons utter these false words the honest frontier man can hardly
forget them. Here then was Bogyoke who thought like a frontier man, who spoke like him; who even
claimed to be one of them. No doubt the various diverse frontier races trusted him, a thing they never
did before with a single Burmese individual. His transparent honesty and sincerity won the hearts, slow
but sure thinking frontier highland races. Great men like him are few and far between in Burma. It was
a godsend to the Frontier and Burmese races to have a person of his quality at a most crucial time in
the history of Burma...
The Frontier peoples, had they not been so sure of his sincerity and honesty, could rather have
remained by themselves for better or worse. They had fought alone at their annexation by the British
with great success and again during the invasion by a modern Japanese army without the assistance of
any third party. If insulted or if they are convinced about a cause there is no telling what havoc they
can do either in individual or collective groups. Bogyoke rather praised them for their various stands
made against the enemy and these episodes encouraged them and won their hearts. Any threats would
have spoiled any possibility of a union of the Frontier Areas with ministerial Burma. It was a fact that
although the valour of the Frontier peoples was recorded in books and gazetteers by the British invaders,
a Burman never had a chance ever to acknowledge it to the hill peoples themselves...
Bogyoke Aung San told Mongpawn Sawbwa and myself that in some of his speeches he had said that
Ministerial Burma would ask for independence separately if the Frontier Areas would not join it. But, he said,
in reality dividing the whole of the already small Burma would be most ridiculous. The adjecent boundaries
with all the important foreign countries would be with the Frontier Areas and as such the defence of her
borders would be in a hopeless position as the Frontier Areas themselves would not be able to defend
themselves against their own neighbours which are also neighbours of Ministerial Burma. On the other
hand it would be difficult for most of the Frontier Areas to stand on their legs with regards to finance
when they need it most for improvement in almost all fields...(pp 81-97)
(Under: PANGLONG MEMORIES ).
The first agreement ever to be signed by a Burmese leader with chosen leaders of indigenous races
of Burma, viz the Frontier peoples, was excecuted by Bogyoke Aung San representing ministerial Burma
and the various representatives of the Frontier peoples, in a small hut on the 12th February 1947, the
day before Bogyoke Aung Sans 32nd birthday.
The place was Panglong, a tiny village a few miles from Loirem. It was selected as the meeting place of
the representatives because it is accessible by surface transport from all directions. Loirem would have
provided better accommodation but under the rules of the British regime such political conferences in any
place notified as a civil station were forbidden.
It took me seven days from the Chin Hills to reach Panglong. It was just after the war and the
military-controlled civil affairs service was still functioning. For transport we, the Chin Hills delegation,
had to reply on local transport officers at every stage...
The Kachin delegates and we arrived at the conference one day before the start of the meeting i.e.
on the 8th February 1947. The Shan Sawbwas were already there and the Mahadevi of Yawnghwe[wife
of Sao Shwe Thaike, the first president of the Union] and daughters were busy receiving us. We were
given the best food and the local delicacies including pig trotters soup, pe-poke, etc. The Kachin
delegates included Duwa Zau Lawn, Duwa Sinwa Naw, Uggyi Hting Nan, Labang Grong, Duwa Zau
82
Rip, Ding Ratang and others.
The Chin delegation consisted of three tribal chiefs and myself. I was the representative of the wartime
Political Organization, the Chin Leaders Freedom League. On previous occasions also for such meetings
only chiefs were nominated by the government. The government would not think of allowing the people to
send their own representatives...The chiefs representatives were Hlur Hmung, Thong Za Khup and Kio
Mang.
The Burmese Executive Council was led by Bogyoke Aung San. The party consisted of AFPFL members
such as Sir Maung Gyee, U Aung Zan Wai, U Tin Tut, Bo Khin Maung Gale, Thakin Wa Tin and a few others.
Bogyokes colleagues were known and respected by us. They were all very sincere people and won
the love and admiration of the frontier peoples at no time.
Besides the formal meetings, many discussions formal and informal were carried on in the huts.We, the
respective chief-spokesmen of the three tribes used to see and talk with Bogyoke and alsowith his senior
advisors over cups of Shan tea in which salt rather than sugar was used...
The Karens and Karrenis did not send any delegates to the Conference. Therefore the Agreement
was between the Burmese government and the leaders of the Shans, Chins and Kachins only.
Up to the time of the Japanese invasion of Burma the Frontier areas namely, the Chin Hills, the Kachin
Hills, the Shan States and the Karenni states and the Papun Districts were directly under the Ministry
of Defence and External Affairs, the portfolio of which was held by a European Executive Consellor to the
Governor of Burma. The post usually went to the most senior European I.C.S. man and carried with it a
salary of Rs. 4500 per mensem...
Thus the importance of the Agreement lies not only in the fact that it settles the form of association
during the interim period, but also in its enunciation of certain principles, notably that the Frontier peoples
should be entitled to fundamental democratic rights, that they should have the right to full autonomy in
the internal sphere, and that they should be entitled to receive a measure of assistance from the revenues
of Ministerial Burma. All these had their influence on the ultimate form of association. The formation
of the Supreme Council of the United Hill Peoples was also a noteworthy step forward in the establishment
of representative institutions among the Frontier peoples...(pp.115-117)
15.2 THE PANGLONG AGREEMENT
Dated Panglong, the 12th February 1947

A conference having been held at Panglong, attended by certain Members of the
Executive Council of the Governor of Burma, all Saohpas and representative of the
Shan States, the Kachin Hills and the Chin Hills:
The Members of the conference, believing that freedom will be more speedily
achieved by the Shans, the Kachins and the Chins by their immediate co-operation
with the Interim Burmese Government:
1. A Representative of the Hill Peoples, selected by the Governor on the
recommendation of representatives of the Supreme Council of the United
Hill Peoples (SCOUHP), shall be appointed a Counsellor for Frontier
Areas shall be given executive authority by similar means.

2. The said Counsellor shall also be appointed a Member of the Governor's
Executive Council, without portfolio, and the subject of Frontier Areas
brought within the purview of the Executive Council by Constitutional
Convention as in the case of Defence and External Affairs. The
Counsellor for Frontier Areas shall be given executive authority by
similar means.

3. The said Counsellor shall be assisted by two Deputy Counsellors
representing races of which he is not a member. While the two Deputy
Counsellors should deal in the first instance with the affairs of their
respective areas and the Counsellor with all the remaining parts of the
Frontier Areas, they should by Constitutional Convention act on the
principle of joint responsibility.

4. While the Counsellor, in his capacity of Member of the Executive
Council, will be the only representative of the Frontier Areas on the
Council, the Deputy Counsellors shall be entitled to attend meetings of
83
the Council when subjects pertaining to the Frontier Areas are
discussed.

5. Though the Governor's Executive Council will be augmented as agreed
above, it will not operate in respect of the Frontier Areas in any
manner which would deprive any portion of those Areas of the autonomy
which it now enjoys in internal administration. Full autonomy in
internal administration for the Frontier Areas is accepted in principle.

6. Though the question of demarcating and establishing a separated Kachin
State within a Unified Burma is one which must be relegated for decision
by the Constituent Assembly, it is agreed that such a State is
desirable. As a first step towards this end, the Counsellor for Frontier
Areas and the Deputy Counsellors shall be consulted in the
administration of such areas in the Myitkyina and the Bhamo Districts as
are Part II Scheduled Areas under the Government of Burma Act of 1935.

7. Citizens of the Frontier Areas shall enjoy rights and privileges which
are regarded as fundamental in democratic countries.

8. The arrangements accepted in this Agreement are without prejudice to the
financial autonomy now vested in the Federated Shan States.

9. The arrangements accepted in this Agreement are without prejudice to the
financial assistance which the Kachin Hills and the Union Hills are
entitled to receive from the revenues of Burma, and the Exeutive Council
will examine with the Frontier Areas Counsellor and Deputy Counsellors
the feasibility of adopting for the Kachin Hills and the Chin Hills
financial arrangement similar to those between Burma and the Federated
Shan States.
Shan Committee. Kachin Committee. Burmese Government.

(Signed) (Signed) (Signed)
Saohpalong of Tawngpeng State. (Sinwa Naw, Myitkyina) (Aung San)

(Signed) (Signed)
Saohpalong of Yawnghwe State. (Zau Rip, Myitkyina)

(Signed) (Signed)
Saohpalong of North Hsenwi State. (Dinra Tang, Myitkyina)

(Signed) (Signed)
Saohpalong of Laihka State. (Zau La, Bhamo)

(Signed) (Signed)
Saohpalong of Mong Pawn State. (Zau Lawn, Bhamo)

(Signed) (Signed)
Saohpalong of Hsamonghkam State. (Labang Grong, Bhamo)

(Signed)
Representative of Hsahtung Saohpalong.
(Hkun Pung) Chin Committee

(Signed) (Signed) (Signed)
(U Tin E) (U Htun Myint) (U Hlur Hmung, Falam)

(Signed) (Signed) (Signed)
(U Kya Bu) (Hkun Saw) (U Thawng Za Khup, Tiddim)

(Signed) (Signed) (Signed)
(Sao Yape Hpa) (Hkun Htee) (U Kio Mang, Haka)
___________________________________________________________________
Note: The original version of the Panglong Agreement (APPENDIX Q) is provided by Mr. Sao Thura, a Shan national and a resident of
Regensburg, Germany.
84
15.3 THE FRONTIER AREAS ENQUIRY COMMISSION[also known as REES-WILLIAMS COMMISSION]
In order to find out the wishes of the peoples of the Frontier areas, a Frontier Enquiry Commission was
formed as authorised by the Aung San-Atlee Agreement. The following gentlemen were members of the
Commission. Bogyoke Aung San did not sit personally on the Commission but relegated it to Thakin Nu[U Nu].
1. Mr. D.R. Rees-William(now Lord Ogmore), Chairman.
2. Thakin Nu, Vice President, AFPFL.
3. Honble Sao Sam Htun, Shan Counsellor.
4. Honble Sinwa Naw, Kachin Counsellor.
5. Honble Vum Ko Hau, Chin Counsellor.
6. Honble U Tin Tut.
7. Bo Khin Maung Gale, AFPFL.
8. Saw Myint Thein(who replaced Honble U Kyaw Nyein when the Commission moved to Maymyo) Karen youth.
9. Saw Sankey, KNU
This Commission enquired and recommended the best method of associating the Frontier peoples with
the working out of the new Constitution for Burma and made suggestions regarding the participation of
the Frontier peoples as members of the Constituent Assembly. They reported the fact that the Frontier
peoples really wanted to participate in the Constituent Assembly.(p. 110)
15.4 AUNG SAN CABINET
The historic Union cabinet of Bogyoke Aung San at the crucial time Frontier leaders first joined the
Burma Cabinet on March 15, 1947 was a below:
1. Honble Bogyoke Aung San, Counsellor of Defence, Deputy Chairman and President of AFPFL.
2. Honble Sao Sam Htun, Saohpalong of Mongpawn, Counsellor for Shans, President of Supreme
Council of United Hill Peoples.
3. Honble Vum Ko Hau, Counsellor for Chins, and Vice President of Supreme Council of United
Hill Peoples.
4. Honble Sinwa Naw, Duwa of Sama, Counsellor for Kachins, and Vice President of Supreme
Council of Hill Peopples.
5. Honble Thakin Mya, Finance Member.
6. Honble U Kyaw Nyein, Home member.
7. Honble U Tin Tut, member without portfolio.
8. Honble Manh Ba Khaing, member for public works.
9. Honble Pyawbwe U Mya, member for agriculture and forests.
10. Honble U Aung Zan Wai, member for social services.
11. Honble Abdul Razak, member for education.
12. Honble Deedoke Ba Choe, member for information.
U Ba Win, Saw San Po Thin and U Ba Gyan joined the government later. Bogyoke Aung San, Sao Sam Htun,
Thakin Mya, Mahn Ba Khaing, Deedoke Ba Choe, Sayagyi Mr. Razak and U Ba Win succumbed to assissination
on the 19th July 1947. Some of his cabinet members were away and a few had hairy escapes by a few minutes.
Out of the 12 original Members of Aung Sans Union Cabinet only two are at present serving the government.
The Sama Duwa after having been in and out of the government is at present in the government. Vum Ko Hau
is permanent envoy of the Union. Another Aung San Cabinet member U Kyaw Nyein is leader of the AFPFL but
is at present leading a private life...(p. 111)
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15.5 THAKIN NU CABINET
Thakin Nus Cabinet after the assassination in July 1947 consisted of:
1. Honble Thakin Nu, Prime Minister.
2. Honble Sao Hkun Hkio, Shan Affairs Minister.
3. Honble Vum Ko Hau, Chin Affairs Minister.
4. Honble Sinwa Naw, Kachin Affairs Minister.
5. Honble Bo Letya, Defence Minister.
6. Honble U Kyaw Nyein, Home & Judicial Minister.
7. Honble Pyawbwe U Mya, Transport & Communications.
8. Honble Henzada U Mya, national planning.
9. Honble Thakin Tin, agriculture and forests.
10. Honble Mahn Win Maung, industry and labour.
11. Honble U Aung Zan Wai, social services.
12. Honble Saw San Po Tin, education.
13. Honble U Ba Gyan, commerce.
Most of the things for the final independence of Burma as well as details for statehoods of the
frontier areas were thrashed out during this period. The draft of the Union Constitution was adopted.
15.6 AUTHORS OF THE UNION CONSTITUTION
Unlike the American Declaration of Independence which was written by a frontier man Thomas Jefferson,
the Constitution of the Union of Burma was written under the joint authorship of the Constitution Drafting
Committee consisting of the following seventeen members of the Constituent Assembly.
1. Honble Sao Shwe Thaike, president of the assembly.
2. Honble Thakin Nu, successor to Honble U Aung San.
3. Honble Saohpalong of Mongmit, frontier areas.
4. Honble U Vum Ko Hau, frontier areas.
5. Honble U Tin Tut.
6. Honble Thakin Tin.
7. Honble Mahn Win Maung
8. U Lun Baw
9. Thakin Tin Tun, communist party
10. U Ba Thit
11. U Kyaw Myint
12. Mr. A. Rivers
13. Bo Tun Lin
14. Saw Norton Bwa
15. Labang Grong, frontier areas
16. U Tin(Myanaung)
17. U Tun Pe
Eight non-members of the constituent assembly were co-opted. They were Sir Mya Bu, Sir Maung Gyee,
Justice Sir Ba U, Justice U.E Maung, Mr. M.A. Rashid, Professors U Wun, U Myo Min, and U Thein Han of
the Rangoon University.(pp.112-113)
86
15.7 DELEGATES TO THE NU-ATTLEEE TREATY
For the signing of the historic Nu-Attlee Agreement(Anglo-Burmese Treaty) the following Cabinet
Ministers represented the Union of Burma.
1. Honble Thakin Nu, Prime Minister
2. Honble Sao Hkun Hkio, Shan Minister
3. Honble Vum Ko Hau, Chin Minister
4. Honble Bo Letya, Defence Minister
5. Honble U Tin Tut, Minister without portfolio
6. Honble Mahn Win Maung, Minister without portfolio
Subjects concerning the Frontier Areas and other minorities of Burma were hotly debated in the British
parliament in those days. The Secretary of State for India and Burma Lord Pathick-Lawrence in a Statement in
the House of Lords on the 28th Jan 1947 says With regard to the Frontier Areas we have given very definite
pledges to the peoples of these areas. Ultimate unification of the Frontier Areas and Burma proper has always
been our policy, but, and in this the delegation are in agreement with us, whatever action is taken must be in
accordance with their wishes and with their free consent.
Frontier Areas peoples were represented by two Cabinet Ministers the Honble Sao Hkun Hkio and the Honble
U Vum Ko Hau, the Shan and Chin Ministers respectively. The two cabinet ministers were also nominated for
talks with HMG on the Defence and Financial agreements and they both left Burma one month ahead of Prime
Minister Thakin Nu. Other officials who accompanied the delegation as advisers were Justice E Maung, U Ko
Ko Gyi, Bo Aung, Labang Grong and U Zin.
Burmas independence treaty was signed at the famed No. 10 Downing Street by Honble Thakin Nu and
the Rt Honble Mr. C.R. Attlee in the presence of the above national leaders of the Union on the 17th day of
October 1947...And after the lapse of 15 years, among the members of the original Aung San Cabinet, only
three persons namely Duwa Sinwa Naw, U Vum Ko Hau and U Kyaw Nyein appear to be still active in the
political and public service of the Union...(p.113)
Nu-Attlee Treaty Was Signed
Since Padawmu Day[the day the last Burmese King and his family were taken to India in captivity by the
British]November 30, 1885, when Burma came under the British the most important agreement to which
Burma became a party can be said to be the Nu-Attlee Treaty, signed at the unpretentious but famed No. 10
Downing Street on 17th October 1947.
The treatys forerunners were the Aung San-Attlee Agreement and the Panglong Agreement of February 12,
1947, and they both opened the way for the Independence Treaty. The Panglong Agreement united the Frontier
peoples of Burma with the Burmese people of the plains in a pledge to fight for the independence of Burma.
As a result, the Frontier Enquiry Commission was formed...
The first batch of Burmese delegates to attend the signing of the Anglo-Burmese Treaty consisted four
Governors Executive Concillors namely, U Tin Tut, Momeik Sawbwagyi, Mahn Win Maung and myself. Other
delegates and advisers were: U Ko Ko Gyi, Bohmu Aung, Justice U E Maung, Labang Grong, U Zin, U Chan
Htoon and U Khin Maung Than who were on a tour were also present in London. We all came ahead as
members of the Financial Mission and were to remain until the arrival of Premier Thakin Nu. Premier Thakin
Nu arrived during the the second week of October 1947 with Bo Letya and Bo Tun Lin for the signing of
the Treaty.
We went to the Treasury almost daily towards the end of September and early October. We talked with
the Chancellor of the Exchequer Dr. Dalton and his colleagues. We requested them to reduce our debt as
much as they could, especially the costs of the Civil Affairs Staff(Burma), which was mainly incurred for
the benefit of the military occupation. Dr. Dalton and his colleagues whom we met at subsequent dates
87
said that Britain too was in a difficult position and that they could not reduce by any appreciable amount.
We then mentioned the war efforts contributed to the Allied cause by the Patriot Burmese Forces from
Chin Hills down to Rangoon. As a result of our talks the Government of the United Kingdom agreed to
make no claim on the Provisional Government of Burma for repayment of the cost of the Civil Affairs
Administration prior to the restoration of civil government and also agreed to cancel 15,000,000 of
the sums advanced towards the deficits on the Ordinary Budget and the Frontier Areas Budget...
(pp. 124-125)
16. 0 THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE IN POST-INDEPENDENCE BURMA

16.1.1 ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM IN CHINLAND AND MIZORAM AND THE BIRTH OF CHIN NATIONAL
DAY AND MIZORAM STATE INAUGURATION DAY
5000 Chin delegates from all regions of Chinland held a conference in Falam from February 10 to 22,
1948 and decided to abolish the centuries-old feudalism and to replace it with democratic systems of
government. There were only 17 votes against the move. The voting for this decision took place on the
20th February. This date was later chosen by the then Chin Members of Parliament as the Chin National
Day and it is celebrated ever since annually by every Chin community. However, in Burma those who want
to celebrate it must ask for permission every year from local authorities. So whether permission will be given
or not depends entirely on the whims of the authorities concerned. And successive Burmese governments
have been trying in vain since 1974 to change it to Chin State Day. The Zos in Mizoram also achieved their
statehood on February 20, 1987 after 20 years of armed struggle. Hence, this day is also celebrated
yearly in Mizoram as the Mizoram State Inauguration Day as well.(See APPENDICES I and N for more
information and different opinions on the Chin National Day. Read ZOMI for CHIN in APPENDIX I.)
With regard to the abolition of Chieftainship in Mizoram see the passages below:
The semi-primitive tribal village administration in Mizoram had undergone development changes. Autonomous
and regional councils were established in 1952. Political life was democratised. Adult franchise was introduced.
Women were politically emancipated. Chieftainship became unpopular. There was an agitation for its abolition.
The chiefs of North Mizo District were abolished on 1st April 1955 and the village chiefs in South Mizoram
were abolished on 15th April 1956. They were paid compensation by the Assam Government. In North Mizoram
the Sailo chiefs formed a majority with 165 members and with few commoner clan chiefs. And in the South,
the Mara(Lakher) chiefs were 20 and the Fanai(Pawi) chiefs were 17 in number along with other village
headmen. With the abolition of chieftainship the village system came under the Mizo Hills District Council.
In accordance with the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, the Lushai Hills was granted autonomy
and, the Mizo Union, a regional political party formed the council..,*
16.1.2 THE OUTBREAK OF CIVIL WAR AND THE CRUCIAL ROLES OF CHIN SOLDIERS

When Burma and India gained their independence the Chins were, without their opinion being asked,
automatically divided into two parts.(Actually, the demarcation of the boundary between the
British India and British Burma had already been made by the British back in 1937.) And then when East
Pakistan [now Bangladesh] seceded from India those in India were once again automatically partitioned
into two parts.
Immediately following its independence on January 4, 1948, the country was torn apart by a ruthless civil
____________________________________________________________________
Note: Texts on this and previous pages are highlighted in blue by myself. tzd
* Social Welfare Administration in A Tribal State: A Case Study of Mizoram, by C. Lalkima(ISBN 81-85319-72-3) p. 10
88
war which is still raging until today. In fact, it was mainly the Chin, Gurkha, Kaya(Karenni) and Kachin
soldiers who had saved the Union of Burma from the Karens and the multi-coloured insurgents (its a term
used by successive Burmese regimes to denote all the armed movements of various ideological stripes that
were fighting against the central government in Rangoon). Almost all the strategic towns in Central Burma
were already in the hands of these armed organisations.
And the Karens had even taken Insein in 1949 - a satellite town located just some 9 miles from the
center of Rangoon - that the Burmese government had already been called the Rangoon Government in
the literally sense. Most of the government soldiers of ethnic Burman themselves had joined either the
Communist Party of Burma or other armed Burmese organizations. So it became the sole duty of non-
Burman soldiers to fight on the governments side. Although other non-Burman soldiers(one Kaya battalion,
one Shan battalion, one Gurkha battalion, three Kachin battalions and three Karen battalions) had also
played extremely crucial roles in the governments countrywide military campaigns, the most decisive role
was played by the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Chin Rifles in defending Insein, the most strategic battle front of all.
...Although some foreign historians have depicted the Battle of Insein as a conflict between Burman
troops and Karen rebels, Tun Tin noted that soldiers from different regions of Burma helped to defend
Rangoon. They included Chin, Kayah, Shan, Gurkha and Kachin battalions (though some Kachin took
up arms against the U Nu government). The most decisive role in defending Insein was played by the
1st, 2nd and 3rd Chin Rifles, fighting on what is regarded as the most strategic battle front of all.
Some insurgents, including communists, reinforced Burmese forces before going back to the jungle
to repel Burmese troops...*
Later one of the Kachin battalions and most of Karen soldiers from the three Karen battalions men-
tioned above joined their compatriots against the government. The Karens had to withdraw from Insein
after a 112- day siege. All the military experts, who had had analysed these military campaigns, agreed
that if Insein had fallen then, Rangoon also would have fallen automatically. Partly because of these bitter
experiences on the Burmans part all ethnics were mixed up in Burmas armed forces starting from the
early 1950s.
From 1949 up to 1953 U Nu, the Prime Minister of Burma from 1948-1958 and 1960-62, had always
publicly acknowledged in his every speech on the occasions of the Union Day(12th February) and the
Martyrs Day(19th July) about the decisive roles that the said non-Burman soldiers had played and the
sacrifices that that made in saving the Union.(On 19th July 1947 General Aung San and the majority of his
cabinet ministers were assassinated.) But nowadays not even a single Burman - not to mention the two
_____________________________________________
Note: The Karens are also of Mongoloid stock numbering circa 3 to 4 million. They are living in vast areas in the fertile delta and
southeastern parts of Burma, and western parts of Thailand. Before the British left Burma most of high ranking senior officers of the armed forces
- Army, Air Force and Navy - were Chins, Kachins and Karens. The Karens are Christian, Buddhist and Animist - roughly perhaps in equal
proportions. They were one of the most loyal peoples in Burma to the British, like the Chins, Kayas(Karennis) and Kachins, up to Burmas
independence. These non-Burmans had valiantly fought along with the Allied Forces against the Japanese during WW II. When Burmans and
the other Pang Long Agreement signatory nationals were negotiating with the British Government, the Karens had even sent a separate
delegation to London to demand for a sovereign Karen state, but the British betrayed their aspirations. tzd
- See also Vumson, pp. 202-211.
* - The Battle of Insein Never Really Ended by AUNG ZAW
Monday, February 9, 2009
Copyright 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org
Note: Aung Zaw is from Myanmar/Burma and is the editor of The Irrawaddy, a magazine published in Chiang Mai, Thailand.
The Irrawaddy covers news and offers in-depth analysis of political and cultural affairs in Burma and Asia generally.
- See APPENDIX DD for his article in full text.
89
alien ethnic communities - that is, Chinese and Indians in Burma - knows anymore about the crucial roles
that the non-Burman soldiers had played for the Union because these historical facts are not mentioned at
all in Burmese history books.(See APPENDICES S & T for more information on this subject.)
The following are a few evidences to show how crucial the roles that the two Chin battalions had played
in defending Rangoon against the Karens* for Burma were: an officer received Burmas highest military
award for gallantry - the Aung San Thuriya ; the second highest award Thiha Thuriya was conferred to
another officer; Thura Tazeik , the third highest award was received by 16; the fourth highest award,
Thuyegaung Hmat-Htan-Win Award was given to 24(Thuyegaung in Burmese means hero); the fifth
highest award, the Supreme Commanders Certificate of Gallantry Award (SCCOG) was conferred to 27;
Certificate of Honour was conferred to 1. So, altogether 17 officers and 53 other ranks received various
awards.* (See APEENDIX P for some lists of the recipients of these honours)
16.1.3 CHIN POLITICAL MOVEMENTS INSIDE BURMA
In 1968 the Burmese military government formed up the Internal Unity Advisory Board(IUAB) with 33
former Members of Parliament. Its main tasks were to advise the government how to restore internal unity
and also to advice the government how a new constitution of the country should be drafted. The general
massess were encouraged to submit their suggestions and opinions through this board. The Chin youths
submitted a paper which later became well-known as The Proposal of Chin Youths, through the IUAB under
the leadership of Pu Lian Uk, who was studying contitutional law at the Rangoon Universites then.
However, the government abolished the IUAB in 1970 without accepting any of its proposals.
Then, the military government once again solicited for suggestions from the general massess in 1970 for
a new constitution for the country. Several Chins submitted a number of proposal papers - in groups or as
individuals. All the suggestions were classified into six Classifications - No. 1 to 6. Suggestions for
federalism, for example, were classified under No. 6. Out of the 111 papers that fell under Classification
No. 6, 75 were submissions by the Chins alone.(Source: A BSPP Internal Report/1974. Note: BSPP stood for - the
Burma Socialist Programme Party; it was the only legal political party until the ending part of 1988.)
The most critical campaigns for the second proposals mentioned above were once again initiated by Pu
Lian Uk who was later elected as a Member of Parliament in the 1990 general election. Starting from 1972
until the new constitution was promulaged in January 1974 thousands of people who had submitted
suggestions and proposals for the new constitution were rounded up throughout the country and thrown
into jail under an operation known widely as Operation White Elephant. The sixty prominent Chins who
were among them included senior military officers, lawyers, high ranking civil officers and party
functionaries.(Source: Chin Forum Magazine, pp. 41-58)
The most outstanding achievement so far for the Chins until now was the formation of an umbrella
organization named the Chin National Council in 2006 by the Chin National Front, Chin National League for
Democracy, Mara Peoples Party, Zomi National Congress and various Chin civic organizations such as
Women League for Chinland, and Chin Human Rights Organization, etc.
____________________________________________________________
* Source: Special War Office Council Order No.s: 19/S/49; 32/S/50; 34/S/50. (Thian Khaw Khai. pp. 19)
Note: Several Chin soldiers of the 3rd Chin Rifles were also awarded with various decorations during this period, but the author doesnt
have yet reliable information on them. In the early 1950s two more battalions- the 4thChin Rifles and the 14th UMP(Union Military Police)
Battalion were formed up solely with ethnic Chins. Besides, the history of the Chin Hills Battalion, and the critical roles that the 4th Chin
Rifles and the 14th UMP had played will also be added in this Paper in later Updates when reliable information is available. Just a brief
information on the 14th UMP for the time being: It was based in Kalaymyo until it was replaced by the 9th and then 42nd Burma Rifles in about
the 1960s. During the 1950s it was heavily engaged in the suppression of various Burmese armed movements of various ideological colours
operating mainly in Upper Chindwin areas and the Ganggaw Valley. Author
90

16.1.4 CHIN/ZO ARMED MOVEMENTS
Since 1956 a number of Chin armed organizations have had fought against successive Burmese
governments for self-determination. Among them is the Chin National Front(CNF), which is still waging a
guerilla warfare against the Rangoon regime since several years ago. The damages that the Burmese
troops have inflicted in Chin State in terms of material, cultural and human suffering are devastating.
At the moment there are several small armed groups inside Manipur State that are striving for the cause of
some Zo tribes, but this author does not have any reliable information about them.
16.1.5 THE CHIN FORUM
The Chin Forum was founded in April 1998, in Canada by 29 Chin exiles with the main aim of
materializing the aspirations of the Chin people inside Burma. It is a non-political organization. Since its
formation it has undertaken several various projects until today. Its most outstanding achievement so far is
the successful drafting of the future State Constitution for Chinland. It first intitiated the first draft in 2000
and completed the fifth draft in 2008. It commemorates the 10th anniversary of its formation by publishing a
magazine in 2008.(For more information: www.chinforum.org)
16.2 THE ZO PEOPLE IN POST-INDEPENDENCE INDIA
16.2.1 INTRODUCTION

As I intend to deal under this subject mainly only with the political history, I shall concentrate solely on
affairs that are directly concerned with the attainment of statehood for Mizoram. And since I have got very
few materials in my hands on this subject and I still am completely stranger to these affairs, I shall give
briefly elaborate here only some very basic information on Mizoram. I shall perhaps later expand this
chapter with events that are concerned with other Zo tribes living outside Mizoram State such as Assam,
Manipur, Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura states, etc.
When the British finally conquered the Lushai hills after two major and one minor expeditions, they
created South Lushai Hills District and North Lushai Hills District. The former was administered from Bengal
and the later from Assam. The two districts then were merged under the Lushai Hills District in 1898 and it
became a part of Assam. It was once again changed in 1954 to the Mizo Hills District.
On the advice of the Simon Commission in 1935, the Lushai Hills District, the Naga Hills, and the North
Cachar Hills were declared Backward Tracts or Backward Areas.* On 1 April 1937, these districts were
given Excluded Area status within Assam, and as a result, these were administered directly by the Governor
of Assam.
To sum up the overall political and social developments in western Zoram there were eight major factors
that had played crucial roles in shaping the present destiny of the people therein.
The arrival and conquer of the British.
The introduction and imposition of the Inner Line Regulation of 1873** by the then British
Government which is till in existince until today. This Regulation prevents people from other parts of
India to freely enter and settle in Mizoram.
The Chin-Lushai Coference held in 1892. This conference sealed the fate of the entire Zo people
__________________________________________
* See on next page for explantion
** See on next page for explanation
91
forever.
The arrival of Christian missionaries from the West and the creation and introduction of script.
The First World War. More than 2000 young men from the former Lushai Hills had volunteered
to join the Labour Corps during this war in Europe. They saw how big the world was and modern
technical advances in the outside world. This experience opened their eyes and motivated them to
strive for education and for better life.
World War II. The Second World War reached their homeland and this paved the way for national
and political cosciousnesses for the first time.
The founding of the Mizo Commoners Union in 1946, which was later changed to the Mizo
Union(MU), and the United Mizo Freedom Organisation(UMFO) in 1947. The MUs two most
distinguished achievements were the successful abolition of the centuries-old feudalism in the
Mizo society, and its submission of the MIZO MEMORANDUM in 1947 to the Government of British
India. The two political parties had undertook political activities for the future political destiny of
the Zo people.
The Mautam Famine and the Founding of the Mizo National Front
16.2.2 MAUTAM AND THE BIRTH OF THE MIZO NATIONAL FRONT(MNF)
Every 48 years, a cyclic ecological phenomenon called Mautam leads to widespread famine in this region. When such a
famine started in 1959, the Mizos were disappointed by the Assam Government's handling of the situation. The
introduction of Assamese as the official language of the state in 1960, without any consideration for the Mizo language,
led to further discontent and protests.(The following quotations are from Vumson)
__________________________________________________________________________________
* The idea applied was to avoid including these Backward Tracts within the sphere of general administration. In effect to exclude these backward
areas from British India itself and preserve them under the domain of direct governance of the Governor General on behalf of the British Parliament
reported by the Home Secretary. This is to understand that till the Constitution came into effect on 26 January 1950, the Excluded and Partially
Excluded Areas under the provisions of the Government of India Act 1935 and Order 1936, legally did not form part of British India but under the
British Parliament perceived as Crown Colony.(Source: Backward Tracts Relevant to Fifth Schedule/New State Formation - Written by Hillman -
The Analyst)
** Formerly there was unresricted intercourse between British subjects in the plains of Assam and the wild tribes living across the frontier. But there
broke out frequent quarrels and, sometimes, serious disturbances between the former and the later. This was particularly the case in connection with
the traffic in rubber brought down by the tribes, for which there was great competition. The extension of tea gardens, as mentioned earlier, beyond the
border line also frequently involved the Government in troublesome disputes with the hillmen. To obviate friction Government of India decided that
certain special rules should be laid down by taking up special powers. Accordingly, in 1872, the provisions of Act XXXIII Vict., Cap. 3, Section 1, was
made applicable with effect from the 1st January 1873 in Cachar and the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Subsequently the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation
1 of 1873 was passed for the frontier districts. This Regulation had given power to the Lieutenant Governor to prescribe a line to be called the Inner
Line in each of the tribal areas beyond which no British subjects or those of specified classes could pass without a licence. Accordingly Inner Line
started on the southern frontier to the District of Cachar, from the site of the outposts established during the Lushai Expedition of 1871-
72...(Lalrimawia, p. 75)
...Needless to say, the Lushai Hills Inner Line had been an effective instrument in checking large scale immigration of undesirable foreigners into the
district. Had not been this Regulation introduced, the district might have been completely infiltrated, like those of Tripura and Assam and in a lesser
degree, Meghalaya and Manipur. Fortunately, the Hills had been safeguarded and foreigners problem has not been a serious issue like most of the
North-Eastern states, but the Chakmas of Chittagong Hill Tracts have been in the habit of immigrating into Chakma District in the Southern
Mizoram, the number of which has suddenly been increasing during the past 8 years(1977-85)...With an attempt to free themselves from the hands of
Bangladeshs soldiers and escape cruel punishment, a large number of Chakmas have been entering within Mizoram. If this is not checked
effectively, there is every possibility of their out-numbering the Mizo population in the next few decades within their own territory. Since the issue of
permit for entry and residential passes had been restricted, there were only a few Bengali families of shopkeepers who had been in possession of
residential houses of their own within the district. Nontheless, there exists a number of Nepalese who had been settling and acquiring land in different
parts of the district. Even this is not a serious problem. The material result of all this is that , not like Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura, most of the rich
people and big contractors belong to the Mizo community themselves.(Ibid, pp. 80-81)
92
During the 1950s, the talks of Zo independence seemed to come to an end. All political parties engaged in
fighting for control of the Mizo Hills District Council, and none was speaking for indpendence. During this time
Vanlawma and those who preferred independence founded a non-political Mizo Cutural Society. The members
were mostly young people from the civil service. R. B. Chawnga, presiding officer of the sub-court of the
District Council, was made its President, and Zuala its Secretary. The Mizo Cultural Society was transformed
into a nationalistic front when Mautam, a famine, struck the Mizo Hills District in 1959. Unhappy with the
Assam Government, which did nothing to help the victims of famine, the Mizo Cultural Society organized
the largest protest procession ever held in Aizawl when the Assam Minister of Tribal Affairs visited Aizawl.
The Deputy Commissioner, L. S. Ingty, thereafter forbade government servants to join the society. Chawnga
and Zuala therefore were replaced by R. Dengthuana and Laldenga respectively. The District Council had
suspended Laldenga from his position as a civil service account clerk, and he was now free to join any
political party. This was the beginning of Laldengas political career.
Lalbiakthanga* describes the Mautam as:
Reverting to the chronological sequences, the next event of importance was the Mautam in 1959 and the
consequential famine in the following year. The Mizos have for ages dreaded the flowering of bamboos. They
have noted that the flowering of bamboos was invariably followed by an unprecendented increase in rat
population in the countryside, which in turn created havoc on the standing crops and thus leading ultimately
to famine. The Mizos named these unusual occurences after some bamboo species. One is called Mautam
and the other is called Thingtam. Mau** is the common generic name for bamboos, but it is also usually
understood to mean the species of Melocanna baccifera. This is specially good for house construction, walls
and fences. Thing is another kind of bamboo - botanically called Bambusa tulda - which is mainly for rough
use or used as containers for carrying water. Tam in Lushai means to wither or to die. Mautam and Thingtam
are known to recur periodically at intervals of every fifty years; and the Mizo elders have recorded them as
having taken place in the following order: Mautam(1862); Thingtam(1881); Mautam(1911); Thingtam(1929);
Mautam(1959); Thingtam(1977); Mautam(2007- due).***
In October 1958 the Miizo District Council predicted the imminence of famine following the flowering of bam-
boos and passed resolution to take precausionary measures. It asked the Governor of Assam to sanction
Rs. 150,000 relief money to be expended for the Mizo district, including the Pawi-Lakher region. The Assam
Government rejected the request, possibly assuming that the prediction of famine was a primitive peoples
tradition. But tradition proved right. Bamboos flowered in 1959, and the next year rats multiplied in the
millions and ate up grains, fruits and everything else edible. The catastrophe occured so suddenly and so
completely that the Governent of Assam was taken by surprise, and relief measures were inadequate and
slow in coming. The people and the members of the District Council were very angry with the Assam
Government...To help supplement the governments relief measures, the Mizo Cultural Society formed a new
group called the Mizo National Famine Front to render volunteer services to the people most affected by the
famine. They helped villagers by making sure they received their share of government aid. In doing so
they became so popular that the people recognized them as their leaders. On 28th October 1961, after the
famine was over, the Mizo National Famine Front converted itself into a political party by the name of the Mizo
National Front(MNF). Laldenga became its President and Vanlawma its General Secretary. The aim of the
party, as the name implies, was to demand a union of all Zo nationals living in Burma, India and East
Pakistan(now Bangladesh) .[Vumson, pp. 265-67]
________________________________________________________
* Author of The Mizos: A Study in Racial Personality, 1978
** See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mautam for more information on the Mautam
*** Bamboos indeed were flowering again in 2007-10 in Central and Southern Chin State and the famine that followed is still causing a
havoc in these areas until today. And the Burmese authorities have done nothing to relieve the suffering of the victims. tzd
93
16.2.3 THE MIZO NATIONAL FRONT SET UP AN UNDERGROUND GOVERNMENT
The leaders of the MU, who were pro-Assam and pro-India, were in control of the district administration since
independence. However, in 1963 they realized that they had failed to bring the district forward economically and that
they had lost their popularity among the people. To regain their popularity and to counter the MNFs campaign for
independence, they took a more nationalistic approach. The MNF was split in 1962 into two factions on the ground of
strategies and tactics to be used for the achievement of its goal of indpendendence. The faction led by Vanlawma, the
General Secretary, founded the Mizo National Council(MNC), and it aimed to achieve independence through non-violent
means, whereas the MNF did not rule out the use of violence if necessary.
Laldenga, Lalnunmawia and Sainghaka secretly went to East Pakistan in the first week of December 1963 for secret
talks with Pakistani agents. They were promised arms and financial support in their struggle for independence. However,
when they came back to Mizoram they were arrested by the Assam police and jailed for one month. As soon as they
were released, the MNF secretly formed up an underground Mizo Government with the folllowing personalities holding
various portfolios: Laldenga(President); Lalnunmawia(Vice-President); Lalkhawliana(Finance Secretary); R.
Zamawia(Defence Secretary); Sainghaka(Home Secretary); and J.F. Manliana(Chief Justice).
Rao* describes the MNF government:
The MNF set up its own Government. It had a President and a Council of Ministers in charge of Home,
Defence, Foreign, Finance, and Public Information. There was also a Parliament with Speaker and members
who were all selected by an Executive Committee. The whole of Mizoram was divided into four administative
divisions, each under a Chief Commissioner. Each division was divided into four sub-divisions and each
sub-division under a Deputy Commissioner. There was a national judiciary headed by the Chief Justice. In
each administrative area there were judges for the administration of justice. There was also a Mizo National
Army under a Chief of Staff who was assisted by others. The pay of all officers was Rs. 15 per month - equal
pay for unequal work.(Ibid, p. 277)
The underground Mizo Government then sent a number of young men to Pakistan to work out the arms deal. At the
beginning of 1965 a shipment of arms arrived in Mizoram. It was the first outfit for the Mizo National Volunteers(MNV),
who made up the Vanapa or V Battalion. In late 1965 and early 1966 the MNF was in frantic but secret preparation for
the taking-over of the military, and civil administration of Mizoram. The MNFs military wing, which was 20,000-
manstrong, was put under the command of General Sawmvela and it was divided into four commands, namely the
Eastern, Western, Southern and Northern. The leading commanders of the Mizo forces were Charlie Lalkhawliana,
Lalhmingthanga, Thangzuala, Sawmvela, Biakchhunga, Bualhranga, Vanlalngaia and Ngurchhina.

16.2.4 THE ARMED UPRISING AND ITS CONSEQUENCES
(The following excerpted passages are from:
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/March_1966_Mizo_National_Front_uprising)
...The extremist section within MNF advocated the use of violence to seek independence from India. A
special armed wing called the Mizo National Army (MNA) was created for the purpose. The MNA consisted of
eight infantry "battalions" organised on the pattern of the Indian Army. One of the battalions was named after
Joshua, while the rest were named after the legendary Mizo heroes: Chawngbawia, Khuangchera, Lalvunga,
Saizahawla, Taitesena, Vnapa and Zampui Manga. The Lion Brigade(Chawngbawia, Khuangchera, Saizahawla
and Taitesena battalions) operated in the northern half of the district, while the Dagger Brigade (Joshua,
Lalvunga, Vanapa and Zampui Manga) operated in its southern half. MNA consisted of around 2000 men,
supported by another group called the Mizo National Volunteers(MNV), which comprised of an equal number
of irregulars.

* Rao, Ventaka: A Century of Tribal Politics in North-East India, 1874-1974(1976)

94
In the early 1960s, the MNF leaders, including Laldenga, visited East Pakistan(now Bangladesh), where the
Government of Pakistan offered them supplies of military hardware and training. Laldenga and his lieutenant
Lalnunmawia were arrested by the Government of Assam on the charge of conspiring against the nation, but
were released in February 1964 after an undertaking of good conduct by Laldenga. However, shortly after their
release, MNF intensified its secessionist activities. The MNF members forcibly collected donations from the
Mizos, recruited volunteers and trained them with arms supplied by Pakistan. By the end of 1965, the MNF
weapon cache consisted of the plastic explosives stolen from the Border Roads Organisation, rifles and
ammunition obtained from the 1st Assam Rifles(AR) headquartered at Aizawl, crude bombs and stenguns.
The March 1966 Mizo National Front uprising was a revolt against the Government of India, aimed at estab-
lishing a sovereign state for the Mizos. On 1 March 1966, the MNF made a declaration of independence, after
launching coordinated attacks on the Government offices and security forces posts in different parts of the
Mizo Hills District. The Government suppressed the uprising and recaptured all the places seized by the MNF
by 25 March 1966, although the MNF continued its rebellion with less intense attacks over the next few years.
The Indian armed forces, fresh from the Sino-Indian War of 1962 and the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, were
focused on the Indo-Pakistan and Indo-China borders. The extremist MNF leaders wanted to take advantage
of this situation by starting an armed rebellion to establish an independent Mizo nation. The rehabilitation
of the pro-Government Chakma refugees from East Pakistan in the Mizo district further instigated them.
During the Governments operations to suppress the rebellion, the Indian Air Force carried out airstrikes in
Aizawl. The security forces stationed in the Mizo district included the 1st Assam Rifles(AR) headquartered
at Aizawl, the 5th Border Security Force(BSF) and the local police. On the night of 28 February/1 March 1966,
the MNF launched a series of simultaneous attacks on the 1st AR garrisons at Aizawl, Lunglei and Champhai
and the 5th BSF posts at Chawngte, Demagiri, Hnahlan, Marpara, Tipaimukh, Tuipang, Tuipuibari, Vaphai
and Vaseitlang.
Government Response
On 2 March 1966, the Government of Assam invoked the Assam Disturbed Areas Act, 1955 and the Armed
Forces(Special Powers) Act, 1958, proclaiming the entire Mizo district as "disturbed". Bimala Prasad Chaliha,
the Chief Minister of Assam, condemned Laldenga for his "betrayal", while the Indian Home Minister Gulzari
Lal Nanda promised "stern action" with "all the force" at the Government's command. A 24-hour curfew was
imposed in Aizawl on 3 March, and reinforcements were sent for the 1st AR by helicopters.
Airstrikes
When the Eastern Army Commander Lt. Gen. Sam Manekshaw visited the besieged 1st Asam Rifles Battalion,
his helicopter was fired at by the insurgents. The IAF was asked to carry the troops in Mi-4 helicopters into the
besieged AR camp, accompanied with fighter escorts. The Toofani fighters of 29 Squadron operating from
Kumbhirgram and Hunter fighters of 17 Squadron operating from Jorhat undertook independent missions to
escort the troop reinforcements and to suppress the insurgents... In the Indian history, this remains the only
instance of the Government resorting to air strikes in its own territory...
Ground operations
The overall responsibility for the army operations was given to Major General Sangat Singh (GOC 101 Commu-
nication Zone). The 61 Mountain Brigade was moved from Agartala to Silchar on 3 March, and the 8th Sikh
battalion advanced from Silchar into the disturbed area on March 3. The forces could reach Aizawl only on 6
March, due to the roadblocks caused by the militants. On 7 March, they linked up with the besieged AR
garrison at Aizawl. On 8 March, the 2nd/11th Gurkha Rifles moved towards Champhai and the 3rd Bihar
towards Lunglei... To solve the problem, the Government of India resorted to a "grouping" policy in the Mizo
district, starting in January 1967. Under this policy, nearly 80% of the rural population was shifted from their
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villages and resettled along the highways. The old villages were burnt, and the new settlements were kept
under the control of the security forces until 1970. The objective was to bring them out of the reach of the
insurgents, and to cut the insurgents' supply chain. The Mizo National Front was outlawed in 1967. The same
year, the Counterinsurgency and Jungle Warfare School was set up at Vairengte to train the soldiers in
fighting with the rebels in the North-East India...
On March 2, Mizoram became the centre of world attention as major news media around the world reported the armed
uprising. It was a complete surprise and shock for the Indian Government. It declared Mizoram a disturbed area and
ordered its armed troops to enter it.
The estimated casualties on both sides(armed personnel of the Indian Army and the MNA/MNV respectively) between
28 February/1 March and March 25, 1966 were 59 amd 95 killed; 126 and 35 wounded. 23 Indian soldiers were missing
and 558 MNA/MNV personnel captured.
16.2.5 THE MIZO NATIONAL FRONT DECLARED INDEPENDENCE ON MARCH 1, 1966

The following is the original declaration in full text:
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE BY THE MIZO NATIONAL FRONT
In the course of human history it becomes invariably necessary for mankind to assume their social, economic
and political status to which the law of nature and Nature's God entitles them. We hold this truth to be self-
evident that all men are created equal, and that they are endowed with inalienable fundamental human rights
and dignity of human person; and to secure these rights Governments are instituted among men deriving their
just power from the consent of the government and whatever any form of Government become destructive to
this end, it is the right of the people to alter, change, modify and abolish it and to institute a new government
and laying its foundation on such principles and organization its power in such forms as to them shall see most
likely to effect their rights and dignity. The Mizo, created and molded into a nation and nurtured as such, by
Nature's God have been intolerably dominated by the people of India in contravention of the Law of nature.
The leaders of Mizo nation had, many a time, verbally and in writing, put forward to the government of India,
their desire of self-determination for creation of free and independent Mizoram for bringing about protection of
Human rights and dignity, which the Mizo, by nature, ought to have, but the Government of India, violating the
Charter of the United Nations and its Universal Declaration of Human rights reaffirmed in the Principles of
Bandung Conference, have ignored the voice of the Mizo people and are determined to continue domination
and colonization ruling over us with tyranny and despotism by instituting self designed administrative
machinery with which they endeavour to mislead the world to win their confidence.
Our people are despised, prosecuted, tortured, manhandled and murdered without displaying justice while
they preach and proclaim before us and before the world that they have instituted for us a separate
administrative set up in conformity with the principles of democracy. To conceal their evil and selfish design of
religious assimilation and Hindu indoctrination they preach that have established which we cannot accept as it
leads to suppression of Christianity.
To prove this, let facts be submitted:
1. They have instituted Government to rule over us in our own country without any respect for Human Rights
and dignity even in the fact of the present candid world which committed to these rights and dignity.
2. They have been pursuing a policy of exploitive measures in their attempt to wipe out Christianity, sole
religion, and no consideration has ever been paid to our national way of life.
3. They have been preaching throughout the world as if they have instituted separate administrative machinery
in conformity with the principles of Democracy to conceal their policy of degeneration of our national
morality and of assimilation while that had been instituted for us is a pattern of colonial administration.
96
4. They refuse not only to procure supply of food and arrange other forms of assistance in times of famine,
but also prohibited us from seeking and receiving assistance from friendly countries which resulted in the
death of many people.
5. They have established a multitude of offices and sent hitherto swarms of Indian officers, who had an
immoral life cruelly oppressing our womenfolk to commit immorality by taking advantage of their official
capacity and of the position they occupy in the administrative machinery.
6. Taking the advantage of economic frustration of the people they subject us to economic slavery and force
us to enter into the door of poverty.
7. Curbing freedom of expression, our patriots are arrested and kept in jails without displaying any form of
justice.
8. The export facilities which we used to enjoy during the pre-Indian domination, has been totally closed.
9. Without exploring our country's economic resources in agriculture, industries and mining and giving no
consideration for their development, they maintain suppressive measures against our economic right.
10. Realizing the importance of our country to India in its defense strategy, the Government of India is
establishing military basis throughout our country and thereby creating an atmosphere of cold war while
nothing is done for its economic and social development.
11. In spite of our repeated appeal for peaceful settlement of our rightful and legitimate demand for full self-
determination, the Government of India is bringing exploitive and suppressive measures employing their
military might and waging war against us as done in the case of the Nagas and the Kashmiris.
12. Owing to absence of medical facilities in our countries our people died without having medical treatment
and attention.
For these and all other innumerable causes, we declare to the candid world that India is unworthy and unfit
to rule over the civilized Mizo people who are created as such and endowed with territorial integrity by nature
and Nature's God.
We, therefore, the representatives of Mizo people, meeting on this day, the first of March, in the year of our
Lord, nineteen sixty six appealing to the supreme judge of the world for the rectitude of our intention so, in the
name and by the authority of the good people of this country solemnly publish and declare, that the Mizoram
is, and of rights ought to be free and independent, that they are absolved from all political connections
between them and to Government of India is and ought to be resolved and that as free and independent state,
they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce and to do all other
Acts and Things which independent state may right do. And for the support of this declaration, we appeal to all
freedom loving nations and individuals to uphold Human Rights and dignity and to extend help to the Mizo
people for realization of our rightful and legitimate demand for self-determination. We appeal to also indepen-
dent countries to give recognition to the independence of Mizoram.
LALDENGA
Lalnunmawia, Lianzuala, Sainghaka, Thangkima, Lalhmingthanga, Zamawia, Bualhranga, Sakhawliana,
Lalchhawna, Saikunga, Ngunhulha, Lalianzuala, Thangmawia, Vanmawia, Ngurchhina, Tlangchhuaka,
Chuailokunga, VL, Nghaka, Thangzika, Kawlremthanga, Hlunsanga, Vala, Thanghuta, Dokhuma, Thangkhuma,
Hnuna, Thangbuaia, Thanghuaia, Lalluta, Lalchuanga, Thatthiauva, Vanhnuaithanga, Lalchhawna, Kapthanga,
Challiana, Pachhunga, Rochhinga, I Rochhinga, II Vankunga, Vanlaliana, Thanglawra, Rangkhuma, Duma,
Zanenga, Lalnundawta, Lalkhawliana, Ngurkunga, Lalhmuaka, Malsawma, Hrangchhinga, Zoramthanga, Chhun-
zawna, Rosanga, Lamputa, Vansiama, Vanlalzika, Zamanthanga, Rohmingthanga, Lalhruaia, Lalkhawena.
(Source: Pu Lalremlien)
16.2.6 MIZO ARMD TROOPS CAPTURED TWO TOWNS IN EAST ZORAM(CHIN STATE)
At midnight on 1 May 1966 military posts and police stations in Falam and Teddim towns in Eastern Zoram(Chin
State) were overrun by the MNA troops simultaneously, and more than 300 rifles and other small arms and about
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K. 600,000 fell into their hands. The 800-man troops that captured Falam was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel
Lianhnuna; and the troops that captured Teddim were from the Taitesena or T Battalion under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel Zachuala.
The MNA troops were heartily welcomed and assisted in every possible way by the local people in East Zoram. The
Burmese govenment was in a panic and it immediately dispatched the 24th Burma Rifles and the 42nd Burma Regiment
to attack the MNA. The 24th Burma Rifles was commanded by Colonel Ngo Zam, a native of Thuklai village, East Zoram.
The MNA troops had underestimated the efficiency of battle-hardened Burmese soldiers, so they withdrew towards
Mizoram very recklessly. Colonel Ngo Zam later confided to a few trusted friends that had he wanted to, he could have
easily inflicted great losses to the Mizo troops. But he delayed his march intentionally in order to let them escape with
as few casualties as possible. Even then the T Battalion still suffered a number of casualties in a few armed clashes.
16.2.7 METHODS USED BY THE INDIAN GOVERNMENT IN SUPPRESSING THE ARMED MOVEMENT

General Manekshaw of the Indian Army ordered the relocation of most of the villages in the Mizoram in order to cut off
the MNA and MNV troops from the masses. People were issued identity cards and told to move to new villages which
were not yet built. Relocation sites, called Progressive Protected Villages were set up along major highways. In many
instances villagers were forced to move out of their villages at gun point for they were reluctant to leave their
belongings. And in most cases they had to move out on just a days notice. There was no time to pack all their
belongings, and it was not possible to carry everything at one time. Animals had to be killed and food grains had to be
hidden in the forest. If there was no time to hide food grains, they were burned with the houses. As soon as people left
their homes, the Indian Army personnel ransacked the houses, kept for themselves anything valuable, and then burned
them down. Hidden food grains in the forest, if discovered, were taken away by the Indian troops and hoarded, or
villagers were forced to burm them.
Six hundred villages with a population of 150 000 were force-settled at six sites: Seling-Champhai highway, Seling-
Rata highway, Lunglei-Demagiri highway, Lunglei-Lawngtlai highway, and along the western border. The Indian Army
could now check every household at any hour for the number of persons living in every house being written on a plate at
the entrance of the house. The army controlled these relocation sites for two months, and then the task of controlling
was handed over to civillian officers. Men were rounded up to work at construction sites on strategic roads in faraway
regions such as Kashmir.
People were thus reduced to depend solely on government rations. The measures used against them were a
collective punishment of both psychological and physical. There was a shortage of drinking water and the ration issued
for a person was one kilogram of grain per week; the relocation sites did not have doctors, nurses, medicines and no
medical facilities; and no arrangement was made for sanitation. Agricultural production was minimal due to the imposed
curfew and the resulting reduction of available farming hours. Besides, suitable land for shifting cultivation was not
available near the relocation sites; the available land for such purpose was located as far away as 10 to 15 miles, etc. It
became thus unbearable for the majority of the people being relocated that they either fled or moved out secretly and
settled in other regions where Zo people were living.(Vumson, pp. 284-86)
16.2.8 POWER STRUGGLE WITHIN THE MIZO NATIONAL FRONT
In the meantime the Zo nationalist leaders disagreed with one another on how they should carry on the
struggle. Laldengaled the hardcore faction which wanted to fight until independence was secured. The
softcore faction wished to accept a compromise offered by the Indian Government. Members of the softcore
faction included Lalhmingthanga, Foreign Secretary; Lalkhawliana, Finance Secretary; and Thangkima,
Education Secretary. In 1969, the softcore faction, or the Dawmpui group, made arrangement to wrestle
power from Laldenga. Inresponse Laldenga removed Lalnunmawia from the vice-presidency of the MNF in
March 1970. Major General Sawmvela was replaced by Zamawia as Chief of the Army, and Lianzuala became
vice president of the Front. In 1970, Laldenga, accompanied by Lalhmingthanga, went to Peking and met with
Chinese Prime Minister Chou En-Lai.(Ibid, p. 288)
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16.2.9 ATTAINMENT OF THE UNION TERRITORY STATUS
Despite all the great suffering and losses in terms of human life and materials the MNF was still popular
with the people. MNF leaders became respected politicians and civil servants, and the Mizoram government
was operating in the shadow of the MNF. At the end of 1981, Laldenga was in New Delhi for negotiations
with Mrs. Indira Ghandi. The Indian Government initially agreed to grant the Zo people statehood, and
Laldenga accepted it. The negotiations came to a deadlock, however, because of four demands put
forward by Laldenga.
They were:
1. Extermination of the power of the Governor in Mizoram.(The real administrator of the Union Territory of
Mizoram was the Lieutenant Governor. The Chief Minister of the State, was only implementing what the
Lt. Governor ordered him to do. When Mizoram became a state within India, Laldenga did not want the
status quo. He wanted as much self-determination as possible.)
2. Natural resources of the state should belong to the state and the state should have all the rights to
exploit and market them.
3. Separate election laws should be created for Mizoram.
4. The Forest Department, which at that time was situated in Silchar, was controlling the state forests in
Mizoram. Laldenga wanted the forest department to be under the Mizoram Government.
Laldenga also demanded a separate flag for Mizoram Staate, but the Indian government rejected the demand as
unnegotiable.
There had been several talks between the Indian Government and the Mizo National Front leaders.
However, both sides did not give in easily to each others demands. Thus negotiations for peace settlement
dragged on and on. The main obstacle was Art. 371/A of India Govt. Act, which gives the Naga
Government the power to control land and its natural resources but refuses the control of law and order.
Laldenga demanded the power over land and its natural resources and also the control of law and order to
be under the jurisdiction of the Mizoram Chief Minister, similar to all other Indian states. Another hindernis
was Laldengas demand of immediately assuming the responsibilities of the Chief Minister of Mizoram, which
was unconstitutional as he had not been elected, although Lalthanhawla, the then Chief Minister,
announced that he would step down and leave his post vacant in search of peace. In 1971, the Indian
Parliament had passed the Tweenty-Seventh Amendment Act, and on 21 January 1972, Mrs. Indira Gandhi
went to Aizawl and inaugurated the Union Territory of Mizoram. The Mizo Hills District became the Mizoram
Union Territory, and Zo leaders now had direct access to the Indian Government without going through the
Assam of Assam.
Unlike a District Council, a Union Territory has a Legislative Assembly and a Council of Ministers. The
Legislative Assembly of a Union Territory has the authority to make laws in respect of the matters given in
the State List and Concurrent List. However, the Assembly of the Union Territory of Delhi was not given
control over Public Order, Police, Municipal Committee, Improvement Trust, etc. The ministers were to be
responsible to the legislature, and the Chief Commissioner was to preside over their meetings. The
President of India was given authority to set up a Council of Advisors. After West Zoram became a Union
Territory, the first Mizoram Assembly election was held in March 1972.
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16.2.10 THE BIRTH OF MIZORAM STATE
(Source: http://mizoram.nic.in/about/history.htm#INSURGENCY:)
Rajiv Gandhi's assumption of power following his mother's death signaled the beginning of a new era in Indian
politics. Laldenga met the Prime Minister on 15th February 1985. Some contentious issues, which could not be
resolved, during previous talks referred to him for his advice. New Delhi felt that Mizo problem had been
dragging on for a long time, while the MNF was convinced that bidding farewell to arms to live as respectable
Indian Citizens was the only ways of achieving peace and development. Statehood was a prerequisite to the
implementing of the accord [Mizoram Accord*, 1986] signed between the MNF and the Union Government
on 30 June 1986. The document was signed by Laldenga on behalf of MNF, and the Union Home Secretary
RD Pradhan on behalf of the Indian Government. Lalkhama, Chief Secretary of Mizoram, also signed the
Agreement. While the MNF kept its part of the bargain, the Centre[Central Government] initiated efforts to
raise the status of Mizoram to a full fledged State. A Constitution Amendment Bill and another to confer
statehood on Mizoram was passed in the Lok Sabha on 5 August 1986. The formalization of Mizoram State
took place on 20th February, 1987. Chief Secretary Lalkhama read out the proclamation of statehood at a
public meeting organised at Aizawl's Parade Ground. Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi flew in to Aizawl to
inaugurate the new state. Hiteshwar Saikia was appointed as Governor of Mizoram.
The Mizoram Accord, officially entitled Mizoram Accord, 1986, Memorandum of Settlement*(see APPENDIX BB
for full text) was the landmark that restored peace and harmony in the state. Its core points are as follows:
* Handing over of all arms, ammunition, and equipments to the Central Government.
* Preparation for settlement and rehabilitation of underground personnel.
* Conferment of Statehood on the Union Territory of Mizoram.
* The State will be at liberty to adopt any one or more languages for official purposes
* Establishment of a separate university for the state.
* The State to have a High Court of its own.
(Note: I have not yet obtained until the time of this writing reliable statistics on total losses in terms of human life
and material during the 20-year war on both sides. tzd)
17.0 THE PEOPLE
17.1.1 ORIGIN OF THE CHINS/ZOS (Colonialists View - 1)
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 2-3)
Origin of the Chins: Our closer connection with the Chins and Lushais during the last five years does not appear to
have taught us anything more than we knew twenty years ago of the ethnology of the tribes. Yule in 1855 described the
Chins and Lushais as of Indo-Chinese kindred known as Kukis, Nagas, Khyenes, and by many more specific names.
Colonel Hanny identified the Chins with the Nagas of Assam mountains and states that they must be closely allied to the
Kukis. In 1866 Colonel Phayre classified the Chins living on the north of Arakan as Indo-Chinese. Mr. Taw Sein Kho,
Burmese Lecturer at Cambridge, in a pamphlet on the Chins and Kachins bordering on Burma, wrote:
Ethnically these tribes belong to that vaguely defined and yet little understood stock, the Turanians,
which includes among others the Chinese, Tibetans, Manchus, Japanese, Annamese, Siamese, Burmese
and the Turks. The evidence of language, so far as it has been studied, leaves little doubt that ages
ago China excercised much influence on these Turanian races, whose habitat, it is said, includeed
the whole of at least Northern India before its conquest by the Aryans.
_________________________________________________________________
* See APPENDIX BB for full text.
100
Mr. MacCabe of the Assam Commission, whose service has been spent among the Nagas, Lushais, and the other hill
tribes of the province of Assam, designates the Chin-Lushai family as Indo-Chinese. Captain Forbes calls the race
Tibeto-Burman. Mr. B. Houghton of the Burma Commission, in an essay on the language of the Southern(Sandoway)
Chins[in present Rakhine State] and its affinities in 1891, writes -
As a mere conjecture of the original habitat, & c., of these races the following may be hazarded. At
first the stocks may have lived together in Tibet or perhaps a good distance to the West of it...After
the departure of the Chinese smaller hordes from time to time poured into India, the largest being the
Burman one, which, perhaps by the pressure of the newly arrived Aryans, was forced into Burma.
The hillmen of Arakan I would regard as rather later immigrations.
In the Burma Census Report of 1891 Chin ethnology is dismissed with the remark that the Chins or Kyins are a group
of hill tribes, all talking various dialects of the same Tibeto-Burman speech and calling themselves by various names.
Without pretending to speak with authority on the subject, we think we may reasonably accept the theory that the Kukis
of Manipur, the Lushais of Bengal and Assam, and the Chins originally lived in what we now know as Thibet and are of
one and the same stock; their form of government, method of cultivation, manners and customs, beliefs and traditions
all point to one origin. As far as the Chins are concerned, we know from our own experience, as well as from the records
of Manipur, that the drift of migration has changed and is now towards the north. The Nwite, Vaipei, and Yo Chins, who
within the memory of man resided in the Northern Chin Hills, have now almost entirely recrossed the northern border,
either into the hills belonging to Manipur or to the south of Cachar, and their old village sites are now being
occupied by the Kanhow clan of Sokte Chins, which also is steadily moving northwards...
Those of the Kuki tribes which we designate as Chins do not recognize that name, which is said to be a Burmese
corruption of the Chinese Jin, or Yen, meaning man. The Northern Chins call themselves Yo, the Tashons, Haka,
and more southern tribes Lai, while the Chins of Lower Burma give their name as Shu...The Chins subordinate to Burma
are not contained in the tracts adminstered from Falam, for besides the Chinbokes, Chinbons, and Chinmes adminstered
from Yawdwin, and the political charge of the Arakan Hill Tracts, the Deputy Commissioner of Minbu, Thayetmyo,
Kyaukpyu, and Sandoway all have dealings with Chins who reside in their districts...
17.1.2 _ Origin of the Chins/Zos (Colonialists View - 2)
_ I believe some people are of the opinion that they were the aboriginal tribes of Upper Burma, and were
gradually forced back into the hills, driving back in turn the Lushais, who dwelt in the hills now occupied by
the Chins; the Lushais retreating across the Manipur River still further into the hills. After our subjugation and
occupation of Upper Burma the Chins began to be a thorn in our side, just as they had been to the King
Thibaw, and his predecessors. Thibaw had tried sending an army to invade their country; but it was ignomi-
niously defeated, and the troops retired after doing more harm than good to the prestige of the Burmese
army.(The Siyin Chins by F. M. Rundall, Political Officer, Northern Chin Hills./Vum Ko Hau p. 451)
17.1.3 Original of the Chins/Zos (Colonialists View - 3)
Geographical and Ethnological
(Reids, pp. 1-5)
Prior to 1889, the interior of the tract of country known as the Chin-Lushai Hills, was a terra incognita, and, even now,
there are probably many members of the general public included in the class of well-educated to whom the title conveys
but little meaning, and in whom it arouses still less interest.
Considering of parallel mountain ranges rising to heights of over 9,000 feet, this, the most recent acquisition to Her
Majestys dominions, embraces every variety of physical feature and climate, from the dense and deadly jungles below,
through the tangled mazes of which the ponderous elephant and rhinoceros push their way, to the invigorating summits,
crowned with pines, where the sheen of the pheasants wing catches the eye, as, with lightning speed, he skims down
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the mountain side.
People this region with dusky tribes, almost as numerous in dialect and designation as the villages in which they live,
owning no central authority, possessing no written language, obeying but the verbal mandates of their chiefs, hospital
and affectionate in their homes, usparing of age and sex while on the warpath, untutored as the remotest races in
Central Africa, and yet endowed with an intelligence which has enabled them to discover for themselves the manufacture
of gun-power. Such in general outline is the Chin-Lushai country, and such were its inhabitants until some years ago
they were touched by the transforming wand of civilization...
Considerable confusion arises from the various names under which the inhabitants of the Chin-Lushai Hills have been
desribed. Previous to the Expedition of 1871-72, the wild tribes which had been in the habit of raiding our North-Eastern
Frontier, were generally spoken of as Kukis - a Bengali word meaning hill-men or highlanders. Since that event,
however, the term Lushai has come into more common use; and although originally applied to the tribe or tribes
occupying the tract immediately to the south of Cachar, is now employed, in a comprehensive sense, to indicate all
those living to the west of the Kaladyne river, while those to the east are designated Shendus. On the other side, to any
one approaching them from the Burma side, the Shendus would be known as Chins, and divide the people with whom I
am going to deal in the following pages into the two broad classes of Lushais and Chins, the course of the Kaladyne
river forming the line of demarcation...I believe the Lushais call themselves Zao. Chin is a Burmese term, and on the
authority of Colonel Woodthorpe, synonymous with Khyen(pronounced Chin.)
17.2 CLASSIFICATION OF THE TRIBES IN THE HILLS
The separate tribes recognized in the tract controlled from Falam are the Sokte, Siyins, Tashons, Hakas,
Klangklangs, and Yokwas. In the south there are independent villages belonging to none of these main tribes. Each of
these independent villages has its own Chief; they have no tribal system. The Thado, the Yo, the Nwite, and the Vaipe
tribes have almost disappeared from the Northern Chin Hills, and reference need only be made to them when dealing with
the Sokte tract. The Sokte tribe, which includes the Kamhow clan, is found on both banks of the Manipur River, which
led to the people on the left bank calling those on the right Nwengals. This term has been brought into use by us and
Nwengals have been considered a separate tribe; this, however, is not so...The Siyins are the Taute and Tauktes of the
Manipur records. The Tashon tribe includes the two powerful communities of Yahows and Whenohs, which were formerly
known as Pois, Poites, and Pawite. The formidable Shendus, so well known on the Chittagong and Arakan frontiers, are
mainly Klangklangs and Hakas. The term Baungshe[from the Burmese paung, to put on (a turban), and she, in front]
has been applied indiscriminately to all Chins who bind their hair over the forehead. It is a mere nickname and has been
intentionally omitted...*
17.3 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PEOPLE
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 165-168)
17.3.1 Chin Characteristics
Thus, Falam, the capital of Shunklas, is but a long days march for a Chin from the heart of the Siyin country,
yet a border villager has to be requisitioned to interpret the words of the Siyin to the Shunkla and vice versa,
and the appearance of the tribesmen differ as widely as their language. Throughout the vast apparent
difference in detail of the manners and customs of the tribes, the main Kuki characteristics can be univer-
sally traced and may be briefly enumerated as follows: The slow speech, the serious manner, the respect for
birth and the knowledge of pedigrees, the duty of revenge, the taste for and the treacherous method of
warfare, the curse of drink, the virtue of hospitality, the clannish feeling, the vice of avarice, the filthy state
of the body, mutual distrust, impatience under control, the want of power of combination and of continued
effort, arrogance in victory, speedy discouragement and panic in defeat are common traits throughout
the hills.
__________________________________________________
* See on next page for explanation
102
17.3.2 Special Characters of Separate Tribes

HAKAS AND SIYINS
_ On first acquaintance with the various tribesmen one is struck with the manly carriage and regular features
of the Haka Chiefs and freemen, whose frank manner and self-assurance are in marked contrast with the
bearing of the Siyin. The chief characteristics of the Siyins are the short flat nose, small keen bright eyes,
which are never in repose, and the stealthy cat-like movements of body and limbs, as well as the abnormal
size of the thighs and calves which seem to have been intended for trunks of twice the size that they carry.
The Siyin is an evil-looking person and his exterior clearly illustrates his character; his face is usually
disfigured by smallpox, and the hair tighty drawn back gives him a cruel expression. His restless eyes denote
that he trusts no man and he knows that no man should trust him...The worst fault of the Hakas is avarice;
there is nothing that they will not do for money, and in this respect they are despicable and fall far short
of the Northern Chins, who with all their faults are very clannish and loyal to each other. It was the fear of
deportation and disarmament and not greed of gain which drove them to hand up outlaws at the close of
the Siyin-Nwengal rebellion. Experience has taught us that all Chins are liars and thieves, and the most
accomplished thieves in the hills are the Siyins, who in this respect may be classed as a criminal tribe. The
Haka and southern villagers area also great thieves and like the Siyins they will work in gangs, some
distracting attention, whilst others carry off the booty. Hakas and Siyins have both been known to accept a
present and then deliberately steal from the benefactor. The Falam Chiefs, too, although they are so particular
in their outward conduct and pretend that they are superior to all other Chins, have been found capable of
stealing iron when they thought that they had the chance of doing so and evading detection. It is marvellous
how a Siyin can creep into a post on his stomach and carry off cooking pots under the very nose of the
sentries. He has also entered houses inside our posts and carried off property without disturbing the inmates...
TASHONS
The manner of the Tashons is more quiet than that of other Chins. The business-like way in which the Falam
Council will settle down quietly and soberly discuss tribute affairs explains to us, as clearly as their past
history, that the tribe owes more to the brains of its Chiefs than to the prowess of its braves for its present
leading position in Chinland. Diplomacy, love of intrigue, and schrewdness are the characteristics of the
_____________________________________________
* Footnote 1 (p. 4): We have now identified the tribes and clans and families which are mentioned in Mackenzies North-Eastern Frontier
of Bengal, Chapter XVI, as follows:-
The Sooties, Soktes, Kanhows are what we know as the Sokte tribe. The Chassads or Chusads are known to the Chins
as Taksat and to the officers of the Upper Chindwin in Burma as the Kaungse, which latter word is the Burmese way of pronouncing
Khongjai, the Manipuri name given to all Kukis(and Chins) who reside on the border of the plains. The Chassads belong to the Thado tribe.
The immigrants described as a Helot race not actually of the Sootie tribe, but living in villages of their own amongst them, are what we
know as the Yo and Nwite tribes. The Northern Pois mentioned by Colonel Johnstone in 1878 are the Yahow tribe and the Lakava Pois
or Sindhus are the Klangklang tribe and the Independent southern villages. The Waipies are known to us as the Vaipes; nearly the
whole family has left the Chin Hills and is now living in Manipur territory. About 100 houses are included in the Nwite or Mal village of
Losao. The Haankeeps and Hawkibs are merely a family of the Thado tribe. The tribes which lie on the immediate south are(1) Thado,
(2) Yo, (3) Nwite, (4) Sokte.
Note 1. Villages, No. of Houses and Populations of various tribes in the Chin Hills at the time of British arrival(Carey & Tuck, Vol. II)
- Kamhow: Villages = 33; Houses = 678; Population = 3,390; Sokte(west bank of Manipur river): V =14; H = 651; P = 3,255; Sokte: V =12;
H = 472; 2,360; Siyin: V = 5; H = 354; P = 1,770(Sukte+Kamhow+Siyin = 10,776); Thado: V = 11; Yo: V = 16; Nwite: V = 9;
Tashon: V = 74; H = 5,543; P = 27,765; Yahow: V = 38; H = 1,700; P = 8,500; Whenoh: V = 20; H = 600; P = 3,000=(Total: 39,215);
Haka: V = 41; H = 2,850; P = 14,250; Klangklang: V = 20; H = 985; P = 4,925; Yokwa: V = 14; H = 535; P = 2,675; Independent villages:
V = 45; H = 3,556; P = 17,780=(Total: 39,630); Thado-Kuki villages inside Manipur: V = 11; H = 388; Yo villages inside Manipur:
V = 16; H = 548.
Note 2: Statistics inside the Lushai Hills are not yet available.
103
Tashons. When they attacked the Siyins they always had the Burmans as their allies; when they attacked
Kwungli they invoked the aid of the Hakas; when British troops entered the hills they encouraged the Siyins
to fight and to prolong the futile struggle; but when the troops arrived at Falam the only weapons they used
were their tongues, which poured forth a stream of expostulations, excuses, and promises. Finally, when
the Siyins and Nwengals rebelled the Tashons gave them every encouragement, except assistance in
men, and when their own border villages were disarmed the Tashons allowed them to suffer in peace, fearing
to bring our wrath down on the capital itself if they endeavoured to save them. Diplomacy is the only word
which describes the character of the Tashon. Some day they may feel that they must fight us, or lose their
position in the land, and, if they fight, we may be quite certain that every intrigue and trick which cunning
can devise has previously been tried and found ineffectual...
THE LUSHAIS
(Woodthorpe. pp. 10 -11 & 71-78)
The name Kookie has been given to this great tribe, as Mr. Edgar tells us, by the Bengalis, and not
recognized by the Hillmen themselves. He says:-
I have never found any trace of a common name for the tribe among them, although they seem to
consider different families as belonging to a single group, which is certainly coexistensive with what we
call the Kookie tribe.
... The Lushais first appeared on the scene about the year 1840, the first chief of whom we had any
knowledge being Lalal; from whom are descended the chiefs who have lately been the cause of so much
anxiety to the Indian Government. He had four sons. Of these, when we first hear of them, Mongpir was
struggling in the west against the Poitoos, to establish himself on the Chatarchara range; Lalingvoom was
ruling the villages south of the hill known as Peak Z, in the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India; while
Lalsavoong was striving with the Ladoes in the east for possessionof the Chumfai valley and range to
the north of it...
The Lushais with whom we became acquainted during our journeyings, belong to three different tribes, the
Lushais, Soktes, and Pois. The latter are rather taller and of a fairer complexion than the ordinary run of
Hillmen, but the principal distinguishing characteristic between the three tribes is the mode inwhich they
dress their hair...
Both the men and women are well made, and muscular; the average height of the former appeared to
be about 5 feet 6 inches, and of the women, five feet four inches. The men are all sturdy fellows, thickset
as to the neck and shoulders, body light and active, arms and legs muscular and well developed, their
arms generally long in proportion to their bodies. Their complexion comprises every shade of brown, and
their features vary considerably; the generality however possessing flat retrousse noses with nostrils, thick
lips, and small almond-shaped eyes. Among the Lushais though, and especially among
those related to the reigning families, some of whom were even handsome, we met with a much more
refined type - the nose being thin and aquiline with small nostrils, the lips thin and the mouth small. In
all, however, the cheek-bones were high and prominent, the face broad and remarkable for an almost
entire absence of beard or moustache; even a slight moustache and small tuft of hair on the chin being
the exception rather than the rule. The expression of many was bright and intelligent, and they showed
a wonderful aptitude for quickly understanding anything new wonderfiul which they saw during their visits
to our camp...
The Lushais are mighty hunters, as they are great eaters of flesh, and their supplies depend a good
deal upon the success of their hunting excursions. It is only within the last fifteen years, or thereabouts,
that they have learnt the use of fire-arms, but now they possess a large number of muskets, most of
which are old flink-locks, of English manufature, bearing the Tower mark of various dates, some as far
back as the middle of the last century. The stocks of these are highly varnished and ornamented with
red paint...

104
17.4 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT
Physically the Chin is a fine man, taller and stouter than his neighbours in the plains on both the north
and east, and although he fell short of the build of the Pathans, his measurements compare more than
favourably with those of the Gurkha. It is no uncommon occurence to find men 5 feet 10 inches and 5 feet
11 inches in height with chest measurement of 39 inches and with a calf measurement of the abnormal size
of 16 inches. Individual tall men are found in the Kuki villages immediately south of Manipur and among the
Sokte, but the finest built men in the Hills are the Siyins, Hakas and independent southerners.
The Siyins, though small in stature, are splendidly limbed and are the most evenly built tribe in the hills,
though the Hakas and independent southerners are as a whole taller and produce the finest individual men.
The late Lyenrwa of Kotarr and Lalwe of Klangklang are perfectly proportioned giansts with a magnificent
development of muscle. The worst built and puniest men in the hills are found amongst the Tashons, who
are as a whole distinctly inferior to other tribes in physique and carrying capability...
The carrying capacity of the Chin equals that of the Bhutia and is superior to that of the Gurkha as
inasmuch as he is faster. It is not uncommon to find a man carrying 180 lbs. for a 12 mile stage, and a
load as 60 lbs. appears hardly to affect the ordinary pace of the carrier, who will march 20 miles in the day.
The Chins and the southern Kukis of Manipur being the same race, living in the same class of country and
under the same conditions, are, as to be expected, equally good carriers; but for short distances neither
are as fast as the most satisfactory of all the foreign coolies who have worked in the Chin Hills, the Tunkal...

17.4.1 APPEARANCE AND PHYSICAL CHRACTERISTICS
(J. Shakespear, pp. 1-2)
All the Lushai Kuki clans resemble each other very closely in appearance and the Mongolian type of
countenance prevails. One meets, however, many exceptions, which may be due to the foreign blood
introduced by many captives taken from the plains and from neighbouring tribes; but these are not worth
considering, and the description of the Kuki written by Lt. Stewart close on 80 years ago cannot be
improved on. The Kukis are a short, sturdy race of men with a goodly development of muscle. Their legs
are, generally speaking, short in comparation with the length of their bodies, and their arms long. The face
is nearly as broad as it is long and is generally round or square, the cheek bones high, broad and prominent,
eyes small and almond-shaped, the nose short and flat, with wide nostrils. The women appear more squat
than the men even, but are strong and lusty. In Lushai clans both sexes are as a rule rather slighter made
than among the Thado and cognate clans, whom Lt. Stewart was describing. Adopting the scale given in the
handbook of the Anthropological Institute, the colour of the skin varies between dark yellow-brown, dark
olive, copper coloured and yellow olive...Both men and women are good walkers and hill-climbers, which
is only natural, but for a race which lives exclusively on the hilltops the number of good swimmers is very
large. Most men are not afraid of the water, and manage rafts very skilfully, making long journeys on them
in the rains...
17.5 THE GENERIC NAMES CHIN, KUKI AND ZO AND THEIR ANCIENT HOMELANDS
The term ZO or JO was mentioned as the name of a people in a few historical publications of the Indo-
Burman peoples. Fancho*, a diplomat of the Tang dynasty of China, mentioned in 862 A.D. a kingdom in the
Chindwin valley, whose princes and chiefs were called Zo. In 1783 Father Sangermo** mentioned the petty
nation called JO. G. A. Grierson*** recorded in 1904: The name is not used by the tribes themselves, who
_________________________________________________
* Fan, cho: The Manshu: Book of Southern Babarians, 862. Trans. by Gordon Luce, Data Paper: No.44, South Asia Program,
Cornell University, Icha, New York, 1961.
** Father Sangermo: A Description of the Burmese Empire, Rome, Parbury, Allen and Co. MDCCCXXXIII
*** Grierson, G.A.: Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. III, part III, Calcutta, 1904.
105
used titles such as ZO or YO or SHO. However, because of the Zo peoples frequent contacts with many
different peoples at their borders the available literature is often confused about which people should be
designated as ZO or other names. When the British took possession of Bengal and had their contact with
Zo people, the Bengalis told them that the Zo were Kuki, a Bengali word which means something like savage
or wild hill people. But when the British came in close contact with the Lusei, they realized that they did not
call themselves Kuki. Initially the British used the term Loosye. The British, however, later adopted LUSHAI
as the official designation for Zo people living in the western part of the Zo country, as the ruling clans of
these people were known to them as LUSHAI.(Vumson, p. 1)
The actual translation of zo in the Zo common language may be termed as follows: Zo people divide a
mountainous region into two climatic zones. The higher part of the region is characterized by cold, wet, and
damp climatic conditions, where potatoes, maize and sulfur beans may be grown. These areas are covered
with rain clouds in the monsoon rainy season. The sun is rarely to be seen. Such a place or area is denoted
by the term Zo in distinction from the shim of chhim, which is generally lower in elevation and with a
warmer and drier climate, where bamboo thrives and hill-side rice may be grown. The generic name Zo has
no relation with the geographical-climate term zo. Zo people have a tradition of naming their clans[tribes]
after the head of each clan. Hualngo are descendants of a man named Hualngo, and the Zahau, Kamhau
and[some] other Zo clans[tribes] each carries the name of their founder. It must have been the same with
Zo, too. Zo or a very similar sounding name must have been the name of the Zos originator. The Genealogy
of Zo(Chin) Race of Burma by Khup Za Thang shares this interpretation and postulates a man named Zo
as the founder of the Zo people. The author chooses Zo as the designation of all Zo people, because it
appears to him that Zo is the most widely used name, whether it be Zo, Yo, Jo, Cho, Sho, Khxou, or Yaw.
The author does not insist that Zo is the proper or right designation. However, he believes that names such
as Kuki and Chin which originated as abused names should not be adopted as the designation of a people.
Such names could hinder understanding between the abuser and the abused. It will be in the interest of all
Zo people to be known by a common name, most possibly Zo.(Ibid, p. 6) See TABLE 4
In the absence of written documents, and because the Zo had limited contact with neighbouring peoples,
it is extremely difficult to trace Zo history. However, through historical linguistics, archaelogical findings, and
ethnic relationships, it is now accepted that Zo belong to the group of people identified as Tibeto-Burman.
The oral genealogy of Zo claims that a man named Zo was the originator of all Zo people...Estimates based
on oral history account for approximately tweenty-seven generations of Zo people. Assuming a generation to
last twenty-five years, Zo people have been in existence for only seven hundred years. Zo legend asserts
that the Zo were originally from a cave called CHINNLUNG, which is given different locations by different
tribes. The legend cannot therefore be accepted as a fact, because it is contradictory to known facts of
how man originated. The physical features of Zo people, yellowish or brownish skin, brown eyes, black hair,
slanted eyes, prominent cheekbone, wide nose, and flat face suggest their relation to the Indonesian-Malay
subrace of the Mongoloid Race. By analysing Zo language and comparing it with other languages
anthropologists concluded that Zo language is related to the Tibeto-Chinese languages and therefore their
cultural affiliations with them...(Ibid, pp. 26-27)
...The rise of the Tang dynasty(618-906) brought contact between early Zo people in the Chin-dwin and the
Tang Chinese. The Tang, as widely traveled traders, recorded the existence of three kingdoms in Burma -
the Pyu, the Pegus(Mon), and the Sak. The Sak kingdom may have been the Zo of Upper Burma.(Ibid, 33)
This term Kuki, like Naga, Chin, Shendu, and many others, is not recognized by the people to whom
we apply it, and I will not attempt to give its derivation, but it has come to have a fairly definite meaning,
and we now understand by it certain closely allied clans, with well marked characteristics, belonging to the
Tibeto-Burman stock. On the Chittagong border the term is loosely applied to most of the inhabitants of the
interior hills beyond the Chittagong Hill Tracts...In the Lushai Hills nowadays the term is hardly employed,
having superseded by Lushai. In the Chin Hills and generally on the Burma border all these clans are called
Chins...The term Lushais as we understand it, covers a great many clans...The Lusheis, however, did not
eject all the clans they came in contact with, many of them they absorbed, and these now form the bulk
106
of the subjects of the Thangur chiefs. In this monograph Lushai is used in this wider sense, Lushei being
used only for the clan of that name. Among the people themselves the Lusheis are sometimes spoken as
Duhlian, at the derivation of which I will hazard no guess, and the general population of the hills is spoken
of as Mizo.(J. Shakespear: INTRODUCTION)
The origin of the term Chin itself is not yet known for sure as there are several contradicting and
controversial theories. Among them are also that of Sakhongs. He tries to prove in several ways in his
book(In Search of Chin Identity: A Study in Religion, Politics and Identity in Burma, 2002) that the word
Chin is the original term used by various Chin tribes from ancient times. But his theories are far from
convincing. According to Lehman it is a Burmese word: The earliest mention of the Chin in Burman
inscriptions of the Pagan kingdom dates from the thirteenth century A.D. and refers to the Chins as allies
or comrades - that being the meaning of the term Chin - in the lower valley of the Chindwin(litterally the
hole of Chin* (Lehman, p. 20)
Lehman believes Kuki to be a Manipuri term[Lehman, 5]. But according to Mr. Edgar(p. 92 above) this
term apparently is a Bengali word. And with regard to this term Kuki, the following few lines will simply
clearify the confusions that surround it from the point of view of the Zo people themselves. Those who are
currently known - and call themselves as well - as Kuki were always known among the Zo people as
Thado or Khuangsai. While some of them nowadays prefer the term Kuki, some others prefer to call
themselves either Thado or Khuangsai. However, a new term called Thado-Kuki is getting popular
among them these days. The word KUKI itself does not mean anything at all in any Zo dialects. Actually,
Thado is the name of both the tribe and the clan(see Table 4).
And the original homelands of the Chins are also still shrouded in mystery. But it is now generally agreed
among scholars that they might have had migrated from the Tibetan Plateaus or South-West China
towards the Chindwin valleys and the plains and hills west of Irrawaddy river around A.D. 800 and that they
migrated further to their present homelands around the 14th century.Chin history begins after A.D. 750,
with the development of Burman civilization and of Chin interaction with it.(Lehman, p. 22). See Migratory
Routes: MAP 2.
The postulations of those who are deemed to be experts on the Chins and Burma as a whole
themselves are still full of contradictions on the topics in question. The following are some examples:
The places mentioned in old Burmese and the modern place names in the Chindwin Valley, however suggest
to Luce(1959b) that the Chin were left to themselves in the Upper Chindwin. No places above Monywa are
mentioned in the inscriptions. By twelth century the Burmans had occupied the Yaw and Kabaw valleys
abutting on the Southern Hills where, to judge by more recent conditions, they could not have failed to be in
contact with the Chin of the Southern Hills. Before this time we can say nothing about possible contacts of
Southern Chin with the Sak kingdoms* in Central Burma or on the Arakan side, or with the early Pyu or Mon
kingdoms. But the Chin were certainly in the present Southern Chin area for an infinite time before the Burmans
occupied the Yaw drainage. Indeed, one may suppose that they had moved south, east, and then north,
______________________________________________
* So far as I know, all scholars - both foreign and native alike - have translated Chindwin exactly as Lehman has done. Actually, dwin in Burmese
has four meanings: hole, in or inside and during. For examples: Hole like in Ye-dwin(water well, or water hole); Taw-dwin(in or inside forest); Ein-
dwin(in or inside house); Pyi-dwin(in or inside country); Moe-dwin (during raining season). Therefore, Chindwin can also be translated literally as
in or Inside Chin. But since it still doesnt really make any sense it could perhaps make more sense to translate it figuratively as inside Chin
country, or something like that. The hole of Chin does not have any sense at all in this context. I have just lately found another completely new
definition of Chindwin. That officer [Woodthorpe] states that when surveying the Chindwin river, he was informed that it was so called from the fact
that its forming the eastern limit of Chin raids in Burmese territory.(Reids, pp. 5-6). I find this newly found definition to be very interesting and deem
to be plausible to some extent. However, new theories still must be sought after, if theres any. Author(tzd)
107
and occupied the Chindwin Valley before the Burmans got there. If so, then the Sak-Kadu group* may have
been split by some combination of the Chin and the Burmans...(Lehman, p. 20)
...Perhaps the earliest inhabitants were Indonesians but they have left scarcely a trace and in any case
they were displaced by Mongolian tribes whose home was probably in wetern China. These were the Mon and
Tibeto-Burman tribes from eastern Tibet. Doubtless they came down the great rivers, but the routes, order,
and dates at which they came are purely conjectural. The Mon(Talaings) spread over Burma south of
Henzada. The traditional names of the Tibeto-Burman tribes are Pyu, Kanran, and Thet; perhaps the Thet are
Chins, and the Kanran the Arakanese; the Pyu, now exinct, may be an ingredient in what afterwards became
the Burmese, and they seem to have been pushed inland from Delta coast by Talaing pressure from the
south-east, as if the Talaing route into Burma was down the Salween. The Karens may have been earliest
of all...(Harvey, p. 3)**
I personally am very much doubtful about Vumsons speculation that the Sak or Thet kingdom recorded
by the Tang traders could probably be the Zos of Upper Burma on two simple grounds: First, Burmese
historians and scholars themselves could not find out yet until today who the Sak or Thet really were,
although there are many speculations. Second, if the Zos were still that savage to wage tribal wars among
themselves even at the time of the British arrival, their having a kingdom several centuries before is simply
unthinkable. If there indeed ever were a Zo kingdom somewhere at the confluence of the Irrawaddy and
Chindwin rivers, it sill must be a very primitive one, or those who built such a kingdom may surely have long
been assimilated by the more civilized and powerful Burmans. And if there really ever were a petty nation
called JO, as Father Sangermo is alleged to have recorded in 1783, either the Burmans or the British
should also have recorded it. But they had not done that. Actually, the history of Upper Burma has already
been rather reliably recorded since the early 14th century by the Shans and Burmans.
Vumson writes that the Zos were forced to build the Kale palace and that they migrated further to their
present homelands because they could not bear anymore the hard life as forced labourers(Vumson, 37-39).
It is true that the Chins had this common memory of being forced to build a palace wall. It is possible that
the palace that they built was indeed the Kale palace. It had double walls and a moat measuring a square
mile. The Kale principality, which was one of the several Shan principalities established since the mid 13th
century in Upper and East Burma, was already quite strong that it had even engaged in several wars since
1371(Harvey, pp. 82, 85, 87, 99). The times of the construction and expansion of the Kale palace and the
migration of several Zo tribes to their present homelands around the late 14th and early 15th centuries thus
coincided.
When guns fell into the hands of the Chins in the 18th century, however, the Kale and Kabaw valleys
became the raiding grounds of the savage Chins that the residents of the valleys had to live in constant
fear of being attacked and carried away to be slaves. According to British records the number of Burmans
and Shans kept as slaves by the Chins at the time the British pacified them was close to 1000.
___________________________________________________________________
* I have consulted a number of history books of Burma on these subjects. Among them are: History of Burma by Harvey; A History of Burma by Dr.
Htin Aung(Columbia University Press, 1967); Essentials of Burmese History(in Burmese)by U Kyi, B.A., B.Ed., B.L. Lecturer, Faculty of History,
University of Rangoon(1963); Myanmar Yazawun[Myanmar History], by U Ba Than, B.A. Former High School Head Master,(first published 1930).
However, Ive found nothing about the three Sak kingdoms and the Sak-Kadu ethnic group in all these books. I shall therefore deal
with them more in the future when and if I find them in other history books. tzd
** About Harveys book: Since its first publication in 1925 this work has been recognized as an important contribution to the history of the
East. The first serious attempt to write the history of Burma after that of Phayre. The author based his book on a mass of original sources,
Burmese inscriptions and chronicles, together with English, Dutch and Portuguese sources and translated Chinese chronicles form the basis
of the material from which he constructed an astonishingly interesting book which no student of Indo-Chinese can afford to ignore...(Comment of
The Times Literary Supplement on Harveys book. December 1925)
108
17.6 DEFINITION OF THE ZO TRIBES AND SUB-TRIBES

The Zos are a Mongoloid people. The society is patriarchial and monogamous and made up of several
tribes and sub-tribes. Vumson and Sakhong make two great mistakes by grouping 64 Zo tribes into six
major tribal groups, namely Asho, Cho(Sho), Khumi, Lai, Mizo and Zomi in their book and dissertation
respectively(see TABLE 1). This diagram was originally made by Vumson. And Zakhong uses it again in his
dissertation with a major change in it: He replaces the word TIBETO-CHINESE with MONGOLIAN
(Zakhong, p. 83), as the main root of Man, Karen, Tibeto-Burman and Tai-Chinese.
Actually, the so-called major tribal groups are not tribal groups at all. If any Zo from these major tribal
groups uses any of these terminologies he means the entire Chin-Kuki-Mizo, and not a single tribe. If a
Sizang, for example, wants to say something about his own tribe, he uses the word Sizang, but if he uses
Zomi, he means all the Chin-Kuki-Mizo people. It is exactly the same with all other people from the six
groups.
Another vivid example with regard to this issue is: Under ZOMI (TABLE 1) are listed 13 tribes. But so far
as I know most of the dialects of these so-called tribes are just very slightly different. So I wonder if they all
could really be defined as separate tribes. With the exception of the Thado, Baite and Sizang dialects, the
dialects of the rest 10 tribes listed cannot at all be defined as separate dialects. The dialects of the
Thados and Baite are almost exactly the same and the dialects of the rest differ from each other only in
accents. So, without extra efforts these 10 tribes can communicate each other very easily in their own
dialects. I would rather therefore define them as Tedim sub-tribes - the main tribe being Tedim. Even the
Sizang dialect itself has, according to Khoi Lam Thang, about 90 percent of similarities with the Tedim and
its other related-dialects(see TABLES 8/A; 8/B & 8/C). However, nearly all the other native Tedim-related
dialects speakers have great difficulty in understanding - and learning to speak fluently - the Sizang dialect.
It is due to three big barriers: 1. The three varying tones of it which differ from the varying tones of the
other dialects; 2. The rest of the words - that is the 10 percent of words that are not to be found in any
other Zo dialects; 3. Its several thousands of adverbs that have no similarities with the adverbs of the other
Zo tribes, and the Sizangs profusely use these adverbs in everyday life. So far as this author knows even
Burmese and English languages do not have adverbs that are similar to that of the Sizangs. All these
adverbs are made up of only two words and with them any situation, any human act or any forms(livng and
non-living things alike) can be precisely described. Here are a couple of examples: aai-aai; bengh-bongh;
cilh-tulh; hil-hel; king-kung; lil-lul; mil-mel; niak-nuak; zil-zul, etc. Everybody who has ever come into close
contact with the Sizang dialect will confirm this fact.
And there was a very interesting incident which worths a mention here with regard to the dialects in
Tedim area. Even Rev. Dr. J.H. Cope, the American Baptist missionary to the Chin people at the turn of the
20th century, had made a great mistake with regard to the Sizang and other dialects in the Tiddim
Subdivision. This author still wonders how Dr. Cope, who is said to have had mastered the Sizang dialect,
could make this great mistake in the first place(see APPENDICES M, M-1 and M-2).
Although some tribes in Northeast India have re-identified themselves recently as Zo, many tribes that
had been classified as Kuki-Chin by British scholars and colonial officials during the British rule have not re-
identified themselves yet as Zo.

17.6.1 LIST OF ZO TRIBES AND SUB-TRIBES
The following are the various Zo tribes and sub-tribes:(1) Aimol (2) Amlai (3) Anal (4) Baite (5) Biate (6)
Bawm/Bawmzo (7) Bualkhua (8) Chawngtu (9) Chiru(10) Chinpon (11) Cho (12) Chothe(13) Daai(14)
Darlong (15) Fahnai (16) Faihriam(17) Falam(18) Gangte(19) Guite(20) Haka(21) Hmar (22) Hnamte (23)
Hualngo(24) Kaang(Mkang) (25) Kawlni(26) Khami/Khumi(27) Khaizo (28) Khawhring (29) Khiangte(30)
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Khuano(31) Khualsim (32) Khuangsu (33) Khyeng/Khyang (34) Koirao (35) Koireng (36) Kom (37) Komrem
(38) Knoktu(39) Khawring (40) Laizo (41) Lamkang (42) Langrong (43) Langzo (44) Lautu/Laytu (45) Lente
(46) Lusei (47) Mi-Ei (48) Masho(Mro) (49) Mara/Lakher (50) Maring (51) Moyon (52) Monsang (53)
Muun(Mn) (54) Myo (55) Matu (56) Nangkha (57) Ngawn (58) Ngente(59) Paite (60) Pangsaizo (61) Pang
(62) Panku (63) Paotu (64) Purum (65) Rah (66) Ralte (67) Rawngte (68) Rangkhol (69) Rentlei (70)
Sakachep (71) Senthang (72) Simte (73) Sizang (74) Sukte (75) Suleizo (76) Tamang (77) Tapong (78)
Teizang (79) Tedim (80) Thado-Kuki (81) Thangal (82) Thawr (83) Thantlang (84) Tlaisun (85) Zahau (86)
Zaniat (87) Zawngte (88) Zo/Zou (89) Zokhua (90) Zophei ( 91) Zotung (92) Vaiphei (93) Val and (94)
Vumthu.
The following are the various Zo tribes and sub-tribes and their native inhabitats in Eastern Zoram:
Tiddim and Tonzang Townships: Tedim, Zou, Teizang, Sukte, Hualngo, Khuano, Guite, Val, Thado-Kuki,
Sizang; Falam Township: Falam, Ngawn, Laizo, Zaniat, Hualngo (Mizo), Khualsim, Zahau, Tapong, Sim,
Bualkhua, Tlaisun and Lente; Haka Township: Haka, Zokhua, Mi Ei, Senthang, Thawr and Khualsim;
Thantlang Township: Thantlang, Zophei, Lautu and Mara/Lakher(the Mara/Lakher are also found in
considerable numbers in the Pawi-Lakher Autonomous Region of Mizoram); Matupi Township: Matu,
Zotung, Daai, Lautu, Mara/Lakher, Amlai, Tamang and Wumthu; Mindat Township: Mindat, Muun, Daai,
Cho, Kaang (Mkaang) and Rawngtu; Kanpetlet Township: Knoktu, Chinpon, Daai, Cho, Kaang and Rah;
Paletwa Township: Khami/Khumi, Chinpon, Daai, Khamui, Myo, Asho and Khuangsu. The Plains Chins are
mainly concentrated in Rakhine State, Ayeyawady, Magway and Bago Divisions. The tribes that are living
in the Chittagong Hill Tracts are as follows: Khyeng/Khyang, Bawm or Bawmzo, Thado-Kuki, Mizo, Masho
(Mro) and Panku; The Zos in Manipur State in India are mostly Paite, Thado-Kuki, Zou, Mizo, Baite, Hmar,
Vaiphei, etc. Zos in Nagaland(India) are mainly Thado-Kuki; and the tribes of Zo in Tripura State, India, are
Mizo, Hmar, Thado-Kuki and some other smaller ones. The Zos in Sagaing and Magway Divisions are a
mixture of several Zo tribes and sub-tribes(see MAPs 3 & 4). Since several Zo tribes and sub-tribes listed
here in Mizoram have had abandoned their separate tribal identities and already identified themselves
commonly as MIZO it is no more possible to describe their specific former native regions.
17.7 CLANS AND SUB-CLANS
A great part of the Chin/Zo society is made up of several major clans and sub-clans, which are patrilineal -
that is, they are related through the male line. So although a great part of the Zo people may speak
different dialects and are identified as different tribes or sub-tribes they are so closely intertwined to each
other by these clan and sub-clan systems. However, there were - and still are - discrepencies and
contradictions in the genealogies of several of these clans and sub-clans that it was almost hopeless to
standardize them in the past. Khup Za Thang has somehow partly succeeded in standardizing several
major genealogies in his life time. Just have a look at the following TABLES: 2, 3 and 4 and compare them
with the information left behind by the British as some examples to get an idea how confusing these indeed
were:
Neyan[Nei Zan] of Chin Nwe[Ciimnuai] is the father of the Siyin tribe; he lived 13 generations ago and
he had three sons, Ne Nu[Ngu Ngu], Vamlok[Vang Lok], and Daitong; these three together left the nursery
of the Northern Chins, migrated some 12 miles to the east, and founded the two villages of Limkai and
Twantak[below present-day Khuasak village]. Vamlok is the progenitor of the three communities which we
classify as the Limkais[Limkhai], Toklaing[Thuklai], and Bwenman[Buanman] clans, and Ne Nu is the
progenitor of the clan we designate as the Siyin clan of the Siyin tribe, though it would be more correctly
named if we called this family the Twantak clan. Vamlok had three sons, Hansook[Hang Suak], Toklaing
and Limkai. Hansook founded Tavak village, Toklaing founded Vumyang[Vumzang] village, whilst Limkai
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remained in the original village of that name. Ne Nu had one son named Lamtam, who lived in Twantak
[Thuan Tak] the village founded by his father Ne Nu and his uncle Daitong. Lamtams youngest son Neyal
[Nei Zal] moved from Twantak and founded Koset village, which nine generations later was destroyed
by the Siyins[themselves] when attacked by General Faunce in 1889. Four generations ago Koset
emigrants founded Tannwe[Thangnuai] village...
Besides these villages there was one called Twiyan[Theizang] near the site of our No. 3 Stockgate,
inhabited by the last remnants of the Vaipei tribe. General Faunce and Major Raikes destroyed every village
in the Siyin Tract. During the next two years the tribe surrendered and settled down as follows. The Limkai
clan settled in Sagyilain[Sakhiling]; the Toklaing clan lived in the three villages of Pumba[Pumva], Shark,
and Yo; the Bwenman clan lived in Vokla[Voklak] and Narlpi; while the Twantak family(Siyin clan) was
scattered in the six villages of Koset[Khuasak], Nashwin, Tannwe, Laibung, Pimpi, and Montok, and
several families settled with the Soktes in You, Phunom, and Kholai. At the close of the Siyin-Nwengal
rebellion the Siyins were collected into families and settled down in five large villages: the Limkais remained
in Limkai or Sagyilain and the Bwenmans were collected into one village at Vokla; the Toklaings were all
settled on the original village-site of Mwiton(Toklaing); and the Twantak family were collected and settled
down in Koset and Lope. The(Siyin Clan) Twantak family is descended from Ne Nu, and the Limkai, Toklaing,
and Bwenman families are all the descendants of Ne Nus younger brother, Vanlok, and thus the whole tribe
is merely one family. When we occupied the country we found the inhabitants divided into four clans: of
Limkai, Bweman, Toklaing and Twantak(Siyin), each controlled by its own Chief and each Chief independent
the other. We have recognized the custom and have appointed or recognized the Chiefs of the four clans
according to the customs of the tribe. (Carey & Tuck, pp. 127-129)
...From the five men: Nge Ngu, Vanlok, Daitong, Hinnung and Nong Zong[Nun Zong] all the Siyin people
descended. Part of the Koset and Lope[Lophei] people descended from Nge Ngu. Vanloks descendants
are the Toklaings, Bwenmans and Limkhais. Hinnungs descendants are the Hualnams. Nong Zongs are
the Taukon people. Daitongs descendants have died out* (Naylor, p 45)
The following were some of the factors that had caused the discrepencies and contradictions between
genealogies in the past and at present as well.
Until the British pacified them completely there were constant tribal wars that social intercourses between
different tribes were almost non-existent;
Even after social intercourses had been to some extent established between different tribes,
communications were - and still are - extremely difficult due to Chinlands mountainous topography
and lack of infrastructures in the land that social intercourses were minimal except in the few towns and
their immediate neighbouring communities(until 2000 there were only 9 townships and at present 12);
closer social contacts have become more common only after WW II;
So far as this author knows not a single Zo had ever attempted to put genealogies in written form
until Pu Thawng Khaw Hau did it in 1955;
Any serious academic study or research has never been done on Zo genealogies even after Khup Za
Thang had published his first edition in 1974; Khup Za Thang himself undertook his researches alone
without any prior expertise in the field;
Until today there has never been a single attempt by different clans and sub-clans to iron out the
differences between their clans; there were of course a few serious people who would like to make
some thorough inter-tribal and inter-clan academic studies to clearify the contradictions, but such
wishes were abandoned due to many obstacles.
_____________________________________________________
* In fact, Daitawngs descendants did not die out. Even Carey and Tuck had recorded it.Daitawngs descendants are still found; they
are, however, of no importance in the tribe and it is not necessary to follow their antecedents.(Carey & Tuck, p. 127, Footnote 7)
111
Since most clans and sub-clans remember only their own genealogies rather correctly, it was - and still is
in many cases - extremely difficult for a researcher to standardize all the contradicting clan systems. Even
within some clans there are still different versions of their own genealogies, especially the ones that are
divided among several tribes and sub-tribes and spread over wide regions where human contacts were
andstill are very difficult or almost non-existent.
Since the first and only book ever compiled by a native Zo, prior to Khup Za Thangs first own work in
1974, was in 1955 by Pu Thawng Khaw Hau of Thuklai village. Khup Za Thang had had no existing written
record to rely upon, except that of Thawng Kho Haus. He had therefore to start his research and data-
collecting from almost nothing. Thats why he needed almost 30 years to collect all the data for his two
books(first and second editions). That was indeed a daunting task if one takes into consideration the great
discrepencies and contradictions that he had to overcome between numerous oral records passed down
from generation to generation in every clan or sub-clan, and that of the records left behind by the British as
already mentioned above.
One of his solutions to overcome these great obstacles in standardizing conflicting genealogies was to
request every clan or sub-clan to send him its own genealogy. Thats why if one reads the Genealogy ofthe
Zo(Chin) Race of Burma, for example, one will see this remark: Approved by... on the genealogical chart
of every clan/sub-clan. He printed many different versions as they were sent to him that exist outside the
Sizang region in his books without censoring them for he himself could not double-check them for accuracy.
He concentrated his efforts solely for the standardization of the main genealogical lines and also those that
exist among the Sizangs by selecting the ones he thought to be most reliable and related. He has in this
way succeeded in standardizing genealogies of many major clans and sub-clans(see APPENDICES K,
K-1, K-2 & K-3).
The means of preserving knowledge of ones pedigree among the Zo people are mainly verbal as
mentioned earlier. One instance of its use is in everyday life when addressing one another. This is done
with strict adherence to ones standing in the genealogical table. Ones pedigree, in fact, takes precedence
over ones age. The same rule applies without exception to married couples; hence you would find
husbands calling their wives Ni(Auntie) and wives calling their husbands Pa or Pu according to their
genealogical standing. I, for example, addressed the late Vum Ko Hau(Profile of A Burma Frontier Man) Pu
Hau or Pu Hau Vum Ko Hau because he was 22nd generation from Zo(mine is the 24th) and he also
addressed me in turn as Pu Dal or Puno Thang Za Dal because his mother was the first cousin sister of my
paternal grandfather(see TABLE 8/A & 8/B of Vum Ko Haus genealogical tree). And since my own mother
was also of the 24th from Zo like me, I would have had to call her U Dim(Elder Sister Dim ), If she were
not my mother. In like manner Vumson Suantak addressed me as Pa Dal(Uncle Dal) for I am one
generation older than him, although he was almost 7 years older than me in real life. And I addressed him
as U Son(Elder Brother Son). See 17.7 How Northern Zos Get Their Names below and GLOSSARY.
In every clan or sub-clan there were at least a couple of people in every generation who felt obliged or
are interested to memorize their clans genealogies; and also at every festive gathering of the Clan Chiefs
and Elders, the Chief Priests formally recited the names of all of the forefathers of the Clans. It was also a
tradition among the Clan leaders to record the histories of their clans in ceremonial songs which are largely
autobiographical in content. Thus, this knowledge has been orally passed down from generation to
generation.
As an example I shall describe my own genealogy. My main clan is called Thuan Tak or Thuan Taka
or Suantak. He was the 8th generation from our oldest known ancestor: ZO. And my sub-clans name is
Lua Tawng. But if I am to describe my genealogical tree in detail, I will have to do so in the following way:
My main clan is Suantak, Nge Ngus generation(he was one of Suantaks six sons), Kim Lels offspring( he
was one of Nge Ngus great grand sons), Ton Kaais descendant(Kim Lel had two sons and Ton Kaai was
his son with his second wife), Ngiak Hangs great, great... grandson(Ngiak Hang was one of Ton Kaais four
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sons); the Lua Tawng Sub-clan(Lua Tawng was one of Ngiak Hangs two sons). I am the 24th generation
from Zo or the 17th generation from Suantak* or the 9th generation from Lua Tawng. (The italic
genealogical terms in English are the nearest suitable words that I can think of, for we use different
genealogical terms for describing our clans and sub-clans as you have seen above. We have got four
different words for sub-clan alone: phung, be, te and bawng, for example. The reader may get a
rough idea about our clan and sub-clan system by studying the following TABLES 2, 5/A to 5/D, and 8/A to
8/D and the GENEALOGICAL INDEX. TABLES 5/A & 5/B are my own genealogical tree; 5/C & 5/D that of
my mothers; 8/A & 8/B that of Vum Ko Haus, and 8/C & 8/D that of Florence Ciang Za Dims(see Acknow-
ledgements). My mother and I are descended from Nge Ngu, and Vum Ko Hau and Ciang Za Dim from
Vang Lok. The terminological terms used for genealogies among the Sizangs are much more complex than
those that are used by several of their other fellow Zo tribes.
All the sub-clans branched out of some major clans. It is, however, no more possible for people of the
present generation to find out how their forefathers chose their clan and sub-clan names. While several
families of Suantaks descendants still use his name directly as their clan name, many others had chosen
his descendants names instead as their clans names. One example: the forefathers of those who belong
to the SUANTE clan chose Suante, who was one of Suantaks great grandsons, as their clan name. I do
not have any knowledge at all how and why our forefathers decided to use sub-clans in the first place. The
Sub-clan of Vumson Suantak for example, is Thuam Lam. His direct forefathers chose Thuam Lam as their
sub-clans name. However, my direct forefathers did not use Ton Kaai, the younger brother of Thuam
Lam, as their sub-clans name. Instead, my sub-clan started with Lua Tawng, the grandson of Ton Kaai, or
grand nephew of Thuam Lam. And my mothers sub-clan started with Mang Vum, the younger brother of
Lua Tawng. See TABLES 5/A, 5/B, 5/C and 5/D.
Approximately 80 % of those who regard themselves as Sizangs are the descendants of two of
Suantaks six sons, namely Nge Ngu and Vang Lok, but there are still a number of the descendants of their
four brothers, namely Nei Lut, Hin Nung, Nun Zong and Dai Tawng among the Sizangs until today(see
TABLES 2, 3 and 9 to 12/A), although most of the rest are now in northern Chinland and Manipur State in
India. Besides, there are also a few other clans among the Sizangs that form majorities among some other
tribes or sub-tribes - for example, Buan Siing, Hualnam/Gualnam/Ngualnam, Hat Lang, Hat Zaw, Mun Zo,
Suum Thang, Lian Zaw, Thawmte, Zil Awm, etc(see below). Several families of the Suantak clan can
befound in several other Zo tribes and sub-tribes as well(see TABLES 7/B; 7/C; 7/D-1+7/D-2; 7/E; 7/F-1 +
7/F-2; 7/G). The Vaipheis(Old Kuki, Lehman, 1963. p. 5 & 16) and the Baite(nearly all of the Vaipheis
and Baite are living in Manipur and some other neighbouring states in India are also of Suantak clan.
During the 1888-1889 Anglo-Chin War 33 Vaiphei warriors, who were still living in three villages with their
fellow Sizangs in the Sizang region, also fought along with the Sizangs, See APPENDIX L). It is very
interesting and strange that there are no families of the Sukte and Guite clans among the Sizangs,
although members of these two clans are living very close to the Sizang region. And another interesting fact
is that some families of a few other clans that are even much older than that ofj Suantak are also found
among the Sizangs(see TABLES 2, 3 and 13 to 16/A).
______________________________________________
* Suantak, the progenitor of a great number of families, is said to have lived at and was a Chief of Ciimnuai (see MAP 5), the first known settlement of
the northern Zo people in Chin hills when they migrated from the Kale-Kabaw Valleys in the Chindwn region around 1400 A.D. As he was too
demanding from whom he collected tributes, a man of the Gangte tribe/clan(another Zo tribe) lost his patience and knocked him three times with the
hinleg of a deer which he brought along with him as a tribute, and Suantak died immediately on the spot. His children then left the village and founded
other villages(see APPENDIX A-1 and TABLE 2). Since the generation differences between Suantak and me are 17, he must have had lived
sometime around 1525-50 - for one generation is roughly equal to 25 years.(Source for Suantaks chieftainship at Ciimnuai: Zomi Encyclopedia,
Vol. 5. pp. 54-55. This Encyclopedia will be published in the near future. tzd.)
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In early 2000 an attempt was made by some young Sizangs to define who a real Sizang was: Whether
the one descended directly from the two sons of Suantak, namely Nge Ngu and Vang Lok, or the one who
speaks the Sizang dialect. The attempt was abandoned later because they could not reach a concrete
conclusion. The simple reason is that there is no a distinctive Sizang tribe. The Sizangs are simply a group
of Zos who commonly speak the Sizang dialect. It is the same with several other Zo tribes.
There is another very intereting and mysterious puzzle about the origin of the powerful Sailo chiefs, who
had ruled almost all of the former Lushai Hills or present day Mizoram State, except the Pawi and
Mara(Lakher). The Sailos claim that they are the descendants of Boklua, one of the six sons of Nge Ngu.
But they also have about three different genealogical lines(see and compare TABLES 2, 3 and 6/A to 6/I
and 6/J). However, I am now attempting to solve this mystery in my own way with the help of some newly
gained information. Or, my efforts may probably even deepen the mystery, instead of solving it(see
APPENDICES A, A-1, A-2, A-3, A-4 & TABLE 3-A).
Now heres how the clan plays its role in daily life. Normally, when two strangers meet each other they
ask each others clan names. Let us say both of them, for instance, belong to the Suantak clan and both
of them are well-versed in their genealogy, then they will try to figure out to which generation they both
_______________________________________________________________________________________________
Main Clans among several ZO tribes in Northern Chin State, Manipur and Mizoram States
Ainam, Akgal, Amei, Baite, Bawmkhai, Bawmmei, Biangtung, Bochung, Buan Siing, Chalkih, Cherput, Chongloi, Chongput(Songphut),
Chawngtu(Songthu), Choper, Daitawng, Darsun, Donggel, Donggul, Dothuk, Dokmul, Dosel, Elsing, Gangte, Galhang, Gualnam/Hualnam,
Guite/Nguite, Gunsung, Halkik, Hat Lang, Hat Zaw, Haukip, Haulai, Haunam, Hanpa, Hangluah, Hangman, Hangsawk, Hangsing, Hang-
vungh, Hangzo, Haukip, Haunung, Hausing, Hautual, Hausiing, Hauthang, Hauzel, Hawlthang, Hawlhang, Hilsia, Hinnung, Huba, Kawlak,
Kawlni, Kawngte, Khalun, Khaman, Khawlawm, Khaute, Khualum, Khilkik, Khuphil, Khupno, Khupmu, Khupson, Khuptong, Khuangdal,
Khuanghau, Khuangthang, Kiikai, Kilte, Kimlai, Kip Gen, Lawng, Lamhau, Lamkhai, Lampho, Langel, Leivang, Lethil, Lenthang, Lian Zaw,
Luahlang, Luhphaw, Luthang, Lunkim, Lunmun, Lunkhel, Lahtawng, Mai Bung, Malneu, Mangson, Mangtong, Mangvuk, Mangvung, Manglun,
Manmasi, Mantuang, Mate, Matmang, Matsing, Minvaak, Mitsum, Mualsun, Malkhai, Mulpi, Munluah, Munsing, Munsong, Munsuang,
Munsuan, Mun Zo, Namzo, Naulak, Namthang, Neihgup, Neihsial, Neihlut, Neekgen, Ngaihte, Ngaman, Ngawnte, Ngengu, Nunzawng,
Ngotual, Neuzaw, Pante, Phaipi, Phan-ai, Phiamphu, Phualte, Phualkhil, Phutlun, Ralte, Samte, Sailo, Sate, Sehmang, Seaktak, Senchong,
Senlun, Senlut, Siahliap, Sinte, Singsuan, Singsei, Singvum, Singngul, Sithoih, Sokte, Sonchung, Sonna, Suksak, Suankhup, Suanman,
Suante, Suantak, Suanzong, Suahsia, Suum- niang, Siam suang, Suum Thang, Taithul, Taitom, Taptah, Tavai, Tanghau, Tangpua, Tangsan,
Tawmbing, Tawtak, Taukon, Teilot, Tekrhang, Tellang, Telngawk, Telsing, Telthang, Telvung, Thado, Thanggom, Thangman, Thangnawk,
Thangniang, Thangpum, Thado, Thalun, Thangthang, Thawnpuang, Thawmte, Thatgui, Thatmun, Thatlang, Tonlun, Tonmang, Tonsing,
Tongluai, Tohing, Tomu, Tungdim, Tunglut, Tungnung, Tungte, Tuahnuam, Tuisuam, Thaute, Va-ek, Vahui, Vangaw, Vangkom, Vanglok,
Vaiphei, Valte, Vokmai, Vomlong, Vuileng, Vunglu, Vungthang, Zahlang, Zamang, Zawngbe, Zawnggil, Zawngkai, Zalut, Zil-om, Zong-
thang and Zuisang.
_______________________________
Authors(tzd) Note 1: Main clan names marked in blue are the ones which form minority among the Sizangs, but form majorities
in some other tribes who speak either Tedim/Paite or Mizo, or Falam dialects. Clan names marked in red form the great majority
among the Sizangs. Sinces Nge Ngu and Vang Lok themsevles are sons of Suantak, the Sizangs simply say that theyre the descendants
of Suantak in a wider sense by omitting Nge Ngu and Vang Lok. In southern and central Chinland a well-known major clan named Cin
Za is to be found among several Lai tribes and sub-tribes.
Note 2: Footrnote in the original book of Sing Khaw Khai on p. 77: (This list of Tedim clans is taken from the Report on the Cultural History
of Tedim Speakers by the Tedim Township Information Committee, dated the 29th December, 1969. Chin Special Division Information
Supervision Committee, Haka)
Note 3. Those who have got a copy of the Profile of A Burma Frontier Man may surely wonder why there are some discrepencies in the texts
anddiagrams of Zo Genealogy on pp. 214 & 215 and that of Khup Za Thangs(TABLE 2) . The main flaws lie in Thawng Khaw Haus book
from which Vum Ko Hau apparently had directly taken the said texts and diagrams without checking them carefully first. Thawng Khaw Hau
had listed the names of Suantaks sons correctly but irred on his diagram. (The text and digram from Thawng Khaw Hau will be added here
in some coming Updates.)
Note 4. In my coming Updates I shall attempt to prove the reliability of the genealogies among the Sizangs.
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belong - starting from Suantak, that is. One of them may still be very young and the other very old. But
according to the genealogical tree the younger one might be one or more generations older than the
physically older one as in the case with Vum Ko Hau and me mentioned previously. So the older one will
immediately address the younger one either as Pa or Pu or U or Nu or Ni or Pi, etc. - depending on
his standing in the genealogical tree. But the younger one will also address the elder one out of
politeness as U which means elder. However, if both of them are ignorant of their genealogical trees,
then the younger would simply use an appropriate address form toward the older one. See GLOSSARY
With the exception of the Kachins who also have clan systems - but without genealogical trees - no
other ethnic groups in Burma, including the Burmans, have this tradition of tracing back their pedigrees for
several generations.(An American scholar had told me recently that another ethnic group called the Akhas,
who live in China, Thailand, Laos and eastern parts of Burma, also have orally transmitted genealogies, but
I do not have the time and chance to enquire about it. Author)
17.8 ZO NAMES

Traditionally, the Chins do not possess surnames or family names. This has naturally posed a problem to a
researcher or an outsider. However, more and more people are slowly using their clans names as surnames
nowadays. The Zo people choose the names of their children differently. Among the Sizangs, Sukte, Zous,
Khuanos, Tedims, etc. in the Tedim and Tonzang townships in Burma, and the Paite, Vaipheis and Zous,
etc. in Manipur State in India have an ancient tradition of naming their children after the names of their own
parents, brothers, sisters, uncles and aunts. In other words grandchildren usually take the last names of
their grandparents or aunts or uncles from both sides of their parents. Normally the first son takes the last
word of his paternal grandfathers name and the first daughter takes the last word of her paternal
grandmothers name; the second son takes the last word of his maternal grandfathers name and the
second daughter takes the last word of her maternal grandmothers name. If there are more than two sons
and two daughters in a family, the other sons take the last words of either paternal or maternal uncles
names and the rest of the daughters take either the last words of their paternal or maternal aunts names.
Most of northern Chin names in ancient times had only two syllables, but in modern times - roughly since
the mid of last century - the great majority of names contain three syllables and some even have up to five
syllables. So the first syllable of a name among the northern Chins is, as already just mentioned above,
the last syllable of either a grandfathers or a grandmothers or an uncles or an aunts name. The rest - be it
just a single syllable or four syllables - describe the life history of the person after whom one is named.
I shall give some examples from my own family. I have got one elder sister, one elder brother and four
younger sisters. My elder sister, Hau Za Man, got the first word of her name from my paternal grandmother,
Vung Hau: so, Vung Hau Za Man. My elder brother got the first word of his name from my paternal
grandfather. My paternal grandfather was called Khup Lian and my brothers name is Lian Khat Pau: Khup
Lian Khat Pau. I am named after my maternal grandfather Suang Thang. And my immediate younger sister,
Hau Khan Huai, is named after my maternal grandmother, Ciang Hau: Ciang Hau Khan Huai. My other
three younger sisters are named after my paternal and maternal aunts. My father had five brothers and
one sister who themselves had sons and daughters. Some of these cousins of mine are also named after
my paternal grandparents, aunts and uncles; and some of the sons and daughters of my mothers four
brothers and one sisters are also named after my maternal grandparents, aunts and uncles. All these
names altogether thus describe briefly the life stories of the persons from whom they got their names.
Now I shall present here an explanation by using my paternal grandfather as an example. There are
seven males(my own brother and six first cousins) who were named after him:(1) Lian Za Dal (2) Lian Za
Pau ( 3) Lian Za Nang (4) Lian Khan Cin ( 5) Lian Khat Pau (6) Lian Khan Khai, and (7) Lian Langh Pau.
(1) _ Za Dal figuratively means preventing against several things or forces, like enemy or catastrophe;(2) _
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Za Pau figuratively means someone who has the say among the multitude;(3) _ Za Nang figuratively means
defending against enemies;(4) _ Khan Cin figuratively means he who lives a long life;(5) _ Khat Pau
figuratively means the one who alone has the say or authority; (6) _ Khan Khai figuratively means the one
who uplifts either his own life or others lives;(7) _ Langh Pau figuratively means the one whose word or
authority is outstanding among the multitude.(see DIAGRAMS 1 & 2).
Other Zo tribes are much more flexible in choosing their names - that is, they can freely choose names
that sound impressive or poetic or melodious; or names that are relevant to their family historical or social
backgrounds or present surroundings. One example was someone called Kap Thang from the Falam
region. His father was a well-known hunter. So when Kap Thang was born his father simply chose this name
to honour himself. Kap means shoot or shooting. And Thang stands for famous or well-known. The
two words therefore loosely imply: He who is well-known for good shooting. The Mizos are also very flexible
in choosing their names. Nowadays, one will see countless female and male Mizo names started with Lal.
It literally means master or lord or Chief. This word is said to have been used only by members of the
Chieftain families in the days of feudalism.
Whenever two strangers make acquaintance with each other, they often ask each other from whom
they got their names. In this way, they get some hints about each others family backgrounds immediately.
And several people have a nickname by which they are addressed by their family members and intimate
friends. For instance, my elder sister and brother and I do not have nicknames, but all my younger sisters
have. My immediate younger sister, Hau Khan Huai, is nicknamed Haungeak; the next one, Vung Man
Cing, is called Cingpi; then the next one, Neam Khan Cing, is nicknamed Neamkok, and the youngest
one, Cingh Khaw Hau is nicknamed Hauno. Nicknames are very widely used among almost all Zo people.
Those who dont have nicknames are addressed by family members and friends simply by the last syllable
of their name. For example in my case, Dal. The younger will use the word U before an elders name as a
gesture of respect - if the difference of age is not that big, or in other words, if they could be brothers and
sisters. But if the gap between the two persons ages is too obvious - for instance, if they could be father
and son or mother and daughter, then the younger one uses these prefixes: Pa before an older mans
name, and Nu before an older womans name. As soon as a married couple has got a child, their original
names will no more be used to address them by intimate friends and relatives. They will be named after the
full name of or nickname of their first born child. In my case, for example, those who used to call me Dal
will address me now as Vungpui Pa and my wife Vungpui Nu which simply mean Vungpuis father and
Vungpuis mother, respectively. Since my late elder sister did not have a nickname those who had to
address my parents simply used the following address forms:Hau Za Man Pa and Hau Za Man Nu. See
GLOSSARY
Concerning Chin names, theres a very important thing that needs to be explained. Nowadays, strangers
will very often come across two words: Salai before male and Mai before female names. These words were
originally used by the majority of the Plains Chins. It is not known when they were first used, but they were
used in ancient times to honour those who had heroically fought their enemies - perhaps along their ways
from the Tibetan Plateaus or Southwest China to their present homeland. Salai means a brave, faithful and
noble man whereas Mai stands for the noble lady who bears such a man.
Several Hill Chin youths began adopting these words in the 1970s to show their common national identity
with the Plains Chins. So, these words have nothing to do with the users original names.
In order to make the distinctive identity of Chin ethnic groups that is to be cherished and preserved as
traditional symbol, in the year of 1973-74 the Chin Literature Society was assigned to do researches for
selecting common titles before the names of the Chin people, regardless of different languages and places
of birth and residence, by the Chin Literature and Cultural Committee of the Rangoon University. The Chin
Literature Society did researches on this subject for about six months. The researches were carried out on the
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basis of discussions and suggestions accumulated from knowledgeable persons of Chin communities. Finally,
the consensus was reached and approved to choose 'Salai' for male and 'Mai' for female by the conference
of the Chin Literature and Cultural Committee of the Rangoon University held on 13th November, 1973. From
that time onwards, most Chin students studying in the various colleges and universities lovingly used the
titles 'Salai' and 'Mai' as their traditional symbols. It was widely recognized by Chin community in the 1974-75
academic year; 90% of the participants used Salai and Mai before their names in the welcome ceremony for
freshers...(Voice of Hornbill. Issue No.1 Jan, 1997. Chin Students Union/ Website:Chinresource/06.02.07)

Among the Zos in Tedim and Tonzang townships and those in Manipur State, for example, the following
syllables differentiate famale names from male names: Awi, Boih,Ciang, Ciin, Cing, Cingh, Deih, Diim, Don,
Donh, Huai, Hung, Luai, Luan, Man, Maan, Neam, Ngai, Ngaih, Ngiak, Niang, Ning, Nuam, Uap, Vung, etc.
And like all other Asian women, Zo women retain their original names until their death.
Furthermore, two more usages need to be explained on this subject. One may note that the male and
female names of the Mizos end with two vowels: a and i respectively. Originally, most of the names of
those who have commonly identified themselves as Mizo are, unlike that of other Zo names, unisex. The
two vowels, therefore, are added in order to distinguish between the two genders. However, it has already
become a tradition nowadays to keep on using them anyway, even when the genders of many names are
distinguishable without adding these vowels. And Mizo names are written together. For example, my name
would be written like this: Thangzadal(see also TABLE 3).
By the way, traditionally the Burmans used to choose the names of their children according to astrology,
so you know immediately when you hear the name of a person on which weekday he or she was born.
However, nowadays poetic and fanciful names have become very popular among them that have nothing
to do with astrology anymore. And most Burmese names are unisex. Other nationals such as the Kachins,
Shans and Karennis name their children serially. That means when you hear the name of a person you
know immediately if that man or woman the first son or daughter, or the second son or daughter or the
third or fourth child is and so on.
And there are seven prefixes before Zo names that may surely confuse those who are not familiar with
the Zo peoples forms of addressing. Among people in Tiddim and Tonzang townships(Sizang, Sukte,
Teizang, Khuano, Tedim, Paite, Zou, etc) there are three forms of address for male and three for female.
Taang for young unmarried men; Pa for middle-aged married or unmarried men; Pu for elderly married or
unmarried men; Lia for young unmarried women; Nu for middle-aged married or unmarried women; Pi
for elderly married or unmarried women. Pu and Pi are also used as address forms of respect for men
and women regardless of their age, if the persons hold certain status or rank. Nearly all other Zos also use
Pu and Pi in the same way with the same meanings. And about the prefix U has already been
explained previously. (For further explanation on Zo terms of kinship see GLOSSARY)
17.9 FIVE SCHOLARS OPINIONS ON THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE
SUBJECT: THE CHIN-LUSHEI CONFERENCE
(Dear Subcribers, The following is a feedback [edited by CFIS - Chin Forum Information Service] from
Professor F. K. Lehman on our 29th January 2000 posting regarding the CHIN-LUSHEI CONFERENCE - 1892
(Joshua/ZONET)/To:<zomi@egroups.com;From: "Joshua Gin Shoute" <shoute@catholic.org>
_________________________________________
Note: One may come often across the following human names among several Zo tribes and sub-tribes: Khaw, Kho, Ko Khua and Khou, etc.,
like in the case of Vum Ko Hau, for example. These words are in fact just one. They originallly come from Khua which literally means village.
But a town or city or country is also called vangkhua or vang khua in poetic words used in traditional songs. tzd
117
17.9.1 FEEDBACK ON THE CHIN-LUSEI CONFERENCE: LEHMAN
_ Yes AND no. Yes because there is an indefnitely long pre-colonial history of there being close and special interaction
between Chin and Mizo/Lushai; they certainly recognised close kinship and, for instance, exchanged ritual forms and
even to some degree formal ritual language forms. No because, nonetheless, the Mizo, after crossing the Tio stream
into present Mizoram about [AD] 1700, looked to India and had special political relations both with
Assam/Cachar/Manipur and with the Naga groups immediately north of them, whilst the Chin consistently looked to the
Burma plain for THEIR vision of the attractions of civilisation. 'Vai' [Indians] for the Lushai meant the Assam plains; for
the Chin it meant Kawl Ram[Burman land]. Moreover, owing without doubt to these differential connections (after
[AD]1700, again), the social structure of Lushai differed remarkably from that of the Central Falam, Hakha, Tedim Chin
and even Southern Matupi(Ngala), Mindat(Cho), etc. That is, the the Chin quite generally maintained a system of
asymmetrical marriage relations such that the clan or lineage of one's wife-givers (in Lai Holh patong)* was necessarily
distinct from the lineages of one's wife-takers (in Lai, nuzuar). Lushai/Mizo did not maintain it in this form; alliances
simply failed to endure over even short stretches of time, so this distinction became hidden and 'invisible'. You may
imagine these are trivial differences, and no doubt in the context of current politics they are seen that way, but the
differences are important, even though, as I admitted above, they do not work against the fact that the Chin-Lushai
certainly recognised very close linguistic and cultural kinship of a very special sort - but NOT political closeness. It is
on such grounds a capital error to suppose that there was anything remotely resembling a pre-colonial Chin-Lushai
Land, a sort of 'independent country'. What the special relationship of course entailed was that they certainly contended
with one another closely for hegemony.
Sailo chiefs certainly tried to wrest land and jurisdiction from many Mara/Lakher Chin chiefs and even some Lai and
Laizo chiefs, and this much more systematically than any such attempts aimed Northward against Tangkhul or Southern
Naga chiefs for instance. Still, it is strikingly clear that this was about land and about people closely related, not about
'countries' or any unified political order! Contrarise, it is clear that, for instance, there was no documented overlap
between Mizo/Lushai/Sailo type chieftainship and that of the Chin, such as existed as between Lai and Lakher, Lai and
Falam and so on; not or any organised inter-marriage between the two kinds of chiefly clans and families.** The political
organisations were simply too disparate for that.
The generals[Burmas] were then half right and half mistaken. Right because they saw the close kinship and
economic interaction and the fact that movement of persons between Mizo and Chin was especially common and
relatively easy. They would have capitalised on it as a basis for colonial administration, had they won their case.
Wrong, however, because they mistook what they saw for evidence of an indigenous single society or political
order - which it was definitely NOT.
17.9.2 FEEDBACK FROM VUMSON SUANTAK
(CHIN FORUM INFORMATION SERVICE (SPECIAL POSTING - 10 FEBRUARY 2001)
___________________________________________________________
* Authors(tzd) Note: This wife-giver, wife-taker tradition is practised by only some tribes in the Haka area in central Chinland and a few other Zo
tribes in Manipur State. Vumson has also made exactly the same mistake on this matter: Throughout Zo history marriage customs seem to have
been uniform, with bride prices and wife-givers and wife-takers characteristic of the Zo people(Vumson, p. 14). This author wonders
why he could have made such a big mistake at all.
- Among the northern Chin tribes - that is, the Sizangs, Tedims, Suktes, Zou sand Khuanos, etc., its an ancient tradition that a mother
would try to find wives for her sons among the daughters of her own brothers - but not her sisters. It was and still is a tabu for a man to
mary his cousin sister from his fathers side.
** There were almost no intermarriages between the Chief families of different northern Chin tribes either. And although all the Chin tradi-
tions, customs and superstitions are basically closely related there are no such things as standard Chin traditions or customs or religious
beliefs as suggested by Sakhong and Lehman in their books. Bride prices among those northern Chins have always been more or less
just symbolic. By the way, until very recently - that is, up to about the 1950s there were very few intermarriages between different tribes.
- So far as I know Lehmans book has been a standard reference work since its publication in the field of anthropology on Chin. And he is a
recognized authority on the Chin people, especially on the various tribes in the Haka region, because his main field of study was done in that
part of Chinland. tzd
118
[Dear Subcribers, The following is response from Dr. Vum Son on Professor F.K. Lehman's input on ZONET's posting
of the CHIN-LUSHEI CONFERENCE 1892.
(PS. Further feedback is welcome. Dr. VS's input is, herewith, posted unedited as received from ZONET]
There might be some differences between the people of the Chin Hills and Mizoram because of the forced separation
by colonial policies of the British, where the Chin State had to make friends with the Burmans and Mizoram had to
make friends with the Indians. The learning of Burmese in the schools and the use of Burmese as the common
language in Burma forced the people in Chin State not only to act like the Burmese but they have to function in the
Burmese society if they want to make in life. In India the Chin Hills Regulation Act 1896 is still in application and that
keeps the people of Mizoram from being assimilated in the Indian society.
The people of Mizoram are more or less a melting pot of the people from the East, that is from the present Chin
State and [its] surrounding [regions]. There are Lai, Mara, Ciimnuai (including the Sailo), Hmar, etc. who acrossed the
Tio as single or in small units and when they came to live there they have to marry women they could find from other
clans [tribes] thus it is difficult to keep the tradition of wife-giver wife-taker principle. This does not mean that the
people of Mizoram lose their contact with their relatives in the east. Their politics may differ due to the different
forms of politics in the west and east, but they welcome each other as difficult times hit one area or the other.
During the fifties over sixty thousand people from the then Lushai hills came over and settled down in Falam,
Kanpetlet, and Tahan, area. They were welcome as brothers and sisters and they live together as one people. Today
because of the cruel Burmese dictatorship and the mismanagement of the economy between fifty and one hundred
thousand people from the east come to the west. They were readily accepted by the people in the west as their lost
brothers and sisters. The news of about eighty or so people expelled from Zoram west last year were those involved in
drug trade or commited crimes. Eighty out of fifty thousand is really a very small proportion remembering that at least
half of the fifty are employed in the government such as teachers, police and other state jobs. It will [be] wrong to try
to differentiate the people from the east and west of the Zo country because of the different political systems of India
and Burma.
17.9.3. TOWARDS ZO UNIFICATION
Posted by: Admin on Saturday, December 17, 2005 - 04:36 AM(An Article)
By L. Keivom
The topic given to me by the Convener, Zomi Human Rights Foundation, Delhi Cell, for this seminar was Zo Re-
unification in the line of my article written six years ago for the seminar organized by the Zomi Re-Unification
Organization at Aizawl. As you would have seen, I have rephrased the title as Towards Zo Unification to make the
subject more neutral than the former which technically implies primordiality of the Zo unity as single ethnic entity in
their presumed historic homeland from where they dispersed and settled in areas now occupied by them in Myanmar,
India and Bangladesh with each group identifying itself as a separate tribe. This is known as ethnic dissolution
through fusion, fission or proliferation. In this paper, I am going to briefly survey the progress of Zo unification and
note down my observations.
Who are the Zo People?
Here I use the term Zo to represent Chin, Kuki and Mizo/Zomi (Chikumi) group as defined by G. A. Grierson in the
Linguistic Survey of India Vol. II Part III as one linguistic ethnic community belonging to the Tibeto-Burman group with
the exception of the Meiteis for obvious reasons.
The Zo people believe that their earliest known settlement was a large cave with a big stone lid called Sinlung or
Khl somewhere in China. Conjecturally, the presumed ancestral homeland could have been located somewhere in and
around the Stone Forest near Kunming in Yunan Province in China during the Nanchao Dynasty. With the collapse of
the Nanchao rule, many tribes fled its stranglehold, some heading southward like the Karens, the Siams (now known
as Thais) and other kindred tribes and the rest towards the west like the Shans, the Burmans, the Kachins, the
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Arakanese, the Meiteis, the Naga group of tribes, the Zo group of tribes and many other tribes now inhabiting the north-
east India. The first major dispersal from Yunan took place in early 9th century A.D and the second wave between
13th-14th century. The Burmans first known settlement was established at Kyaukse near Mandalay around A.D 849
and then moved to Pagan on the eastern bank of Irrawady where the Burman King Anawarahta in A.D 1044 founded
the famous kingdom known as Pagan Dynasty. The modern history of Burma (Myanmar) began from here.
The Zo ancestors, however, chose to follow the call of the unknown and continued to head further west into the
Chindwin River and the Kabaw Valley then already under the suzerainty of the Shan princes (swabaws) some of whose
disparate groups later established the Ahom kingdom in Assam. From there some headed southwest and spread over
in the present Rakhine (Arakan) State in Myanmar and Chittagong Hills Tract in Bangladesh. But the major bulk of
them continued to move westward, climbed the rugged Chin Hills and settled in its mountain fastnesses undisturbed
from outside forces for a period long enough to establish their own pattern of settlement and administration, socio-
cultural norms and practices, beliefs and rituals, myths and legends, folk tales, music and dance and many other
customs and traditions which they handed down from generation to generation and to the present time.
Zo Dispersal
It was during the Chin Hills settlement that the linear strata became more defined and clanism more emphasized as
each clan and sub-clans moved and settled in groups thereby subsequently resulting in the formation of new tribes and
sub-tribes. In this way, the Zo group of tribes, clans and sub-clans speaking varied Zo dialects were born. As they
spread out over different hills clan by clan and moved along, they became more and more isolated from each other and
their loyalty concentrated more and more on their respective clans. Consequently, they became fiercely insular, loyal to
their clan only and fought each other to gain supremacy over others as well as to defend their lands and honor from
intrusion by others. In the absence of a centrally controlled authority, therefore, inter-tribal rivalries and wars were
common, #leaving a trail of bitterness and hate. This was basically the condition when the British came and subjugated
the Zo world and its people.
The size of the Zo population is variously estimated to be from 2.5 to 5 million. It is not possible at present to know
the exact figure mainly for lack of reliable statistical data and the fact that many Zo tribes and clans have for long been
classified as belonging to other ethnic camps. Zo people have yet to accept a common nomenclature to represent
their collective identity. Till now, they are commonly identified as Chin in Myanmar; Lusei and subsequently Mizo in
Mizoram and elsewhere; and Kuki in Manipur, Nagaland, Assam, Tripura and Chittagong Hills Tract. Many tribes within
the Zo group have also identified themselves as separate tribes and are recognized as such under the Indian
Constitution.
The Linguistic Survey of India published in 1904 identified more than 40 Zo dialects of which Duhlian-Lusei dialect
now known, as Mizo language is the most developed and understood and is gradually evolving to become the lingua
franca of the Zo people. The best linguistic cauldron in the Zo world is Churachandpur town in Manipur where as many
as eight Zo dialects out of eleven major Zo tribes are spoken and understood along with Manipuri, Hindi and English.
The Role of the Colonial Power
Before the Zo people realized what had in store for them, the British had already put their lands under different
administrations. However, realizing the mistake and the need to set it right, the Chin-Lushai Conference at Fort William
Calcutta in January 1892 unanimously agreed it is desirable that the whole tract of country known as the Chin-Lushai
Hills should be brought under one Administrative head as soon as this can be done. To set the ball rolling, the Chin
Hills Regulation was adopted in 1896 to regulate the administration of the Zo people in the Chin Hills as well as other Zo
inhabited areas also where the Regulation also extended. Two years later, in 1898, North Lushai Hills under Assam and
South Lushai Hills under Bengal were amalgamated as one Lushai Hills District under Assam as proposed at the
Calcutta conference as a first concrete step towards the establishment of a common administrative unit for the Zo
people. The proposal also included the eventual integration of Zo inhabited areas of the Arakan Hill Tracts into the
Lushai Hills District.
For political reasons, the proposed unified administration was never implemented. The belated proposal of Robert
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Reid, Governor of Assam, to create a hill province comprising areas inhabited by the Mongoloid hill tribes in the region
was also overtaken by the Second World War and its aftermath. The Zo people are, therefore, found today in Chin,
Rakhine (Arakan) and Sagaing States in Myanmar; Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland, Assam
and Tripura States in India; and Chittagong Hills Tract and its adjoining areas in Bangladesh.
The British rule had a tremendous impact on Zo politics. On the negative side, they divided up all the Zo inhabited
areas under different rulers and reduced them to a miniscule. On the positive side, they established law and order that
provided the Zo people an opportunity to consolidate in their respective areas and interact with each other more widely
under a settled administration. Though the proposal to bring all Zo inhabited areas under one administrative head did not
materialize, the introduction of the Chin Hills Regulation 1896 and its subsequent extension to all Zo inhabited areas as
mentioned earlier could be regarded as a partial fulfillment of the Calcutta resolution. The Chin Hills Regulation 1896 and
its extension to all Zo inhabited areas by the British was a recognition on their part of the oneness and indivisibility of
the Zo people as well as their desire to live under one roof.
Another important aspect of the British rule was the introduction of elementary education wherever the missionaries
set their feet. They followed the heels of the British flag, won the hearts of the people through the gospel wand and
opened up new vistas and hopes. They produced a new kind of people who could not only read and write but think and
reduce their feelings and knowledge into a written word. They became the elites and intelligentsias who played an
important role in national rediscovery. They reduced in writing their past histories, myths and legends, folklores and
folk-songs, customs and traditions which reminded the simple folks that they were a 'nation' with an enviable past, a
glorious history and culture and that they should rediscover themselves again.
Christianity and Zoness
A greater force in the process of Zo integration has been the Christian faith, which in fifty years turned Mizoram and
many Zo inhabited areas into a Christian land. The newly zealous Zo converts took it as their privileged burden to tell
the Good News to their kindred tribes and many had volunteered to go to the heathen Zo areas to preach the Gospel.
These apostle-like preachers carried the good tidings along with new Christian hymns in Lushai dialect, which the
pioneer missionaries employed as a vehicle to spread the Gospel. As a result, Lushai dialect quickly developed into a
rich language to become an effective instrument for spreading the gospel and Zo integration. The first Bible translation
and many other pioneering publications among the Zo tribes were in Lushai that subsequently came to be known as
'Mizo language', a language that became the link language of the Zo people. Wherever Zo preachers carried the Gospel
and new churches were planted, they also implanted Zo-ness, thus paving the way for a re-unification. Therefore, next
to their common ethnic root, Christianity has become the most important bonding force of the Zo people. A Zo
professing any other faith except the traditional religion (animism) is considered by the majority Zo Christians as not
only a renegade but an alien. Being a Zo and a Christian is like a coin with two faces.
The Call by Zo Integrationists
Let us now briefly examine the progress in the process of Zo integration. When we talk of call for Zo integration, we
do not necessarily imply immediate political integration of all their inhabited areas in exercise of their right of self-
determination which is an inherent right of every human soul. The first step in achieving integration is the creation of an
atmosphere congenial to the growth of emotional integration and the sense of oneness within the community. Therefore,
the visions and focus of Zo integrationists have been first and foremost the promotion of emotional integration amongst
the dispersed and disparate Zo tribes by constantly reminding them of (a) their common ethnic or ancestral root,
historic homeland, myths and historical memories, culture, language, hopes and dreams; (b) that their only chance of
survival as an ethnic nation is to unite into a cohesive force under a collective proper name with a common dynamic
language and (c) if they do not heed the writings on the wall and continue to maintain fissiparous tendencies, they are
digging their own grave and will soon be wiped off from the face of the earth without a trace. To the Zo nationalists,
this is not a question of choice but a do or die thing. History is replete with such examples.
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Ethnic Cores For Integration
A study of the history of nation formation, whether Western civic model or non-Western ethnic model, would clearly
indicate that ethnic nation states were normally formed in the first place around a dominant community or ethnie which
annexed or attracted other ethnies or ethnic fragments into the state to which it gave a name. In other words, it is the
ethnic core or the dominant group that often shapes the character and boundaries of the nation; for it is very often on
the basis of such a core that states coalesce to form nations. The ethnic core or the dominant community with its
myths of ethnic election ensures ethnic self-renewal and long-term survival and this has been certainly the key to
the Jewish survival in the face of deadly adversities.
This is also true in the case of the Zo people. After the Zo settlement in and dispersal from the Chin Hills, potential
core clans or tribes appeared in the Zo domain from time to time like the Thados, the Suktes, the Zahaus, the
Kamhaus, the Sailos and others but none so were as successful as the Sailo clan. By their wisdom and foresight, the
Sailo clan stood united in the face of challenges and adversaries and soon almost the whole of the present Mizoram
State fell under their sway. They unified various Zo tribes under their rule, introduced uniform code of administration
and social and moral codes of conduct and mobilized the disparate tribes into one linguistic and cultural community
conscious of themselves as a force with a historical destiny.
The outcome was that when the British came to subdue them, the Sailo chiefs* won victory in defeat by carving
out of their domain a separate autonomous Lushai Hills District named after their tribe. On this soil prepared by them
consciously or unconsciously, Zo nationalism and identity began to grow slowly but surely. Though people from the
Lushai Hills were then classified as Lushai, one of the Zo tribes, majority of the inhabitants belonged to other Zo tribes
such as Hmar, Lakher (Mara) Pawi (Lai), Paite (Tiddim), Ralte, Thado etc., and amongst them they unmistakably
addressed to each other not as Lushai but as 'Mizo' (a man of Zo or a Zo-man) and they used this terminology to cover
all Zo descent. Some writers have translated the term 'Mizo' to mean 'Hillman/Highlander' but this interpretation may
not stand a close scrutiny. The intrinsic meaning appears to be much deeper and therefore should not be deduced by
attaching locational connotation to the term.
________________________________________________
* 1, The Lusei chiefs all claim descent from a certain Thangura who belonged to the Lusei tribe and lived in the earlier part of the eighteenth
century at Tlangkua[Tlangkhua], north of Falam(Chin Hills in Burma). From him sprung six lines of Lusei chiefs, namely Rokhuma, Zadenga,
Thangluaha, Paliana, Rivunga and Sailoa... The Sailos(the great grandsons of Thangura) were the most important of all the Lusei clans. Lallula,
the Sailo, established his firm control over the entire north and southern Lushai Hills by 1840. He established a dynasty popularly called the
Lullula dynasty which ruled the Lushai Hills till its annexation. Lallula had five sons, Lalpuiliana, Lallianvunga, Manpawrha[Mangpura], Vuta and
Kungliana. In the territory between Manipur and Burma Vutas[Vuttaia] descendants became very powerful chiefs... The very famous son of
Mangpura was Suakpuilala, an illustrious figure in the Anglo-Lushai relationship... Howlongs, the masters of a considerable part of the South
Lushai Hills whom the English subjugated with great difficulty were a cognate branch of the Sailo...(Source: Mizoram - History and Cultural
Identity(1890-1947) by Lalrimawia; Spectrum Publications, Gawahati, New Delhi, 1995; ISBN 81-85319-57-X). p. 6. Original source: Baveja,
J. P. August 1872, No. 220. Edgars Memorandum to the Chief Commissioner, Dacca. 3 April 1872.
2. - The Sailo: These chiefs are descended from Sailova, a greatgrandson of Thanguras. They came into prominence last, but have success-
fully crushed all their rivals, and have developed such a talent for governing that they hold undisputed sway over representatives of all sorts of
clans, over nearly the whole of area now known as the Lushai Hills. This great family has often come in contact with the British Government,
but from the fact that our dealings with them have generally been through illiterate interpreters, they appear in our records under various
names. The Howlongs, who caused much anxiety on the Chittagong frontier from 1860 to 1890, Lallulas descendants, whose doings fill the
records of Silchar for nearly a century; Vonolel, Savunga and Sangvunga, against whom the two columns of the Lushai Expedition of
1871-72 were directed, all these were Sailos...(J. Shakespear, p. 5).
3. - See also Appendices A, A -1 & A-2, TABLE 3-A, and 17.7 CLANS AND SUB-CLANS
4. The Lushei chiefs now rule over the country between the Kurnaphuli river and its main tributary, the Tuilianpui on the west, and the Tyao and
Koladyne[modern term: Kaladan] rivers on the east, while their southern boundary is roughly a line drawn east and west through the junction of the
Mat and Koladyne rivers and their most northerly villages are found on the borders of the Silchar district. Within this area, roughly 7,500 square
miles, there are only a few villages ruled over by chiefs of other clans, and outside it there are but few true Lushei village, though I am told that
there are villages people very closely connected with the Lusheis, on the southern borders of Sylhet, in Tipperah and in the Northern Cachar
Hills, and there are a few in Chittagong Hill Tracts.(J. Shakespear, p. 1)
- Special Note: Shakespears usages in his book will surely be very confusing for non-Zo readers, because throughout his book he mixes up
Clan(s) and Tribe(s). Author(tzd)
122
Whatever be the case, the term 'Mizo' quickly gained popular acceptance in the Lushai Hills as a common
nomenclature for all the Zo descent. Consequently, the name of Lushai Hills was changed into Mizo Hills and when it
attained the status of Union Territory and later Statehood it became 'Mizoram', a land of the Mizo or Zo people. This was
the first time in Zo history that their land or territory had been named after their own given name. It may be pertinent to
mention here that the nomenclatures like 'Chin' and 'Kuki' are derogatory terms given by outsiders to the Zo people
whereas 'Zo' is a self-given name that is dignified, honorable and all embracing. It now virtually stands as the collective
name of the Zo descent. And Mizoram can claim a pride of place as a land where every Zo descent is fully integrated
in 'Mizo'.
At the Crossroads
When India and Pakistan gained independence from the British rule in 1947 and Burma in the following year, the
politically conscious Zo leaders of Mizoram were in a fix. They knew that Zo inhabited regions would be divided up by
three countries- a Buddhist country, a Muslim country and a Secular but Hindu dominated country. By then, two
fledgling political parties namely Mizo Union and United Mizo Freedom Organization (UMFO) had already been born with
the latter in favor of merging with their kindred tribes in Burma which they believed would ensure a better chance of
their survival. The original founders of the Mizo Union were staunch nationalists in favor of self-determination of some
kind of which they were not clear. However, a few months after it was formed, Mizo Union was torn asunder by the
machinations of highly ambitious educated leaders who came under the influence of the Indian nationalists. Resorting
to populist politics, these so-called Mizo-Indian nationalists hoodwinked the innocent and unsuspecting peasant folks,
captured the Mizo Union party leadership and presided over one of the most crucial moments in Zo history without a
vision and an agenda. The result was disillusionment that exploded in armed rebellion after twenty years. This was
called the Mizo National Front (MNF) movement and for twenty years it spat out the fire of Zo nationalism and
independence from the barrel of imported guns.
Whatever the differences in the visions of the political leaders of the day, they were and are always united in one
thing: ZO INTEGRATION. The Mizo Union representation before the President of the Constituent Assembly, inter alia,
included amalgamation of all Zo inhabited areas to form Greater Zoram(Zoland). With this vision in mind, the Zo leaders,
on the eve of India's independence, signed a declaration amounting to conditional accession to the Indian Union in
which a provided clause was inserted to the fact that the Zo people would have the right to remain with or secede from
the Indian Union after a period of ten years. The Mizo Union conference at Lakhipur on November 21,1946 which was
attended by many Zo representatives resolved unanimously that all Zo areas in Burma and India including Chittagong
Hills Tract be amalgamated to form a Greater Zoram State. It is thus cleared that Zo re-unification issue has occupied
the minds of the Zo leaders right from the time of India's independence.
The Big Bang
The most widespread Zo re-unification movement came in 1966 in the form of an armed rebellion spearheaded by the
Mizo National Front (MNF). The main objective of the MNF was to declare Zo right of self-determination and to establish
'Independent Zoram' for all the Zo inhabited areas. The movement rekindled national sentiments throughout Zoland and
many young men from all corners of Zoland joined the movement and fought for Zo rights. Mizo Integration Council and
later Mizo Integration Party were formed in 1970 with its headquarters in Churachandpur, Manipur. This party was the
progenitor of Zomi National Congress (ZNC) born two years later and its offshoot Zomi Re-unification Organization
(ZORO). Under the banner of ZORO, the First World Zomi Convention on Re-Unification was held at Champhai from May
19-21, 1988 which was attended by representatives from all Zo inhabited areas.
The armed struggle for Zo independence lasted twenty years and peace returned in 1986 when Mizoram attained
Statehood. This was preceded by the formation of Mizoram in 1972 when the status of Union Territory was granted by
India. The birth of Mizoram was a big boost to the Zo peoples' search for a political identity and a formal recognition of
their existence. It was the first time in Zo history that a full-fledged State was named after its own given name. It was
also for the first time that a core state had been established through and around which Zo reunification would eventually
evolve and grow.
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It will be pertinent to mention here that in fact, the first Zo State was born in the name of Chin Special Division in
1948 when Burma became independent. But being divested of power and funds from the start and the absence of a
dominant group who could weld the many Zo tribes into a single entity, the Chin State could never be able to play the
role of a core state. It has been a state torn by tribalism with Babel of tongues to add to its woes. Their lingua franca
has become Burmese and not a Zo language. It is interesting to note that, even here, the most understood language is
the 'Mizo language' though actual speakers are small in number.
Present Scenario
The political dust kicked up by the MNF movement in 1966 settled with the grant of Statehood and the return of the MNF
outfits in 1986 from their Arakan hideout and the euphoria over the new status also soon waned and evaporated. Soon,
the heavily deficit Mizoram State began to bite the reality of governance. Corruption of all kinds and the spirit of
insulation and intolerance seep in. As it comfortably settled in its State cushion, the core State has begun to slowly
abandon its role model as a forerunner of Zo integration and has become less and less accommodating. Increasing
intolerance shown to non-Mizo speaking Zo community from within and outside Mizoram by the Mizo speaking community
has caused ripple effects on the progress of Zo unification and put the process of integration in a reverse gear.
In an interview in November-December, 1998, a leading Mizo historian B. Lalthangliana, when asked why various
tribes which he claimed as Mizo were bent on establishing their own identity, admitted that when he was doing some
research for his book on Mizo history the Maras also known as Lakhers from Southern Mizoram came up to him and
told him not to include their name in the list of Mizo groups. Many Maras he said, still do not like to be called Mizo
In this manner the Thado-Kukis of Manipur or the Paites also did. The Thado-Kukis, however, do not mind identifying
themselves as Mizoit is the Paites, in fact, who have distanced themselves from the Mizo identity.
Awareness of the danger of their position and the inevitability of their eventual demise unless they are united has
greatly increased in recent years. How fast consideration for ethnic national survival will supplant petty tribalism from
the Zo mind remains to be seen. There lies the fate and destiny of the Zo people. Like charity, the politics of survival
always begins at home.
...........................................................................................
Note: December 17, 2005, Delhi
* Anthony D. Smith, 'National Identity', Penguin, London , 1991 p.39
Copyright 2003 - 2005. All rights reserved by HMAR.ORG.
The posted comments, opinions, et al of the posters does not necessarily reflects that of HMAR.ORG.
Note: Mr. L. Keivom is a retired Indian Foriegn Service Officer, serving the Indian Ministry of External Affiars as Ambassador of India to
Burma, France and as Joint Secretary for Minister of External Affairs of India.

17.9.4 THE TERM ZO

_ The term 'Zo' has been proposed by Zo Re-unification Organisation (ZORO) as a possible collective identity for the
people who are referred to by a variety of names. Some of these names are Chin, Kuki, Mizo, Zomi, Asho and Bawm.
These people not only bear differentiating identities, but are separated also by the three international frontiers of India,
Burma and Bangladesh. Their land is contiguous and lies along Northeast India, Northwest Burma and the Chittagong
Hill Tracts in Bangladesh. ZORO's main headquarters is at Aizawl, in Mizoram.
While there is no definitive evidence to date, there are indications that at one time 'Zo' was a collective identity
of the concerned people. For example, in 1909 Gereni wrote: 'Kuki is one of the terms by which the Chin-Lushai tribes
are collectively designated, whereas they call themselves Zh.' Literally, 'Zo' means 'the highlands'. In other words
'Zo' are 'highlanders'. 'Zo', as a word, is present in the various dialects of the people, with identical meaning.
The term 'Chin' seems to have originated from among the Burmese people in Burma, and 'Kuki' from among the
Bengali and Assamese peoples in India. The period of their origins is yet to be ascertained. In post-independent India,
'Mizo' was recognised as a term to identify a section of the same 'Kuki-Chin' ethnic entity in Mizoram. The mix of the
various clans and groups that come under these identities are more or less the same, with a preponderance of one in
each. The state of indeterminacy with regard to the people's indigenous collective identity may be a reason that the
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terms 'Chin' and 'Kuki' were introduced, and the fact that they have taken considerable root. Prior to the introduction
of these identities and their reinforcement for administrative convenience during the colonial and post-colonial eras
the people were identi-fied by their respective clan, group or village name. Evidently, the need for a collective
identity was not critical then. The indigenous terms 'Mizo' or 'Zomi' means 'people of Zo' and the 'Zo people',
respectively. Both of the terms represent the 'Zo Nation'. Given their history of identity influx and the consequent
events that continue to besiege the people for example, Naga and Kuki conflict concentrated in Manipur - it would
be rational, beneficial and politically correct to converge on a single identification term, such as 'Zo'.
With regard to language, the Dulien or Lusei (Lushai) dialect is regarded as the lingua franca in the state of
Mizoram. There is no Chin or Kuki language, but there are many Chin or Kuki dialects. The dialects are often referred
to as languages, which belong to the Tibeto-Burman linguistic group. Language seems to be a more appropriate
usage for a people that are represented by a national identity.
The different identities and the international boundaries that separate the people have caused major problems. For
example, 'Although the YMA considered the Mizos and Chins as brothers, the Chin are nevertheless foreigners as
there lies in between, the international boundary [emphasis added].' Circumstances have been created that privilege
'international boundary', thereby extending it 'legitimacy' which otherwise is normally referred to as 'artificial'.
Another divisive factor is the concept of 'tribe' in relation to the Constitution Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes Lists, Government of India. 'Tribe' is not applicable to the 'Zo' people. This is because it indicates distinctive-
ness between different groups. The 'Zo' people are a consanguineous group. They share the same culture, customs,
folklore and a common past, which are underpinned by their genealogical ties. In the context of the Constitution
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Lists, 'Zo' could be referred to as 'tribe' and its constituents as sub-tribes.
The preferred terminology to 'tribe' is 'nation', and 'Zo' is a national identity. In terms of applicability, it is perhaps
more appropriate to refer 'tribe' to Naga, which is composed of a number of disparate tribes. Virtually each and every
Naga 'tribe' or 'nation' has its own language and culture that are unique.
Introduction of the concept of 'tribe' through the Constitution Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Lists
(Modification) Order, 1956 has been detrimental to the Kukis in Manipur. It has recognised the various clans and
groups as separate tribes, effectively resulting in further divisions of the people and the disintegration of their identity.
For instance, in the twenty-first century and the age of the Internet, the ethnic people of Manipur are listed as 'Meitei,
Naga, Meitei Pangal [Muslim] and other colourful communities'.
The ideology and objectives of Zo reunification includes bringing together the people who are presently known by
names, such as Chin, Kuki, Mizo, Zomi, Asho and Bawm under a single identity and as one nation. The deliberations of
ZORO will hopefully turn the tide against any divisive trend and instil a sense of mutuality and solidarity among the
entire people that it represents.
______________________________________
Note: The above article is a reprint of Dr. S. Haokips letter to a Mr. Barauh.
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Subject: [chinland] Fw: [Zalengam] Re: Mission Report on Mizoram

17.9.5 EXCLUSIVITY AND INCLUSIVITY IN ZOHNATHLAK IDENTITY FORMATION
By Laiu Fachhai
[1.] INTRODUCTORY REMARKS: WHO IS MIZO?
Are you a Mizo?
I have been asked this question occasionally by Lusei(also known as Duhlian)-speaking compatriot Mizo
brothers and sisters largely due to my heavy Lusei accent and my non-Lusei name(both given name and surname). On
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rare occassions, I have also had embarrasing moments when some Lusei-speaking Mizo brothers and sisters would
insensitively relate to me as if I were not a Mizo dik tak. These and other experiences of non-Lusei-speaking Zohnat-
hlak people groups in their interaction with the Lusei-speaking Mizo group would indicate that the definination and
application of the term Mizo is becoming static and narrow. Furthermore, it also shows an exclusive indifference to the
fact that the Mizo founding fathers and mothers consciously projected this term as a dynamic name that is inclusive of
all the so-called Chin-Kuki-Lushai or Zohnathlak groups and sub-groups. This article is an attempt to rediscover the
inclusive meaning and nuances of the term Mizo and/or to explore a new and neutral generic name which would serve
as the inclusive identity for all the Zohnatlak groups. Before we do that, it is, however, important to first highlight how
the term Mizo has become an exclusive national name for some groups within the larger Zohnahthlak(groups of Zo).
[2.1.] Lusei/Duhlian Language as the Mizo language
[2.] MIZO BECOMING AN EXCLUSIVE TERM: A RETROSPECTIVE
At the time that Lusei was the name of the official language of the Mizoram, I(a Mara) could identify
myself as a Mizo. I could accept the idea that we the Lusei, Lai, Mara and Paite, etc collectively belong to a proud
people and nation called Mizo. I could also accept using Lusei as the common language of all these Mizo groups.
However, when the name of the official language was changed from that of Lusei to Mizo, I began to experience
an identity crisis. I pondered, What does this, changing the name of our lingua franca from Lusei to Mizo, mean
to me as a Mara? Does it mean that since the Mizo language is not my mother tongue, am I no more a Mizo? This
experience of identity crisis indicates that, both from theoretical and practical aspects, the term Mizo does become
exclusive whenever the Lusei language is referred to as the Mizo language. This automatically excludes
the Mara and other Zohnathlak groups from the Mizo identity, since none of their languages can then be referred
to as the Mizo language.
[2.2] Thanga/Thangi as Mizo names
Some Lusei-speaking Mizo people are of the opinion that a Mizo can be known from his or her name, i.e., Mizo
male names end with a and female ones with i. Although Lusei-speaking Mizo academicians may no longer use this
as their argument for Mizo identity, for the majority of people, this seems to remain a cornerstone for the modern Mizo
identity. I have not done much research about the etymology of these fixed endings of a and i for the Lusei
masculine and feminine names. The other language I know of as having the same system is Hindi larka/larki. But I do
not assert that Lusei Thanga/Thangi and Hindi larka/larki are cognates. However, in my opinion, Thanga/Thangi naming
system is a recent development in the history of the Lusei language and culture. Had the ending of every Lusei
masculine and feminine names in antiquity been a and i, the names of the clan founders would also have been
Sailoa(definitely not Sailo), etc. But the Lusei-speaking Mizo people today do not put a in their clan names.
As stated, I am not an authority in this area. What I am trying to show is that there are other Zohnathlak
people groups who do not use a and i ending for their masculine and feminine names. For example, for the Mara
people, the masculine and feminine names can easily be differentiated without using gendered suffixes of a and
i owing to the fact that Mara names are gendered conceptual and gender-sensitive. Laizo(my fathers name) can
never be a feminie name and Pawthlie(my mothers name) can never be a masculine one. Thus, if Thanga/Thangi is
championed and superimposed as the mark of the Mizo masculine and feminine identities, the Mara people and other
Zohnathlak groups would automatically be excluded from the Mizo identity. Even if we suffice a and i for Mara
masculine and feminine names, again, this Luseinized form of Mara names do not seem appropriate. For example, to
call Laiu, Laiua will sound strange, let alone feminizing it into Laiu-i. It does not simply work.
[2.3] Speaking Mizo language with accent
When Lusei language became the Mizo language and the Mizoness is identified by ones fluency in Mizo
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language, it created a first class Mizo or Mizo diktak(real/pure Mizo) and second class Mizo(Mizo dik tak ni chiak
lo) within the Zohnathlak groups. Names with Thanga/Thangi endings who speak Mizo language without any accent are
regarded as Mizo dik tak. Other Zohnathlak groups who speak Mizo language with heavy accent are labeled as other
Mizo groups.
A nalh tawkin i paih e! This was the comment made by friends and colleagues of Mr. Hiphei, a Mara and
former MP, concerning the way the latter speaks Mizo. Mr. Hiphei had transcended the Mizo trawng paih, thanks
to his position and status. I too speak Mizo language with a heavy accent(and funny?) accent and write in a funny
way. Even so, my educated Lusei-Mizo friends appreciate my effort to speak their language and in spite of my heavy
accent, some of my best friends are Lusei-speaking Mizo people. They respect and accept me as I am, that is, as a
Mara or Mara-Mizo. But for the ordinary Lusei-speaking Mizo people, my very accent and name naturally become my
non-Mizo identity. It must be remembered that Zohnathlak groups who do not speak Lusei-Mizo language are aware of
the habits of some quarters of the Lusei-Mizo speaking communities who love to entertain themselves by making bad
jokes about the formers heavy accent(trawng paih) as well as some of their cultural traits. In this trajec-tory, the Mizo
language is becoming a diving force rather than a uniting one.
[2.4] Overt or covert plans to assimilate smaller groups
In the process of the identify formation of a people group, some smaller or sub-people groups within the region
are usually taken for granted or even overtly assimilated into a larger groups identity. I do not have any proof that the
dominant Lusei-speaking who make and implement policies in our state(Mizoram) had both overt and covert plans to
assimilate smaller Zohnathlak people groups, such as the Mara, into the Lusei-speaking Mizo identity. However, if they
ever develop such a plan, then, for them, the term Mizo would be synonymous with the term Lusei, thus excluding
non-Lusei-speaking Zohnathlak groups as non-Mizos.
[2.5] Lusei/Duhlian equal to Mizo
From the above discussion, it would appear that the term Mizo has practically become an exclusive national
name and language for the Lusei/Duhlian speaking Zohnathlak group and others who subscribe to this Luseinized Mizo
identity. This then clearly indicates that the definition and application of the name Mizo no longer covers all the
Zohnaklak groups. At this point, the question is: Is there a way forward? Can we rediscover the inclusive meanings and
nuances of the term Mizo? If not, what new identity and name can we negotiate that would include all the Zohnathlak
groups?
[3.] REDISCOVERING AN INCLUSIVE IDENTITY THAT WILL COVER ALL THE ZOHNATHLAK GROUPS: A
PROSPECT
There are at least two ways to go if we want to regotiate a name that would serve as an umbrella for all
the Zohnathlak groups - rediscovering the inclusive meaning and nuances of the term Mizo and/or negotiating a new
name. First, let us attempt to rediscover the term Mizo as an inclusive one for all the Zohnathlak groups.
[3.1] Definition and Application of Mizo as Inclusive Term
[3.1.1] Lusei language as the lingua franca of Mizoram and all Mizo people groups
Defining and applying Mizo as an inclusive term hypothesizes Mizo as a generic name for all the Zohnathlak
groups. It goes without saying that, as a language spoken by the overwheming majority of the Mizoram State in particu-
lar and the Zohnathlak people groups in general, the Lusei language should rightfully become the lingua franca of the
Mizoram State. But that does not make Lusei the Mizo language par excellence, if the term Mizo is to be inclusive of
all the Zohnathlak groups both within and outsie the Mizoram State. Otherwise, there would be many Mizo people who do
not speak their own Mizo language. For instance, Hindi is not the Indian language; it is one of the Indian languages. In
127
the same way, Lusei is not and should not be the Mizo language; it is and should be one of the Mizo languages.
Celebrating our distinct ethnic realities within the Zohnathlak groups, we could follow the Nagaland pattern.
We could well continue to use Mizos as our collective name but diferentiate between different Mizo groups as
Lusei-Mizo, Mara-Mizo, Lai-Mizo, Chakma-Mizo, Paite-Mizo, Hmar-Mizo, Biate-Mizo, Kuki-Mizo, etc. In this way,
everyone will feel free at home with the Mizo concept and identity. Being a more developed, educated, and established
group, the Lusei-Mizo could lead other groups responsibly as our big brother.
Having Lusei as our common language, we could continue to use the term Mizo as an inclusive name for all
the Zohnathlak groups. In so doing, we must proactively and consciously promote and sincerely practice the inclusive
meanings and nuances of the term Mizo. I cannot speak for other Mara people; nor can I represent the opinions of
other Zohnathlak groups. As for me, I do not want my Mara language, culture, and ethnic identity to become extinct. I
am proudly Mara and wiill not become a Lusei-Mara. But I can become a proud Mara-Mizo. In other words, I can be
both a proud Mara and a proud Mizo at the same time if the term Mizo is defined and applied inclusively to refer to
all the Zohnathlak people groups. In so doing, I would not have problem having Lusei as the common language of all
the Zohnathlak groups.
[3.1.3] Accepting other Zohnathlak people groups as real Mizo(Mizo dik tak)
Our big brother, the Lusei-speaking Mizo group, will need to make a conscious effort to accept other
Zohnathlak groups whose names are not Thanga/Thangi as well as those who speak the Lusei language with heavy
accent as Mizo dik tak. By their actions, they can either alienate or welcome the rest of the Zohnathlak people groups.
They will need to be sensitive to the feelings of smaller groups and to collectively attempt to stop negative
stereotyping(name-giving, bad jokes, etc) of other Zohnathlak people groups. Other Zohnathlak groups can be
proud of ourselves as being Mizo and own the Mizoness.
[3.1.3] Rejecting overt or covert plans to assimilate smaller groups
The Lusei-speaking who are in the majority among the Mizo groups should rest any attempt to assimilate
smaller Zohnathlak groups like the Mara either overtly or covertly. Any overt or covert attempt to assimilate smaller
groups by the majority Lusei group would be counterproductive as it will simply alienate non-Lusei-speaking smaller
Zohnathlak groups. The Lusei-Mizo group could proactively encourage and emphasize the preservation and develop-
ment of the languages and cultures of smaller Zohnathlak groups. We must acept the realities of our ethnic diversities,
positively taking it as the richness of our Zohnathlak culture. In my opinion, if Lusei-Mizo speaking brothers and sisters
are willing to embrace this attitude of the preservation of development of the languages and cultures of Zohnathlak
groups, then the rest of Zohnathlak groups would also be willing to learn and use the Lusei -Mizo language as their
lingua franca. Reconizing, respecting, and accepting our diversities could well become our Mizo unity and strength.
We could achieve our vision of building a grand Mizo nation by celerating our diversity and thus embracing unity in
diversity model other than imposing uniformity, that is, imposing a uniformed Luseinized Mizo identity for all the
Zohnathlak groups.
[3.2] Discovering a New Inclusive Identity
[3.2.1] Mizo as a new name for old Lusei/Duhlian language and people group
As discussed above, to other Zohnathlak groups, the Mizo language and the Mizo people today are none other
than the old Lusei or Duhlian. For this reason, it has become very difficult, it not impossible, to promote the name
Mizo as an inclusive of all the Zohnathlak groups. If we could no longer sell the idea of Mizo as an inclusive name to
many quarters of the Zohnathlak groups, the way forward is to categorize Mizo as one of the Zohnathlak languages and
the Mizo people as group within the overall Zohnathlak nation/people, and find a new inclusive identity that will cover all
the Zohnathlak groups.
It is important to add that the Lusei/Duhlian group has every right to rename their language the Mizo language,
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and exclusively identify themselves as the Mizo and thus alienating other Zohnathlak people groups from the Mizo
identity if that is the way they want to go. In this way they may even save themselves from all the mess associated
with the inclusive identity of the term Mizo. They have a strong population, a large territory, and adequate resources
(both human and material). The Lord will continue to bless them, and they will continue to progess and become a vibrant
economy soon. Non-Lusei-speaking Zohnathlak groups do not have any right to complain, as the Lusei/Duhlian people
have every right to chart their own course, and decide their own destiny. Other Zohnathlak groups who buy a Luseinized
Mizo identity may join them. For the rest of the Zohnathlak groups, they too will be blessed by the Lord as they strive to
become significant people groups. And we all can live side by side peacefully and help each other as brothers and
sisters of Zohnathlak.
However, inspite of that option open to the Lusei/Duhlian group who now have become Mizo, it should be noted
that the strength of the Zohnathlak people, including the Mizo group, still lies in our unity in diversity. With this
strength in unity in diversity, we need to remind ourselves that identity formation must of necessity entail identity
negotiation. It would appear that negotiations have not been adequately made among the name of our lingua franca(to
call it Lusei, Duhlian, Lusei-Mizo, Mizo), the name of our collective identity(Chinlung, Zohnathlak, Mizo, Zomi, Zo, Zou,
Lai, Kuki, Himalayan Foothills Nations, etc), and the name of the state(Mizoram, Zoram, Maraland, Zoland, Federation of
Hill Peoples, United Hill Peoples, Union of Hill Kingdoms, etc).
Thus, what I am trying to provoke in this article is a way forward for the Mizo group and other Zohnathlak
groups to renegotiate our collective identity.
[3.2.2] Federation Of Zo or Zohnathlak(FOZ) as our collective identity
Most of all the Zohnathlak groups use the name Zo to refer to themselves or other Zohnathlak groups in its
variant renderings - Mizo, Zomi, Zou, Zo, Zao, Zyu, Cho, etc. However, as discussed above, if the term Mizo has
become an exclusive identity for the old Lusei/Duhlain group, we then need to discover a new and neutral inclusive
term that would cover all the Zohnathlak groups. In my opinion, the term Zo or Zohnathlak would be most inclusive
one. We could call it the Federation of Zo or Federation of Zohnathlak(FOZ, pronounced Fawz). I am not saying about a
political federation here. In line with the context of geo-political realities of countries where the Zohnathlak groups live
today, I am saying in terms of cultural and community federation of the Zohnathlak groups. We live in a global village
today. We the Zo people are to relate more and more to the world around us. In so doing, other people would find it
difficult to pronounce Zohnathlak, but they could pronounce the word Zo easily. Therefore, Federation of Zo maybe
more appropriate name to use. However, I am fine with either of the names - Federation of Zo or Zohnathlak. We do not
need to bother so much whether other peoples could pronounce the word Zohnathlak properly or not.
[4.] CONCLUDING REMARKS: THE WAY FORWARD
As noted above, even if Lusei/Duhlian ist just one of the Mizo languages, being the most developed and widely
understood language, we could rightly continue to use it as the lingua franca of the Mizoram State and all the
Zohnathlak groups. In so doing, if we must use the term Mizo as an umbrella name for all the Zohnathlak groups, then
we will need to change the name of our lingua franca from Mizo back to Lusei, Duhlian, or a hyphenated form
Lusei-Mizo. I am afraid that the more the Lusei language is championed and superimposed as the Mizo language, the
more alienated non-Lusei speaking Zohnathlak groups will become. It seems that the old saying better late than never
is still applicable here.
If we go along the trajectory of categorizng the old Lusei/Duhlian being replaced by the present Mizo, then the
Lusei language that has now become Mizo language can remain as it is, and thus the Mizo speaking people be
regarded as one of the proud members of the Zohnathlak groups. Being spoken and understood by the Mizo group and
many other Zohnathlak groups, Mizo could remain as the common luanguage of the Federation of Zohnathlak.
In so doing, we could also intentionally and proactively promote the preservation and development of the
languages and cultures of other Zohnathlak groups. And you know what? I, a Mara, would be speaking the Miizo
language with pride, even with my heavy and funny accent, for it would be my beautiful lingua franca.
..........................................................................................................................................
129
(The author, Dr. Laiu Fachhai, DTh, is a minister of the Evangelical Church of Maraland and the Director of Serving in Mission(SIM) North East
India based in Shillong. He is also a Visiting Professor of John Roberts Theological Seminary in Shillong. The views expressed in this article are the
authors; they neihter represent the views of organizations he is affiliated to or of the people group to which he belongs; nor is the article meant to
wrong the Lusei-Mizo speaking people. This is an academic paper written from the perspective of the grand politics of the Zohnathlak people in the
making; and it should be taken as such...).
(Source: CHIBAI - Zofest 2009 Souvenir. pp. 14-25. It is a 257-page book published and distributed by the Mizo Zirlai Pawl (Mizo Students
Association), Aizawl, Mizoram. It is a word-for-word reproduction of the original text by myself. tzd. January 2011.
....................................................................................................................................
17.10 CHIN-KUKI-MIZO: A LOST TRIBE OF ISRAEL?
The reader may surely find the following information about the finding of Jewish DNA in a number of Zo tribes
interesting. However, more independent DNA tests may need to be conducted among various isolated Zo tribes, who are
not yet mixed up with non-Zo blood, in the future to prove or disprove this finding. And if in case further DNA tests prove
positive there may probably appear someone in the future to claim that ZO could be the corruption of JEW since the two
words indeed seem to sound rather similar.
17.10 1. Amishav Organization: Lost Tribe Returns to Israel
THE ISRAEL REPORT January/February 2000
37 Descendants of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel Due to Arrive at Ben-Gurion Airport on Friday
After Centuries of Exile, Bnei Menashe Return to Zion Jerusalem - An emotional scene is expected at Ben-Gurion
airport early Friday as 37 descendants of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel are set to arrive at 6:50 a.m. on EL AL flight
#0076 out of Bombay. The new arrivals, members of the Bnei Menashe, are coming to Israel under the auspices of the
Jerusalem-based Amishav organization, which is dedicated to locating descendants of the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel
and returning them to the Jewish people. They join an additional 450 Bnei Menashe (children of the Tribe of Manasseh)
already residing in the country.
Sources: http://www.cdn-friends-icej.ca/isreport/janfeb00/lost.html
..............................................................................................
17.10.2 LOST TRIBE OF ISRAEL
TIME Magazine/February 28, 2000
Mizos living in the remote hills of northeastern India claim theyre from Jewish stock
By Michael Fathers, Aizawl
In a bare room in an unfinished concrete building on the fringes of the Golden Triangle where the hill tribesmen were
once heardhunters, man puts on a prayer shawl and begins chanting in Hebrew. A small number of followers join in thr
responses.
Afterward he says: I was a corps cadet in the Salvation Army 10 years ago, but now I am a Jew. This is Yeshuran
Ngaihte, 50, the chazan, or elder, of the year-old Sephardic synagoue in Aizawl, capital of Indias Mizoram state on the
border with Burma... The forested hills of northeastern India must rank among the last places on the planet where you
would expect to finda synagogue, let alone two. But the Jews of this remote region believe they are descendants of a
legendary lost tribe of Israel that, according to the Old Testament, disappeared almost 3,000 years ago.
When I read the Old Testament, I realized Mizos were very similar to the Jews, says Sela, so I prayed to God to tell
me if we were Jewish.... According to local legend, the Mizos Jewish connection goes back more than 1,000 years to
a remote cave in China where the scattered remnants of the lost Jewish tribe of Menashe were holed up. They called
themselves Chhinlung, after the cave, and over the years they made their way south through Thailand, settling for good
in a pocket of hills astride what is today Burma, India and Bangladesh... The relative, Zaithanchhungi, an insurance
saleswoman and former teacher, went to Israel in 1983. There she met Eliyahu Avichayil, an Orthodox rabbi whose
Amishav organization searches the world for descendants of the lost tribes. He showed immediate interest in her story,
130
saying Jews had been scattered as far as China. He urged her to return to India to catalogue Mizo history. She came
up with a list of apparent similarities, including the building of altars, the sacrifice of animals, burial customs, marriage
and divorce precedures, a belief in an all-powerful deity and the symbolic presence of the number seven in many
festivities. Zaithanchhungi saw other links in musical instruments and household practices. I was a non-believer, but
after my serach I now believe very firmly that the Mizos are of Jewish descent. Yet she herself remains a
Presbyterian. Why? Because I believe in Jesus Christ. For many people it is difficult to go back to the thoughts of our
ancestors..
... But for Mizorams chief minister Zoramthanga, former deputy commander of the guerrilla force that battled the Indian
army, identity is not a problem. There is a possibility that the Mizos are one of the lost tribes of Israel. There are
certain practices and customs which suggest this. But I should add that only when we reach heaven will we have the
proof, he says, roaring with laughter.
With reporting by Subir Bhaumik/Aizawl and Eric Silver/Jerusalem.
.................................................................................................
17.10.3 Menashe in Myanmar
Ha'aretz
By Yair Sheleg/September 21, 2002
Three journeys to the Kuki-Chin-Mizo people on the Indochinese border convinced Hillel Halkin that they are
descendants of the Children of Israel. Some of the elders of the Kuki-Chin-Mizo people, who live on the border between
India and Myanmar (Burma), still remember that some time during the 20th century, before they became totally Christian,
they marked "the memory of ritual circumcision... And then the two came to Mizoram, one of the Indian republican
states,which is located on the eastern border of India with Myanmar, the home of the Kuki-Chin-Mizo people. The three
names derive from the fact that these people live in three different areas: They are the dominant population in the state
of Mizoram; they are also a considerable part of the population of the Indian state of Manipur (also on the border with
Myanmar); and they form a significant percentage of the population of the Chin region of Burma(where Halkin could not
go because the Myanmar authorities have prohibited entry into the region)... One obvious differencebetween the
testimonies of the Kuki and other groups Avichail spoke to is that while the Chiang and the Karen were linked only by
external factors to the 10 tribes, among the Kuki this was an internal tradition...During the visit to Mizoram, Avichail
and Halkin began to get more and more evidence of the historical connection between the members of the group and
the Jewish people...
Source: BN News September 21-22, 2002/ Subject: [chinland] Menashe in Myanmar: Three journeys to the Kuki-Chin-Mizo
people on the Indochines
...................................................................................
17.10.4 ISRAEL Lost and Found?
Newsweek, October 28, 2002, pp. 72-73
By Dan Ephron
When the veteran Israeli journalist Hillel Halkin began hunting for the lost tribes of Israel four years ago, he though the
claim that a community of Indians on the Burmese border was descended from one of the tribes was either a fantasy
or a hoax... But on his third trip to the Indian states of Manipur and Mizoram, Halkin was shown texts that convinced
him that the community, which calls itself Bneis Menashe, has roots in the lost tribe of Menashe. The documents
included a will and words to a song about the Red Sea. The argument, made in his new book, Across the Sabbath
River(Houghton Mifflin), is not just academic... As founder of the organization Amishave (My People Return), Eliyahu
Avichail trots the globe in search of lost Jews, in order to bring them back to their religion through conversion and
direct them to Israel... The group has already brought 700 of the Bnei Menashe to Israel and believes thousands more
are eager to come. Most have been put up in settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip - the main arena of Israel -
Palestinian fighting...
......................................................................................
131
17.10.5 FROM INDIA TO ZION
Arutz Sheva June 2, 2003
A special ceremony will be held tomorrow morning, Tuesday, June 3, 2003, at 8:15 am at the Western Wall in Jerusalem
to welcome home some 50 members of the Bnei Menashe (children of Manasseh), a group claiming descent from a lost
tribe of Israel. After arriving on EL AL flight 072 from Bombay, they will be brought from the airport straight to
Jerusalem to say a prayer of thanksgiving at the Wall. Members of the group, all of whom hail from the northeastern
Indian state of Mizoram, are making aliyah under the auspices of the Amishav organization, which is dedicated to
assisting "lost Jews" who wish to return to the Jewish people... On hand to greet them will be: Rabbi Eliyahu Ben-
Dahan, the Director-General of Israel's Ministry of Religious Affairs; Rabbi Eliyahu Avichail, the chairman and founder
of Amishav; and Michael Freund, Amishav's Director and a former Deputy Communications Director in the Prime
Minister's Office...
For the lastest news from Jerusalem, Israel and the Jewish World visit www.OurJerusalem.com
Note: Courtesy: Our Jerusalem, Jewsih Press Agency For the lastest news from Jerusalem, Israel and the Jewish World visit
www.OurJerusalem.com
To: Myanmar ; sizang@yahoogroups.com ; thiansawmpiang@yahoo.com.au
Sent: Saturday, June 14, 2003 7:54 AM
.........................................................................................
17.10.6 MORE BNEI MENASHE ARRIVE ISRAEL
Fifty members of the Bnei Menashe of northeastern India, a tribe claiming descent from the "lost tribe" of Menashe,
have arrived in Israel Tuesday. They join 700 Bnei Menashe already in the country, most of whom live in in Kiryat Arba,
Gush Katif, and Beit El. There are approximately another 5,000 Bnei Menashe still living in India and observing a fully
Jewish lifestyle. ... As part of their ongoing work with the Bnei Menashe, Amishav released the first Hebrew-Mizo
dictionary last year. Mizo is one of the main languages spoken by the Bnei Menashe. Michael Freund, Director of
Amishav said at the time, "We hope it will facilitate the study of Hebrew by the Bnei Menashe and ease their absorption
in Israel."
[Source: Jerusalem Post, Arutz-7, Ha'aretz, AP, IMRA, MENL, ou.org, Media Line]
X-Apparently-To: chinland@yahoogroups.com
Date: Sun, 15 Jun 2003 14:28:39 +0200
....................................................................................
17.10.7 Israeli 'Lost Tribes' Living in W. Bank
Wed Dec 24, 5:24 AM ET
By GAVIN RABINOWITZ, Associated Press Writer
Middle East - AP
SHAVEI SHOMRON, West Bank - Some 2,700 years ago, 10 of the 12 biblical tribes of Israel were driven from the Holy
Land into exile and the mists of history. Now, a group claiming descent from one of the lost tribes can be found sitting
in a bomb shelter in a West Bank Jewish settlement, learning Hebrew... Members of the group from northeastern India
call themselves the "Bnei Menashe," or children of Menashe, and believe they are descendants of the Israelite tribe of
Manasseh. The return of the "lost tribes" to their ancient homeland is viewed by some as the fulfillment of biblical
prophecy and a herald of the Messiah. Others see the return as an opportunity to boost the numbers of Jews living
in Israel in what they see as a demographic war with the Palestinians. ... Living in the northeastern Indian states of
Mizoram and Manipur, the Bnei Menashe, who number about 6,000, were originally animists who were converted to
Christianity by British missionaries in the 19th century. In 1953, a tribal leader named Mlanchala had a dream in which
his people would return to Israel, which led the tribe to adopt Jewish tradition...
...........................................................................................
132
17.10.8 DNA tests prove that Mizo people are descendants of a lost Israeli tribe
By Tathagata Bhattacharya/Aizawl
Exclusive
It has been a long-standing contention of a section of Mizos that the people of Mizoram are descendants of the
Menashe, one of the lost tribes of Israel. But the claims were quashed several times by Israel where, by the law of
return, anyone with proof of Jewish roots can go and settle. However, a recent DNA study has validated the claim.
Bhaswar Maity, a research scholar at the Central Forensic Science Laboratory, Kolkata, had begun the DNA typing
of samples (100 male and 80 female) taken from the Mizos in March 2002. "Studies on the Y chromosome [male] did
not return the Cohen modal haplotype, which is present in most Jewish males around the world," says Dr V.K.
Kashyap, director of the laboratory. (Tracing the male chromosome is difficult because most Mizo men, who migrated
from elsewhere, wed women along the way and the Y chromosome is lost every time a female child is created.) "But
of the mitochondria DNA [female samples], a few Kuki samples returned the unique haplotype [genetic sequence code]
found in the Jewish community in Uzbekistan."
This is a clear indication that there was a Jewish female founder effect in the Kuki community. "It is scientifically
impossible to have the same genetic sequence in two populations living so far apart if they did not originate from a
common stock who historically inhabited a common space," says Maity. He also found a specific mutation in some
Lusei and Kuki samples that is also present in Indian Jews.
This puts the Indian government on a sticky wicket as the United Nations has said that a country cannot rule over
people other than its own. The government has more reason to be worried because the Aizawl-based Chhinlung Israel
People's Convention, an organisation of 2.5 lakh members who believe they are descendants of the Menashe, has
begun preparations for realising their dream of a "New Jerusalem". This correspondent even stumbled upon a new flag
for the "country of the Menashe people" as Lalchhanhima Sailo, the chairman of the convention, put it. The
organisation had submitted a memorandum to the UN in 1998 to recognise the Chhinlung people as a lost tribe of Israel.
"We are now awaiting Israeli recognition," says Sailo. "Once it comes through, we will have an independent country in
the northeast of India." Sailo feels this is a very real possibility because there are Chhins in parts of Manipur, Burma,
Bangladesh and Assam.
It is difficult to ignore the similarities that exist between the lives of the Jews in Israel and those of the Mizos.
According to Zaithanchhungi, there are anthropological perspectives. The Mizo burial ritual is similar to that of the
Jews. Secondly, though the Mizos migrated to Mizoram through lands where Buddhism was the dominant faith, it left
no influence on them. Even in the first half of the 20th century, they sacrificed animals to Pathian (Jehova). "They had
the sacrificial altar on a hillock and a cross similar to that of David was drawn on the altar," she says. "Only men were
allowed to witness the sacrifice. This is more than sheer resemblance." Another resemblance is between the Mizo
ritual of Cawngpuisial and the Jewish Sabbath. Sabbath starts when the stars appear on a Friday evening and ends
with the same on a Saturday evening. In Mizoram, during the Cawngpuisial, villagers are restricted from going out of
the village (and strangers from entering it) after the stars appear on a Friday. The curfew is lifted on Saturday after the
stars appear. Shaina, a student from Raanana near Tel-Aviv, who recently visited the Amishav Hebrew Center in
Aizawlan Israeli government agency tracing lost Jewish tribesfound the "similarities between the people of Israel
and Mizoram simply too stark to be neglected".
Allenby Sela, principal of Amishav, was one of 900 Mizos who converted to Judaism to settle down in the Gaza
Strip. He returned to Mizoram to make the people aware of their history. "We should know who we are, where we came
from, what our roots are," he says. "Faith can't be recognised by blood tests. It's a spiritual thing. Our history is oral
and there is no clinching evidence. But this is not enough for Israel to accept." Israel recognised the Black Jews of
Ethiopia and the Fallasahs of South Africa as lost tribes without any tests.
(Source: The Week/12 September 2004/Malayala Manorama Publications Kochi, Kerala, India)
http://www.the-week.com/24sep12/currentevents_article1.htm
Return-Path: <sentto-7355252-42-1095092834-Subject: [linking zo bros] DNA tests prove that Mizo people are descendants of a lost Israeli tribe
.............................................................................................
133
17.10.9 Israels Chief Rabinnate Recognizes Mizos As An Israeli Lost Tribe
SANGZUALA HMAR, TNN
Times of India
AIZAWL, SEPT. 21, 2004: It's as good as Gospel truth that 10 of the Semitic tribes that Moses had led across the Red
Sea from slavery to freedom in the Promised Land about four millennia ago have since been lost. But for those who
thought the Biblical tale of the '10 lost tribes of Israel' was but a myth, there is an interesting claim by a branch of
Christians from Mizoram.
Armed with the results of what he calls a conclusive DNA test, the chief of the Chhinlung Israel People's Convention
(CIPC), Lalchhanhima Sailo, is reiterating a decades-old claim that a section of Mizos are descended from the Bnei
Menashe clan, one of the legendary lost tribes. The latest test he has cited to substantiate his claim was conducted by
the Central Forensic Science Laboratory in Kolkata on 180 blood samples collected randomly from Mizo people in March
2002.
The report says the mitochondrial configuration of the DNA of some of the blood samples drawn from women match
the unique "haplotype" a genetic sequence code found in Jews of Uzbekistan. A specific cellular mutation that is
sometimes found in Indian Jews was also noticed in some of the samples. Significantly though, studies on the Y-
chromosome (for males) did not match the Cohen modal haplotype that is common to most Jewish males around the
world, the tests revealed. Incidentally, about 800 Jews from Mizoram have in recent years emigrated to Israel and are
settled in different Jewish 'kibbutzes' in the Gaza Strip. When contacted by Times of India, an Israeli embassy
spokesperson said though Mizo Christians had in the past made claims about their Jewish ancestry, they had not
approached the Israeli government following the latest DNA test. As and when the fresh evidence was placed before
the Israeli authorities, their claim would be considered.
The myth of the lost tribes traces its origin to the times of the "wise king" Solomon, the third king of Israel. When
Solomon died, Israel or Judaea was divided into two, according to the Bible. The tribes inhabiting this Promised Land
too, split along territorial and political lines while Judah and Benjamin were loyal to the Davidic house in the south,
the remaining 10 tribes aligned themselves to a litany of monarchies from the north. While most modern Jews trace
their roots to this southern kingdom, the famous "10 tribes" were believed lost for centuries.
Jews all over the world kept their faith in the words of Prophet Ezekiel: "Behold, I will take the children of Israel...
and will gather them on every side, and bring them into their land. And they shall be divided into two kingdoms no
more." There have been, over the years, many apocryphal claims about the existence of these tribes, including the
unproven belief that some of them could be found in Kashmir and Mizoram. Though the CIPC has always claimed that
Mizos are descendants of the Menashe, the theory had never gained much currency. Even the majority of Mizos, who
concur on their theological links with Israel, dismissed claims of ancestral or other umbilical connection... Sailo now
plans to take the matter up with the Israeli government and even harbours latent visions of founding a movement for
what he calls "New Jerusalem" which would encompass Jews of Assam, Manipur, northern Bangladesh and Myanmar.
(Source: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/859025.cms)
......................................................................................
17.10.10 Deposited research article
Tracking the genetic imprints of lost Jewish tribes among the gene pool of Kuki-Chin-Mizo population
of India
Bhaswar Maity, T Sitalaximi, R Trivedi and VK Kashyap
National DNA Analysis Center, Central Forensic Science Laboratory, 30 Gorachand Road, Kolkata - 700014, India
Genome Biology 2004, 6:P1 doi:10.1186/gb-2004-6-1-p1
This was the first version of this article to be made available publicly.
Subject areas: Genome studies, Evolution
The electronic version of this article is the complete one and can be found online at:
http://genomebiology.com/2004/6/1/P1
134
Received 18 November 2004
Posted 2 December 2004
2004 BioMed Central Ltd

Outline
Background
The Kuki-Chin-Mizo population comprising traditionally endogamous tribal groups residing in the state of Mizoram, India
claim their descent from the ten lost tribes of Israel that were exiled by the Assyrians. To ascertain their oral history,
we analysed DNA markers comprising 15 autosomal microsatellite markers, 5 biallelic and 20 microsatellite markers on
Y-chromosome and the maternally inherited mitochondrial DNA sequence variations on 414 individuals belonging to 5
tribal communities from Mizoram (Hmar, Kuki, Mara, Lai and Lusei). The genetic profiles obtained were compared either
with populations sharing Jewish ancestry or with local populations along the probable route of migration of the Jewish
ancestry claimant Mizoram tribes.
Results
Y-STR analyses showed absence of the Cohen Modal Haplotype, the genetic signature of Cohanim origin. Y-
chromosomal biallelic marker analyses revealed the presence of East and Southeast Asian-specific lineages and
absence of haplogroup J predominant among Jewish populations. The mitochondrial DNA sequence analyses however
revealed traces of genetic relatedness between the Jewish ancestry claimant Mizoram tribes and Near Eastern lineages.
Autosomal analyses showed moderate degree of genetic differentiation among the different Mizoram tribes.
Conclusions
Migration of the lost tribes through China resulting in subsequent genetic admixture over a long period of time has
probably diluted the extant gene pool of the Kuki-Chin-Mizo population. Although their paternal lineages do not exhibit
any trace of Jewish ancestry, incidence of maternal Near Eastern lineages among the Mizoram tribals suggests their
claim to Jewish ancestry cannot be excluded.

Published by
1999-2006 BioMed Central Ltd unless otherwise stated < info@genomebiology.com > Terms and conditions
Authors (tzd)Note: Im using this article here without BioMed Central Ltds prior permission. Author/January 2011.
_______________________________________________________________
17.11 THE ROLES AND RIGHTS OF ZO WOMEN

Traditionally, the Zo women have no rights of inheritance unless their parents have given them any property
while they are still alive. The heritance goes only to the sons. Women, however, have the right to divorce on
grounds of adultery on their husbands part and under some other irreconciliable circumstances.
The following two articles will give the reader a general picture about the status, roles and rights of Zo
women although there are a number of differences in these sectors among various tribes. One major
difference among some tribes, for instance, is the bride-price and dowry. Among a few tribes the bride-
prices vary according to the physical appearance(the degree of attractiveness), the skills a woman
possesses, the status of birth(ruling class, commoner, slave), etc., just to name a few.
135
17.11.1 STATUS OF MIZO WOMEN
The main objective of this paper is to examine the status of Mizo women in a changing Mizo society from historical and
sociological perspectives for a worthwhile appraisal of her status today. My basic hypothesis is that Mizo society is
basically patriarchal in nature which is therefore responsible for the development of hyper-masculine biasness thereby
tending to push the woman to traditional familial roles.
As a result, patriarchal elites in Mizo society continue to dominate the society and politics till today. This is also true
in the case of East Asian and Southeast Asian societies. LHM Ling, in this connection, argues that this patriarchal
familial relation extends beyond the nuclear family to include multiple generations within and across families, as well as
social relations in general.
In other words, this kind of state-society relations corresponds directly to those between parents and children: firm
benevolence from parents/state in exchange for filial devotion from children/subjects. Endorsing Ling's argument, Rose
J Lee and Clark also strongly contend that "in almost all societies, women as a whole are forced into subordinate roles
and statuses that embedded in and reinforced by a wide array of patriarchal cultures". Having its ethno-cultural roots in
Southeast Asia, Mizo society is not an exception to this. To have a clearer perspective on this, let us make a brief
survey of the status of the Mizo women through the ages beginning from pre-colonial period.
In a traditional Mizo society, the father was the head who was all-in-all over all his family affairs. In a developed
patriarchal system, the head of the household was also a representative in the inter-clan and community relations. The
power and authority of the patriarch over his children, young or adult, was often almost unlimited. In most of the
developed communities in which the patriarchy flourished, occasionally an individual woman would achieve great fame
and even became ruler. A case in point was the emergence of Ropuiliani who became chief of Denlungah after the death
of her husband, Vandula and established her hegemony over other surrounding nine villages in South Mizoram in 1895.
But this was an exception; because Mizo woman, as in other patriarchal societies, seldom participated directly in public
life.
In a Mizo family in the past, a woman had no right either in a family or society. As a matter of fact, she belonged in
body and mind, from her birth till her death, to her father and brother and to her husband after her marriage. The woman
possessed nothing even though she did most of the work within and outside the house. The following sayings, among
many others, clearly testify the inferior status of Mizo woman in the past: (1) the wisdom of woman does not extend
beyond the bank of a river; (2) woman (wife) and old fencing can be replaced any time; (3) let a woman and a dog bark
as they like; (4) woman and crab have no religion; etc. Unlike the male child, by custom and convention, a Mizo woman
had no inheritance right or share in the property of her father. The Mizo customary laws were also male-biased and did
not at all protect woman's interests. The Mizo woman had no freedom to choose her future partner which was entirely in
the hands of her parents.
Two customary practices which inevitably accompanied her marriage were bride-price (mo man) and dowry (thuam)
which tended to treat woman as a sort of commodity. In the past, the dowry consisted of any one or more of the
following: at least three strings of thival beads; at least one string of thifen beads; and at least one string of old amber
beads, etc., plus household belongings commonly used by woman.
Another biasness of Mizo customary law was that a woman could commit adultery either while her husband was alive
or even after the death of her husband. If she committed adultery while her husband was alive, the whole of the bride-
price paid must be returned to her husband who was also entitled to retain his wife's dowry. If she committed adultery
after her husband's death while living in her husband's house, she had to perform compulsorily three ceremonies such
as thlaichhiah, thlahual, mithi chaw pek.
Thlaichhiah is a sacrificial ceremony for a dead husband. Because it was once believed that the spirit of the slain
animal on the occasion might accompany the departed soul to the other world. Another inseparable ceremony is the
thlahual which was performed in general for those who grieved too much over their beloved ones in order to prevent their
thla (soul) from following the spirit of the deceased. But in this particular context, the woman's unfaithful behavior was
believed to have disturbed her husband's spirit and the ceremony was usually performed in order to quieten her
husband's spirit. It was a kind of expression of deep anguish over her immoral act. When this ceremony was performed,
the woman had to remain at her father's house at least three months.
During this period, she was to perform everyday another sacrifice called mithi chaw pek - a ceremony of putting aside
136
a portion of the food the woman was to eat at each meal for her dead husband. But the question here is: what happened
to the man with whom she committed the act of adultery? The Mizo custom was completely silent on this. Divorce was
also so easy. One had to simply say to his wife "I divorce you". Of course there were several ways of divorce in
traditional Mizo society (by simply returning the bride-price, by mutual agreement, etc). When divorced, a woman could
not claim ownership of the children.
With the coming of Christianity followed by modern education, the position of a Mizo woman had undergone
tremendous changes. In the beginning, Mizo parents refused to send their daughters to school, saying "who would work
if the girls were sent to school?"
A group of young Mizo men also told the lady missionaries that they did not want to have their girls educated for;
they said that women and girls were destined to do the household works. They further argued that women had no mind
and there was no point in trying to bother about their education. Despite this opposition, Mizo girls began to learn the
three R's including child care, home nursing, cooking, knitting, sanitation, etc. As a result, there was a great difference
in the facial expressions and outlook of educated women and those of uneducated womenfolk. Soon the Mizo young
men also began to prefer educated wives and the whole status of women became more respectable than before. The
value systems had also undergone sweeping changes. Traditional value systems were being replaced by modern and
western value systems. When political consciousness dawned upon the people from the forties of the 20th century,
women were no longer confined to the four walls of their kitchen.
Aware of their age-old inferior status and because of the impact of modern education, Mizo women have recently
formed the Mizo Hmeichhia Inzawmkhawm Pawl (MHIP) and its counterpart in Manipur- have been spearheading the
movement for the overall emancipation and welfare of womenfolk in Mizo society. Among others, the MHIP has been
trying to eradicate the commercialization of the bride-price; the dowry system; sexual exploitation of women of any
kind; and inequality between man and woman.
At the same time, it has also taken measures to uphold women's values and rights; to promote and bring about a
cosmopolitan outlook to the women in general and through various activities like seminars, workshops and conferences;
to impart instructions to rural women through demonstrations and lectures; to serve as a channel of communication for
the protection of women's interests; to sensitize women for eradication of social evils, economic exploitation and cheap
commercialism concerning women; to encourage women's participation in public life including politics; to promote
women's education and to take up their mental and moral welfare; and to raise funds through donation, subscription,
fees and other contributions from the members of the association, general public and financial institutions including
government.
Thanks to the two frontal women's organizations, Mizo women today are having a better place in the society.
Marriage is now a matter in which their opinion is sought first. Exploitation in the name of sex has greatly decreased.
Unlike in the past, there is no more social stigma on widow or divorced woman. Today a Mizo woman plays a very
significant role in all walks of life. A visit to market places reveals that almost all shops are run by women with their
neat, tip-top dresses and stylish hairdo like those of the Bold and the Beautiful ones. This picture is not different when
one goes to offices or educational institutions which usually have no fewer womenfolk than their male counterparts.
Socially and economically, woman has now an honored place in today's Mizo society. A Mizo woman is as free as her
male counterpart. She has now a due share in her parental or ancestral property and is even entitled to inherit her
father.
This is the general picture of a Mizo women's position today. But when we talk in terms of their political participation,
they are still much lagging behind of their male counterparts. Why is this so? On the whole, woman representation in
any political decision-making processes is abysmally low in the whole of Asia and else where. In a very developed
country like Japan, the percentage of woman representation in the national diet is only 2.3 percent and the highest is
in Finland where proportional representation of woman stands at 38.5 percent. Development and modernization are
expected to accelerate social and policy reforms regarding the status of woman.
It is also theorized that social and economic changes combined with modernization should help a woman overcome
many of the social barriers which are engrained in the patriarchal culture of Mizo society. There are attempts for
empowerment of women through legislative reforms. But in so far as the election scenario both at the level of the village
council and assembly is concerned, women's participation in political decision-making is still a far cry away. Why is this
so? As it has been pointed out before, Mizo society is basically a patriarchal society which encourages hyper-
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muscularity in all its social, economic and political functions while at the same time, pushing hyper-femininity at the
bottom of the society. In spite of their high literacy and competence as civil officers both in the state and central
services, their political role has yet to assume noticeable significance.
In the final analysis, overall democratization of Mizo's socio-economic and political structures can be expected to
promote women's empowerment and emancipation. This will mean clear-cut reservation of electoral seats right from the
grassroots level as it has been implemented in the panchayati raj institutions where even a fixed quota of pradhan
(chairperson) in gram panchayats and adhyakshas (Chairpersons) in Zilla Parishads are reserved for elected women.
The enhanced political representation will again enable them to enhance their political power so that they can have
more equitable share in decision-making for their society. Given this political power, women even within the patriarchal
cultural domination, will be able to exercise their political rights for more fulfilling and rewarding roles in the society.
Women's empowerment has become a global issue and the question of the Mizo woman's political empowerment
need to be considered in the context of what is being done and implemented in East Asia and South-east Asian regions.
Everything said and done, only democratization and empowerment can provide a Mizo woman an avenue through which
she can continue her long journey towards her total emancipation. To be more specific, two political mechanisms may
be considered in this regard: increased proportional representation of woman in all elected bodies and fixation of a
certain quota of offices therein; and the increased political activities by autonomous women's bodies. Then and then
only, she can be in policy-making elites and decide for the overall improvement of women's status.
.....................................................................................................
Note: This paper: Status of Mizo Women was written by Prof. Dr. Lal Dena, Department of History, Manipur University, Imphal, on the
occasion of the Mizos Women Day two years ago and was published locally in Mizoram. (Source: The Sangai Express & www.zoin.net)
_________________________________________________
17.11.2 PAITE WOMEN IN THE CHANGING POWER STRUCTURE
A case study of Churachandpur
By: Dr Rita Mairembam
Churachandpur district, situated in the South Western part of the state, is the largest district covering an area of 4,570
sq. kms. The district is composed of 15 different communities such as Hmar, Paite, Thadou, Vaiphei, Zou etc with a
population of 2,23,609, according to the 2001 census. Out of this, the female population is 1,13,967.
From the early history of Manipur we found that women were not confined within the four walls. They were free to
move outside the house. Paite women are hard working. Women not only perform household duties, they contribute a
lot in the maintenance of the family economy. Besides household activities they participate actively in Jhum cultivation.
They are engaged in weaving, collecting firewood. In a word we can say what not they have contributed. But what credit
do they get? Do they have any say in taking major decision for the family and state as a whole? A woman possess
nothing though she did most of the work. Their work is not considered as income generating works. In Paite society a
woman is regarded as subordinate and inferior to a man in the estimation, concept and treatment of the male members.
Why do women become subordinate to men?
Ethnic Dresses of Paite Woman
There are many factors responsible for it. Traditional norms and beliefs placed women in a subordinate and inferior
position in the family and society. But the most important factors for making women subordinate are economic
dependance and non-participation in the decision making. The Paite society is a patriarchal society and so it is male-
oriented and male-dominated society. The society generally based on patriarchal values considers women only as
subordinates, not as equals. Moreover they are strictly bound by customary laws. Paite women have no right to
participate in the village administration, nor do they have the right to participate in the Indongta (family council). They
also have no right to inherit parental property. But with the passage of time there have been some changes in the
power structure of the tribal society. Some of the changes can be studied in two aspects i.e. inheritance of property
and administrative system. Inheritance of Property: In a patriarchal society generally the right of inheritance of
property goes to the father-line (male-line). There are two types of succession and inheritance of parental property in
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the traditional Paite society, Primogeniture and Ultimogeniture.
According to Primogeniture, the eldest son has the sole right to inherit the property and according to Ultimogeniture,
the youngest son inherits the property. Even an illegitimate son can inherit his fathers property in case there is no
other male issue of the father. But a daughter is not allowed to inherit the parental property. The only occasion she can
get some of her fathers property is in her marriage. At the time of marriage she is given puanpui/puanbu (a thick cotton
mattress), tools (spade, a traditional agricultural implement), Lalpi (a basket made of cane with cover) and Slambu (tool
for weeding) etc. Besides, the daughter of a well-to-do family gets various kinds of things as Moutam (things to be
distributed among her husbands relatives). But now they are given many items like cot, almirah, utensils, television etc
and even house and land by well to do families. Moreover, women started inheriting parental properties. e.g. Smt. Kim
(not real name) of Salem Veng, inherited her parental properties. But she faced lots of objection from her relatives.
Finally she entered into a negotiation with her relatives to find an amicable solution.
The reason for getting this right might be due to the introduction of the Manipur Land Revenue (MLR) and Land
Reform (LR) Act, 1960 which was extended to 89 villages out of 225 villages in Churachandpur district. According to
MLR and LR Act, 1960 every person who at the time of commencement of the act, holds only land from the Government
for agricultural purposes, whether as a settlement holder on as a pattadar, his successor-in-interest, shall subject to the
provisions of sub-section (2) of section 99 became the owner there of as and from such commencements. Before the
MLR & LR Act, 1960 was introduced in the hill areas the traditional land holding system was based on the principle of
community ownership under the custodianship of the chief and was also based on customary laws of the village
community. Therefore it might not be possible to give immovable property to daughters who left the parental house after
marriage. Now the system of land ownership has been transferred from community to individual in these 89 villages of
Churachandpur district. Women have the right to inherit the property of her husband after the death of the husband. But
Smt Lucy (not real name) faced lots of objection from the relatives of her husband as she has no son though she
inherited all her husbands property. She now decided to distribute her property among her daughters since the property
is in her name ( i,e Pattadar) under the MLR & LR Act, 1960.
Those women who inherit properties are not aware of their legal rights. They inherit with an understanding and
negotiation. In fact, if there is any objection from any person they can go to the law court and fight for their rights. But
it is possible only to those areas where MLR & LR act is in force i,e Pattaland. Thus there is a change from the
traditional laws of inheritance and gives an opportunity to women.
Administration
Paite administration system is authoritarian. The hill chief is the authority or head of the village and his position is
hereditary. The chief is assisted by a Village Council consisting of people appointed or nominated by the chief. No
woman is allowed in the family council i.e. Indong-ta and council of members of the village. If the chief has no male
issue the nearest male kin will succeed him. Thus women have no right to participate in the village administration. In the
hill administrative system there are many changes. After Indian independence, an act for the administration of the hill
areas, called the Manipur State Hill Peoples (Administration) Regulation Act 1947 was introduced. The act provided for
the establishment and regulation of village authorities in the hill areas. The Village Authority consisted of a Khullakpa
(Hill chief), one representative from each clan and the village elders. The Hill Peoples Regulation Act, 1947 also
envisaged a higher authority called the Circle Authority. A Circle Authority consisted of a circle officer and a council of
five members elected by the village authority in the circle.
The Parliament passed another Act called the Manipur Village Authorities (Hill Areas) Act, 1956. The members were
elected on the basis of adult franchise initiating peoples representation and thus introduced the democratic system of
election. This act imposed certain limitations on the power and function of the hill chiefs that led towards the
transformation of authoritarian system to democratic system. The Manipur Hill Areas Acquisition of Chiefs Rights Act,
1967 made an attempt to abolish the chieftainship in the hill areas by paying compensation but the chieftainship still
continues with all its rights and privileges.
In 1973 the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council Act, 1971 was implemented and according to the act the hill areas of
Manipur were divided into six autonomous districts with a District Council in each. Each District Council consisted of 18
elected members and 2 no-minated members. But in the changing scenario none of the women ever participated.
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However, as the population has grown four folds in the district headquarters of Churachandpur, the Govt of Manipur
declared the village 29 a notified areas under the order no. 24/56(s) 59-(NA) of 26/4161 covering an area of 1.83 sq km
and in fulfilment of the criteria adopted in the 1961 census, Churachandpur became an urban place.
Thus small town committee was also extended in the area and elections were held in 1978. In the Small Town
Committee election one woman called Smt. Vanlalengi was the nominated member. Nevertheless womens participation
in the process of administration has been thoroughly low. With the increase in the size of the population and the size
of the town as well, the administration of the town managed by Small Town Committee was found inadequate and the
Government of Manipur declared Municipal Act, 1976 on the town and upgraded Churachandpur to Municipality in 1980.
But the town area has been under the Jurisdiction of the Autonomous District Councils (in Manipur Hills) Act 1971.
Therefore there was controversies over this. The introduction of Municipality Act, 1976 on the town was strongly
debated and because of the controversies the first Municipal election, 1983 was boycotted by the town dwellers. As a
result the government considering all the problems and difficulties and with the recommendation of Hill Area Committee,
withdrew the act from the town on 1st March 1988.
The assets & liabilities of Municipality were transferred to the Churachandpur Autonomous District Council. But there
are no proper provisions for the maintenance of town administration in the present District Council. Thus, at the
grassroots level of the village administration women got no chance to participate but very surprisingly in the Assembly
and Parliamentary elections Paite and non-Paite women contested election and even got elected and participated in the
political process. Some of those who contested the assembly elections are T. Kholly, Lhingjaneng, Manleinuing, Hathoi,
T. Ngaizanem etc. In the 1998 parliamentary election Kim Gangte was elected. The reason for non-participation of
women in the village administration may be the hangover of the customary laws of the society.
The 73rd & 74th Amendment, 1992 & 1993 did not extend to the hill areas of Manipur which could have given an
opportunity to join the decision making process at the grass root level since 1/3rd of the total seats are kept reserved
for women in the local bodies. It may be concluded that with the changing trend from authoritarian to democratic system
of administration and with the introduction of the MLR & LR Act, 1960 there is a great change in the power structure of
the traditional tribal society.
The absolute power of the hill chief degraded considerably in the Churachandpur town area. Because of this
transformation, there are changes in the position and role of the women who had otherwise a subordinate position. Still
they are left far behind compared to other general women. The reason may be lack of education, lack of political
consciousness and lack of awareness of individual and legal rights etc. Therefore, to improve the status of women,
education should be given to women and it is necessary to make them aware of their rights.
It is also necessary to modify the customary laws. Social legislation can do nothing to change a society in which
traditional customs and taboos are deep-rooted.
...........................................................................................
Note: Dr Rita Mairembam wrote this article for The Sangai Express . This article was webcasted on September 21st, 2007
(http://www.siamsinpawlpi.org)
______________________________________________
17.12 SOCIAL LIFE AND CIVIC WORKS
17.12.1 THE ZAWLBUK INSTITUTION
(Adjusted from Lalkima, pp. 15-16 and some other sources)
An important ancient social feature among the Mizos until the early 1900s was the tradition of building a
house called Zawlbuk. Zawlbuk is a Mizo word meaning a big house, occupying a central position in a village and
usually near the house of the village chief. Unlike other houses, it had a typical look with a humped roof. It
accomodated all the bachelors of the village at night and it served as a meeting place for elderly men
during daytime when all the young men were out for work. No woman was allowed to visit a Zawlbuk and
women were not allowed to participate even in the construction, which was done on voluntary basis. It was
exclusively meant for the men folk. Every village had a Zawlbuk and it had drinking water for its members.
Food was never served in it to guests or travellers who would spend the night in it. In the centre of a
Zawlbuk, there was a big fireplace to give light and warmth during the night. Young boys of the village were
140
given the responsibility of collecting firewood for it. Each boy would do this until he reached the age of
puberty. These young boys at this stage were called Thingnawi fawn or literally the firewood collecting
boys. If a boy failed to bring a bunch of firewood for the Zawlbuk without prior permission of the the monitor
or a youth leader who was called Val Upa, he could be punished.
The young boys were thus trained to be aware of their soical and community obligations. It was the first
step of social control and it served as a good system for disciplining the young boys. Zawlbuk served multi-
purposes for the village. The village young men organised and planned their own recreational activities in
the Zawlbuk. They were given the necessary training to learn social customs and traditions of the
community, and so on. No member of the Zawlbuk should violate the established social norms of behaviour
and conduct. In short, The Zawlbuk system had a strong impact on the Mizo society in maintaining social
order and it was a source of strength in times of crises. However, due to the new form of modern
administration introduced by the British and the arrival of Christianity this ancient tradition was gradually
dying out in the early 1900s.
Most of the Tedim-related tribes did not have this Zawlbuk tradition, but they had had and still have in
several villages a house called Sawm or Sawm-Inn(Sawm House). In ancient times it was the house of the
high priest, but in modern times it usually is a big house owned by a friendly and generous family who put
their house for this purpose. It is a gathering place for young men and young women on social or religious
occasions. They may also sleep in such a house every now and then. In the Haka and Falam areas young
bachelors may sleep in the house of a beautiful girl. When a boy is in love with a girl, he may invite his
friends to sleep with him in her house. Young bachelors spend their leisure times at such a house.
17.12.2 TLAWMNGAIHNA
The discussion on Zawlbuk in the Mizo society would not be complete if the philosophy of Tlawmngaihna is not
highlighted. It is a Mizo word. Mr. N.E. Parry, former Superintendent of the Mizo Hills District, commented in 1927 that it
is a moral code enforced upon the society by public opinion. Also Major A.G. MacCall, also a former Superintendent of
the Mizo Hills District, wrote in his book, Lushai Chrysallis in 1947, A system of community obligation existed under the
term Tlawmngaihna, implying public service. Crops of the sick would be tended by the strong, the chiefs land would be
given to rebuild houses accidentally burned down, warriors would volunteer when asked for, hunters would share their
kills with the needy, etc. Children of the Mizo society were taught Tlawmngaihna from their childhood. They would
receive perpetual traing from their elders at Zawlbuk.
Before the British arrived in the hills, for all practical purposes, the village and the clan formed units of Mizo society.
Tlawmngaihna to a Mizo stands for that compelling moral force which finds expression in self-sacrifice for the service of
others. The traditional community spirit of Hlawmngaihna therefore is an invaluable stabilizing force in times of sorrow
and need. The fabric of social life in the Mizo society, however, has undergone tremendous changes over the last
several decades that the perception and practice of this social ethic alone in several instances is no more sufficient.
The following is an extra information piece on these topics which I myself have excerpted from Keivoms article on
the Zawlbuk Institution and Tlawmngaina under the title of Tlawmngaina Reinterpreted.
Like piengtharna (born-again), tlawmngaina is a word most spoken as the guiding principle of our social life
and behavior. An adult amongst us who does not know or practise at least some semblance of tlawmngaina
is considered a pariah from some unknown dark planet. But while piengtharna, whether the fake, the acting,
the-not-so fake, the real, the real-real-real is to a large extent definable, tlawmngaina, like light, is not easy
to define. The absence of light to a great extent explains the character of light which is the opposite of
darkness. But that hardly explains what light is and its different characteristics. Tlawmngaina also has many
hues and shades. Being timeless, it manifests itself in different forms at different times but its essence, which
is universal like truth, remains the same. Light remains light whatever color it takes. So is tlawmngaina.
In simple language, tlawmngaina is a social code of conduct which postulates every young and old to show
voluntarily good and beneficial deeds in their dealings with individuals and the society without expecting
141
anything in return. It is a selfless service towards others which every individual is expected to render in action
in day to day living. It is not a religious concept as being tlawmngai is of no consequence in religious matter. It
is not an enabling factor or a ticket for entry into pielral (paradise). In fact, unlike Christianity, religion and
morality has little or no relation in traditional beliefs. This is another topic worth studying in order to understand
the subtle distinction between culture and religion in our traditional beliefs and in our new-found religion where
there is a tendency to confuse traditional tlawmngaina with the Christian concept of hmangaina (agape).
Action-oriented concept
Our forefathers did not leave us behind the definition of tlawmngaina in words. As demanded by their res-
pective given social context, they demonstrated what they considered as tlawmngaina in action, of which we
have endless accounts. Tlawmngaina, like faith (piengtharna), is meaningless unless accompanied by action.
A piengthar is to show his or her piengtharna by action. Otherwise, the claim of being born anew from heaven
is rendered a sham. Who is the judge then? In piengtharna, it is assumed that God and not man is the judge.
In tlawmngaina, it is the public recognition of a social deed manifested in a recognizable action. Therefore,
there is a big room for pretension in the former and less room in the latter.
A magic key to survival
Why did our ancestors attach tlawmngaina a predominant place in our society? How did the concept of
tlawmngaina evolve? I believe tlawmngaina once held a magic key to our very survival. Our ancestors lived in
hostile jungle infested with dangerous animals, poisonous snakes, blood-sucking insects and deadly disease
of all kinds. Tribal wars and raids were also not unknown. They moved from one hill to another in small batches
in search of food and shelter, changing their settlement every three years on an average. No one could
survive alone in such hostile Hobbesian state of nature where life is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short
(Leviathan ch.XIII). In order for the community to survive, they had no alternative but to support and help
each other in every possible way. The idea of selfless service without expecting a return was perhaps born
out of this precarious existence. Popular adages like Dam leh tlang khatah, thi leh ruom khatah (Live
together, die together) and Sem sem, dam dam, ei bil, thi thi (If shared together, we survive, if shared alone,
we perish) came out of this jungle furnace. We are perhaps surviving this far thanks to tlawmngaina spirit.
Tlawmngaina & Zawlbuk
Tlawmngaina has been associated with the institution of Zawlbuk (Bachelors Dormitory or Quarters) and some
writers even claimed that zawlbuk was the cradle of tlawmngaina. This assertion is partly true and partly false.
The first zawlbuk we knew came up at Selesih (c. 1740-50) where seven or eight Sailo chiefs jointly
established a confederated city-state with 7000 households. The driving force that united them was survival
from the impending onslaught of Pawi (Lai) warlords from the east. Each of the confederated village had a
Bachelors Quarter (zawlbuk) where all the young men slept so that they could be quickly mustered in case of
emergency or enemys raids. Zawlbuk gradually became a place where the young boys learnt the art of warfare
and cultivated the virtues of tlawmngaina. In this way, zawlbuk played a big role in nurturing and inculcating
the spirit of tlawmngaina in the mind of the young people.
However, it is not true to claim that zawlbuk was the cradle of tlawmngaina. History tells us that except in
villages ruled by the Lusei chiefs and the thirteen villages in and around North Vanlaiphai ruled by the Fanai
(Pawi) chiefs, no village of the Zo descent (Zo hnathlak) in and around Mizoram had zawlbuk. But tlawmngaina
had been all through a guiding spirit in more than 60 per cent of our world (Zoram khawvel) where there was no
zawlbuk at all. For example, except those living under Lusei chiefs, no Hmar descent, also known as Old
Kukis, ever had zawlbuk. But they know what tlawmngaina is and practise it to the hilt in their day to day
living. Therefore, to claim that zawlbuk and tlawmngaina are two sides of the coin is a misplaced logic
applicable only to those in Mizoram who once lived under the rule of the Lusei and Fanai chiefs.
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.......................................
Tlawmngaina Reinterpreted - By L.Keivom
Last Updated on Friday, 19 November 2010 00:10 Sunday, 07 November 2010 23:57
Written by L.Keivom
(October 29, 2010 Delhi)
Courtesy: hmarram.com or
http://keivom.blogspot.com/2010/10/tlawmngaina-reinterpreted.html
...............................................
17.12.3 YOUNG MIZO ASSOCIATION(YMA)
Under the guidance of two Welsh Presbyterian missionaries, Rev. David Edwards and Miss K. Hughes,
the Young Lushai Association(YLA) was founded in 1935 after the model of Young Mens Christian
Association(YMCA) in England. However, as the members soon realized that YLA stood only for a single Zo
tribe, namely the Lushais, the name was changed to Young Mizo Association(YMA) in October 1947, in
order to encompass all Zo tribes. The first office bearers of the YLA for 1935-36 were as follows: Rev. L.
Evans(President); Miss K. Hughes(Vice President); Rev. David Edwards(Treasurer), and the secretaries
were Pu Pasena and Pu Vankhuma.

The aims of it were:
1. To make best use of leisure times.
2. To strive for all-round development of Zoram, and
3. To promote good Christian way of life.
Since its founding, the YMA members have been very active in various social works in the land until
today. Although its original and present aims were and are solely for social works, its political influenc
among the Mizo population inside Mizoram is very strong that all political parties in Mizoram dare not ignore
it. Here are some of its many activities: when someone dies in a family, the YMA members will act as
messengers bringing the news to his relatives and friends near and far; console the bereaved family by
singing songs and sleeping for several weeks in the house of the bereaved; digging the grave and carrying
the dead to his burial site; at every funeral service the youths would undertake enthusiastically and
voluntarily all the necessary works from the time a person dies until his remains have been buried; and if a
dead body or a sick person has to be carried through some or several villages, young people in every
village, who are members of this association or influenced by its civic codes, would immediately undertake
the task of carrying the dead or the sick to the next village regardless of the time of the day and the
distance. They would even compete each other to have a chance to carry it. The Mizo youths inside Burma
are also well-organized in the same spirit and have been performing similar social works.(Note: By the way,
the Burmans, unlike the Zos, do not allow any stranger dead body to be carried in or through their villages
out of superstition. They believe it could bring them misfortunes. tzd)

17.13 NEW ZO SETTLEMENTS OUTSIDE EAST ZORAM(CHIN STATE)

There is an unusual thing with all the new Zo settlements in both Burma and India that could probably
be interesting for outside observers, because other ethnic groups in their neighbouring regions do not have
this tradition. These new Zo settlements(about 200 villages ranging from 30 to 800 houses per village) in
the Kale-Kabaw - and Gangaw valleys in Sagaing and Magway Divisions respectively since the 1920s
have been using systematic village planning - i.e. straight and wide roads(even the narrowest road is wide
143
enough for two bullock carts to pass through freely - that means circa 3.5 metres) criss-crossing equally-
proportionated residential blocks in every village. The idea was not imposed upon them by any outside
experts or authorities; it was their own idea.*
18.0 RELIGION
18.1 Ancient Religious Beliefs of the Chins
The Chin is often described as a devil-worshipper. This is incorrect for he worships neither god nor
devil. The northerners believe that there is no Supreme Being and, although the southern Chins admit
that there is a Supreme God or Kozin[Khuazing] to whom they sacrifice, they do not worship him
and never look to him for any grace or mercy, except that of withholding the plagues and misfortunes
which he is capable of invoking on any in this world who offend him. The Hakas and southerners
believe that there is a God, who lives in the heavens. He is not capable of showering blessing on them,
but as he is able to trouble them in every conceivable manner they propitiate him with sacrifices. The
Siyins say that there is no Supreme God and no other world save this, which is full of evil spirits who
inhabit the fields, infest the houses, and haunt the jungles. These spirits must be propitiated or bribed
to refrain from doing the particular harm of which each is capable, for one can destroy crops, another
can make women barren, and a third cause a lizard to enter the stomach and devour the bowels.
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 195-196)
Colonel Hanny identifies the Khyens[Chins] with the Nagas of Assam mountains. They must also be
closely allied to the Kookis. In Trants account of the Khyens, on the Aeng pass[a pass in the Arakan
Yoma], he mentions their worship of a divinity called Passine(Pasian); and Lieutenant Stewart, in his
notice of the new Kookis of nothern Kachar[Cachar], says that they recognize one all-powerful God
as the author of the universe, whom they term Puthen[Pathian].
(Trants Two Years in Ava and Jour. Asiatic Society Be. 1855, p. 628). Vum Ko Hau, p. 301)
18.2 THE RELIGION OF LAIPIAN PAU CIN HAU
A social and religious movement among the Chins sometime in 1890s was popularly known as the Pau
Cin Hau Movement after the name of the leader, Pau Cin Hau. He was also called Laipianpa, which
literally means inventor or creator of writing because he invented a script which he claimed to have
learned in one of his visions.
In ancient times the Chins spent most of their times in fighting and hunting, they vied one another to
excel in these activities. Life was hard and precarious. There were constant wars between tribes. Femines,
epidemics, diseases and misfortunes were common. All these were believed to be caused by evil spirits
called dawi. These dawis were believed to dwell at different parts of a mans dwellings, springs, treks, rocks,
rivers, lakes, mountains and so on. If any misfortune, such as illness, ominous dreams, etc. occurred the
affected person offered animals ranging from a chicken to a mithun or a baffalo to appropriate the dawi or
dawis. While people lived such a hard and hazardous life filled with fear of war and evil spirit, there
appeared in Chinland during the last decade of the 19th century three important events, namely the Pau
Cin Haus Movement, the British invasion, and the arrival of Christianity.
________________________________________________________
* Note: Some years ago(probably in the mid 2000s) I encountered with a couple of Europeans who wondered if the village planning mentioned here
could have in fact been done at the suggestion of or under the guidance of some Western Christian missionaries stationed there. Several
new Chin settlements had already taken place long before they became Christian. So far as I know missionaries did not have any
programme to uplift or change the economic situation or ways of life of the ones they had converted to Christianity. Author
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Pau Cin Hau was of the Sukte clan and was one of the eight sons(and two daughters) of Khan Lian and
Ciang Zam. The following are some excerpts from an article by Mr. S. Ngin Suanh:
Pau Cin Hau was born in 1859 at Khan Lians residence which was situated at the east end of the Military
Football Field of modern Tiddim(see Map 5). Pau Cin Hau was brought up as an ordinary normal child according
to the traditional patterns of life. He attended his fathers mythuns and goats in the grazing of Tiddim, namely
at Vansangdim, Lawibual, Mualtuk and sometimes farther away at Thuam(Kennedy Peak). He freely associated
with his boyhood friends such as Cin Kam, Hau Cin Khup who later became Chief of the Kam Hau tribe...
When he was old enough, he was sent to Mualbeem[see MAP 5] by his parents, according to the practice
of those days, to learn the tactics of war and to be able to speak the language of Teizang; in those days
the enemies did not dare to kill a captive who spoke the royal languague of Teizang. When he returned from
Mualbeem he helped his father in the common and normal occupation of all people, that is cultivation...When
he was living a normal and healthy life he was involved in a prophecy concerning the destruction of Tiddim,
which was at the Zenith of its power. Pasian(God) commanded him to speak out, but nobody believed him,
and he composed the following song:
Thang van a zal Sian za mang aw,
Tongdam khaak heem in zang e.
Pupa pat lo khua van nuai-ah,
Sian tong dam sin thu hi e.
(Thou God of gods, reigning on heigh,
I heard a hint-Thy word.
Unheard, unknown in days of yore,
Gods word prevails through all the land.)
Sometime later the British began their campaigns to annex the Chin Hills. The Chins made a brave
stand against the invaders, but had to give into superior force. They advanced into the Chin Hills, and
captured and burned Tiddim. Its population scattered in all directions. Khan Lian and his family fled to
Lailui about six miles north of Tiddim(see MAP 5). At Lailui Pau Cin Hau continued to receive revelations
from Pasian, but as nobody believed him, he became ill and remained invalid for fifteen years. During his
long illness he had communications from Pasian in the form of visions and dreams. Paucinhau had
many visions dreams, of which the following are some selected samplings:
Vision of Heaven
On a plains were gathered a multitude of people, rich and poor, great and small. I went to the place
where these people gethered, and I saw a rope hanging down from heaven above the multitude. Many
people competed to climb up the hanging rope but no one was able to do so. When many people had
failed, I prayed to Pasian and climbed up the rope, and I was ble to climb it. As I climbed up the rope, I
found there were thirty layers of heaven, and I saw the abode of Pasian. Then I climbed down again to my
startingplace. Again I saw a rope hanging down to the underworld. I climbed down the rope and there
were forty layers of the world. I then climbed up the rope to my starting place. Then I wound up the
rope and coiled it beside me, and the coil was twice my height. Concerning this vision Pau Cin Hau
composed this song:
Zan ciang zal mang thangvan tuang va tung veang e,
Za lun sum tual lum sang e.
Banzal lim sun, sei no gual aw,
Meelmuh pian in dang sang e.
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(To heaven I went in vision clear,
And saw Gods home, how glorious!
With hands I shade my eyes from dazzling light:
The sight, oh friends, how wonderful!)
Vision of Pasians Command
On a very wide plain there gathered a huge multitude of people. Then Pasian appeared from above in a
dazzling rainbow-haloed light. He was riding about wherever He pleased on something shining and sparkling
like the sun. Then I cried to the multitude, Behold Pasian, Let us all follow His command. However, no one
dared to look up at Him but looked down at the ground with down-cast eyes. Then Pasian called to me:
Paucinhau, the life of you, human beings, is not even comparable to that of the worm. But if you follow My
holy commands you will be able to fly. Unless you obey My commands, heaven and earth will convulse you
into two or three lumps. Those who disobey me, I will punish. After these words He ordered: Worship me!.
How should we worship Thee? I asked, and He replied: Worship me saying this:
Pasian, the Creator of heaven and earth, sun and moon;
Pasian, the Creator of men and animals;
Pasian, the Healere fo the sick.
Paucinhau composed this song:
Tung thangvan ah, a sang sawn ah,
Sian zua pa meel in mung e.
Sim lei leh thangvan kal ah e,
A bawl lo mi om lo e.
(I saw in heavn, in higest heavn,
The face of Father Pasian.
Betweem heaven and earth below,
Theres none he had not made.)
Vision of Pasians Command to abolish dawi sacrifices
Once in a vision Pasian appeared to me and commanded: Paucinhau, starting from now until eight years
are completed, abstain from taking the life of living things from the smallest ants and flies, rats and birds,
to the biggest beasts. As Pasian commanded I scrupulously abstained from taking the life of any living
thing for eight years. When the eight years were completed Pasian again commanded me: Paucinhau, we
have now completely fullfiled our promise with the dawis, and we have overcome them; for during these
eight years we have successfully abstained from taking life, whereas they have been persecuting and
killing human beings. Therefore, from this day on which I command you, you must cease to sacrifice meat
and drinks to the dawis.
From that day on, sacrifices of meat and drinks to the dawis(ancestral spirit) and to the lesser dawis, were abolished.
Sian mang in tongdam hong khak e,
Zin tawh na khen in ci e.
Pupa khan a lung a gimna,
Sian in leen puan bang paai e.
(Almighty Pasian, He sent me word,
Be set apart from dawi!
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The bane of man from ancient times,
Pasian now casts off like rag.)
18.2.1 INVENTION OF WRITING
During my fifteen years of illness at Lailui, I once had a vision of Pasian coming down from heaven and
commanded me:Paucinhau, learn lai- (i.e. reading and writing)!. And Pasian held a book in his hand.
Pasian then took some pebbles, and He put them together and separated them again in turn, in a certain
fashion. Pasian then asked me, Can you do like this? and I answered, I can. Then I did as He had done,
and I was able to do so. When I could do as He had done, He gave me a book. After this vision there
arose in my mind a great desire to learn how to write. This desire occupied my mind day and night, and I
was contemplating about it continually. Finally, a system of sounds spontaneously flowed, as if it were,
out of my mind, and I formed a symbol to represent each sound as I thought fit. And thus my writing
came into being.
There are 1,051 basic characters, each representing a sound. To each basic character may be added two
to five additional marks to represent long and short, ascending and descending sounds. These additional
marks are called dawng tawi na. In this way, he symbolized all the sounds and words ofthe language, and
people learned them easily and well. All these sounds were arranged into mnemonic poetic lines. These
lines were in turn grouped into six divisions called books or grades. A student could write anything and
everything in the language when he had learned all the lines in the six grades, namely[see APPENDIX H-1]:
(1) I Bu(168 words)
(2) Min Bu(171 words)
(3) Dongleng Bu(156 words)
(4) Lunsia Bu(246 words)
(5) Thatuk Bu(146 words)
(6) Thuamzong Bu(164 words)
Many people liked this invention and they quickly and easily learned it. Paucinhau himself used it to
record his visions, dreams and teachings. He used it widely for exorcism. Whereas people before used
to record their achievements on monuments in basrelief, now they used Paucinhaus writing on their
monuments. This system of writing was good enough for those earlier days but later his son Sian Khaw
Cin, and nephews Thang Cin Kham, Cin Khaw Gin and Pau Za Dong improved it in 1930 and reduced the
whole system to 37-alphabetical characters in order to facilitate typwriting and printing. This revised
system, though not so widely used as the original, was a great advance on the old one. The system of
spelling was very easy as the longest word could be spellt with only four letters.(See APPENDIX H -1 & H-2)
His Public Ministry
During this fifteen-year of illness, he was first treated according to the old religion. The whole series of
sacrifices were offered to all known dawis. But he could not regain his health. Finally he renounced the
old religion and resorted to prayer as Pasian commanded, and he was healed at once. People were greatly
surprised at his sudden healing. Other invalids asked him how he got well. For these other invalids he prayed
as he did for himself, and they also became well again, namely Khai Za Deng, Vum Khaw Thang, Hen Dam
and Lian Zuan. And they became his first followers. They were very zealous about Paucinhaus teaching
as Pasian commanded him, and they also eagerly learned the newly invented writing. All these happened
at Lailui...His renouncing and departure from the age-old fear of and sacrifices to dawis was so uniquely
new that people at first laughed and scorned at him and ridiculed his doctrine. Inspite of these he refused
to give up his new religion. People, including his own relatives, persecuted him. He abolished the practice
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of sacrifices to dawis which was the main cause of poverty among the Chins in olden days. His followers
were freed from fear of evil spirits. He abolished the old-time practice of the postponement of funerals for
several days, even months and years. He also abolished other extravagant festivals. However, he did
neither abolish nor condemn all the traditional customs and practices. He retained and preserved, or modified
some cultural festivals, songs and dances.
His following crossed the barriers of tribe and territory, and spread outside Chin Hills to as far as Lushai
Hills and Manipur at the beginning of this century. The number of his followers at one time was estimated to
be around 150,000. He died on December 28, 1948 at Mualbeem. (Source: Brief History of Laipian Paucinhau
and His Religion by S. Ngin Suan. Chin Literature and Cultural Sub-CommiteeMagazine(1968/1969),
pp. 122-130. Rangoon, Burma.)
To sum up the influence of the Pau Cin Hau Movement upon the Chins as a whole, Im quoting the
following passages from the Thirty-third Annual Report of the British and Foreign Bible Society(Burma
Agency), 1932, under the caption, Religious Movements(pp. 8-9):
... amongst the socalled backward races there are distinct signs of movement away from their ancestral
animism towards higher and purer faiths. The most promising of these among the people of the Chin Hills
where a religious reformer has arisen who by his condemnation of the drunkenness and restriction of animal
sacrifices and his worship of one Creator God seems to be drawing near to genuine Christian ideals. His
followers, numbering thousands, are found among almost all the clans of the Chin race and there can be little
doubt that with sympathetic and wise leadership this indigenous and spontaneous quest after higher things
can be turned into a definite movement towards Christianity. At the urgent requestof the leader, the Bible
Society has published a small edition of the Sermon on the Mountain in a character(somewhat modified
after consultation with the Agency) which he claims to have received in a dream by Divine Revelation and
which, it is stated, exactly fits the pronunciation of all the Chin dialects.
18.2.2 THE LAIPIAN HIERARCHY
1. Laipian (Script Creator)
"Laipian" is a unique position held by Pu Tg. Pau Cin Hau, not to be taken up by any other person.
2. Laimang (Script King; Professor)
"Laimang" is the second highest rank in the Laipian hierarchy, but the highest rank one can hold, because "Laipian"
cannot be held by any other person than Pu Tg. Pau Cin Hau himself. Only one person can hold this Laimang position
at a time. He is the vicarious leader of the Laipian Religion. Pu Tg. Lian Vungh (Mualbeem), second son of Pu Tg. Pau
Cin Hau, held that position. I do not know who the present Laimang is.
3. Laito (Script Lord; Script Master)
This is the third ranking position, held by Pu Tg. Vum Khaw Thang (Lailui), a contemporary of Pu Tg. Pau Cin Hau, and
later left vacant after his death. Recently Pu Tg. Ngin Suanh (Suangpi), who was a very faithful and diligent Lai-at for
many years, was promoted to this office. There is only one Laito at present, although I assume that there can be more
than one.
4. Lai-at (Script Writer)
The fourth ranking position, it was held by Pu Tg. Ngin Suanh for many years. I do not know whether somebody else
was appointed to this post after he was promoted to Laito.
5. Khawk Laisang (Circuit Script Receiver)
A position created later for practical purposes, Khawk Laisang is one who supervises several Laisangs in his
jusrisdiction.
6. Laisang (Script Receiver; Pastor)
This is the lowest rank in the hierarchy. A Laisang leads a local congregation, called Sang (School), in a village, or a
ward (in a town).
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=====
Note 1: The designations in English are my own creation. They are not official. by Taang Zomi
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/zomikhangthak 20.08.2005
Note 2: Pau Cin Haus script has completely no similarities with all other writings in the whole region - that is, Assamese,
Bengali, Burmese, Manipuri, etc. tzd
- See also marked passages on pages 29 and 30 of APPENDIX V.
- See TABLES 18 & 18/A for his Genealogical Tree.

18.3. CHRISTIANIZATION IN CHINLAND(EAST ZORAM)

18.3.1 Introduction
Until Christian missionaries from the West came the Chins were overwhelmingly Animist. However, as it has
been mentioned earlier some tribes had had believed in a beneficent Creator(in Chin language:
Pathian/Pathen/Pasian, which literary means Father Holy(Pa=father, and Thian= holy. Thian comes
from thiang or Siang which mean clean or holy), long before Christian missionaries arrived. Some
tribes, though, did not have such a concept. Those who believed in the existence of a Supreme Being,
though, did not offer anything to him, because, as he is believed to be good its not necessary to offer him
anything(see Sakhongs dissertation and Zo History for more detail on this topic).
Nowadays, about 98 percent of the Chin States population is Chin and of which circa 80 percent is
Christian of various denominations(Roman Catholic Church, Baptist Church, Seventh Day Adventists,
Anglican Church, Assemblies of God, Presbyterian Church, Methodist Church, Jehovahs Witnesses,
Gospel Baptist Church, Fundamental Baptist Church, Evangelical Baptist Church, Evangelical Presbyterian
Church, United Reform Church, Evangelical Free Church of Burma, Church of Jesus Christ, Church of God,
Church on the Rock, Full Gospel Church, United Pentecostal Church, Christian Mission Alliance, Four
Square Gospel Church, Christian Church of Myanmar, Seventh Day Baptist Church, Independent Church of
Burma, etc., etc., and some home-grown churches), and the rest - approximately 20 percent that is -
Animist and Laipian(see below) and Buddhist. About 95 percent of the Chin/Zos in India is Christian of
several denominations as well. (The percentages given here with regard to religions in both Chin State
and India are the nearest average estimates based on various sources.)
I shall quote here a few lines from the article of Mr. Stevenson that shows how various rival Christian
denominations divided their spheres of influence in Burma in the early 1900s(see marked passages on
page 29 of APPENDIX V for more information on this subject):
...When the province of Burma was divided into spheres of influence for various missions, the central
Chin Hills were allotted to the American Baptists, a body who have resolutely set their face against the
production or consumption of alcohol in any form or circumstance whatsoever. Immediately there arose
the paradoxical situation of a group of prohibitionist Christians trying to convert a people who welcome
Christianity but cannot stomach prohibition because their entire system of reciprocities is built up on
the procedure at feasts of which the drinking and supply of liquor is an integral and inseparable part...
The great majority of Christian Chins take great pride in being Christian because for them Christianity
means civilization and Animism primitiveness or backwardness. They therefore very often exaggerate the
number of Christians in Chin State in order to hide their inferiority complex. And although all Christian
churches are solemnly preaching there about the virtues of love and forgiveness, the Christian Chin society
is, like all other Christian societies everywhere else in the world, irreconciliably divided into fragments by their
mother churches sectarian rivalries. In fact, there were and still are more love and harmony among the
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Animists than among Christians - that is, from the beginning of the British rule up to even the present time.
The following are some brief information on the three major Christian denominations, Roman Catholic
Church, Baptist Church and Anglican Church, that have played and still are playing important roles in the
daily life of Christian Chins in Burma.
18.3.2 ADOPTION OF THE NAME ZOMI BAPTIST CONVENTION
There had never been any formally constituted organization of the Christian churches in the Chin Hills. When I returned
from the USA arriving at Rangoon on 18th September 1950, I was invited to speak at the annual meeting of the
American Baptist Missionary Fellowship in October. In my speech I attempted to express what I thought to be most
essential for the growth of Christianity among our people. I explained that the Chin Hills had been the most neglected
and the least developed area in Burma. To remedy this, I made the following two proposals:
(1) In order to strengthen the Christian churches, the village churches should be formed into properly constituted local
associations and there should be an overall organization embracing all the organizations.
(2) A well-experienced missionary should come and make a survey of all the Chin Hills and give us advice on various
projects of development. The Missionary Fellowship approved both proposals. Accordingly, Mission Secretary E. E.
Sowards visited the Chin Hills during February and March 1952. By that time both the Tedim and Hakha missionaries
had left on furlough. So I myself had to accompany him throughout his survey tour. At the conclusion of his survey
tour he advised me as follows:
(a) The government in recent months changed its policy on mission work in Burma. Under this new policy our days of
missionaries in Burma were numbered. And we might be asked to leave the country any day. What you proposed in
October 1950 must be proceeded forthwith. You just start forming properly constituted Christian bodies local
associations and an overall convention, as speedily as you could. This properly Christian bodies must be ready to take
overall missionary work whenever the missionaries had to leave.
(b) And when this convention was formed it should be a purely national organization, bearing the national name, and
run by national personnel. No foreign missionaries should hold any official position and should not be a member of any
committee, but should work in an advisory capacity. According to his advice, I began forming the Tedim, Falam, and
Hakha Associations during 1952. Then in order to constitute an overall convention, I asked the three Associations to
select ten leaders each from the three Associations to form a Constitution Drafting Committee. This Constitution
Drafting Committee met at Falam Baptist Church during the last week of October and the first week of November 1952.
I acted as Chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee.
(1) Having explained to the Committee that we are forming a purely national organization, I proposed that the name of
our organization should bear our own national name. I said, "Outsiders call us Chin, but we never call ourselves by
that name. So I believe you all agree to reject Chin to be the name of our organization," and all the members of the
Committee agreed by acclamation.
(2) Then I proposed that we should take ZOMI as our name as this is our correct historical name. And we should call
our organization Zomi Baptist Convention.
(3) A man sprang to his feet and rejected the name ZOMI outright saying, "Saya, in Hakha we apply this word Zo to the
most backward and the most despicable people. So we do not want this name for our big Christian organization."
(4) "In that case what name do you like?" I asked and he replied, "LAIMI".
(5) Then I explained, "I propose ZOMI because I believe it is the correct original historical name of our people, from the
Naga Hills to the Bay of Bengal. To the north of Tedim, the Thados and other tribes call themselves YO, in Falam,
LAIZO. The Tedim people call themselves ZO, the Lushais, MIZO, in Hakha, ZOTUNG, ZOPHEI, ZOKHUA. In Gangaw
area ZO is pronounced YAW, in Mindat JO or CHO, and in Paletwa KHOMI. In Prome, Sandoway, and Bassein areas
they call themselves A-SHO. So I am convinced that in spite of slight variations this ZO is our original historical
national name."
(6) After this explanation the Rev. Sang Ling who was the most senior and revered pastor from Hakha stood up and
said, "What Saya Hau Go has just said is correct. In our younger days we were told that we were born at YOTLANG.
And ZO is our true original name. The word LAI is not our national name. LAI was first used by denizens of Hakha. It
means our village people, our own local people, as distinct from outsiders. It is not our national name." Saying this, he
150
waved to Rev. Sang Fen who also was the second eldest and most respected pastor and asked, "What is your opinion
on this, Saya?"
(7) Then Saya Sang Fen stood up and briefly said, "I agree. I believe ZO is our national name and I myself am the
pastor of ZOKHUA".
(8) After the two most senior and revered pastors of the Hakha area arose and spoke in support of my proposal, not a
single voice of dissent was heard and the name Zomi Baptist Convention was unanimously approved. (9) What the
Constitution Drafting Committee had approved at the Falam meeting was officially and universally adopted by the
General Meeting at Saikah, March 5-7, 1953. The lone dissenting voice seemed to be more an idiosyncrasy or at best
a limited local usage without any sound historical basis, because not a single member of the Constitution Drafting
Committee voiced any support at Falam.
The General Meeting held on March 5-7, 1953 at Saikah village in the now Thantlang township of Hakha area was
attended by 3,000 Christians. Of these about two hundred were from the Falam area and less than ten from the Tedim
area, because Saikah was 7-9 days' foot journey from Tedim area. Even there, where by far the vast majority of
delegates were from the Hakha area there was not a single voice of support for LAIMI, but the name Zomi Baptist
Convention was born, named and based on the foundation of historical truth, confirmed by the General Meeting at
Saikah with the most remarkable spirit of Christian harmony and unity never experienced before or since.
I was asked, out of necessity, to serve temporarily for one year as General Secretary, pending the arrival of the
Rev. David Van Bik who was earmarked to relieve me on arrival from the USA the following year.
Signed
T. Hau Go Sukte
Rangoon 1st December 1988
............................................................
(Source: ZONET/Date: Sun, 23 Mar 2003)
Note: The late Mr. T. Hau Go Sukte was the first Chin graduate with a M.R.E degree from the U.S. Author
__________________________________________________________________
- Authors Note 1: The Chin Baptists in Chin State and its neighbouring regions inside Burma Proper are organized in more than 30
associations - nearly all of them are organized more on tribal rather than on regional basis - which in turn are run under the umbrella
of the Zomi Baptist Convention.
Note 2: Sakhong does not elaborate at all on the founding history and existence of the ZBC in his dissertation, although he mentions about
the events that took place as late as 1999. Even when it is briefly mentioned(just four times on pages 9, 213, 226 & 254) he used the term Chin
Baptist Convention, instead of the official term: Zomi Baptist Convention.
Note 3: By the way, the first conversions in the Chin Hills took place at a village in 1905, 150 miles away from Haka, where the first American
Baptist missionaries made their base, and four years after their arrival in Haka in 1899. The First Baptisms, May 11, 1905: The first baptism of
Northern Chins took place near Khuasak in the Siyin valley, near Fort White in Tiddim Sub-division. A small stream called by East the Pok boy
River, although it is merely a small creek, was dammed up for the occasion, and on May 11, 1905, in the presense of a large number of curious
villagers, Pu Pau Suan and his wife Kham Ciang, and Pu Thuam Hang and his wife Dim Khaw Cing, were baptized by Dr. East. East wrote: These
are the first-fruits in the Chin Hills, and from the depths of our hearts we praise God and take courage. We have four more canditates in that district
and hope to baptize them this year. This will give us a constituency for the organization of a church.(East ltr., 11/3/05)/Robert J. Johnson:
History of American Baptist Chin Mission, Vol.1, p. 128.) After the events of the second baptism, Dr. East remained in Khuasak village for about a
week. He then moved eastward to Theizaang village for more preaching and medical treatment, returning to Khuasak for an important event
for the formation of a little church, among the new Christians. On the 17 February 1906, a Sunday morning was a red-letter day in the history of
Christianity among northern Chins. On that day Dr. East organized the first Christian Church in the Chin Hills, the first of any denom ination, at
Khuasak among the Siyin people. This Khuasak Baptist Church was established by the following persons[1 pastor, 2 deacons and 9
laypersons] and dedicated by Dr. East. (Johnson, Vol. 1, p. 130). The first convert in Haka itself was Shia Khaw and the conversion took
place on January 1, 1906.
Note 4: The Chin Christian Centenary(1904-2004) was held from March 17 to 21, 2004 at Khuasak to commemorate the 100th Year of
Christianity among the Chin people. More than 6,000 people from all over Chin State and Burma took part in the ceremony. Another
ceremony was held in Haka in 1999, where the missionaries arrived and made their base, to commemorate the arrival of the first Christian
missionaries in the Chin Hills. Several thousands of people from all parts of Chin State and Burma took part in it, too.
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18.3.3. American Baptist Missionaries in Chinland(East Zoram)
Here are the American Baptist missionaries sent to Chinland(East) to carry out missionary works:
(1) Arthur E. Carson March 15, 1899-1908
(2) Laura Carson (Mrs. Carson) March 15, 1899-1920
(3) Dr. E. H. East March 21, 1902-1908
(4) Rev. H. H. Tilbe 1902-1904
(5) Dr. J. H. Cope Dec. 21, 1908-1939
(6) Dr. J. G. Woodin Nov.11, 1910-1915
(7) Dr. C. U. Strait Oct. 2, 1925-1940
(8) Dr. F. O. Nelson Dec. 3, 1938-1951
(9) Dr. R. G. Johnson Feb. 7, 1946-1966
18.3.4 Chins For Christ in One Century(CCOC)
There was a major project called the Chins for Christ in One Century or (CCOC), which was
implemented between 1983 and 1999 under the guidance of the ZBC. Its main aim was to convert as
many Animist Chins as possible to Christianity before the end of the second millenium. There were 1,894
volunteers( all were laymen ) who carried out the mission. The project areas were in Central and Southern
Chin State. Altogether 20,051 people were converted. During this period seven people died of disease.
And the total expenses were: Kyats 54,922,245. That sum would be the equivalent of about
US $ 150,000 at the then black market exchange rates.(Sources: CCOC records)
18.3.5 BRIEF HISTORY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE CHIN HILLS
The blue mountains in the Western side of Chindwin river was always in the mind of the French Priests of Paris
Foreign Mission Society. They are known for their missionary zeal and holiness. They attempted to enter the Chin Hills
even in 1864. In that year Bishop Bigandet sent Fr. Lecomte MEP. His mission to reach the Chin Hills was not
successful as his movement was restricted. The King's soldiers escorted him and he was not allowed to go beyond the
Catholic villages.
Twenty years later in 1884, Fr. Laurent MEP, who worked some years among the Kachins previously came to
Kalaymyo. There he met some Chins. He found that the Chins did not speak Burmese much but they were kind and
simple. In 1888, Fr. Antonin Usse came up to Mindat near Mawlaik from Chaung U by English steamer. As he looked
attracted his eyes. He wrote to Bishop Simon of Mandalay: "Further in the west are the Chins, a people of straight
forward and brave warriors, who are defending their independence against the ambition of the English. I would be proud
to be their apostle." He came back to visit the Catholics in the English military camps. This time, on September 22,
1889, he reached Fort White near Thuklai. As he looked down from there, he saw the nearby villages abandoned by the
villagers who hid themselves in the jungle due to the war with the British soldiers. In his letter to the bishop dated
October 15, 1998., he said, "Once I climbed to the top of the mountain and contemplated the villages far away. How I
wished to go there with my crucifix and my breviary ... It would be useless to go now... The country will open itself.
Some day it will be necessary to send a caravan of missionaries in that part of the Vineyard. They might die even
then, victims of their zeal." He was the first Catholic priest to visit northern Chin State.
In 1890, the Vicar Apostolic of Mandalay, Mgr Simon, sent one of his best priests, Fr. Laurent MEP, and Fr. Vestrae-
ten to Chin Hills, 250 miles away. They went towards Northern Chin Hills and settled at Balet, south of Mawlaik, on the
western side of the Chindwin, but after one year there, they saw that they were still far from the real Chins. The next
year, Fr. Laurent went with Fr. Jarre to try to enter Chin Hills in the south from Pakokku, through Pauk and Tilin they
arrived to the big village of Shon-Shi, near the Myitha river. Although it was at the foot of the hills, they had met with
real Chin people, and they started to study the language.
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At the end of 1891, after the retreat, a third missionary, Fr. Accarion, joined them. With the complicity of Chin
traders who had come down to the plains, the two young ones made the project of climbing to Haka to settle there, in
the centre of Chin State, the English officer who was a protestant and hostile to the Catholics, obliged them to leave
and go back down to the plains, saying that the Chins were not yet tamed and the life of the priests would be in
danger. The Fathers had no choice but to go back to Gangaw. In 1898, the American Baptist missionaries came to
Hakha. The same officers who refused to give permission to work in the Hills welcomed them with open arms.
The coming of the Baptist Mission was a blessing in disguise for the Catholic Mission. For more than forty years,
they invented the written language for Hakha, Falam and Tiddim with English alphabets. They translated the New
Testament. They abolished the sacrifices to devil which is too expensive. The Chins opened their eyes to the world.
They wanted to become Baptists but their strict prohibition to drink "Zu" (Chin beer) is too demanding for the Chin
people as Zu is for them a kind of food and also the only consolation for them after a day's hard work. Many people
began [to]ask for a kind of Christians who would allow to drink Zu. But many wanted to be free from worshipping the
evil spirit. By all means, the first attempts of Catholic missionaries to Chin Hills were not successful.
18.3.5.1 Evangelization of Southern Chin State
The second attempt was made this time in 1934, under Bishop A. Faliere 50 years later than the protestants. Bishop
A Faliere, Fr. Audrain MEP and Fr. Alexis U Ba Din, A diocean priest, with four catechists arrived at Kampetlet, the
capital of Southern Chin State, on 17th December 1933. Looking for better prospects, the pioneers proceeded to
Mindat, 32 miles northeast of Kanpelet on 31st December 1933, first Mass was offered on 1st January, 1934. With the
streamous efforts of - two pioneers: Fr. Audrian and Fr. Alexis, the good seed of the Word of God was sown in Mindat
area of Southern Chin State to grow into a big tree in time.
18.3.5.2 Evangelization of Northern Chin State
In 1938, Bishop Faliere came to meet Colonel Burne at Mague to settle some problems connected with Mindat
hospital. Colonel Burne was the highest authority in the Chin Special Division. When they met each other, the Colonel
had just came back from his official visit to the northern Chin Hills. He told the bishop that he met some Chins in Falam
who asked him if they could be Christians and still be allowed to use moderatedly alcoholic drinks. He asked the Bishop
to go and start Catholic Mission in the northern Chin Hills. Bishop was very happy and he himself come to the north the
next year in 1939. When Bishop and his companions came to Tiddim at the house of Mr. Kelly, the Assistant
Superintendent in Tiddim who was a Catholic, the Superintendent from Falam came to meet them. He told the bishop
that the coming of the Catholic Mission in the Chin Hills was contrary to the agreement signed in 1898 with the Baptist
Missionaries. He wanted them to go back as they did to Fr. Jarre and Fr. Accarion. Bishop smilingly told him that he
came here with the permission of the highest authority, Colonel Burne at Mague. He continued his missionary tour
without fear. The American Baptist Missionaries did not keep silent. They wrote to the British Governor to Burma
reminding him of the agreement made with them in 1839. The coming of the Catholic Church in the Chin Hills would be
breaking that agree-ment. They anted to prevent the presence of Catholic Church in the Chin Hills by hook or by crook.
The Governor kindly thanked them for their good works among the Chins but he ended his letter saying that he did not
see any reason to forbid the coming of the Catholics there." As in the rest of Burma.," he added, "the simultaneous
presence of Baptists and Catholics created an emulation quite beneficial to the population, so would the presence of
Catholics alongside the Baptists on the hills be of benefit to all people." With this the Catholics won a landslide
victory.
The real beginning of the Catholic Church in the Northern Chin Hills started with the coming of Fr. Mainier, Fr. Blivet,
fr. Aloysius U Ba Khin and four catechists: Maung Tun Yin, Fridolinus Mg Ba Maung, Saya Aung Min, Fr. Frank Reuben
to Tonzaung. Fr. Moses took up his residence at Tonzang, while Fr. Blivet took up at Lailui village.
Established: Hakha Diocese was recently part of Mandalay Diocese. Pope John Paul II established the new diocese
of Hakha in December 21, 1992 and the enthronement was celebrated on 21st of March, 1993.
Townships: The diocese comprises of townships of Chin State except Paletwa and adjancent regions: Tamu, Kalay,
Kalewa, Phaungbyin, Mawlaik and Homalin of Sagaing Division.
153
Area: Around 351 miles from North to South and 80 miles from East to West and approximately 20,880.08 square
miles.
Population: 750,000 inhabitants, two thirds of the region is situated on the mountains and hilly ranges.
The majority of the inhabitants are Chin-hill-tribal people.
Religion: Christian is the major religion of the Chins but 86 percent of Chins are belonged to the Protestant
Denomination numbering about fifty sects, and there are few buddhists, animists and a few Islams. Catholic
population: about 67, 427 Suffrangan of Mandalay Archdiocese.
18.3.5.3 Zones and Parishes
Zones: According to civil data, it is divided into four zones: Hakha zone, Tiddim zone, Kalay zone and Mindat zone.
Under Hakha zone, there are 7 parishes: Hakha, Falam, Lumbang, Thantlang, Hnazing, Rezua and Surkhwa.
Under Tiddim Zone, there are 5 parishes, such as Tiddim, Tongzang, Laitui, Waibula and Cikha.
Under Kalay Zone, there are 5 parishes, such as Kalay, Tahan, Tamu, Khampat and Kalewa.
Under Mindat zone, there are 6 parishes such as Mindat, Lukse, Khanpetlet, Ro, M'Kui Im nu and Matupi.
18.3.5.4 French Priest-Missionaries in Chinland(East Zoram)
French Priests of the Foreign Missions of Paris who had been asssigned in Chin State:
01. Rev. Fr. Audrain (1934-died on 8th of May, 1940 at Mindat)
02. Rev. Fr. Fournel (1934-died on 30th of May, 1968 in Mindat)
03. Rev. Fr. Joseph Dixneuf (1946-66, Kalay, died in Dec 4th, 1982)
04. Rev. Fr. Joseph Muffat (1950-died on 20th Sept 1992, Lumbang)
05. Rev. Fr. Louis Garrot (1956-61, Mindat)
06. Rev Fr. Antonie Kelbert (1953-66, Tonzang)
07. Rev. Fr. Joseph Ruellen (1958-66, Saizang)
08. Rev. Fr. Henry Jourdain (1953-66, Singpial)
09. Rev. Fr. Auguste Lespade (1958-66 Falam)
10. Rev. Fr. Claude Roy (1958-66, Hakha)
11. Rev. Fr. Andre Bareigts (1958-66, Hnaring)
12. Rev. Fr. Nedelec (1951-55, Hlekhiam)
Source: The article (CATHOLIC CHURCH IN CHIN HILL ) is taken from Myanmar Catholic Directory. It is an official directory of the Catholic
Church in Myanmar. /Joshua Gin Shoute [ZONET]
From: Salai.Kipp@t-online.de (Salai Kipp Kho Lian)
Date: Mon, 23 Jul 2001 12:58:11 +0200
_______________________________________
18.3.6 KHUMI-CHIN ANGLICANS
By Revd. Canon E.W. Francis & Mrs. Francis
An overview of the development of the Khumi-Chin Anglican Church, based in Paletwa, Chin State. The Revd.(now
Canon) E.W. FRANCIS went to Burma from England in 1932 with the Bible Churchmans Missionary Society, now known
as Crosslinks :
... The Anglican Church that Revd. Francis founded amongst the Khumis is thriving and is growing in 1999. As of 1998,
there are 2 Khumi Bishops, 28 ordained Priests, and 158 Catechists/Evangelists. The SITTWE DIOCESE is covered
by these two Bishops and there are 17 Townships in Rakhaine State and 4 Townships in Chin State(Paletwa, Matupi,
Mindat, Kanpetlet). The population is over 2,634,310. Amongst an estimated 92,000 Christians in the area, 13,114 are
Anglicans. These Anglicans have 15 Youth Branches, 18 Mothers Union Branches, 18 Religious Education
154
Departments, 32 Mens Societies, and Sunday schools attached to each congregation... (Centennial Highlights of
Christianity in Chin Hills: 1899- 1999; published and printed in the U.S., March 1999)
18.4 INTRODUCTION OF BUDDHISM INTO NORTHERN CHINLAND(EAST ZORAM)
With the sole aim to spread Buddhism among non-Burmese Animists and Christians in Burma the
successive Burmese governments under the then Prime Minister U Nu and the Buddhist Church of Burma
formed up a missionary society called - loosely translated: Buddhist Hills Missionary Society(in Burmese
(budBaqaetac\tn\;qaqnapoAP!)and dispatched several Burmese Buddhist monks to Chin State to do
missionary works among the local people in the 1950s and 60s. However, in the late 1960s almost all of
them had already left monkhood and became laymen and married Chin women. Its original aim thus proved
to be a complete failure. In the past two decades several pagodas have been built in Chin State with forced
labour of local Christian population. And several crosses erected by the locals on the top of high
mountains throughout Chin State were destroyed by Burmese soldiers.
19.0 CULTURE
19.1. _ MUSICS AND DANCES(Colonialists View) _
The music consists of beating the horns and the gongs in regular time in the north, the dancers
in a large circle with arms locked round each other swing the body and keep steps, singing a
low mournful tune to the accompaniement. The singing is of a weird description, but tune there
is undoubtedly, and as the singers take different parts it is not unpleasing to the ear from a
distance. In the south the Chins hold hands and dance round and round like children, and they
also perform singly a dance which is neither the English step-dance nor the Burmese motion,
though it consists of the main features of both...(Carey & Tuck, p. 187)

19.2. SUMMARY OF THE CHIN/ZO CULTURE
The Chin/Zo culture can be briefly summed up in the following ways:
1. Their consumption of fermented rice-beer which is called Zu in nearly all Zo dialects.
2. Their several colourful traditional tribal costumes, especially that of women.
3. The composition of all kinds of their traditional songs - be they autobiographical, love, social or
religious - in poetic words.
4. Their numerous folk dances - about 100 still survive until today.
5. Their several social and religious festivals and feasts that were celebrated with these folk dances.
6. Their complex social structures and kinship
7. Their clan systems
8. Their customary laws
9. Their raising of partly domesticated, partly wild mithan/mythun
10. Their regard of Hornbill as their national bird and their use of its feathers on all important ceremonial
occasions; it has therefore even been used as their national emblem since several decades ago.
11. In modern times - starting from around the 1950s - the Rhododendron has also been widely
regarded and used by them as their national flower.
The Zo national identity without Zu the national drink, Mithan the national animal, Hornbill the national bird, and
Rhododendron the national flower is therefore nowadays almost unthinkable.
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19.3. TRADITIONAL CHIN/ZO TEXTILES AND TRIBAL COSTUMES
Women of almost all the Zo tribes have their own costumes - a shirt, a garment or sarong and a shawl.
The shawls average sizes are roughly 2 by 1 metres. These costumes are worn by women at every festive
gathering(see PHOTOS 11-A & 11-B). The mens dresses are less spectacular. And since 30 years ago the
traditional Chin textiles have great demand among those who value ethnological cultural heritages.
A few passages quoted from Mantles of Merit will give the reader some insights into the various traditional
textiles of the Zo people:
...As art objects, Chin textiles deserve to be much better known for their beauty and technical virtuousity
than they are. As cultural objects, they deserve to be understood for their integral role in the core Chin
effort to achieve merit in this life and the next. We under-took the research for Mantles of Merit in an attempt
to accomplish these two goals. We use mantle as the generic for Chin textiles in ligt of its meaning as
something that enfolds, enwraps and encloses and the near-total absence of tailoring in traditional Chin
textiles...The focus of the book is on culturally important textiles, so not all textiles get equal weight. The
great majority of textiles discussed are woven on back-tension loom and used in culturally important
circumstances, particularly feasts and rites of passage. Major textiles, including blankets and tunics, are
strongly represented. Bags receive what may seem surprisingly little attention, but bags are heavily traded,
as are their weaving elements, so they tend to be relatively less reliable documents of the culture in which
they are found...In both western and Chin writings about Chin culture, however, an area not yet fully
described is their rich textile heritage. This omission is particularly unfortunate in light of the complexity of
the weaving, the diversity of style and the enormous traditional importance of textiles in Chin life. Further,
this extraordinary materail culture is evolving quickly as the Chin become more integrated into neighboring
majority cultures, abandoning some of their traditional ways... Accordingly, this book describes the Chin
textile culture particularly as it existed in the late 19th century through the mid-20th century, at the end of
the era when the Chin had a cultural tradition that was fairly distinct from that of the surrounding
area...(pp. 7-11).
...Many of the earliest known Chin textiles were simple in their construction, with or without thin warp stripes
and little or no other decoration. Indeed, remnants of this early simplicity can still be found in selected
conservative quarters, most notably in the indigo-dyed cotton and flax textiles of the Southern Chin
(Figures 279 and 281). But other early textiles were strikingly sophisticated in their weaving structures.
These culturally deep structures include twill, weft-twined tapestry, 2-faced supplementary weft patterning
and false embroidery... Perhaps the single textile motif that most connotes high status among the Chin is
the white warp band that is patterned on only the obverse by use of supplementary wefts. This is found on
a wide range of Northern Chin blankets, most prominent in the vai puan (Figure 125) and some Chin skirts
and head wrappers in Tiddim and Manipur (Figure 238) and is closely approximated in the traditional skirts
of the Bawm (Figure 236)...Many of the high status skirts in Falam have a remarkable lack of field decoration
(Figures 219-221), sharply contrasting with the animated supplementary weft decoration of other Falam
textiles. Just as among the Ash where high status textiles are often highly conservative(e.g. Figures
426 and 462), and in Haka, where conservative leaders prefer the can lo puan to the cong-nak puan, these
Falam skirts may harken back to an earlier time when supplementary weft decoration was minimal...
The Nagas have made warp-faced, 4-panel blankets and lower body wraps in which the dark lateral panels
have dark wefts and the light-colored central panels have white wefts. This distinctive method for creating
dense color saturation closely resembles the contruction of the 3-panel Mizo/Hualngo puan laisen
(Figure 160) and the Siyin dap zal (Figure 145), just to the south of the Naga. The Naga pieces, collected in
1912-13, are as early as any of the Mizo/Hualngo or Siyin pieces that we have examined and so could be
_________________________________________________
Authors Note: Traditions that are still in existence and practised among some tribes somewhere in Zoram are explained in
presense tense, and the ones that exist no more in past tense.
156
the source of this weaving idea for Chin weavers. Moreover, many old Naga textiles use laid-in wefts, singly
or in bands, to provide subtle color or textural patterning to warp-faced textiles. This element is evocative
of the Mizo/Hualngo ngo te kherh puan (e.g., Figure 165), an old tradtional blanket, as well as of many
Ash textiles (e.g., Figure 540). (pp. 273-75)
19.4 MITHAN/MITHUN(Bos gaurus frontalis)* - THE NATIONAL ANIMAL

As mentioned above the Zos and their culture are distinguished from other ethnic peoples in their neigh-
bouring regions in many ways. The roles that the Mithan/Mithun* - Sial in several Zo dialects - play are
some among them. Mithan, which looks like a gaur but slightly smaller than a gaur, used to play such an
important role in the Zo society for meat, social, culture and religion throughout their known history that
some Westerners had even mistakenly called the Zo culture as a mithan-oriented culture. Since ancient
times the Chins have been keeping them as domestic animals while a great number of herds are also freely
roaming in the wilderness. But all these freely roaming herds also have owners and those owners go into
the wilderness occasionally to count the population of their herds. As herds do not mix each other and
every herd remains in its chosen area theres no problem in counting their populations. The quantity of
mithan one possesses was and still is used partly in many regions to measure a mans wealth. Although
tens of thousands of these animals are freely roaming in the wilderness the whole year round they are
rarely stolen or secretly killed despite the fact that hunting guns are abundant in Chin State and hunting is
a pastime for most men during their free times - that is, mostly in the evening.(See PHOTOs 17 and 18, and
20.5 HUNTING AND FISHING)
19.5 GREAT INDIAN HORNBILL(Buceros bicomis) - THE NATIONAL BIRD**

The Hornbill has always also been playing a very important role in the history and culture of the Chin/Zo
people from time immemorial. So Im quoting here a short information piece why and how much the
Hornbill means for them(Sing Khaw Khai, p.194).
______________________________________________________
* Gayal
Scientific classification
Kingdom: Animalia
Phylum: Chordata
Class: Mammalia
Order: Artiodactyla
Family: Bovidae
Subfamily: Bovinae
Genus: Bos
Species: B. gaurus frontalis
Gayal or mithun (Bos gaurus frontalis or Bos frontalis) is the domesticated gaur, probably a gaur-cattle hybrid breed.
Taxonomy
The wild group and the domesticated group are sometimes considered separate species, with the wild gaur called Bibos gauris or Bos gaurus, and
the domesticated gayal called Bos frontalis Lambert, 1804. When wild Bos gaurus and the domestic Bos frontalis are considered to belong to the
same species the older name Bos frontalis is used, according to the rules of the International Commission on Zoological Nomenclature (ICZN).
However, in 2003, the ICZN "conserved the usage of 17 specific names based on wild species, which are pre-dated by or contemporary with those
based on domestic forms", confirming Bos gaurus for the Gaur.[1] The gaur, or mithun as it is commonly known in the North East region of India, is
the state animal of Arunachal Pradesh and Nagaland.
* Note: The total mithan population in Chin State as of October 31, 1999 was 35,000. In Matupi Township: 8,990; Mindat TS: 8,540;
Falam TS: 4410; Than Tlang TS: 2,820; Ton Zang TS: 2,556; Kanpetlet TS: 2606; Paletwa TS: 1843; Tiddim TS: 1,676 and Haka TS: 1,340.
(Source: State Veterinary Department, Haka, Chin State. October 31,1999.) Other habitats of mithan in the region are Naga Hills(Burma),
Nagaland(India), Chittagong Hill Tracts(Bangladesh) and Mizoram State.
( From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia )
- See PHOTOS 17 & 18
** See next page for more information
157
They are noble because they live the beautiful life characterized by love and faithfulness. Thus,
hornbills are much respected and honoured by the Zos. According to tradition marriage is regarded
as a kind of contract tied with love and loyalty. Thus a marriage is considered to be unbreakable
or inseparable except by the event of death. A wife cannot be divorced so long as she remains
faithful to her husband. The idea of a faithful life expressed in the married life of the hornbill is taken
as a symbolic expression of the love for ones wife who is likened and referred to as a hornbill.
Zo people proudly put on hornbill feathers on important occasions in self-identification
with the dignity and honour that the hornbill examplifies. J. Suan Za Dong once described the
cultural beauty of the hornbill in identification with Zomi and their nation as thus:
Two hornbills stately and dignified,
For loyalty and honour so proudly pose
Symbolising ZOMI in culture rich and sound
Splendours of our State; fresh like a rose
Scenic beauties and flowers in our land abound.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
** Explantion for previous page:
Scientific Name: Buceros bicornis
Other Names: Great Indian hornbill, Great pied hornbill
Range: Burma, India, Indonesia, Malay Peninsula and Sumatra
Habitat: Primarily evergreen and moist, deciduous forests along
the Himalayan foothills and lowland plains
Size:
Male: Length: 37.5 to 41.5 in.
Weight: 6.6 lbs.
Female:
Length: 37.5 to 41.5 in.
Weight: 5.7lbs.
Lifespan: Estimated at 35-40 years
Diet: In the wild: Primarily fruit, but also small mammals, lizards, snakes and insects In the zoo: Monkey biscuits, fruits and vegetables
Incubation: 38 - 40 days
Nesting cycle:
113 - 140 days
Clutch Size: 1 - 2 eggs
Behavior
Great hornbills have a very loud, distinctive call heard particularly at the start of breeding season or when birds return to the roost. This honking
call is repeated at regular intervals. Great hornbills can be found in pairs, small family groups or flocks of up to 40 birds. Although they can
cover a large area during daily feedings, they may spend a whole day at particular fruiting trees. Great hornbills may leave the forests to feed
on i solated figs or bamboo but prefer to stay in the forest. They use communal roosts regularly with three to four birds per tree and arrive via
the same route each sunset.
Reproduction and Breeding:

Great hornbills form monogamous, territorial pairs. Mass courtships involving 20 or more birds have been documented. The nests are made in
natural tree holes, trunks of dead trees, or in primary limbs of living trees, and the birds will defend a 100 meter territory surrounding the nest.
When the female is ready to lay her eggs, she will seal herself into the nest using feces, wood, bark and food debris, leaving a small slit for the
male to pass food through to her. The male makes roughly five feeding visits per day, regurgitating food for the female and her young. When the
chicks begin to grow and the nest gets too crowded, the female will leave and reseal the nest. The parents continue to feed the chicks in the nest
cavity until their casque begins to develop at roughly four to five months. At this time, the family may form into a small flock that ranges widely in
search of food.
Amazing Facts
The casque of the great hornbill can be seven and one-half inches long! Their wingspan measures up to 62 inches! Their whooshing wingbeats
can be heard over a half mile away!
Source: The Sacramento Zoological Society
3930 West Land Park Dr., Sacramento, CA 95822
T: 916-264-5888 F: 916-264-7385 E: info@saczoo.com www.saczoo.com
- See PHOTO 19
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19.6. TRADITIONAL SONGS
There are several types of traditional songs: Lapi, Laphei, Latung, Ailawng La, Autobiographical,
Biographical, Love, Social, Funeral, Zola, Danthian La, and so on. Traditionally, every song - be it
autobiographical or biographical or love or social - was and still is composed in poetic words. Some types
of songs maybe solely sung and some others maybe sung and danced with as well. Lamenting songs
are only sung and not danced with. But funeral songs are sung and danced with. Ailawng La or Ai lawng
Song of the Sizangs, is purely of bragging nature and is composed and sung spontaneously among
intimate friends. One may compose and sing such a song spontaneously about what he thinks of himself
- he may brag about his familys or his own achievements, or of his high birth, for example. But everyone
present in the round will also respond by spontaneouly composing some verses of either praise or derision
- what he personally thinks of the braggard. The braggard maybe praised in the beginning parts with his
positive or strong points, but his weaknesses would be exposed in the concluding parts. One can therefore
loosely define this song as a song meant for debate or some kind of light entertainment among friends and
is therefore not taken as offense by the participants after the occasion is over. This song is not used for
dance.
In olden days - and also at present time - many men and women of a number of Zo tribes have com-
posed autobiographical songs. A typical and complete autobiographical song of the Sizangs is, unlike all
the other types of songs mentioned above, basically divided into four parts which are called, A Kai or La
Kai, A Naw or La Naw, La Nguit or A Ngui and A Thip Na. The first two terms are in fact literary
definitions of the different rhythms of each part(Vum Ko Hau translated A Kai as Slow and A Naw as
Fast or Normal Fast, and A Thip Na as Epilogue in his book.) Simply because of the very nature of the
contents of these parts I shall, however, very loosely translate them as follows: Prelude I, Prelude II, Main
Part and Epilogue respectively. And although I have loosely mentioned that the first two parts are the
definitions of the rhythms, only those who deem themselves to be somebody include them in their songs.
In La Kai the owner of the song mentions about his or his familys roots, and in La Naw he describes the
events that have taken or still are taking place within his immediate family.
Then in La Ngui he composes verses describing about the life histories of or his friends or his relatives and
foes alike, who are important for him in some way - and also about the important events in his lifetime that
directly affect him personally or his family, etc.(See APPENDIX G; its the autobiographical song of the late
K.A. Khup Za Thang. In coming Updates complete English translations of his song shall be included in this
paper as a case verses. And in some autobiographical songs a part called La Thal Kai is also included.
Every part consists of a few to several stanzas. The part which contains most pf the stanzas is the La
Ngui. A stanza is made up of two sub-stanzas or verses. Each sub-stanza contains about 30 words.
These two sub-stanzas are called in the Sizang dialect: A Kung and A Dawn - loosely translated:
Beginning and Ending. These two sub-stanzas are simply written as A & B in modern usage. Or the
second sub-stanza is written as X in some books.
Colonel Khai Mun Mang(late) for example, composed his autobiographical song, which contains 60
stanzas, nearly solely in poetic words that I, author of this paper, underdertand only about 30 percent of
their meanings, although I myself have been using the spoken and written dialect of ours for my whole life.
On any singing occasion those who sing such an autobiographical song will be automatically divided
into two groups. The drummer, who is always only a man, and half of the party sings Part A and the other
half sings Part B. Each stanza will be repeatedly sung at least four or five times before the next stanza is
sung. The times that a stanza is sung depend on the drummer. And the tunes sung by men and women
in each group are different, but according to musical experts, these tunes are completely in harmony to
each other. When an autobiograhical song is sung it is sung serially - that is, it is begun with A Kai. This
part may contain a number of stanzas. When the stanzas in this part have been sung, then the stanzas in
159
A Naw are sung. However, unlike other parts such as A Ngui and La Thal Kai and A Thip Na the
stanzas in A Kai and a A Naw are sung only once without repetition. Each of these parts is sung with
different melodies or cadences and different dances are also used as well.
The autobiographical song of Chief Khup Lian, my paternal grandfather, contains 28 Stanzas and the
two stanzas below are among the most famous ones. The first stanza is dedicated to the war against the
British and his down-heartedness when the Suktes and Kamhaus(Tedims) decided to give up the
resistance war during 1888-1890. Zangsi is the poetic word for the Sizangs, Suktui lun the Suktes, and
Lamtui mang the Kamhaus.
A. Zangsi sial lum kan sang a pal bang nang a,
Suktui lun leh Lamtui mang hong neam ta e.
B. Sial lum kawi ciang meal mang ta ka ci kom a.
Do nen nuai a tong dam pat bang neam ing nge.
The verses below are dedicated to his capture of a rifle in this war(Vum Ko Hau, p. 234):
A. Vang Khua Suan tu Leido vaimang, ni khat pil bang the nge,
B. Al bang that ing Hautoi ing ci-ing Kawltiang tui bang la ing nge,
Za lai ah Kansaang ing nge
Enemy attempting to capture
My Glorious Land
I scattered like pebbles
I swore that
I am the son of a highborn Noble
And killed enemies like chickens
Besides capturing an enemy gun
I am exalted among the hundreds[figuratively: the multitude]

And when someone dies woman mourners will sit around the dead and recall their relationship with the
deceased himself or his immediate family in poetic words spontaneously composed on the spot and sing
them like songs while they are crying. If a woman is well-familiar with the histories of her own family and that
of the dead, she would start her lamenting song from several generations back. She would recall all the
historical facts generation by generation. So some lamenting songs can even take several hours. If and
when she is tired she will take a long rest and then continues again until shes finished with what she wants
to say which she cannot say in plain words. Lamenting songs are called Kaa Laa - literally, crying song in
Sizang and Tedim dialects. And when a woman composes and sings such songs the words Kaa mal lo
(literally, citing crying words) are used instead of sa for singing. However, the melodies of lementing
songs are completely different from that of all other types of traditional songs. The mourners may even
debate in such a way, if they think someones recallings are unfair, or if the recallings of a woman are not
complete, some other women may come to her help - of course, also by composing in poetic words as
lamenting songs. People therefore carefully listen to mourning songs at funerals. But nobody verbally
intervenes in such a debate.
During the duration of a funeral service, which may take from two to seven days, all the
autobiographical songs that belong to the deceased himself or his forefathers/mothers will be sung. And
particular dances and songs that are meant for such an occasion are performed. It happened very often
although the songs may have been composed several generations ago. But if the dead does not have
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autobiographical song of his own, then the songs of his forefathers or that of his next nearest relatives will
be sung. Besides, except the Sizangs every clan in other Tedim-related tribes and sub-tribes has its own
mourning songs and these songs cannot be used by any other clans. The dead can be taken out of his
compound for burial only after all his clans songs have been fully sung. Among the Sizangs, the dead
could be taken out of the house only after the Thang Ho leh Lian Do songs had been sung.
Young men and women use every joyous festival or feast for courting by composing love songs in
poetic words and singing them on the spot or they may use the already existing uncountable love songs
if they cannot compose themselves. A great number of poetic words are commonly shared by some tribes
despite the differences in their spoken dialects.
The Chin/Zo traditional musical instruments are gongs of different sizes, bamboo flutes(three to six
holes), mouth-organs made of gourd and bamboo, gaur/buffalo horns, cymbals, five-piece (five tunes)
wooden xylophones, etc. The typical traditional drum of the northern Chins is made of manually-hollowed
wood about 35 cm in circumference and 45 cm in length which is covered on both sides with hide. The
mouth-organ which called rochem consists of a gourd into which seven to nine reeds are inserted, one to
serve as a mouthpiece, and the others that are of various lengths on which small holes are bored.(For more
information on this subject visit Wikipedia under Music of Mizoram.)
_________________________________________________________
Note 1: Here are some of my immediate and distant relatives, who have autobiographic songs: Kiim Lel - 8 stanzas; Lua Thuam - 14; Pi Tong
Dim(Mrs. Lua Thuam) - 32; Sawm Mang - 13: Man Suang - 28; Khup Lian(my paternal grandfather) - 28(Mrs. Khup Lian did not have a
song of her own); Suang Thang(my maternal grandfather) - 114; Ciang Hau(my maternal grandmother) - 10; my mother - 8(my father did not
have a song); Capt. K.A. Khup Za Thang - 35; Vum Ko Hau - 26; Dr. Vumson - 16; Lt. Col. Thian Khaw Khai - 42; Chief Ngo Mang(father of
Khup Pau) - 58; Chief Khup Pau(father of Khai Kam) - 28; Khai Kam(a hero of the Siyin-Gungal Rebellion) - 10; Mang Pum(brother of Khai
Kam) - 47, etc. Kiim Lels song is the oldest known among the Sizangs, and see his song and its English translations in APPENDICES A-2,
A-3 & A-4. See also TABLES 5/A to 5/D and APPENDICES E, F and L for some of the personalities mentioned here. tzd
Note 2: Since the traditional Zo songs of the Sizangs and other Tedim-related tribes are complex and therefore should better be explained
by someone who is really well-versed in them, the information mentioned above should serve only to give the reader some sketchy ideas
about these songs. I myself am not qualified enough to elaborate further on this subject. For instance, La Thal Kai was traditionally composed
and sung only by women as a medium to express freely what they thought and observed about in their own families or communities which
they could not spell out verbally. When La Thal Kai songs were sung only specific amount of musical instruments were used and sung by
not less than seven or eight women. However, nowadays these songs are simply integrated into autobiographical or biographical songs.
Furthermore, not all autobiographical songs automatically contain A Naw and A Kai.
Here are some examples of normal and poetic words of the Sizangs and some of their neighbouring tribes, such as Tedim, Sukte, Zou, etc.
1. Aal bang da(poetic word) = he/khua ngai(spoken word)=sad
2. Ang kawi(poetic) = pasal/zi (spoken) = husband or wife
3. Ang lai vontawi(poetic) = ta te(spoken) = children(sons and daughters)
4. buan bang niil(poetic) = vawk(spoken) = throw away/abandon
5. ciin leh tuai(poetic) = u leh nau(spoken) = (elder)brother and (younger) sister
6. Daal lum(poetic) = lum(spoken) = shield
7. Dimtui(poetic) = Tedim(spoken)
8. Hau ta(poetic) = ngual te/ngual dang te(spoken) = strangers
9. Hau tawi(poetic) = Ukpi, Kumpi(spoken) = Chief/King/Noble
10. Pheitui(poetic) = Lophei(spoken)
11. Soltha, Tung Soltha(poetic) = Tha(spoken)) = Moon
12. Suktui(poetic) = Sukte(spoken)
13. Thian Mang(poetic) = Pathian(spoken) = God
14. Tuun nu(poetic) = nu(spoken) = mother
15. Va bang leang(poetic) = khualhaw(spoken) = travel
16. Vangkhua(poetic) = khua, ngam(spoken) = village, town, city, country
17. Zua pa(poetic) = pa(spoken) = father
18. Zaata(poetic) = mipi/mihonpi(spoken) = mass, public, crowd
19. Zaang ni(poetic) = ni (spoken) = sun
20. Zuun thiam(poetic) = vawt thiam, thin neam, thu neam(spoken) = kind, skilled
21. Zang khen kawlciang(poetic) = thau(spoken) = gun
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Most Chin musical instruments are used only mainly to orchestrate the rhythm of songs and dances
rather than as the accompaniement of the songs melodies. There are only a few different melodies in their
songs.
19.7 FOLK DANCES AND FEASTS
As mentioned above, originally the Zos must have had several dances before they were christianized. It is
believed that at least about 100 original dances from various regions still survive today - without counting
the number of variations that some of them have. For example, the Pa Lam of the Sizangs has two
different variations - a seven-step version and a three-step version - for different occasions, yet it has only
a single name. The name of the dance itself means Dance of Men or Male Dance. It is danced solely by
men and only on the occasions of funeral and feast celebrating the killing of big wild animals. At important
funerals(of important persons) and feasts celebrating the killing of big wild animals the seven-step version
was used and at ordinary funerals and feasts celebrating the killing of lesss important animals the three-
step version was used.
The Sizangs classify wild animals into two categories: Sa-pi/Sa-mang and Sa-no. Sa-pi/Sa-mang
roughly literally means great animals, and Sa-no means small animal. Those which are classified as Sa-
pi/Sa-mang are elephant, rhinoceros(Sumatrensis), rhinoceros(Sondaicus), tiger, panther, leopard and gaur.
Bear, wild boar and deer are included in the Sa-no category. Normally, only hunters who had really killed
any of the animals mentioned above could celebrate these feasts. Only wild animals killed with a gun were
celebrated, and not trapped ones. (When the British arrived there were still quite a number of both kinds of
Rhinoceros in Chinland. But they were soon extinct along with some other rare animals such as Malayan
sun bear at the turn of the 20th century (see APPENDIX J).
In Mizoram there are about eight major dances. But out of these dances the Chai Lam has four
versions and the Tlang Lam has several variations. Another example is Sar Lam. It is a warrior dance
and has several variations, too. It is danced in many regions in central Chin State, Chittagong Hill Tracts in
Bangladesh and two districts of Mizoram.
And several tribes have different versions of bamboo dance. For some tribes Bamboo dances are not
performed only on joyous occasions, but they were also parts of religious rituals as well. The Maras, for
instance, performed in olden days a special version of it to send the souls of the dead to the worlds
beyond at funerals.
Several dances and customs and traditions got lost as a result of Christianization, because the Zos owe
the Animism that they had professed or still are professing in many regions for a large part of their cultural
heritages. Thats one major reason why so many Christian Chins cannot distinguish religion from culture
and are therefore even ashamed of their cultural heritages. And several denominations even forbid their
members to perform folk dances, because folk dances used to be parts of religious rituals as well in
Animism. Their religious leaders from the West have never taught them about the importance of culture
for a peoples identity and survival.
Different dances were used for different occasions or feasts. There were about 24 important occasions
or feasts among the those in the Tiddim and Tonzang townships and Manipur State in India which were of
social, religious and economic nature. The most common occasions were the new year, the attainment of
certain level of wealth, harvest, funeral, the killing of one or more remarkable wild animals mentioned
above.(For the four major feasts of the Zahaus see marked passages on pages 15, 18 & 24 of APPENDIX V.)
Since there is no sex segration among Zo society men and women dance tightly together - that is, each
dancer stretches out his hands beneath the arms of the two dancers on his left and right sides and put
them around their waists or hold the hands of the dancers next to his immediate neighbours. At any
dancing occasion everybody is free to choose a place in the row. Zo folk dances are mostly collective or
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group dances in which men and women and young and old alike can take part regardless of social status.
Although some of these collective dances do not need special training, there are a number of dances
that demand long hours of training and experience. The bamboo dance is one example. Since several of
the Zo dances are collective dances all dancers sing collectively while they are dancing arm- in- arm.
Dances are led solely by the drummer.
By the way, Burmese dances are staged performances rather than social dancing. The two sexes are
strictly segregated in the Burman society. A man could be sued by a woman if he touches any part of her
body without any concrete reasons or her permssion. It is absolutely a tabu.
19.8 HEAD-HUNTING AND OTHER SPECIAL FEASTS
Head-hunting: - It used to be considered that all inhabitants of these Hills were head-hunters. In fact,
so great an authority as Colonel Lewin derives the name Lushai from lu, a head and sha, to cut.
This, of course, is a mistake, as the name of the clan is not Lushai, but Lushei, and though sha does
mean to cut, it does not mean to cut off, and could not be used of cutting a mans head; but that such
a mistake should have been possible show how firmly rooted was the belief that head-hunting was one
of the peculiarities of the population of these Hills. I believe that as far as the Lushais and their kindred
clans are concerned, head-hunting was not indulged in. By this I mean that parties did not go out simply
to get heads. Of course, a man who had killed his man was thought more highly of than one who had
not, and, therefore, when a man did kill a person and he brought the head home to show that he was
speaking the truth; but the raids were not made to get heads, but for loots and slaves. The killing and
taking of heads were merely incidents in the raid, not the cause of it...(Shakespear, pp. 59-60)

A very special occasion among the many festivals of the Zo people was the making of a victory feast
with special rituals and dances over ones enemy at which the enemys skull (s) was (were) displayed. The
traditions of head-hunting were apparently different from tribe to tribe. While some tribes apparently cut off
heads in cool blood and made this ceremony, a number of other tribes, the Sizangs and Tedim-related
tribes among them for instance, cut only the heads of those they had killed in war.
They did not hunt down innocent human beings - even among hostile tribes - and cut their heads just
in order to make these heads as trophies nor did they deliberately kill and cut the heads of captured
enemy. A captured enemy was usually kept and used as slave instead. Even then his family or relatives or
tribe could still buy for his freedom. Slavery was widely practiced among all Zo tribes until the British
annexation, as it had also been widely practised in other countless parts of the world, including some
Western Christian societies as late as one or two centuries ago.
Traditionally, among the Sizangs and other Tedim-related tribes mostly only warriors and powerful chiefs
made this ceremony because of some reasons: First, the Chins used to believe that one must be spiritually
superior and more powerful in worldly terms as well than the dead enemy if one wanted to celebrate this
special ceremony, otherwise the spirit of the dead would bring him and his family misfortunes; second, it
was very costly to celebrate such a feast. However, not every warrior or powerful chief made this
ceremony even though they may not have lacked self-confidence and the necessary material means.
One example was my paternal grandfather. He was both a chief and a warrior. He led some of the fiercest
battles against General Sir Whites British troops during the Anglo-Chin War (1888-89) and once again
during the Siyin-Nwengal Rebellion (1892-93). However, although he had had ample opportunities then, he
did not cut even a single enemys head nor did he make the said ceremony. He had only once made the
feast for the killing of gaurs.
Unlike all the other ceremonies this ceremony, which is called Gal Ai in Tedim dialect and Ral Ai in
Mizo and several other Zo dialects, was a very rare occasion - at least among the Sizangs. The celebration
of this feast in fact was both an act of revenge and sorrow at the same time, rather than a joyous
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occasion. The rituals and dances with which this feast was made were different from tribe to tribe, but the
main essence of it was generally the same among several tribes. Another reason why only those who were
true warriors dared to make this feast in olden days was that if one celebrated this ceremonywithout having
ever really fought in a war or killed an enemy he could easiy become an object of contempt, or a laughing
stock. However, it became somewhat fashionable lately in the mid 1950s and 60s among the Sizangs to
make this ceremony without having ever really fought in a battle or having ever killed an enemy that only
five out of the tweenty two people who had made this ceremony during the 20th century could be taken
seriously. In ancient times those - especially young warriors - who had killed enemies in a battle cut the
heads of the enemies whom they killed and took them home in order to prove their bravery. Brave people
were most admired and respected. A brave man had had much more chance than a coward to get a
woman of his choice.
And here are a few statistics among the Sizangs who had made various celebrations in the 20th
century: Twenty men made the Saai Aai feast - for the killing of one or more elephants; 68 men made the
Sial Aai feast for the killing of one or more gaurs; six celebrated both feasts: Saai Aai and Sial Aai;
three made the Sahang Aai feast for the killing of one or more tigers; three made both feasts: Saai
Aai and Sahang Aai. See APPENDIX CC.
Among the feasts mentioned above the Sahang Aai is also a very special one, like the Ral Ai,
because, unlike other celebrations, it was a tradition among several tribes that someone who had killed a
tiger must compulsorily make this celebration. Among the Tedims, for example, if he could not afford to
make it himself, even his Chief was obliged to defray the expenses of the ceremony. And among some
tribes only those who had had self-confidence and brave enough dared made it. It was believed that if
someone is not really superior to the spirit of the tiger that he had killed and then made this ceremony,
when he died not only his remains, but also even that of his wifes, would be exhumed and lacerated into
pieces by tigers. And this really had happened often. Therefore, it was celebrated with very special rituals.
One among them was the hunter disguised himself as a woman by dressing woman dresses, for instance,
so that tigers would not recognize him!
People therefore used to say, when someone who had made this Sahang Ai died, Lets wait and see
who is superior. They meant eiher the hunter or the tiger which he killed. Burials were always made in the
evening and if nothing happended to his grave during the first burial night, then people said the next day
that the hunter was indeed superior to the spirit of the tiger.
19.9 RITUALS AND ROLES OF MEAT AND ZU
Meat of different animals and Zu play so many crucial roles among several Zo tribes that their
explanation would fill several pages. When someone dies in a village, every household will bring a pot or
several pots of rice-beer of different sizes to be consumed at the deads house, depending on the nature of
its kindship with the deads family or its economic condition. And on other important occasions as well, like
the various ceremonies and feasts mentioned above, every household will also bring just the same amount
to the place where the event will take place. On such important occasions, for example, Zu is not drunk
just in order to get drunk, but as a social function that cements a community or communities.
The rituals of consuming Zu at formal events are very strict - at least at the beginning or until people
get drunk. The drinking will be initiated by the high priest, if it is a religious event, or someone who has the
_______________________________________________
Note: Information concerning traditional songs, folk dances and head- hunting ceremonies mentioned above are that of various tribes from
Tedim and Tonzang townships in Burma and a part of Manipur State in India. Even among these tribes there are a number of variations
in these fields. But since its not possible to describe these variations in detail, Ive simply generalized them all. I know only in general that
several other Zo tribes also made or still make similar festivals or feasts, but I do not have detailed information about them.
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highest social status or the most elderly man or woman in the society, if its a social event. In olden days
when only dried gourd was still used as cup each would drink the quantity of a small gourd and when he
had consumed his share, he would then invite another man or woman who also had some social status or
who was most advanced in age, and so on. If there was a guest or stranger at the scenes, he would also
be given equal priority no matter what his social status was. And it is deemed very rude for someone to start
drinking from any pot without being invited by someone who has just consumed his own share. Ones first
own share is usually just a cup. The measurement is done at the beginning by marking inside the beer pot
with a small piece of bamboo and when the water level reaches that marking by drinking it will be filled up
again with water. When all those who are present have already drunk their shares in the first round, then
everybody is free to drink from any pot he likes. Rituals for the drinking of Zu among many other Zo tribes
are also equally strict. For the feasts and rituals among the Zahau tribe, see marked passages on pages 23
& 27 of APPENDIX V.
There are only three other nationalities in Burma - the Karens, Kayas/Karennis and Nagas - that have
this kind of rice-beer. So far this author knows, however, in those three societies, unlike that of the Zo
society, the consumption of rice-beer does not play any crucial role.
Chin Liquor: Yu or zu is the name given to the liquor of the country; it is made from rice, various
millets, or Indian-corn, according to the staple crop of the neighbourhood. Only among the Hakas, on
the immediate south of Manipur and on the Lushai border, is rice liquor found; elsewhere liquor is always
made of millet and very occasionally of Indian-corn. The method of preparing this liquor is simple: a
quantity of millet is placed in an elongated jar and is damped with water, thus causing it to ferment.
Fermentation is usually assisted by the introduction of ferment, which kept from each brew to assist the
next. It is left in this condition until required, and a pot of liquor which has fermented for 30 days and
more is superior to that which has only fermented for a week. When the liquor is required the pot is
brought forth and the mouth is closed with leaves, a hollow reed is passed through the millet almost to
the bottom and water is poured into the jar. The liquor is now ready and is either drunk by being sucked
out of the jar through the reed or run off into a receptacle by means of a second reed, which connected
with the upright one in the jar by an inverted V-shaped joint of beewax or metal and which acts, when
sucked with the lips until the stream commences to flow, as a syphon.
Lieutenant Macnabb in a pamphlet on the Chins thus correctly describes the Chins extraordinary taste
for liquor:-
The great universal vice amongst the Chins is drunkenness: men, women, and even babies at their
mothers breasts all drink, and a state of intoxication is considered as creditable as it is pleasant. No
event is complete without liquor, and nothing is offence when committed under the influence of liquor.
Not to ply a visitor with liquor is considered the height of discourtesy, and the warmth of a mans
reception is guaged by the number of pots of liquor broached for him.
The liquor varies in taste as well as in strength, and because one has drunk a quart of ones liquor
without feeling the effects, it does not necessarily follow that a quart of another mans liquor will not go
to the head, and the first cupful drawn from the pot is stronger than the last. The taste is not unlike
cider. It is a most refreshing drink after a hot march, and though it is unwise to drink whilst actually
marching, it certainly pulls one together more quickly than any other stimulant in times of great fatique...
It speaks well for the quality of the liquor that the Chin, although an habitual drunkard from his early
childhood, lives to a good old age. A child and its great-grandfather may often be seen drinking
together at the feasts...(Carey & Tuck, pp. 183-184)
Equally crucial are the roles that meat of various animals also play among several tribes. I shall mention
briefly here only about the traditions of the Sizangs. Traditionally the Sizangs classify domestic animals into
three categories: 1. Mithan, water buffalo and cow; 2. goat; 3. pig. There are two different rituals of cutting
the throats of these animals depending on the occasions, or the purpose of the event - marriage
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ceremony, funeral service (during and after), a feast made in honour of a relative on ones mothers side,
etc. And the meat is also prepared differently depending on the occasions. For general occasions 14
portions, and for marriage ceremonies only 3 portions are prepared from specific different parts of the
animal killed, and these portions are distributed among relatives according to the six major and two minor
categories of relationship. Although the portions are of course small and only symbolic, they are deemed
very important for such traditions cement kindships and social ties.
The meat of an animal which is slaughtered for the sole purpose of consumption without any specific
purpose is prepared without any rituals. And it is a very common practice for people to slaughter any of the
above-mentioned animals for someone as a gesture of gratitude for some past favour.
Although this tradition of meat division may vary from tribe to tribe, I think the Zahau tradition could be
used as a model for the vast majority of Zo tribes. For the Zahau tradition of meat division and kinship see
marked passages on pages 15-23 and 28 of APPENDIX V.(It is a 20-page article titled: FEASTING AND
MEAT DIVISION AMONG THE ZAHAU CHINS OF BURMA: A PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS by Mr. H.N.S.
Stevenson. But Im using only the 18 pages of text from it; the other two pages contain photos which are
blurred anyway. URL for the original version: www.arakanmusic.com/BOOKS/zahau_chins_of_burma.pdf.)
Several other Zo tribes also are still widely practising this tradition of meat division of their own even
though they have been professing the Chrisitian faith for three, four generations. Not only because of the
traditions and customs mentioned above, but also because of many of the codes of social relationship
and kinship were and still are rather complex, the traditional Zo society as a whole could be defined as very
conservative.(The Northern Chin proper are those of Tiddim Subdivision. The Tiddim social and cultural
system is basically complex, and so, despite important structural distinctions, belongs with that of the
Central Chin rather than with the Southern Chin...The structure of Chin society as a whole will be better
understood, however, only when research has been done on the Tiddim Chin. Lehman, p. 17)
19.10 ZU AND LUNG 'BEER AND STONE' CULTURE OF KCHO
Here is another article dealing with the very important role that the rice-beer plays in Mindat area of Southern Chin State.
I am using the entire article here.
When one visits Kcho land, he will find conglomerations of mysterious monolithic tables everywhere like outdoor cultural
museums. Kcho people have been practicing this unique culture of constructing stone monuments for centuries.No one
knows how and when this lithic culture began among Kcho people. A documentary television program of Kcho Lung Zu
broadcasted in 2002 by the NHK, a Japanese TV channel, briefly mentions that there were people also in India, China,
and Japan who had similar culture of erecting stones in the same way as the Kcho people do. Of course, there were
some more societies in other parts of the world where such cultures related to stones can be seen, like South America,
the British Island and so on. Some Kcho consider that Kcho people came from Pyu, one of the earliest settlers of Burma
(the history of Chin tribes 2000: Kcho or Chin tribes of Mindat and Kanpetlet). They proposed that the Kcho stone
______________________________________________________________
Note 1 : Mr. H.N.S. Steven was a trained anthropologist and British colonial administrator. He was also the Superintendent of the Chin Hills
Division and author of The Economics of the Central Chin Tribes(1943) and The Hill Peoples of Burma(1944), etc.
Note 2: In all Tedim-related tribes and sub-tribes it is called Zo Zu(Zo Rice-beer).
Note 3: The main ingredients of rice-beer are maize, rice, sticky rice, sorghum and millets, or the combination of them all. These are
cooked first and then fermented with self-made yeast. It can be consumed after four or five days. Among the southern Chins, its very
common to consume fermented Zu after several months.
Note 4: A Zu pot is filled with the ingredients mentioned above to the full and water is then poured in until it is full. It can be consumed after
two hours. Zu is normally drunk directly from the pot through one or two bamboo pipes.
Note 5: Zu pots are made of clay and a kind of rasin and the shapes of them are completely different from that of pots used for cooking food.
The sizes are also varying greatly.(See PHOTO 11 to get an idea about the shape of a typical rice-beer pot and how one drinks out of it.
The shapes are also varying from region to region throughout Chinland.

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culture is handed down from the Pyu culture, where the dead were cremated, the bones were then put in an earthen
urchern and placed under the stones. Kcho people also used to, some still do, cremate the dead and put the bones in
an earthen jar called guh kam bone pot, which they place under the stone-tables. Authors of A brief history of Kcho
Chin speculate that Kcho people came from Sak or Htet, who were mentioned in stone inscriptions as htet-myan-chin of
the west. The Htet of the west were recorded in the Burmese stone inscriptions along with the Pyus and other major
known groups of the time.
It will be almost impossible to verify the above two claims that Kcho people were Pyu or Htet. But, it is highly
possible that Kcho people had significant contact with whoever had those cultures of erecting stone monuments, if it
were not the original Kcho culture. Another speculation of the authors in A brief history of Kcho Chin: 1997 is that Kcho
people might have been part of or influenced by the social-culture group, who practiced a kind of Buddhism, before the
forceful introduction of Thei-ra-wa-da Buddhism by the Burmese monarch, in which stones played a part in the belief
system called Htei-la-kyawk-pya kookwe hmuh the worship of giant stone slabs. The Kcho oral history of migration,
which says that Kcho people lived in Pagan area, seems to support the hypothesis that Kcho people had significant
contact with other culture(s), many of which they absorbed. The fact that some villages are still called Chin-ywa Chin
village and some stone monuments similar to Kcho stone tables are said to be still standing today in the vicinity of Mt.
Pukpa, also seems to be supporting the Kcho oral history.
Whatever was the origin of Kcho people and the stone culture, we will mainly concern ourselves with examining what
these stones tell us about Kcho people.
The stone tables are associated with the Zu local-brewed millet beer feast, which Lehman (1963: 177ff) calls Feast of
Merit. One cannot construct this stone monument at will, but only at the occasion of Zu Hlak/sak Zu/Beer Feast. There
are a hierarchy of the Zu feasts, and only the level of Lung Zu stone beer and above in the hierarchy sanctions one to
erect lung msoon a stone table.
Hierarchy of Zu Hlak or Beer Feast
1. Kphlai zu Inaugural Zu Feast
2. Me zu Goat Zu Feast
3. Gha zu Ten Zu Feast
4. Mku zu Twenty-Zu Feast
5. Lung zu Stone Zu Feast
6. Maang zu Lordship Zu Feast
Six feasts combining level 1 to 4, any level of the feasts more than once except level one or the Kphlai Zu Inaugural
Beer Feast, sanctions one to give the level 5 feast called Lung Zu Stone Beer Feast and construct a Lung Msoon
stone table outside the village called Ngzuung Lung stone table outside the village and on the higher ground or ridge
as opposed to valley. One can begin to erect a stone table in front of his house called Duuma Lung stone in front of
the house after 6 Ngzuung Lung or stone tables outside the village.
Finally, the highest level of Zu feast called Maang Zu Lord Beer Feast presupposes six Duuma Lung stone in front
of the house. A man who can give this feast can build Maang Im the Lordly Mansion, and also can have Maang Ktung
Master pole or a pole showing his a achievement. They also eat Maang ei royal banquet? separately from the
commoners during festive occasions. Very few people are said to have been able to have this feast in their life time;
among them are
1. Ngghong Om Mlup, or Om MLup from Ngghong village, celebrated a Maang Zu using 100 mithans.
2. MKyai Ghung Kyui, Ghung Kyui from Mkyai village, used 60 mithans during his Maang Zu.
3. There were many Maangs or lords who had this feast using 30, 20, 12, and 6 mithans.
4. KHngi Long Maang NgThang, Maang NgThang from KHngi Long village, also was famous for his wealth. He had so
many Khngais ear-rings that he had to sun them out on a mat.
5. Vok Kyuk Kho Ghung, Kho Ghung from Vok Kyuk village, too was well known for his bravery. As he could kill six
elephants with his spear on a single day, he was revered equally with the Maangs.
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19.11 CHIN FACIAL TATTOO TRADITION
A very special and interesting part of the Chin culture is what is now known as the Chin facial tattoo tradition. It is
mostly practiced among women in the southern parts of Chin State. There are a variety of Chin facial tattoos in terms
of forms and styles. However, it is a gradually vanishing tradition. Mr. Shwekey Hoipang, a Chin Christian pastor, has
widely elaborated on this subject in his interview with the Chinland Guardian. See APPENDIX GG for his interview.
20.0 MANNER AND CUSTOMS
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 174-184)
20.1 VILLAGES
The villages in the Chin Hills may be divided into three types, the village of the nomadic jhoomer, the village of the
professional raider, and the permanent village of those who are sufficiently powerful to resist attack or who pay black
mail to ensure immunity from raids or tithes to the powerful in return for protection.
20.1.1 JHOOMERS AS The only nomadic jhoomers in the Chin Hills are Thados subordinate to the Kanhow Chief, who
TAUNGYA-CUTTERS reside in the heavy timber on the eastern slopes of the Letha range. These people jhoom
and grow rice, and as they have to jhoom frest land yearly they constantly move the village-
site and therefore content themselves with living in bamboo huts thatched with grass, bamboo leaves, or split bamboo
stems, and make no attempt to improve the village by planting trees, cutting paths or making compounds...
20.1.2 VILLAGES OF RAIDING The village-sites of the professional raider and also the villages of those regularly
TRIBES raided, were chosen solely for the defensive advantages which they offer. All such
matters as soil, water-supply and shelter from the wind were secondary considera-
tions. Except in the far south and south-west, which is practically outside our sphere of control, our occupation of the
hills has had such an effect in putting a stop to raids and the prosecution of blood feuds that the people by almost
universal consent have ceased to keep in repair the artificial fortifications of the villages, and in many cases they have
left their fortified and uncomfortable strongholds and have settled down near water, on good soil, and in sheltered
positions...
20.1.3 ORDINARY VILLAGES When suitable and sufficient soil is found to raise enough grain for their wants the
people fix on the site for the village. When they are not habitual raiders or normads,
the most important points connected with the choice of the site are shelter from the high winds, proximity to running
water and the fields, and capacity for defence. The village should also be so situated as to catch the morning sun.
When the site is chosen, the village is marked off in compounds, and each household constructs its own platforms,
builds its own house, and plants its own hedges or in lieu builds a fence.
......................................................................................................
Reference for 19.10 ZU AND LUNG 'BEER AND STONE' CULTURE OF KCHO
- Ghung Phai NgLing. nd. Kcho customs and the 7 sacraments. Manuscript.
- Ghung Kyui. 1997. A brief history of Kcho Chin people, Mindat township, southern district of Chin State: Compiled
by the Kcho history committee to be presented in Haka.
- (I cannot give the bibliography of another book about the Chin history that I qouted as it is borrowed by some other
friends.)
- Lehman, F.K., 1963. The structure of Chin society. A tribal people of Burma adapted to a non-western civilization.
Illinois Studies in Anthropology No. 3. University of Illinois.

Copyright (c)2009 Kchopeople.com
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20.1.4 PLAN OF VILLAGES As the village is nearly always placed on the side of the hills, it is necessary to
excavate and make a level platform for the compound, and thus a series of platforms
are cut in the face of the mountain. Each platform is surrounded with a timber fence or a cactus hedge and often with
both. As there is usually no scarcity of sites, each house has a kitchen garden in the compound. Sufficient space is
left between each compound for a public road, which admits of persons proceeding in a single file, and as in course of
time the heavy rains pour down the side of the hill and turn the village path into canals, they are often in a few years
cut to a depth of 4 and even 6 feet. This adds to the fortification of the village.
20.1.5 WATER-SUPPLY Usually water is carried into the villages by troughs or wooden leads so as to save the
trouble of fetching water from the springs. These leads may frequently be seen winding a mile
and more round the hills, spanning deep nullahs and passing over broken ground, before entering the village, when
branch leads conduct the water to the large wooden trough which is found in every compound. The branch lead is only
used when water is required, and the surplus water after passing through and round the entire village in the main leads
wastes itself below the village.
The leads are hewn out of the trunks and boughs of trees and are ordinarily 15-foot boughs scooped out. When it is
required to divide the water-supply into two streams, a forked bough is procured, and both prongs being hollowed out,
the water branches off through each and is carried on in single pipes as before. The water-supply is of common interest,
and all assist in the work of construction and maintenance of the leads.
20.1.6 VILLAGE DEFENCE The village fortifications are also a public matter and all assist in building up the
fortified gates and in digging the necessary rifle trenches outside the village fence.
The lie of the country and thickness of jungle being equal, the Chin expects attack from below and not from the village,
as it is hard for an enemy to approach from above without being seen, and surprise is the one tactic of the Chin. Rifle-
pits flush with the ground and hidden by growing grass and ferns bar all paths are at a distance of 100 yards to 2 miles
from the villages. Their presence may be usually suspected when the ground suddenly becomes open and the trees
and undergrowth have been removed. These rifle-pits are often of very considerable length and never terminate except
in a nullah or below the crest of a hill, to ensure if necessary the escape of the defenders, whom it is impossible to hit
unless they show above the trench when firing. The village gate is so narrow that only one man can enter at a time,
and to reach this gate a zigzag path and often a tunnel has to be entered...
When attacking a village it is a golden role never to enter by the gateway unless it has been demolished by guns,
but if it is attempted a smart outlook should be kept, as a ton of rock or a tree trunk of similar weight, dislodgable by
the foot or body, is very likely to be suspended over the path.
In the Siyin-Sokte, and especially in the Sokte-Nwengal tracts, large trenhes are dug and roofed with heavy timber
flush with the ground inside the villages; these trenches are maintained as a refuge for the women and children in case
of sudden attack. The enterance is blocked up and there are some dozen loop-holes through which the defender shoots
down any who approaches his underground block-house. In 1889 at Tartan we learnt that Chins cannot be turned out of
those underground fortifications without our suffering considerable loss...
20.1.7 VILLAGE NAMES Villages are not always named at haphazard. The names of the founders of a clan,
such as Limkai and Toklaing, are given to some; others are named after the jungle
or hill on which they are built, such as Dabon, Mwelpi, and Taksat, but the origin of the names of most of the southern
villages the people are unable to explain.
20.2 HOUSES
The houses in the Haka jurisdiction are the finest in the hills, being considerably larger than those of the Tashons and
their tributaries. Individual houses in the Siyin-Sokte tract were very large, but they have all been destroyed during the
various recent expeditions and it will be many years before fine houses are seen again in their country.
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20.2.1 DESCRIPTION OF As the houses of all are built on the same general principles and vary in size and
A HAKA HOUSE Equality according to the wealth or poverty of the owner, it is necessary only to
describe the house of the Haka. The house is one-storeyed, built of plank, with a
thatch roof, and is 20 feet high by 50 to 200 feet long and some 50 feet broad, according to the position and influence
of the owner. It has no windows or chimneys and the smoke escapes as it can.
It is built off the ground and underneath is the pig and cattle pen. In the front is a long platform and the house is
divided into a front verandah and front room, a back room, a closet and a back verandah. It must be borne in mind that
the village is built on the side of a hill, and therefore when the house rests some 3 feet off the ground on the up-hill side
it is perhaps 15 and 20 feet off the ground and supported by long posts on the down-hill side. The props which support
the house are firmly placed and the floor is always even in spite of the enormous slant on the hillside... The floor of this
platform is made of pine planking, the boards being inferior to those used in the flooring of the house, which are
particularly noticeable for their great strength and breadth and which are fitted together with skill and without the
assistance of nails.
The Wunthu Chiefs house, which is accounted the finest in the hills, is planked with enormous and faultless boards,
the largest measuring 5 feet 4 inches in breadth, and is of great strength. Pine is the most common planking used, but
walnut, teak, and other wood is not uncommon in the south, whilst a red wood which resembles mahogany was formerly
greatly used for the floors of the Siyin and Sokte Chief houses.
The roof of the house protrudes or overhangs the front verandah, which is enclosed on three sides and decorated
with the skulls of animals hung in rows on the walls and piled up on the ground. Sometimes as many as 300 skulls are
found in this verandah and represent not necessarily the game killed by the owner of the house, but also that killed by
his father and even his grandfather before him. Among these trophies are found to be the skulls of elephants,
rhinoceros, bison, gorral, serrao, deer of several kinds, bear, boar, monkeys also heads of large cat-fish and mahseer,
skulls of hornbill, vulture, and eagle, and odds and ends, such as the gall-bags of animals, honey-comb and feathers.
The heads of human beings are never brought inside the village or placed among these trophies; they are always
stuck on posts outside the village. In the south the heads of tigers and panthers are not placed in the collection in the
verandah and are not brought into the village, but the Northern Chins hang up these heads in common with the others
inside their houses. Besides the heads of wild animals the skulls of domestic mithun, buffalo, pigs, goats, and dogs
which have been killed at feasts are included in the collection of skulls.
All Chin houses smell disgustingly, as it to be expected when the house is a common dwelling and pig-pen. Vermin
of all kinds infest the houses, and if heavy rain compels the European to sleep in a Chin house he must not expect to
pass a comfortable night.
20.2.2 HOUSE-BUILDING The labour of building a house is enormous and a house is not satisfactorily
completed under from three to ten years, for not only is the amount of material used
very large, but also poles and planks have to be felled and dragged some miles to the village after they are properly
seasoned. A tree usually produced two planks. When it is felled it is split in half and both halves are dressed and
trimmed until two flat planks and piles of chips along remain of the original trunk. A small heavy-headed axe is used,
and is usually considered by us as an inferior tool. This is not the case, as its lightness combined with its balance and
sharpness enables the Chin to fell a very large number of trees or moderate girth in the day. For moderate-sized timber
the Chin axe is superior to ours, though for heavy timber our heavy axes are by far the superior implement...
The labour of bringing the planks to the village is so great that the people have to help each other to drag them to
the village, and it has become a regular custom for the man who brings the planks to the village to provide his
neighbours with liquor even when they do not assist in the work. When a Chief builds a house all his subordinate
villagers have to assist in cutting and dragging timber free of all cost.
20.3 DOMESTIC ANIMALS
The domestic animals include mithuns, pigs, goats, dogs, cats, and fowls. All these are eaten by the Siyins and Soktes.
The Tashons say they do not eat dog and the Hakas either eat dog nor goat, giving as their reason that dogs flesh is
rank and that goats flesh smells.
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20.3.1 PIGS The pigs are the scavengers of the village and are considered the greatest delicacy as food. The
highest compliment which can be paid to a guest is to kill a pig for his entertainment. The pig is killed
in a repulsive manner. It is laid on its side and a bamboo skewer, taken from the hair of a man, or a wooden spike, is
driven through its side and into the heart, which is then stirred about, and the pig dies without a drop of blood. The
blood is then carefully collected and is cooked as blood sausages.
20.3.2 GOATS The goat is a handsome, white animal with a black face, the hair of the back being long and hanging
down the sides nearly to the ground. They are, however, small and have delicate lungs, which
accounts for there being so few in the hills in spite of the rapidity with which they breed. Goats and mithuns are never
milked by the Chins as no Kuki ever drinks milk, considering it unclean. The Chins tell us that they are afraid to drink
the milk of an animal for fear of becoming like it in nature.
20.3.3 DOGS There are two breeds of dogs in the Hills, the ordinary pariah dog and the wild long-haired bushy-tailed
dog which hasbeen tamed and which is a most handsome but treacherous animal. Dogs are kept in
the south as watch dogs and for sacrificial use, and in the north the dog not only guards the house and is sacrificed
to the spirits, but is also devoured with more relish than any other animal except the pig.
20.3.4 FOWLS The fowls are of very superior type as compared with the ordinary Burmese or Indian village fowl; they
are somewhat of the Dorking type in form, though lacking as a rule the fifth toe; they are square-
bodied, broad-breasted and short-legged. The birds are of all colours, but the major proportion are that of the red game.
Pile cocks and jet-black hens are common, but black cocks are very scarce. They are fair layers, the eggs being in
proportion to the size of the birds and they are capital sisters and mothers. A very excellent table fowl is produced by
a cross with the Indian game.
20.3.5 MITHUN The Chins tell us that the Gavus frontalis is not a separate animal to the Gavus guarus, and that
their mithun are the results of a cross between the wild bison bull and the common cow. They explain
that the tame cows of the plains are purposely herded in the inhabitats of the bison, and that the cows are covered by
the bison bulls. The half-breed is considered a poor animal and it is not until the fourth generation that the animal has
reached the stage of the mithun. For sacrificial purposes the animal should be quite black and should be four breedings
removed from the common cow. To the uninitiated the small size and the straight frontal bone of the mithun is the only
difference between it and the bison. The mithun plays an important part in sacrifices, feasts, and in the price paid for a
wife. In buying and selling mithun the size of the animal and the age is never spoken of. The one measurement which is
taken into consideration is the length of the horns, and whenever a mithun is awarded as compensation we always find
the greatest difficulty in satisfying both parties that the horns of the animal are the exact length of the award.
Ordinarily the mithun are quite tame and are herded near the villages and brought home and penned in the com-
pounds at night. At Haka and some other villages, however, there is a large semi-wild herd of mithun, which consists
of cows and mithun in all the various stages of the cross; they are allowed to roam at pleasure and are watched and
driven back if they roam too far from the village...
20.3.5 COWS AND BUFFALOES The common cow and the buffalo of the plains is occasionally found in the villages.
Sagyilain has a small herd of cows and the Hakas own a large herd of buffaloes,
which, like their herd of mithun, are allowed to wander freely and are but very occasionally rounded up. Although the
Siyins and Soktes formerly raided large quantities of buffabloes from Burma, they invariably slaughtered and ate them
at the feasts.
20.4 FOOD
20.4.1 STAPLE FOOD Grain, not flesh, is the staple food of the Chins, and although he eats flesh ravenously
whenever he gets the chance, he by no means eats it every week. The Chin is without any
caste prejudices and will eat with anyone and(except that dogs and goats are not universally eaten in the south) he
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may be said to eat every kind of flesh except of man and tiger.
The food is cooked in the households of the rich by slaves, and by women of the household when there are no
slaves. At feasts Chief and slave, man and woman, eat together, but, ordinarily the family eat their meal together and
that which remains is afterwards eaten by the slaves and dogs. When the crop is good and food is abundant the slave
lives like his master, but when there is scarcity he subsists chiefly on the boiled root of the plantain tree flavoured
with chillies and salt...
20.4.2 THE GARDEN In the kitchen garden are found chiefly tobacco, melons, pumpkins, cucumbers, chillies,
verbena, and other herbs for cooking. It is also an orchard, in which grow plantains, oranges,
citrons, peaches and sweet-limes.(p. 179)
20.4.3 ORDINARY MEAL The daily food of the Chin is usually millet, Indian-corn, yams, sweet-potatoes, beans of
various sorts, including the aunglauk. The meal consists of a spinach soup made out of
pumpkins or leaves and some boiled grain; the soup is served in an earthen jar and the grain in basket; both are placed
on the floor and the household sit round each with a gourd dipper, which they dip into the soup with the one hand whilst
they take fists full of boiled grain out of the basket with the other. The food is often highly flavoured with a chutney
made out of chillies, onions, ginger and salt ground up together. The roe of a fish dried in the sun, and highly spiced
with chillies, is a delicate condiment.
The Chin has three regular meal hours, daylight, noon, and sunset, and although he then eats enormously he will,
when he gets the chance, eat between whiles. It is erroneous to consider the Chin a poor half-starved creature: he has
a voracious appetite, which he gratifies, and the Burmans best acquinted with the hills assert that the Chin eats fully
three times as much rice or millet as they can. Rice is the favourite food, but it is not often procurable; millet is the
staple food and is preferred to pulses, Indian-corn, and roots. The yams and sweet-potatoes grow to great size and
good quality, and are usually mixed with beans...
20.4.4 TOBACCO CULTIVATION The tobacco plant is universally grown in the hills, usually in the kitchen garden in
the villages and along the banks of the streams in the fields. The leaf is small and
is cured by merely drying it in the sun or over fireplace. When it is dry it is rolled into balls.
20.4.5 COLLECTION AND USE Women throughout Chinland smoke unceasingly, not only for their own pleasure, but
OF NICOTINE also to supply the men with nicotine water. The pipes of the women are hubble-
bubbles with a clay bowl, a bamboo or guord water receptacle and metal stem. The
smoke passes from the bowl into the guord or bamboo receptable and impregnates the water with nicotine. When this
nicotine water is sufficiently flavoured it is poured into a guord which the southern women carry in their baskets and
which the northern women carry round their necks, and from this the nicotine guords of the men are filled. Every man
sips this nicotine: he does not drink it, he merely keeps it in his mouth for a time and then spits it out. His general
procedure is the same as the Americans, the only difference being that the nicotine enters the Chins mouth in a liquid
state, whilst that of the American enters in solid form as fine cut or plug. Neither intentionally swallows nicotine.
20.4.6 SMOKING The Thado and Sokte men are great smokers; the Siyins are beginning to smoke English
pipes, but when we first came to the Hills they hardly if ever smoked at all. The Shunklas and
their tributaries smoke regularly, but in the south only the elderly smoke regularly, and it is uncommon to see youths
smoking at all. The practice of spitting on the tobacco to make it burn slowly is universal.
20.4.7 PIPES The style of pipes varies. The Thados smoke a short metal pipe with both stem and bowl
made of brass or iron; amongst the Yahows and Shunklas a heavy bamboo bowl with a 3- or
4-foot stem is smoked; and the Soktes smoke, besides a bamboo bowl, a bowl made of mixed clay and pigs dung and
baked like a clay pipe. The most common pipes in the Hills is a bamboo bowl lined with copper or other metal to prevent
it from burning, and a bamboo stem a foot long. In the Tashon country, especially in the west, curious brass pipes are
cast in moulds. The stems of these pipes are often ornamented with figures of men, horse, elephants, hornbill and
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bison. To light the pipe flint and steel, which almost every Chin carries, is used. The flint and steel are both imported
and the timber used is either cotton or puff ball.
20.5 HUNTING AND FISHING
(Note: Although Carey & Tuck deal this topic in a separate Chapter(XXII), I simply include it in this chapter for reasons of convenience. Author)
PP. 215-220
Although the hills contain a large variety of game, the quantity has been much reduced in the inhabited tracts owing
to the practice, which we found in force, of the Chins carrying their guns whenever they left the village to cultivate, to
visit neighbours, or to trade. Now, however, the carrying of guns on the main roads is inhabited and the Chins realize
that it is no longer necessary to do so for their self-protection, and therefore a large amount of game now escapes
which would formerly have been shot. The withdrawing of 4,000 guns from the natives during the past five years will
have the effect of increasing the game enormously.
20.5.1 CHIN AS HUNTERS* The Chin is an adept in the art of poaching; no bird, beast or fish is safe from his
gun, arrow, net, snares, pits, traps, fingers, and pellet bows. He is an expert tracker
and has an intimate knowledge of the ways and habits of all game, and he shoots at everything that comes to his gun.
He has no respect for the breeding season and all the beats of the forest are fit for food, except the tiger and panther,
and it is a great achievement to kill either of these. The Chins seldom hunt alone, and when in small parties they either
track or follow the course of a stream to shoot the game whilst drinking...
20.5.2 ELEPHANTS, TIGERS The Chin charges his gun with from two to five bullets and he fires the same charge
AND BEARS at elephant, tiger, monkey or pheasant. When shooting elephant and tiger the hunter
trusts for safety more to his agility than to his aim, for he does not expect to kill the
animal for hours and perhaps for days. In the end he usually does kill it in the following manner. He aims at the body
and generally a volley of several guns is fired at once; then each man escapes as be he can; after a while they return
and follow the tracts of blood until they get another volley at the beast, while gradually sinks from exhaustion or from
the effects of wounds in the intestines. So good a tracker is the Chin, that a wounded seldom escapes.
The Himalayan bear is the animal most feared by the Chins as, although elephants trample and tigers maul them, the
most difficult animal to avoid is the bear, and large numbers of the natives carry terrible wounds and disfigurements
received in encounters with this animal.
20.5.3 TRAPPING TIGERS Tiger and panther are trapped by placing over the path used by the animal platform, on
AND PANTHERS which half a ton of stones is piled; the platform supported by a prop which is dislodged by
the animal passing underneath, and the stones falling on the beast kill it and crush it out
of shape. A heavy log is often substituted for the problem of stones, and the prop connected with creepers across the
road in which the beast becomes entangled. In its struggles to escape it releases the prop and the heavy beam falls
and crushes out of like. Tiger and panther, as well as small deer and other wild animals, are often caught in pits...
20.5.4 FISHING The Chin has six methods of killing fish; he shoots them with gun and bow as they bask in the
sun or rise at fly; he catches them in bamboo traps and with cast nets; he poinsons them; he
tickles them; and he secures them by draining off the stream into other channels and then baling out the deep pools.
________________________________________________________
*
Note: Until not long ago, it was every mans dream to have a gun of his own in his lifetime, or in other words a man did not deem himself a man
unless he possessed a gun. Flint-lock guns, muskets, single - and double-barrelled guns to automatic hunting rifles were used for hunting in Chin
State up to the late 1960s. Hunting by individuals or combined hunting by men in every village is a very common pastime for community festivals
among the Chin people. And combined fishing as well among several tribes. Until now there is no law for wild-life preservation or programme in
Burma, except against the hunting of endangered animals such as elephants, tigers and leopards. And it could probably be interesting for outsiders
that, despite the abundance of guns, capital offences such as robbery or murder by using these firearms was almost non-existent or very rare in
Chin society. However, all the guns that were registered before 1970 - the year in which a special law was enacted - are confiscated by the Central
Government without any compensations when the registered owners die. No new permit is given since then.
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The bamboo trap is used only at low water; it is of any size, according to the width of the channel in which it is to be
sunk; it is merely a huge bottle-shaped basket. The channel is narrowed with walls of stone until all the water is guided
through the trap; the Chins then drive the fish into the trap by hurling rocks into all the pools in it. In the Tyao river huge
cat-fish are taken in this way and are separated in the basket. Almost every Chin can use the cast net, and they kill
large quantities of fish with it at night in almost every stream in the hills.
The streams are poisoned with the bark of a tree(Acacia procera), which is pounded up and thrown into the pools. In
short time the fish rendered insensible and rising belly upwards are easily secured. Fish so poisoned are not deleterious
as foo. The most simple way of killing fish is tickling them. The Chin commmences by hurling rocks into a deep pool to
drive the fish out; they then take refuge under the rocks of the rapids, where they are seized with the fingers and
brought to the bank. Next to the vallainous method of poisoning streams comes the unsportsmanlike procedure of
diverting a channel and baling out the pools and thus killing the fish, but the gun, the cast net, and tikling all give good
sport and require skill.
20.5.5 PROSPECTS OF SPORT IN THE HILLS We have had so much punitive work during the few years of our
occupation that we have had but little chance of sport and have
acquired by small experience or the best places to find it. However, it may be useful to new-comers to record the habitat
of the various species of game, which has been ascertained during many months of wanderings throughout the length
and breadth of the entire tract.
Elephants are now only found along the whole length of the Burma border, in the south-west corner of the district,
and in the north and in the valleys of Tuivai[Chindwen River] and Tuivel streams. There is an elephant road from Tuivai
river across the hills into Assam, which is used yearly.
Tigers and panther are found more frequently the Northern Chin Hills than elsewhere; they are fairly numerous on the
eastern slopes of the Letha range, and the vicinity of Lenacot, Sinnum, and Mwelpi villagers are noted for the presence
of these animals. Bears are found in large numbers on the Inbukklang, the Letha range, the hills to the west of Rawywa,
and on all densely wooded ranges. Bison are always to be found on the Tuimong, Tuivai, Tuinan, and other streams in
the neighbourhood of latitude 24 and between the Manipur river and the Lushai border, also on the Imbukklang.
Rhinoceros* are found on the Letha range and in the valleys on the east; also on the Imbukklang and in the Tuimong
_________________________________________
* The folLowing were the two species of Rhinoceros found in Chinland at the time of British arrival. See APPENDIX J: ANIMALS
Javan Rhino (Rhinoceros sondaicus)
The Javan Rhino is the rarest of the rhino species with fewer than 60 animals surviving in only two known locations: one in Indonesia
(approximately 35-50 animals) and the other in Vietnam (fewer than five individuals). In Indonesia, Javan rhinos live only in Javas Ujung
Kulon National Park, where the population appears to have stabilized, largely because they are physically guarded from harm by Rhino
Protection Units. The continuation of this protection, combined with establishing a second population in Indonesia, provides the best poss-
ible hope for the species survival. There currently are approximately 40-55 Javan rhinos surviving in two locations, Indonesia and Viet Nam.
* Weight: 2,000 - 5,060 pounds (900 - 2,300 kg)
* Height: 5 - 5.5 feet (1.5 - 1.7 m) tall at the shoulder
* Length: 6-11.5 feet (2.0-.4 m)
Sources: http://www.rhinos-irf.org/javan/
.............................................................................
Sumatran Rhino - Dicerorhinus sumatrensis
The Sumatran Rhinoceros is a herbivorous browser that belongs to the order of the Perissodactyla and is one of the three species of Rhinos
native to Asia. Its habitat is dense tropical rain forest and occurred from North-East India through Myanmar, Thailand, Malaysia and the
Indones ian Islands of Borneo and Sumatra; hence its name. It is the most endangered species of rhino due to its rapid decline of more than
50% in the last 15 years. There are currently 275 Sumatran Rhinos left in fragmented populations throughout South East Asia. Current efforts
to protect this species are through Rhino Protection Units, that patrol their current habitat and through (semi-) captive breading programs.
The Sumatran Rhino is the smallest of all Rhino species and is particularly hairy.
* Weight: 600 - 950 kg (1,300 2,000 lbs)
* Height (at shoulder): 1 1,5 m (3 -5 ft)
* Length (head and body): 2 3 m (6,5 -9,5 ft)
* Anterior Horn length: 0,25 0,79 m (10 in 31 in)
* Posterior Horn length: 0,10 m (3 in)
* Lifespan: 30 to 45 years (record in captivity is 28 1/2 years)
* Characteristics: only Asian rhino with two horns, tufted ears and haiy reddish brown skin.
Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sumatran_Rhinoceros
- See PHOTOS 20 & 21
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and Tuinan country. Pig are found wherever there is a large forest and at all altitudes. Serrao are found on the high
hills, especially in the north, and gorral are numerous near Fort White, Sagyilain, and on the steep cliffs on the Maninpur
river at Kunchaung...
The only really good thing in Chinland is the fishing and this is excellent. Mahseer have been killed weighing over 30
pounds in the Manipur river and, although the disturbed state of the country in past years has admitted of fishing being
a very occasional treat, yet several large fish have been killed with the rod...The best streams for trolling in the hills are
the Manipur river and the Segyi stream, whilst for dead bait bottom fishing and fly the Chaunggwa stream, the Nanpathi,
the Manlon, and Nataga are very good. All the streams which discharge into the Kale valley north of Kalemyo are full of
large and greedy fish, but except in the Segyi, where trolling pays, fly or natural berries should be used...As fishing is
the only treat which these inhospitable hills afford to the Englishman, it behoves all officers to check the destruction of
fish by dynamite, an explosive which, extraordinary as it may sound, finds its way into the hands of sepoys and coolies,
and much of which, instead of assisting to improve the roads, has been misused to devastate the rivers and thus spoil
the only good sport available.
21.0 PRESENT PLIGHT OF THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE IN BURMA
21.1 TELEVISION AND RADIO BROADCASTING PROGRAMME
Since the Chin State, which is just slightly smaller than Switzerland, has only about 1200 km of motor
roads and most of them are dry-season-only roads (see MAP 8). And since there are only a few thousand
television sets in its 12 townships its almost impossible for the great majority of its people to travel to its
other regions to study or observe the traditions and ways of life of their fellow folk. Even those who have
TV sets themselves cannot see TV programme full-time since they do not get electricity sufficiently and
regularly.
There is only one state-owned shortwave radio broacasting station and four television stations in Burma.
The Chins, like all other major ethnic nationalities, get only a 30-minute radio programme daily which is
directly broadcast from Rangoon. This 30-minute programme is the official mouthpiece of the central
government. It is divided into two parts - 15 minutes for news, and the other 15 minutes for songs. And
these nationalities do not get any television programme in their own languages. Even with the radio
programme, they do not have any say at all.
Despite the great sacrifices that they have had made for Burma, which were mentioned earlier in this
paper, a great number of Chins in Chin State today cannot even afford candles or kerosene lamps or
the cheapest rubber sandals, etc. Even their attempts for self-improvement have always been in one way
or another sabotaged by the Burmese authorities.(See 20.3 PROFESSOR DR. SALAI TUN THAN below; it
is just an example out of several incidents.) Instead of being grateful for what the Chins have done for the
country during the past 60 years, the successive Burmese governments have always even spreaded
rumours among the Burmese populace whenever a massacre was committed by government troops against
civilians in the country that it was the Chin soldiers who had committed the massacre. The following
quotation is from the Chin Community(Germany)s Statement:
Ever since the first massacre of the students in 1962, General Ne Win's Military Intelligence Service
used to spread words about Chin soldiers shooting at demonstrators. The same thing happened during
the 1974 Labour and U Thant Strikes and again during the 1988 uprisings after troops mowed down
hundreds of demonstrators. This is part of Ne Win's stratagem to reduce public hatred towards him
and his Burma Army and to instill ethnic hatreds among the oppressed peoples...
The Chin Communitys Statement (APPENDIX S) above and an Arakanese scholars comment on the said
statement(APPENDIX T) vividly reveal the agony of the Chins and that of all other ethnic minorities as well
175
in Burma. In fact, only a single Chin had ever been promoted to the rank of major-general* until today, even
though tens of thousands of Chins have served and still are serving in Burmas various armed forces until
today. The next highest rank held by another Chin national is Brigadier-General. He is Hung Ngai from
Mindat Township. Although he is a Buddhist from childhood, the promotion to his present rank is said to
have nothing to do with his religion, but his own qualifications. According to reliable sources he has never
been given the task of commanding troops that were involved in the various massacres against peaceful
demonstrators in the land.
And if the reader carefully looks at the two photos of Haka(PHOTOs 2 and 3), he will perhaps see only
one or two motor cars in them. This is a very clear indication of the Chins economic hardship. All the other
so-called indigenous peoples or national races are also meeting the same fate.(Indigenous peoples or
national races are the ruling ethnic Burman politicians favourite terms to denote all the native peoples
living in the country, excluding the two alien ethnic groups: Chinese and Indians.)
In contrary to this, the economic and commercial fruits of the land are overwelhmingly enjoyed only by
these two mainly urban-dwelling alien nationals together with the corrupt native elites. These two alien
nationals have had almost never shed blood and tears in the ruthless 60-year old civil war. Of course, a
number of half-caste of both Chinese and Indian ancestry also have had equally suffered with their host
nationals and lost their lives in the decades-long internal political conflicts. While several tens of thousands
of women and girls of the indigenous peoples and ethnic Burmese women as well in politically disturbed
areas have not only been raped but also bestially murdered by government soldiers, none or very few of
the women and girls of the two alien ethnics groups are known to have met the same fate. While millions of
those indigenous peoples are uprooted from their birthplaces, and their homes and properties confiscated
and destroyed, none or only a very few of those alien nationals are reported to have suffered similarly. (Ive
also prepared another separate paper called Burmas 60 - Year Old Civil War(1948-2008): A Brief
Chronology. This paper deals chronologically mainly with Burmas internal affairs during the past 60 years.)
As the human rights situation is extremely bad and the successive governments do not make any
economic developments in Chin State, life for the great majority of the Chin people is very hard. Therefore,
about 90,000 Chins have left their country and are now living in several countries as refugees or illegals
under extremely hard conditions. The following statistics are just some rough estimates: India, mainly in
Mizoram,(50,000); Malaysia(20,000); Singapore(3,000); Thailand(2,000); USA & Canada(15,000);
Australia(2,000); Scandinavian countries(2,000); New Zealand(100); UK(100); South Korea(300);
Japan(200); and about 5,000 elsewhere. The uprooted, who are called the IDPS(Internally Displaced
Persons) and those who are living in several refugee camps inside Thailand and Bangladesh of various
non-Burman native ethnic groups are numbering about one million. They are Arakanese(Rakhines), Arakan
Muslims, Chins, Kachins, Karens, Karennis, Mons, Shans, etc. Not a single pure Indian or Chinese is mong
them.
21.2. THE MARCH 31, 2004 ANNOUNCEMENT OF PROJECT MAJE
Project Maje, an independent information project on Burma's human rights and environmental issues, has released a
new report, "Mithuns Sacrificed to Greed: The Forest Ox of Burma's Chins." The report contains information about the
little-known mithun, a large domesticated ox traditionally used for ceremonial purposes by the Chin and Naga tribes of
Western Burma and Northeast India. Mithuns stand five feet tall at the shoulder and are related to the forest-dwelling
gaur. An essential element of indigenous culture, these docile bovines are now the subject of commercial meat-trade
schemes by Burma's regime, and there have been reports of confiscation of mithuns from Chin villagers. These
developments pose a threat to Chin culture, and possibly to the future survival of the mithun, which is the least in
_________________________________________________
* See APPENDIX Z for his brief biography
176

number of all the large mammals domesticated by humans./The report is available at Project Maje's website:
www.projectmaje.org
-----Ursprungliche Nachricht-----
References:
Von: Edith Mirante [mailto:maje@hevanet.com]
Gesendet: Sonntag, 4. April 2004 00:42
Betreff: New Report: "Mithuns Sacrificed to Greed"
From: "salai.kipp" <salai.kipp@gmx.de>
To: "chinland" <chinland@yahoogroups.com>,
____________________________________
21.3 PROFESSOR DR. SALAI TUN THAN
... It was only after a desperate search of two weeks that the family finally learned that Dr. Tun Than was being held in
Rangoon's notorious Insein prison...Sources told a reporter of the Irrawaddy On-line News last week that the former
rector of Yezin Agricultural University had been arrested near the city hall in Rangoon while distributing leaflets calling
for free elections in the country... His family has been able to send him medicine through the International Committee of
the Red Cross. Dr Salai Tun Than, a retired agronomist, has devoted himself to rural development in Ngaphe township of
Magwe division since his retirement a dozen years ago. In 1993, he established the Myanmar Integrated Rural
Development Association (MIRDA) with the assistance of the Myanmar Council of Churches and the World Council of
Churches. The group assisted since his retirement a dozen years ago. In 1993, he established the Myanmar Integrated
Rural Development Association (MIRDA) with the assistance of the Myanmar Council of Churches and the World Council
of Churches. The group assisted villagers with the cultivation of oranges, coffee and tea in the area in which it operated
its project in Ngaphe. But the military government did not permit MIRDA to function officially as an NGO. The group
faced continual disturbances from the regime and donors were prohibited from visiting MIRDA sites. The regime at one
point destroyed over half of MIRDA's orchards. Dr Salai himself was also prohibited from conducting agriculture-training
workshops, according to a source familiar with the MIRDA. A Christian and a member of the Chin ethnic group, Dr. Salai
Tun Than earned a Ph.D. in Agronomy from the University of Wisconsin and had served as rector at the Yezin University
of Agriculture in Pyinmana until 1990. The Hong Kong-based Asian Human Rights Commission made an urgent appeal
this week for increased international response to the doctor's arrest. (Burma Courier No. 306; Chin Human Rights
Organisations report & Irrawady Online News/January 30, 2002)
Even the late Mr. Khun Sa, the worlds most famous drug warlord and the number one on the U.S.s
wanted list as drug trafficker, and Lo Hsing-han and Wei Hsueh-kang, who are also internationally well-
known drug traffickers, are living in Rangoon and enjoying special privilges under the present government.
They are investing hundreds of millions of dollar of their drug money in all kinds of lucrative business
enterprises such as banking, transports, constructions, real estates, tourism, hotels, etc.(Mr. Khun Sa and
his 10,000-man private army surrenderd in 1996 and lived in Rangoon until his death in 2007. Lo Hing Han
Wei Hsueh-kang are pure Chinese. Khun Sa is half-Shan and half-Chinese.)
See the following news item:
... It is an open secret that the 2 banks(Asia Wealth Bank & Mayflower Bank) mentioned above have links with the
drug lords. A long time ago, Interpol issued a warrant for the arrest of Khun Sa and the junta refused to hand him over.
The two banks in question extensively deal with black money and army officers are share holders not only of these
banks, but of money enterprises run illegally... The drug lords run domestic airlines, some railways lines, road transport,
________________________________________________
(Authors Note. Dr. Salai Tun Than was released from prison after the International Red Cross had intervened and was allowed to fly to the
United States. He attempted to go back to Burma via Thailand in 2004. However, he was not allowed by the Burmese government to enter
Burma. Since then he has been living in the United States as an exile. This news item is still included in this paper anyway, as a proof of the
continuing persecution under which his people, the Chins, and the entire population of Burma as a whole, are still suffering.)
177
departmental stores and many other economic activities where army officers are dormant co-partners...(Source: Money
Laundering: A Dilemma for Burmas Junta - By B. K. Sen(Senior Advocate): Mizzima News (www.mizzima.com)
January 2, 2004.
Several senior military officers involvement in drug business is an open secret in Burma since the 1960s.
21.4 CHIN STATE'S UNEASY COHABITATION WITH THE REGIME
Viewing cable 06RANGOON370, CHIN STATE'S UNEASY COHABITATION WITH THE REGIME
To understand the justification used for the classification of each cable, please use this WikiSource article as reference.
containing the reference ID e.g. #06RANGOON370.
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin
06RANGOON370 2006-03-20 08:54 2011-08-30 01:44
UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Embassy Rangoon
This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available.
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 RANGOON 000370

SIPDIS
SENSITIVE

STATE FOR EAP/MLS, PRM
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PHUM PINS PREL ECON ETRD CVIS KFRD BM IN
SUBJECT: CHIN STATE'S UNEASY COHABITATION WITH THE REGIME

REF: RANGOON 0082

1. (U) Summary. Burma's ethnic minority Chin population, long victims of the Burmese regime's "Myanmarization"
program, has reached a stage of uneasy but peaceful cohabitation with ruling authorities in its home state. In
underdeveloped Chin State along Burma's western border with India, ethnic Chins have garnered some measures of
greater religious tolerance at the expense of inclusion in local governance. After years of pressure to convert the
Christian Chin community to Buddhism through threats and missionary efforts, GOB authorities seem to have given up.
The Chin remain resilient in practicing their faith loudly and publicly. Trade with a rapidly growing India remains a dream
just beyond their borders, and the UNDP serves as the only available catalyst for rural advancement. End Summary.
........................................

A Land That Time Forgot

2. (U) On a recent trip to conduct visa fraud investigations, Conoff traveled by car from southern Sagaing Division
deep into the hinterlands of Chin State. Lying on Burma's western border with India, Chin State may be the least
developed of all of Burma's ethnic states. It is the only state without any paved roads. Of the half-million inhabitants in
Chin State, an estimated 85% live in isolated villages perched upon steep hillsides. Many of these 500 villages are
accessible only by foot or horseback; about one quarterstill have yet to establish a source of running water; and only a
handful have any access to electricity. The economy depends on slash and burn subsistence agriculture of millet and
beans.

3. (U) Chin State's economic stagnation and lack of development is in large part due to its isolation, both culturally
and physically, from the rest of the country. Only three dirt roads connect Chin State with the rest of Burma. They are
regularly under patchwork construction, and summer monsoons routinely disable them for days. No commercial airport
exists in the state, and Conoff saw only one gas station during a seven day trip through two of the three largest
population centers. Upon leaving the Chin State, it is another 10 to 15 hours by car (or boat during monsoons) to reach
the nearest substantial market, Mandalay.
178

4. (U) With so few economic opportunities, the favorite pastime of young Chin men and, increasingly, Chin women,
seems to be migrating in search of employment elsewhere. After the mechanization of jade mining in northern Burma,
only three prime job markets remain attractive: the Indian border province of Mizoram, northern Malaysia, and the United
States. Seasonal migrant laborers in Mizoram earn about $100 to $200 for three to four months toil, while Malaysian
factory laborers earn $200 a month.

5. (SBU) Meanwhile, the Chin connection to the United States grows ever stronger and more politically active. Many
Chin were converted to Christianity by American Baptist
missionaries so they feel a special bond with the United States. Strong Chin exile and expatriate communities in
Michigan and the Washington DC area support the homeland
through donations to churches and through encouragement to seek travel to the U.S. Locals enthusiastically point out
villages that have strong ties to America. As Conoff passed through one such village, he encountered a Chin-American
couple, naturalized decades ago, who return annually to support a local orphanage. They proudly displayed a letter from
their Congressman requesting consular support as they visited refugee communities in Malaysia and various contacts in
Burma. The push to emigrate to the U.S. is supported strongly by a pull from Burmese already there, and the combined
effort results some in far-fetched schemes: Chin asylee follow-to-join visa applications in Burma have an egregiously
high fraud rate.
............................

C. Trade and Glimmers of Development

8. (U) Many people in the Chin region recognize the growing opportunities from trade with India, particularly since the
Burmese prefer Indian products to cheap in imports from China. Chin engage in border trade with India; however, the
primary trade route, a paved road from Tamu, India, to Kalay, Sagaing Division, does not enter the Chin State. Goods
traveling this route flow from Kalay directly to Mandalay, leaving most of Chin State entirely out of the equation. Border
trade directly between Chin State and India does exist, but it is limited to goods carried over the border by hand or
packed on horse carts.

9. (U) Virtually the only stories of successful rural development in Chin State come from the UNDP's decade-long
grassroots intervention with local villages. The UNDP has introduced running water to roughly 75% of local villages
through village tap stands. School houses in many villages were built through villager and UNDP collaboration, proudly
displayed on signboards. Its most significant project, however, is the ongoing Self Reliance Group (SRG), a microcredit
program managed by a village-appointed committee. This "teach a man to fish" approach has succeeded in educating
locals on the value of saving and investment. Villagers optimistically talk about making the leap from slash and burn
agriculture to pig or chicken farming, and more ambitiously, to building modest hydroelectric generators.
....................................

D. Uneasy Cohabitation

12. (SBU) The cost for modest progress in religious tolerance is apparently a loss in political access: fewer and fewer
Chin find opportunities at any level of government service, even within their own state. Five years ago, Chin ethnics
were present in District and, sometimes, State-level civil service jobs. Now, few Chin hold government jobs, even at the
Township level. The only government positions still open to Chin are schoolteachers and nurses, likely because they
must live in rural villages. The result is a segregated society with divisions between disadvantaged Christian Chins and
the ruling Buddhist Burmans easy to see.
13. (SBU) Comment: Chin State's ongoing marginalization in part results from its economic and cultural isolation, but
that isolation also results from years of neglect by the GOB. The marginalization of the Chin parallels the situation we
observed in Kachin State (reftel) with power increasingly concentrated in ethnic Burman hands. Maintaining three dirt
roads is the extent of the GOB's commitment to support Chin State. Chin people today do not aggressively seek more
179
autonomy or appear willing to risk conflict. Rather, they seek to maintain peaceful cohabitation and the limited space for
religious practice it offers. Even a state of peaceful cohabitation, however, will not attract development support from
the GOB. So the Chin are now learning to help themselves with UNDP support. End Comment.
VILLAROSA
http://www.wikileaks.ch/cable/2006/03/06RANGOON370.html
_____________________
Author
Thang Za Dal
Grindelallee 141
20146 Hamburg
Germany
____________________________
- Updated from XIV on December 15, 2012
180
PHOTO AND MAP CREDITS

Map 1 Courtesy of the Frasers
Map 3 Lehman
Map 4 Courtesy of Khoi Lam Thang
Map 5 Courtesy of J. Thang Lian Pau
Map 7 The Chin Hills, Vol. II
Photo 1: Courtesy of Tuangpu, Chin State, Burma
Photo 11: (Mru:Bergbewohner im Grenzgebiet von Bangladesh, by Claus-Dieter Brauns & Lorence G.
Lffler, Birkhuser Verlag, 1986; ISBN 3-7643-1781-7)
Photo 12: Courtesy of Kenneth Vai Do Pau, Lophei, Burma
_____________________________________________________________
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Carey, Betram S.(Assistant Commissioner, Burma, and Political Officer, Chin Hills) & Tuck, H.N. (Extra
Assistant Commissioner, Burma, and Assistant Political Officer, Chin Hills).
1896 & 1976 The Chin Hills: A History of the People, our dealings with them, their Customs and
Manners, and a Gazetteer of their County ; Volume I & II. Calcutta: Firma KLM Private Ltd.(On behalf of
the Tribal Research Institute, Aizawl, Mizoram)
2. C. Chawngkunga, Pu
1996 Genealogical Tree of Mizo. Aizawl(self-published)
3. Crosthwaite, CharlesHaukes Todd
1912 The Pacification of Burma, London, Edward Arnold
4. Fraser, David W & Barbara G.
2005 Mantles of Merit: Chin Textiles from Myanmar, India and Bangladesh.
Bangkok: River Books Co., Ltd. Thailand
5. Documents of Salai Kipp Kho Lian(Hamburg) and Salai T.H. Mang(Basel): 1997
6. Harvey, G.E.
1925(New Impression 1967) History of Burma: From the Earlierst Times to 10 March 1824 - The
Beginning of the English Conquest. Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., London WC1
7. Khup Za Thang, K.A
2007 Genealogy of the Zo(Chin) Race of Burma (Second Edition and self-published)
(Preparations for the publication of this second edition were undertaken by Pi Dim Pau, daughter of the late
Khup Za Thang, and her family members.)
8. Khoi Lam Thang
2001 A Phonological Reconstruction of Proto Chin, Chiangmai: Payap University. Thailand
(Thesis for the degree of Masters of Arts in Linguistics)
9. Khup Za Go, Rev.
1985 Christianity in Chinland: The Beginning and the Growth of the Baptist Church in
the Chin State of Burma. Christian Literature Centre, Gauwahati, Assam, India.
10. Lalrimawia
1995 Mizoram: History and Cultural Identity(1890-1947), Spectum Publications, Gawahati & Delhi,
11. Lehman, F.K.:
1963 The Structure of Chin Society - A Tribal People of Burma Adapted to a Non-Western Civilization,
Urbana: Illinois University Press.
12 . Rathbone Low, Charles
2005 Major-General Sir Frederick S. Roberts
Elibron Classics(www.elibron.com), Adamant Media Corporation. London
13. Reid, A.S., Surg.-Lieutenant Col.
1893 CHIN-LUSHAI LAND: A Description of the Various Expeditions Into the Chin-Lushai Hills and
the Final Annexation of the Country
14. Shakespear, J. Lt.- Colonel
1912 (Reprinted: 1988) The Lushei Kuki Clans
15. Shakespear, L.W. Colonel, C.B., C.I.E.
181
1928 History of the Assam Rifles
16. Sing Khaw Khai
1995 Zo People and Their Culture, Published by Khampu Hatzaw, Churachanpur, Manipur, India
17. Suantak, Vumson, Dr.
1986 Zo History(self-published)
18. Thian Khaw Khai, Lt. Colonel
1994 In Commemoration of the Diamond Jubilee(23.6.1919-23.6.1994)
(self-published)
19. TAYLOR, L.B.
1925 A Practical Handbook of the Chin Language(Siyin Dialect)
(Assistant Superintendant, Burma Frontier Service, Rangoon) SupDt, Govt. Printing and Stationary, Burma
20. Vum Ko Hau, Pu
1963 Profile of A Burma Frontier Man(self-published)
21. 1968 Union of Burma: Customs and Culture of Indigenous Peoples - The Chins
Published by the Burma Socialist Programme Party, February, 1968
22. Woodthorpe. R. G.
THE LUSHAI EXPEDITION(1871-72), The Naval & Military Press, London
23. Zan Hta Sin, U
1990 Democracy Byaungpyan (Democracy Upside-Down). Rangoon: Aungsitdee Publishing House
____________________________________________________________________________
GL0SSARY
(See also 17.8 ZO NAMES, and DIAGRAMS 1 & 2: HOW THE NORTHERN ZOS GET THEIR NAMES)
Terms of Kinship and other Prefixes
Lia a poetic word used to designate the status of an unmarried woman.
Mak pa son-in-law(term used by parents and relatives of a married woman towards her husand
Mak te address form used by parents and relatives of a married woman towards her husbands
relatives
Mo address form used by female relatives of a married man towards his wife
Ngang fathers sisters husband; seniors are addressed by last name with prefix only.
Ni fathers sister
Ni address form toward an elderly domestic female slave; for male slave is Pa - these two
usages, that is, the address forms for female and male slaves, are confined to the Sizangs
alone
Nu mother; mothers sister, mothers cousin sister; address form of respect for a middle-aged
woman; wife of paternal uncle. An example: The wife of my fathers younger brother is
called Hang Za Cing. So I address her as Nu Cing. The name of my mothers elder sister was
Ciang Ko Cing. So I addressed her as Nu Cing.
Nu neau daughter of maternal uncle. An example: The nickname of one of the daughters of my
maternal uncle is called Dimno. So my brother, my sisters and I myself address her as
Nuneau Dimno. But she simply addresses me as U Dal.
Nu phal address form used by a married man towards the husband of his wifes sister
Pu no son of maternal uncle. An example: the children of my paternal uncles sisters and
cousin sisters as well call me Pu no Thang Za Dal or Pu Dal Thang Za Dal or Pu Dal
- using only the last word of my name.
The nickname of the first son of my maternal uncle(immediate younger brother of my
mother, Thian Khaw Khai) is Pau no. So my brother, I and my sisters call him Pu no
Pauno. But he simply calls us either U Dal, as I am older than him. He calls my sisters
who are younger than he himself simply by their nicknames.
Pi grandma; fathers mother; mothers mother; lady; wife of maternal uncle. An example:
182
The name of my eldest maternal uncle was Suan Neam. So I addressed her as Pi Neam,
or Pipui(great aunt). The name of her husband was Khup Ko Thang. I addressed him as
Pu Thang or Pu Pui. But both paternal and maternal grandfathers and paternal and
maternal grandmothers are simply addressed as Pu and Pi respectively. Also an address fo
of respect regardless of age or kinship
Pa father; fathers younger or elder brother; address form of respect for a middle-aged man
Pu grandpa. fathers father; mothers father; mothers brother, mothers cousin brother,
overlord. Also an address form of respect regardless of ones age or kinship
Tang or Taang A poetic word used to designate the status of an unmarried young man.
Sungh pa address form of a married man towards his father-in-law
Sungh nu address form used by a married man towards his mother-in-law
Sungh te address form used by a married man towards all relatives of his wifes
To pasal father-in-law(address form used by a married woman towards her husbands father
To nupi mother-in-law(address form used by a married woman towards her husbands mother
U elder(brother or sister); also an address form of respect towards an elder man/woman
U nu address form used by a man towards the wife of his elder brother
________________________________________________________________________________________

BRIEF BIOGRAPHIES OF THREE ZO SCHOLARS: REV. KHUP ZA GO, PU VUM KO HAU AND DR. VUMSON SUANTAK
A Pastor and Zo Leader Passes Away
by Kham Khan Suan, Sanjoy Hazarika
Wednesday, 14. February 2007
Khup Za Go, a pastor of the Zo people, who lived in Manipur and Mizoram, died in a road accident in New Delhi last week. He
was accorded an emotional farewell and buried at Churachandpur in Manipur. Born and brought up in Murlen, Champhai district
(now in Mizoram) Rev Go completed his Masters in Political Science from Guwahati University in 1971. Since then he committed
himself to a full time church ministry despite other opportunities. An incumbent pastor at Zomi Christian Fellowship, Delhi, the
Rev Go had served the Chin Baptist Association (1971-1977) as executive secretary and in various other capacities. In between,
he worked as assistant director and thereafter as director of the Christian Literature Centre of CBCNEI (Council of Baptist
Churches in North East India) in Guwahati (1981-87). He was elected vice-president of CBCNEI in 1991-92. The Rev Go
completed his theological studies from Serampore College (1980-81); Oxford and Union Theological College, Bangalore (1993-
95). A Baptist church leader, he participated in various international Christian events in Indonesia, the USA, Frankfurt, Myanmar
and Thailand. The Zo leader published more than 15 books; the latest being Leivui Panin (Out of the Dust) in the Tiddim Chin
language a collection of 86 published journal articles released by his friend Dr HT Sangliana, MP and IPS (retd.) in February.
An ecumenical preacher, he ardently championed the cause of Zo unity and solidarity. In his death, the Zo people have lost a tall
church leader, visionary and prolific writer.
This obituary can be viewed at The Statesman website as well.
Carey Suante
2007-05-17
__________________________________________
183
BRIEF PROFILE OF A BURMA FRONTIER MAN: DR. VUM KO HAU
By Carey Suante

ZOGAM.COM :: Bridging The Zomis
http://zogam.com Powered by Joomla! Generated: 8 March, 2009, 18:16
Parentage: Rev Za Khup & Pi Ciang Zam of Thuklai
Date of Birth: 17th March 1917 (10:00 pm)

A prominent member/leader of
the Chin Defence Army during Second World War. He worked as a
stenographer at the Deputy Commissioner Office at Falam after the
Second World War. He served as a translator during the Pinlong
Conference in 1947 and was also among the seven Zomis who were
part of the Constituent Assembly 1947 - 48.
In the Interim Government after Independence he was appointed as
the Deputy Councillor of Frontier Areas (Chin Affairs). Thus in this
capacity he was amongst the five delegates of signatories at the
Nu-Atlee Agreement in London on 17th October 1947. He was also
a member of the 17 leaders who wrote the Burmese
Constitution and selected the National Anthem.


Offices held:

1948 - Deputy Secretary, Ministry of Foriegn Affairs

1955-59 - Ambassador to France and Netherland

1960-65 - Ambassador to Indonesia

1966-71 - Ambassador to Cambodia and Laos

1971-77 - Ambassador to Czechoslavakia, Austria and Hungary

He attended the UN General Assembly in 1953, 1964 and 1965.
He was also a delegate of the Non-Alignment Movement at the Bandung Conference, 1955.

He also published a book called "Profile of a Burma Frontier Man" in 1963
for which he was conferred "Doktora Filosfie (PhD cum Laude) "by the
Charles University of Prague, Czechoslavakia on 19th June 1974.
Awards received: PhD, FRGS, FRA, FRNS, Naingngant Gon Yi (First Class).
_______________________________________________
BRIEF BIOGRAPHY OF DR. VUMSON SUANTAK
Written by thalmual.com Thursday, 14 May 2009 08:00
Date of Birth : November 9, 1937
Place of Birth: Tamdeang*, Tedim Township, Chin State, Burma.
Date of Deceased: September 19, 2005, Laurel Hospital, Maryland, US
Educational Background
1957 - Matriculated from Tedim State High School, Tedim Township
1969 - Ph. D (Doctor of Natural Science) Bergacademie, Freiburg - Germany
Publications
1970 - Geochemical Exploration of Trace Elements (in German version)
1986 - Author of Zo History (in English)
184
Social and Political Activities (1987- 2005)
* Foundation for Democracy in Burma /member and for five years served as its President
* Member of Committee for Restoration of Democracy in Burma
* Founder of Chin National Council and Chin Freedom Coalition (Washington) and Chin Forum (Ottawa)
* Founder, Former Chairman, and Advisor of Zomi Innkuan Washington D.C (USA) since 2001. Zomi
Innkuan D.C Chairman 2001 from 2004
* Member of the Board of Consultants of the Political Affairs Committee of Chinland,
* Human Rights Activist since 1987
* Founding member of Zomi Literature Institute (ZOLITE)
* Member of the Zo Re-Unification Organization (ZORO) since 1995 and served as coordinator, USA branch
ZORO President
* Member of Advisory Board of the Chin National Community Japan
* Lecturer in Non-Violence Actions, Human Rights and Minority Rights
* Represented Chin Forum in Constitution drafting federal and state in various Burma related seminars
* Worked together with the NCGUB from 1991 to 1999 and other organizations
* Promoted Peace and Democracy in Burma and encouraged armed groups for peace negotiations
* His political activities involved, among other works, lobbying Congress and the US Government for the
cause of bringing democracy to Burma and giving interviews to the media such as the BBC, Voice of
America, and the Radio Free Asia etc...
NOTE: All the Documents in PDF(Maps, Photos, Tables, Diagrams, and Appendices) in this Paper are made with a freeware called
Combined PDFs 2.1 by http://www.monkeybreadsoftware.de/. It is extremely easy to use the quality is excellent.
* Note: Tamdeang/Suangdaw, Tuivial and Tuisau villages were founded by Chief Khup Lian of Lophei with the Lopheis.
See APPENDIX F.
____________________________________________________________________
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GENEALOGICAL TREE OF THE ZO RACE
(Z0 KHANG ZUNGPI)
1. ZO
!
2. (Kip Mang le Ciin Hil)
!
3. (Naw Phut le Lei Mang)
!
4. (Naw Song, Phu Song, Suang Kop)
!
5. (Song Thu le Ngai Te)
!
6. (Song Mang le Han Em)
!
7. (Song Kip Song Za Za Khai Za Hong Za Niang)
! ! !
8. (Za Mang, Hual Than, Hual Nam) Taw Tak (To Hin Seak Tak Thuan Tak/Suantak)
! !
9. (Tha Do, Tha Lun, Tong Luai, Hang Sing) (Nge Ngu, Nei Lut, Hin Nung, Nun Zong Dai Tawng Vang Lok)*
! ! ! ! ! !
10. (Bok Lu-a, Lam Tam, Khua Kuan, Tung Nung, Nan Tal, Phu Cil) Gen Zo Hau Nam Tau Kon (Nam Zo, Hau Nung)(Thuklai, Hang Sawk, Liim Khai)
! ! ! !
11. Ral Na-a (Bat Kai Neih Zal Liim Tuang) Suante Hin Nam
! ! ! !
12. Chuah Loma (Kiim Lel, Seam Muang) (That Lang, That Mun) (Khan Siing, Mang Son, Tuang Thang)
_______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
9. Vang Lok*
!
10. Thuk Lai Hang Sawk Liim Khai
! ! !
11. (Lun Mun, Suum Niang, Tua Nuam, Za Mang, Zang Kaai) Ton Sung (Sit Zom, Tun Mang, Ngo Thua(Z/M), Tun Seal(Z/N)
_______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
(Khup Za Thang/2007)
Note: The great majority of the genealogical trees in this book are only mainly from the Sizang region and a few adjoining areas of it. Among the Sizangs the names of several people are still missing in this
edition because their names arrrived too late at the printing press.(This diagram is prepared by me from the original for use in internet transmission and for those who have not yet got the corrected version.
(Thang Za Dal. April, 2010).
TABLE 2
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GENEALOGICAL TREE OF THE ZO PEOPLE
[1] ZO
!
(Generation Gaps)
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[2] (Kipmanga, Chinhilha)
!
[3] (Nawphuta, Leimanga)a
!
[4] (Nawhchawnga, Phuchawnga, Suangkawpa)
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[5] (Zingthloa, Chongthua, Luahpuia, Ngaitea)
!
[6] (Chungmanga, Hanema)
!
[7] (Chawngkipa Chawngzaa Zakhaia Zahawnga Zanianga)
! ! !
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! !
[9] (Thadoa, Thaluna, Chawngluai, Hangsinga) (Ngekngua, Neiluta, Hinnung, Nunzong Daitawng Vanglawk)*
! ! ! ! !
[10] (Boklua, Lamtama, Khawkuana, Chungnunga Nantala Phuchila) Genzo Haunam Taukawn Namzo, Haunung
!
[11] (Batkaia Neihzala Liimtuanga)
! ! !
[12] (Kiimlela, Seammuanga/Ral Na-a/Zahmuaka/Sihzanga) (Thatlanga, Thatmuna) (Khansinga, Mangson, Tuangthang)
!
[13] Chhuahlawma
!
[14] Zahmuaka
!
[15] (Zadenga, Paliana, Thangluaha. Thangura, Rivunga, Rokhuma)
!
[16] Thangmanga, Chawnglula
!
[17] Sailoa
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[9] Vanglawk*
!
[10] Thuklai Hangsawk Liimkhai
! ! !
[11] (Lunmun, Suumniang, Tuanuam, Zamang, Zangkaai) Tonsung (Sitzom, Tunmang, Ngothua, Tunseal)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
AN ALTERNATIVE GENEALOGICAL LINEAGE fOR THE SAILOS, SUGGESTED BY THANG ZA DAL, BASED ON THE FOLLOWING INFORMATION: APPENDICES A, A-1, A-2, A-3 & A-4(SEE ALSO
17.6 CLANS AND SUB-CLANS)
TABLE 3-A(Thang Za Dal/04.2010)
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DIAGRAMS 1 & 2
HOW ZO PEOPLE IN TEDIM AND TONZANG TOWNSHIPS IN NORTHERN CHIN STATE(BURMA) AND MANIPUR STATE(INDIA)
GET THEIR NAMES
DIAGRAM 1 (On My Paternal Side)
(Digrams 1 & 2 show how we - my brother, my five sisters and I - got our names from both sides of our paternal and maternal lines./Thang Za Dal/Nov. 2012)
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________
(See 17.8 ZO NAMES for explanation)
Khup Lian + Vung Hau
_________________
Suang Hau Thang Ciang Ko Vung(f) Vum Thawng Mang Khai Pau Tual Khai Ko Hau Suang Ko Zam
Mun Neam(f) (Pau Cin) Vung Ciang(f) Vung Pau(f) Khup Ko Dim(f) Hang Za Cing(f) Ciin Ko Man(f)
____________ ___________ ____________ ____________ ___________ _____________ _________
Hau Za Cing(f) Ciin Za Cing(f) Lian Za Nang Hau Za Dim(f) Hau Za Man(f) Lian Khan Khai Lian Langh Pau
Khup Hen Cin Hau Cing(f) Kaang Za Thang Hau Za Pum Lian Khat Pau Kipp Ko Lian Thawng Lua Thang
Niang Ko Hau(f) Suang Za Khai Vung Ngo(f) Lian Khan Cin Thang Za Dal Hau Kho Neam(f)
Pau Kaang Cing(f) Thawng Za Pum Hau Ko Dim(f) Thawng Vai Nang Hau Khan Huai(f) Ngiak Za Dim(f)
Lian Za Dal Cing Za Man(f) Cingh Ko Mang(f) Cing Khan Huai(f) Vung Man Cing(f) Cin Lamh Mang
Khai Za Cing(f) Lian Za Cing(f) Suak Cin Pau Cing Za Dim(f) Neam Khan Cing(f) Vung Khan Dim(f)
Khai Za Pum Lian Za Pau Mang Cin Lian Ngiak Ko Man(f) Cingh Ko Hau(f) Cingh Ko Man(f)
Khai Za Nang Thang Za Kap Thang Cin Nang
Dim Za Pum(f) Khai Khan Thang
_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Note: These two diagrams have been made at the suggestion of Ms. Edith Mirante of Maje Project (www.projectmaje.org), and I am very thankful for that.Those whose names are printed
in black got their names either from their maternal grandparents or paternal and maternal uncles and aunts. Im using here my own family as an example.
DIAGRAM 2
(On My Maternal Side)
______________________

Suang Thang + Ciang Hau
______________________
Khup Kho Thang Ciang Ko Cing(f) Khup Ko Dim(f) Thian Ko Khai Thawng Za Cin Hau Ngaw Cin Pau
(Suan Neam-f) (Kim Pau) (Pau Tual) (Ciin Za Cing-f) (Cing Za Lian-f) (Dim Ko Mang-f)
___________ ____________ ____________ ___________ ___________ ______________
Hau Ko Man(f) Dim Ko Hau(f) Hau Za Man(f) Thang Za Pau Thang Khan Cin Thang Van Pau
Suak Ko Cing(f) Suang Do Lian Lian Khat Pau Hau Khan Dim(f) Thang Cin Khai Pau Do Thawng
Thang Cin Mang Hau Khan Za Cing(f) Thang Za Dal Zam Cing Hau(f) Thang Za Mung Hau Cingh Huai(f)
Mang Ko Niang(f) Thang Ko Pau Hau Khan Huai(f) Khup Za Cing(f) Hau Za Cing(f) Thang Za Mang
Vai Do Pau Kam Cin Kang Vung Man Cing(f) Hau Cingh Mang(f) Dim Khan Pum(f) Dim Dal Cing(f)
Vung Ngaw Cing(f) Cingh Zam Cing(f) Neam Khan Cing(f) Thiang Za Mung
Thian Dei Cing(f) Cingh Ko Hau(f) Thang Za Man(f)
Pau Khan Khup Za Nang
APPENDIX A
From: Son Suantak <vssuantak@yahoo.com>
Reply-To: chinland@yahoogroups.com
To: chinland@yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: [chinland] Are the Mizos Chins?
Date: Wed, 10 Nov 2004 14:44:37 -0800 (PST)

The originator of the Sailo was the younger brother of our chief of Lophei village.
vumson

----- Original Message -----

From: Pualva Z <pualvaz@hotmail.com>
Date: Thursday, November 11, 2004 3:05 pm
Subject: Re: [chinland] Are the Mizos Chins?
Dear Pu Vum,
Yours is a very wonderful story. I have never heard of it. In those days those who were adopted by the
chiefs were called slaves. If Sailo was a slave he would not have a chance to marry a chief's daughter and
he would not be chosen for their chief by the people.
I think that Sailo's father and mother fell in love and Sailo was born but there would have been
difficulties for the two to get married because they were Sizang and Lusei. However, his grandfather
could adopt Sailo as his own nephew then he could have the chances to marry a chief's daughter as well
as to become a chief. If it was so, Sailo would not be a Sizang any more but a Lusei.
It was also very strange that how and why Sailo's parents allowed the Lusei chief to adopt their own
son, Sailo.
Pualva

From: Son Suantak <vssuantak@yahoo.com>

Reply-To: chinland@yahoogroups.com
To: chinland@yahoogroups.com
Date: Thursday, November 11, 2004 7:030 pm
Subject: Re: [chinland] Are the Mizos Chins?
Pu Van Hmung:
The treatment of slaves and adopted sons differ from one clan[tribe] to another. For example, the
strength of the Tlasun chiefs was due to their acceptance of slaves and adopted[conquered] people as
their own. The Tlasun or Falam Democratic Council included these people who had not been Tlasun.
Because of these they had the trust and the respect of new comers to the Tlasun society. Similarly, the
Lusei or Chhakchhuak were more tolerant to the slaves and adopted[conquered] people. They have a law
that says "Those who drink the same water from the same stream could not be treated as enemies." The
slave and owner relationship may be true in the Haka and Haka-Zo areas[as youve said in your previous
posting], but it is not true everywhere. In the Sizang area also there was a chief who could not sire
children but he asked his slave to sire children for him. The children were accepted as his own and later
they inherit the chieftainship, although it was known to every one.

vumson
Note: Remarks above in parentheses [ ] are of my own. tzd/February 2010.

Pualva Z <pualvaz@hotmail.com> wrote:

Dear Pu Thara,
I am glad to read your mail. However, I am not happy because I think my previous posting touched
some of our Mizo brothers. This time I have no choice, so I have to tell you the truth. I heard that Sailos
have two stories - a normal one and a bad one. The nornal one is just like what you said and the bad
one is that Sailo was a lakfa/sawn of a Sizang.
Sailos and Mizos hate that bad story very much. I have no idea, which one would be the right one...
With best Regards,
Pualva

roding@vsnl.com wrote:
Dear U Van Hmung,
All the Lusei tribes[clans] have well recorded (by songs, poems, stone inscriptions; By written these
days) history or family tree. I have some of these books. Here I want to let you know the facts about Sailo
clan.
1. Lusei tribes (mainly Chhakchhuak group, Hualngo,Hualhang, Lunkhua, Baichi) lived in Seipui village
and its surrounding areas in(1400-1500 A.D). They captured Ralnaa (Galna, Son of Boklua of Suantak
tribe[clan]) near Run river and took him back to Seipui.
2. The Lusei (Chhakchhuak) never treated Ralnaa as 'slave' but adopted him as their son. Ralnaa changed
his 'religion' and worshiped what Luseis worshiped. That means he was not treated as a slave but
'adopted'. Lusei chiefs married Ralnaa to 'Lawileri', daughter of Lawitlang clan.
3. Ralnaas (Galna) name was changed as 'Zahmuaka' as he was welcomed by many people when he was
taken to Seipui. [Zahmuaka literally means welcomed by hundreds because he was welcomed by
hundreds of people on his arrival at the Seipui village. tzd]
4. Ralnaa (Now Zahmuaka) and Lawileri had 6 sons, Zadenga, Thangluaha, Paliana, Rivunga, Rokhuma,
Thangura.
5. Sons of Ralnaa (Zahmuaka) went to western side of Tio river (now Mizoram) before other Lusei clans
went there. Lusei clans were invited by 'Hnamte' tribes to lead them but other Lusei clans denied it and
sent Zahmuaka's sons. Zahmuaka's sons [therefore] became chieftains of Mizoram first.
6. Later, Zahmuaka's sons and their decendents called themself "Sailo" clan.
7. They worshiped "Muchhip Pathian" even from Mizoram. With Sailo (clan), Lusei tribe is devided into
12 clans today.
Mang tha
Dinga

From: Son Suantak <vssuantak@yahoo.com>

Reply-To: chinland@yahoogroups.com
To: chinland@yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: [chinland] Are the Mizos Chins?
Many greetings to you all. I fully agree with all of your postings, Pu Ro Dinga. You have left out whose
son Sailo was.
So here it is: Thangura was one of the six sons of Zahmuaka. Thangura had two sons: Chawnghlula and
Thawngmanga. Sailo was the son of Thawngmanga.
vumson

From: stanley Kunga

Reply-To: chinland@yahoogroups.com
To: chinland@yahoogroups.com
Subject: Re: [chinland] Are the Mizos Chins?
Date: Thu, 11 Nov 2004 01:08:50 -0800 (PST)
Dear Pualva,
Thanks for your explanation. I visited almost Zophei villages in Chin State and had interviewed some of
the elders ten years ago. Villagers in Zophei area asked me " Can you speak Leiri ( if I am not mistaken
leiri- refering to Halkha thlantlang/Thantlang dialect)'. Of course, I could speak and write well in
Laiholh[Haka dialect]. Contrary to what you have written, It seems to me that those whom I met did not
identify themselves as Lai . My friends from Zophei region communicate each other in Zophei holh.
Let me explain you how I got Zo as my ( first) name. Duhlian speaking people, especially those who
worshipped Pathian, the Supreme Being who manifested at Mt. Muchhip, called themselves as " Zo fate(
the sons/ descendants of Zo)". That was why my parents gave me Zo as my name. My full name is Zo Sai
Kunga. The middle word " Sai" was derived from " Sailo" as I am his 12th descendant. Sailoa was my
great grand father from my mothers side.
Like many young Chins ( clifford, victor, henry, benjamin, edward, stoney, patrick, noel, nelson...), I
got my English name " Stanley" from [my] English class . I used Stanley Kunga" in [the] prodemocracy
movement as there could be repurcussions from the MIS[Burmas most feared and hated Military
Intelligence Service] by using my full name.
Thanks,
Kunga
_____________________________________________________
From: "Lal Thanga" <Lal_thanga@hotmail.com>
X-Originating-IP: [198.81.26.71]
Date: Mon, 08 Nov 2004 15:18:26 -0800
Subject: [chinland] Mizo Vs Lusei/Lushai
Dear all,
I would make it clear that who Lusei/Lushai hnam are. Lusei has 12 clans. (I had argued that not to
write Lusei as Lushai.) Those are: Hualngo, Hualhnam/Gualnam, Hual Hang, Hnamte, Chhangte,
Chhawngte, Pa Chuau, Chuau Ngo, Chuau Hang, Lunkhua, Sailo/Thangur ...
Lusei is just a family name, not a political name at all. Most of the migrants to Tahan and Kale valley
from Mizoram do not belong to the Lusei family. In Mizoram, they don't even proclaim as Lusei, no
more. Hualngo, Hualhang become Chhakchhuak in Mizoram. ZNP president Pu Lalduhoma is Hualhang
and Chhakchhuak. Lets say Captain Vuta (father of Rev. Zothanmawia/English Methodist-Rgn) can
proclaim himself as Lusei because he is Chhangte clan of Lusei.
Lusei itself does not belong to Duhlian dialect at the first place because Ralte, Chawngthu (I may
point Lt Col Lalmuana (late) was the one), Ngente, Kawlni, Tlangkhua, Saihmun and others speak Duhlian
in locality, around Rih Lake in Chin State. If someone campaigns as Lusei hnam for political or languistic
gains please ask if he/she belongs to one of these 12 clans. Well!! migrants, due to drought, from
Mizoram may say they are Mizos. It is fair enough.
The name Mizo started in the 1950's, three decades before Mizoram Statehood. Remember Mizoram
Day, adopted by Pu Laldenga, is fallen on February 20, the day we celebrate as Chin National Day since
1948.
Pu Keivoma said "Hnam ah kan chiang tur a ni" then we can move on.
LMA
Note: Although this posting by LMA(Lal Lawm Thanga) is not directly relevant to the other correspondences mentioned
above, I include it as an extra item for those who are not familiar with the tribal and clan names and some general historical
backgrounds concerning them. Thang Za Dal, June 2009
______________________________________________________
.About the Correspondents above:
1. vumson was Dr. Vumson Suantak, author of the Zo History. He was living in the U.S.A. He had
passed away on 19th September, 2005.
2. rodinga is Dr. Rodinga, B.V.S(Veterinary) and was for several years the resident representative in
India of the National League for Democracy - Daw Aung San Suu Kyis political party. He lives now in the U.S.A.
3. Mr. Zo Sai Kunga(Falam, Chin State, Burma), 31. B.A in Theology, Zomi Theological College, Falam,
Chin State(1997); M. Div, Alliance Biblical Seminary, Manila, The Philippines(2003). He lives now in the U.S.
4. Mr. Van Mung alias Pualva was a school teacher in Chin State and is now residing in Sweden.
5. Dr. Lal Lawm Thanga(LMA) is a dentist. He is now living in Los Angeles, USA
__________________________________________________________________________________________________
(Thang Za Dal. February, 2010)
APPENDIX A-1
THEORIES ON THE ORIGIN OF THE SAILO CLAN
If one looks at the correspondences in APPENDIX A, the quotations below, and genealogical charts in TABLES 2-A & 3 the origin
of the Sailo chiefs is a great mystery indeed.
1. ...The chronology may fit one generation but may not fit another. Boklua was called Sihsinga or Sizanga. Lai Biak Thanga
continues, ...Zamuaka traced his descent from one Sihsinga and his wife Sesingi. Thus the most powerful chiefs of Lusei
were descendants of Boklua, who was remembered as Sihsanga because of his clan Sizang. Boklua was the son of
Ngengu, or Nenua, who was the progenitor of the Sizang.(Vumson, 68)
2. ...From the five men: Nge Ngu, Vanglok, Daitong, Hinnung and Nong Zong[Nun Zong], all the Siyin people descended.
Part of the Koset and Lope people are descended from Nge Ngu. Vangloks descendants are the Toklaing, Bwenman and
Limkhai people. Hinnungs descendants are the Hualngams[Hualnams]. Nong Zongs are the Taukan[Taukon] people.
Daitongs descendants have died out* (Naylor. p 45)
3. ...Neyan of Chin Nwe[Ciimnuai] is the father of the Siyin tribe; he lived 13 generations ago and he had three sons, Ne Nu,
Vamlok, and Daitong; these three together left the nursery of the Northern Chins, migrated some 12 miles to the east,
and founded the two villages of Limkai and Twantak[below present- day Khuasak village]. Vamlok is the progenitor of the
three communities which we classify as the Limkais, Toklaing, and Bwenman clans, and Ne Nu is the progenitor of the
clan we designate as the Siyin clan of the Siyin tribe, though it would be more correctly named if we called this family
the Twantak clan. Vamlok had three sons, Hansook, Toklaing and Limkai. Hansook founded Tavak village, Toklaing founded
Vumyang village, whilst Limkai remained in the original village of that name. Ne Nu had one son named Lamtam, who lived
in Twantak, the village founded by his father Ne Nu and his uncle Daitong. Lamtams youngest son Neyal moved from
Twantak and founded Koset village, which nine generations later was destroyed by the Siyins[themselves] when attacked
by General Faunce in 1889. Four generations ago Koset emigrants founded Tannwe[Thangnuai] village...
(Carey & Tuck, pp. 127-28)
4. The existing Lushei Chiefs all claim descent from a certain Thangura, who is sometimes said to have sprung from the
union of a Burman with a Paihte* woman, but, according to the Paihte, the Lusheis are descended from Boklua, an
illegimate son of the Paihte Chief Ngehguka. The Thados say that some hunters tracking a serao noticed the foot-marks
of a child following those of the animal, and on surrounding the serao they found it suckling a child who became the great
Chief Thangura, or, as they call him, Thangul. From Thangura the pedigree of the living chiefs is fairly accurately
established. The Lusheis, in common with the Thados and other Kuki tribes, attach importance to their genealogies;
and pedigree, given at interval of many years, and by persons living far apart, have been found to agree in a wonderf
ul manner. From comparison of these genealogies and from careful enquiries lasting over many years, I estimate that
Thangura must have lived early in the eighteen century. His first village is said to have been at Tlangkua, north of Falam.
From him sprang six lines of Thangur chiefs: 1. Rokhum, 2. Zadeng, 3. Thangluah, 4. Palian, 5. Rivung, and 6. Sailo. To
the north the country was occupied by the Sukte, Paihte, and Thado clans. These appear to have been firmly established
under regular chiefs.(J. Shakespear, pp. 2-3)
Below was my speculation on the subject in question placed immediately beneath the genealogical trees on Table 3(up to Update VII)
of this paper:
The real identity of the Sailo clans progenitor is shrouded in mystery. According to the Lusei/Hualngo legends Ral Na-a was of the
Sizang tribe and that he was the son of Boklua, who in turn was one of the sons of Nge Ngu(Ngengua). Ral Naa was captured at an
inter-tribal war(according to Carey & Tuck there were at least six major tribal wars between the Sizangs and the combined forces of
Tashon, Zahau and Hualngo/Lusei before the British arrival) and brought to his captors village, Seipui(see Appendix A and Map 5),
and that he was heartily welcomed by hundreds of the villagers, instead of being humiliatingly treated by them as it was a normal practice
among the Zo tribes in those days. So he was therefore also called Zahmuaka which loosely means he who is being welcome by the
hundreds. (The reason he was so heartily thus welcome, according to these legends, was that he was good-looking, fearless and had a
good figure.) And there was also someone named Sihzanga or Sihsinga - which roughly means the Sihzang man - in these legends.
That could probably be the reason why Pu Chawngkunga and some other Lusei scholars, among them Pu Zaruma, author of Thu-Ro
Bu(Lusei Genealogical History, 2nd Edition, 2001) put him as an historical person in the Sailo genealogy.(Vumson Suantak had even
speculated in his book that Boklua himself could probably be that Sihzanga. Vumson p. 68). It could perhaps be assumed that Ral Na-a,
Sihzanga and Zahmuaka were in fact a single person. It is very possible that Ral Na-a was affectionately nicknamed by his new relatives
and friends alike as the Sihzanga because of his tribe, and as Zahmuaka as well. Some people were annoyed by this speculation because
there was also another person named Zahmuaka in the Sailo genealogy(13th generation from Zo). But in my personal opinion it should not
be a problem since there were and are also many similar names among the Zo people. It is also possible that this historical Zahmuaka
simply used again his grand fathers nickname. There were also two Za Mang, for example(see Table 2). Many elderly Lophei
villagers even used to wonder if Ral Na-a could probably in fact be Seam Muang, the younger brother of Kiim Lel(12th generation
from Zo), founder and Chief of the Lophei village, because the Luseis descriptions of Ral Na-as characteristics and physical feat
ures meet that of Seam Muangs which were passed down for generations among the Lopheis. And if Ral Na-a really were a
Sizang and the descendant of Nge Ngu, he could have come only from either Khuasak or Lophei villages for the descendants of
Lam Tam, one of Ngu Ngus six sons, who had become the Sizangs, are said to have originally first settled at Thuan Tak village,
beneath the present Khuasak.(From there Kim Lel later founded Lophei and moved there.) Other Sizangs are descendants of Vang
Lok, one of Nge Ngus five brothers, and they originally founded Thuklai, Lim Khai and Buanman villages - and later Pumva and
Voklak villages as well. All these villages are located in what the British called the Siyin Country(modern usage: Siyin Region or
Sizang Region- see Photo 12). It was known that Seam Muang left the village when he was about 20- 25 years old because of
different opinions with his elder brother and that he was last seen at Mualbem, which later became the seat of the Sukte chieftainship.
Mualbem is some 15 km away from Lophei and located on the boundary of Sukte, Lusei/Hualngo/Falam territories(see Map 5).
So, if Seam Muang indeed were Ral Na-a, who could be Boklua, since his name is no more remembered by the Sizangs? It is possible
that Boklua was indeed a real historical person and one of Nge Ngus six sons, as Khup Za Thangs books show, but without issue of his
own. So Seam Muang had probably changed his name to Ral Naa(Ngal Na) and said he was the son of Boklua, one of his paternal great
uncles, in order to hide his own real identity. Or, if Seam Muang were not Ral Naa, theres also another possibility that Boklua indeed was
a historical person originally from either Lophei or Khuasak and Ral Naa also indeed was his son who was captured by the Luseis as the
Lusei legends say. If its the case, then Seam Muang must have had simply disappeared without a trace.
The fact that Boklua was no more remembered by the Sizangs is not strange at all, if one looks at all the great discrepencies in
genealogies of different clans within the Sizang tribe itself (see 17.7 Clans and Sub-clans). There are ample examples that several
former Sizangs who had moved out of the core Sizang villages into neighbouring non-Sizang dialect-speaking coummunites within some
15-mile radius just only three or four generations ago and thus speak the Sizang dialect no more have simply been forgotten by the
Sizangs. A vivid example is the ones who had settled at Thangnuai village, just some seven miles from the core Siyin Region (see
Appendix L). And genealogies before Khup Za Thangs book has become a standard work were chaotic and extremely confusing
indeed. See 17.7 Clans and Sub-clans and the following Appendices to see how hard he (Khup Za Thang) had to work: K, K-1, K-2 & K-3.
Therefore, one could generally assume that only genealogies starting from the 8th generation from ZO are more reliable.
Note: Kim Lel is often spelled as Kiim Lel and pronounced as well.
...............................................................................................
Now I shall try to make a picture out of a mosaic of different information that I have collected recently(see Appendices
A-2, A-3 & A-4). When I made my speculations mentioned above, I could not present any evidence to prove my point. Then
I discovered Kim Lels autobiographic song, which is the oldest surving autobiographical song among the Sizangs, in my
fathers Note Book, written back in 1940 (Appendix A-3) and also in another book called Sizang Labu(Sizang Song Book),
compiled by the late Captain Mun Kho Pau of Khuasak, published in 1954(Appendix A-4) on my bookshelves here in
Hamburg. But since I do not understand traditional Zo songs composed in poetic words (19.6 Traditional Songs), I
requested Pu Ngo Za Lian of Khuasak village to translate this autobiographical song for me into plain words in the hope
that there might be some hints that could support my theses(I based my previous theses on speculations circulated among
my relatives alone without knowing exactly the contents of the song in detail). And there indeed are a couple of Stanzas
and verses in it that I think could support my theses.
In fact, there should be no mystery at all with regard to the root of the Sailo clan, if -
- The Sailos had simply remembered that their progenitor was called Boklua and that he was a Sizang and that he
was the son of either Vang Lok or any of his brothers, except Nge Ngu, or
- Kim Lels autobiographical song were not so mysterious with regard to Seam Muangs fate, or
- There were no Hualngo/Lusei legends about the capture of a Ral Na-a or a Sihzanga in a tribal war.

But that was not the case. See the following new postulations:
ON BOKLUA
The possibility that theres some truth in Quotation # 4 above - that Boklua was the son of Paite Chief
Nge Ngu - is very high due to the following reasons:
Shakespear and those who had told him(Shakespear) the story - that, Boklua was the son of Nge Ngu -
could not have known when he prepared his book that Nge Ngus and his five brothers direct descendants
were originally Sizangs. All of them founded first the Thuantak village and then Nge Ngus direct sons
founded and settled at Khuasak and Lophei. Therefore, since he is said to be the son of Nge Ngu, he
must have lived either at Khuasak or Lophei. Vang Loks and his four brothers sons andfounded and
settled at Buanman, Limkhai, Thavak and Thuklai villages.(Those in Tables 9, 10, 11 and 12 are some
of the direct descendants of the said four brothers, Nei Lut, Hin Nung, Nun Zong and Dai Tawng who
remained in the Sizang region until today.) Later the great majorities of families of these four brothers
moved out of the Sizang region for it apparently was too small to accomodate them all.(Duhlian
dialect-speakers call all those who speak dialects that are related to the Tedim dialect: Paite. For instance,
the Sizangs are called Sihzang Paite.)
Although the Sizangs could no more recall a person named Boklua as one of Nge Ngus sons. this claim
doesnt lose its creditability because, as one can see in the last paragraph of my previous speculations
above, even those who had moved out of the core Sizang region only three or four generations ago and
settled in its immediate vicinity and speak the Sizang dialect no more have simply been forgotten by the
Sizangs in the core Sizang region.
If it really were Ral Na-a, who was captured by the Luseis, and the son of Boklua, then Boklua must have
had only a single son(among the Sizangs daughters were not counted in genealogies before the 15th
generation from ZO - see some of the Sizang genealogical trees included in this paper - from Tables 5/A
to 5/D and 8 to 12/A) and thus ended his lineage abruptly. And he himself must have died young.

Now let us have a look at some interesting verses from Kiim Lels song (Appendix A-2):

In 2(a) and 5(a) Kiim Lel dedicated his younger brother, but very interestingly in 8(a+b) he said that he had
no brother of his own(pianpui laizom = brothers/sisters born out of a single father and a single mother).
If Seam Muang had died while Kiim Lel was still alive, he surely would have mentioned about it in one or two
verses, because he had also mentioned about the death of his parents(6-a+b) - his mother at the hands of
his enemy and for which he had managed to revenge, and his father at the hands of evil spirits for which he
felt helpless.
But if Seam Muang was still alive when he composed verses 3(a & b), he would not have composed that he
was without a brother/sister of his own.(Kiim Lel is said to have lived a very long life.)
The Lopheis had had two different versions with regard to the fate of Seam Muang: one version was that
he left the village because of differences of opinion with his elder brother and headed for Mualbem village,
which later became the seat of the Sukte chieftainship, and was seen there for the last time; and the other
version was that he left no issues of his own.
But as Kiim Lel had expressed in several verses that he and his brother themselves had defeated and
successfully defended against several enemies, the first version is not plausible. If Seam Muang really had
had differences of opinion with his brother, he could have simply moved to any other Sizang village or he
could have simply founded a new village. And the second version is also not plausible because, if that
were really the case, Kiim Lel would not have needed to compose that he had no brother of his own.
CONCLUSION
By taking all the factors mentioned above into consideration, I personally believe that the one whom the
Hualngo/Luseis had captured in an inter-tribal war could most likely be Seam Muang.(Even until some few
years before the British arrived at the scenes there were still some tribal wars between the Sizangs and
the combined forces of Tashon, Zahau, Khuangli and Hualngo/Luseis as menioned earlier above.)
But if Seam Muang really were the captive, then a few questions shall need to be answered or solved, namely
Question 1. Why didnt he simply admit to his captors that he was Seam Muang, the younger brother of
Kiim Lel, Chief of Lophei?
Answer: Since the two brothers - and the Lopheis - are said to have fought and even defeated several
enemies, the Hualngo/Luseis also could surely be among the enemies that they had fought
against. So, if he had told his captors the truth, he would certainly be tortured or killed. Or his
elder brother would most likely be forced to buy for his freedom, and that would be extremely
costly. There were several such examples and one of the most vivid cases was the fate of my
great, great, grandmother(see Appendix F).
Question 2. If the captive in question really were Seam Muang, then who was Boklua or what happened to him?
Answer: As I have already mentioned above he himself must have had died early or he did not have any
issue of his own, or he had only a son but his son died in his young age. So Seam Muang might
have had simply claimed that he was the son of his great uncle Boklua.
Question 3. Had Seam Muang been captured by their enemy, why didnt Kiim Lel simply admit it and compose
one or two verses dedicating to his brother fate?
Answer: Since Kim Lel boasted in many verses that he and his brother were powerful warriors, it must have
been a great shame and disgrace for Kim Lel to admit by composing a verse that his brother was
captured by his enemy for which he could not revenge, or that he had simply disappeared without
a trace. So, it is possible that after some generations had passed the truth was manipulated by
my forefathers - that is, that Seam Muang had had no issues or he simply left the village because
of differences of opinion with his elder brother - in order to hide the shamefulness of Seam
Muangs inglorious fate.(Note: Many of my forefathers also left several autobiographical songs
and when they have been translated into plain texts sometime in the near future and if there are
some new clues to this topic in those songs, then I shall have to write this section anew.)
Question 4. If Seam Muang really were the captive, why didnt he try sometime in his lifetime to contact his
relatives again?
Answer: In absolute contrast to the Sizangs, the Luseis have been absorbing even total strangers into
their community and make them feel at home. So its very possible that Seam Muang immediately
felt at home among his newly found relatives. And there were only very limited social intercourses
or communications between hostile tribes in olden days.
Question 5. How about the different names: Ral Na-a, Zahmuaka and Sihzanga that are mentioned in the
Hualngo/Lusei legends (Appendix A)?
Answer: It is most likely that his captors had simply affectionately given Seam Muang these nicknames:
Zahmuaka(the one being welcome by the hundreds), and Sihzanga(after the name of his tribe).
In short, Seam Muang, Ral Na-a, Zahmuaka and Sihzanga all must simply be a single person.
(See 17.8 Zo Names)

The above postulations are from our side. Its now up to the Sailos to decide if they deem these theses plausible or
not. For this purpose I have created an alternative genealogical tree for the Sailo lineage(Table 3-A) .
What I am going to write here is neither scientific nor academic, so it may even sound arrogant or naive. No matter
whether the discrepencies of the Sailo genealogies and that of the Sizangs could be bridged or not, there was a strikingly
similarity of mentality between the former Sailo chiefs and the Sizangs during their wars against the British: That was
their extra-ordinary stubborness. All other Zo tribes also had fought against the British equally bravely, but this obstinacy
among the Sailo chiefs and the Sizangs was worth an extra mention by the British. So I, as a layman, suppose that
there could probably be some truth in the theses that I have postulated above.
The last two years work in the Siyin tract has been to thoroughly subdue and disarm the inhabitants, a task which
has been prolonged owing to the extraordinary obstinate nature of these tribesmen.(9.10.4 THE SIYINS) and see
also Footnotes on the Sailo chiefs by Shakespear on p. 107.
Note 1. Since the generation differences between Kiim Lel and Seam Muang and me are 12, they must have lived
about 300 years ago(for one generation is equal roughly to 25 years), or around A.D. 1600-50. I shall
attempt to prove the reliability of the genenealogies among the Sizangs used in this paper in some coming
Updates.
Note 2. Judging by the autobiographical song of Kiim Lel, the Sizangs must have had already used the term Sizang as
the name of their tribe in ancient times, although they were recorded as Tautes or Tauktes[Thaute] in
Manipuri Chronicles(Carey & Tuck, p. 4).
Note 3. The reader may surely be interested to know more about Suantak, the progenitor of several clans and
sub-cleans, so see 17.7 CLANS AND SUB-CLANS and Footnote on p. 97.
Thang Za Dal. June 2011
______________________________________________
Note: Suantak, the progenitor of a great number of families, is said to have lived at and was a Chief of Ciimnuai (see MAP 5), the first known settlement
of the northern Zo people in the Chin hills when they migrated from the Kale-Kabaw Valleys in the Chindwn region around 1400 A.D. As he was too
demanding from whom he collected tributes, a man of the Gangte tribe/clan(another Zo tribe) lost his patience and knocked him three times with the
hinleg of a deer which he brought along with him as a tribute, so Suantak died immediately on the spot. His children then left the village and founded
other villages(see TABLE 2). Since the generation differences between Suantak and me are 17, he must have lived sometime around 1520(1945-
425=1520) - for one generation is roughly equal to 25 years. (Source for Suantaks chieftainship at Ciimnuai: Zomi Encyclopedia, Vol. 5. pp. 54-55.
This is a 20-Volume Encyclopedia which will be published in the near future.)
APPENDIX A-2
LOPHEI KHUA, PU KIM LEL LA(AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SONG OF PU KIM LEL OF LOPHEI)
Date: Fri, 9 Oct 2009 00:39:20 -1200
Subject: From Kalaymyo
To: zthang911197046@aol.com
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1
X-AOL-IP: 209.85.222.193
LOPHEI KHUA, PU KIM LEL LA
A KAIH
1(a) Kim awng nge na khan tang bang pha e, nang in la thaa vang in nei, Lal von ni thum khuam
bang ka do hi e.
1(b) Tung soltha pui le, kiim pan va lai nei ta, lim bang la lian zu ve te, khua mual panh lawi
bang nong thang hi ve.
AKHIAK NA(Meaning)
1(a) Kim(Lel) awng na khan pha ma ma, zo ma ma a; ngal leh sa a thuap a thuap ah do zo nangh
zo pa na hi hi.
- Oh, Kim! Yours is a fulfilled life with glories; youve successfully fought against a great number
of enemies and also defended against them.
1(b) Vantung pan thaa - pui ih vang nei bang ma, Kim Lel zong vang nei a, ih khuamual ah a min
hong thang tawntung hi.
- Literal translation: Like the light of the moon that shines in the sky, Kim Lel has also light and his
fame is well-known at the top of our village.
Figuarative translation: Like the light of the moon that shines in the sky, Kim Lel is powerful
and his fame is well-known in the whole region.
* Vang or Avang = Light, power, influence
Examples of usage 1. Pu X sia vang nei hi. = Mr. X has power/influence.
2. Pu X sia avang lian hi. = Mr. X is powerful/influential.
3. Pu X ih avang lian hi. = Mr. Xs power/influence is great.
..................................................................................................
2(a) Seam awng nge na khan tang bang pha e, nang in la tha vang in nei, khua Ki'im a mi-in leng
sial hong hawl e.
2(b) Namtem ziatsang a ka tawi lam a, lalmi ka tha, khua mual hawl suang za'a in hong ki phom e.
A Khiak na:-
2(a) Seam(Muang) awng, na khan na zaw la lawm manh, khua ki'im khua paam in sial sia hong pia
ah hong hawl tek hi.
- Oh, Seam(Muang), since your life is so successful, people in neighbouring villages give us
mythuns as tributes.
2(b) Hiam le naam tawi ah ngal ka tha sia, khumual ah suangtum lungtum om za ah, ki phom liang hi.
- The enemies that I killed with knife and weapons are piling like the stones at the village gate.
................................................................................................
A NAW:
3(a) Tang lungtup ma bang tunh tangh, Mulu le Seam ka sak luang tul li vum a tuang ing nge.
3(b) Ka lal paw hang ve ci, mawng va bang a man, tangh khau vaw nge tual sung ah thang ing nge.
A Khiak na:
3(a) Pasal ah ka pian buang, ka tup theampo tunh siat in, ngal le sa ka mat, ka tha te, a sang
bel din mun pan in ka zo thal siat hi.
- Being a real man, Ive fulfilled all my wishes, and I have absolutely defeated my enemies.
3(b) Hang a ki sa ka ngal te, mawngnai taw vacim mat bang in ka manh ah, kolbul in khau taw khit a,
ngam bup kuam sung ah ka min a thang hi.
- Those enemies of mine who think theyre brave, I captured them like birds with mawngnai
and in shackels, and my fame is spread throughout the land.
(Explanation: mawngnai is a small species of banyan tree which grows on trees, by using the
trees as its hosts; if their tiny fruits are chewen in the mouth for a while, a sticky substance
like rubber is gained and then it is used as a rubber trap for catching birds.)
.......................................................................................................................
4(a) Ngual in kei ka hang zia ci, pau tang sua e, vang khua lai a, mi lian hang kei hing nge,
4(b) Ngual in lum nuai thak ka le, ka sial lum phu limthing nuai a, suang bang ka po hi ze.
A Khiak na:
4(a) Ngual a pau theampo in na a ma te veo hang a ki sak tek hang khua thingbup a a lian belsia
kei ma hi bek khi hi.
- Although everybody who can speak boasts that he is the brave one, only Im the greatest in the
whole village.
4(b) Ngual in a lum tawi khia ka le, Kei ka beal cin tenh a, suangtum bang in ka om tin tunh hi.
- When others dropped their shields, I held my shield steadfastly and remained unmoved like a stone.
................................................................................................................................
5(a) Seam in muvan lai tha tuanh, sabuaivom le sing khuang thua e kamkei sial in aai.
5(b) A lu pangh lam a ka khaih, ah lam ah lengsial ka hawl pui te, tha le dam nung na ze.
A Khiak na:
5(a) Seam Muang in ai thei theampo ai a Muvanlai tha tuanh ah khuang le dak thua in vompui
le Sahang te Sial ngo ah ai hi.
- Adorning himself with the feathers of the great eagle(Muvanlai) Seam(Muang) celebrates
everything that can be celebrated - among them bears and tigers - by slaughtering mithans.
5(b) Ngal lu ka pangh ah khai kawm ah, lampi ah pua ah, sial ka hawl pui te a thi a bo le om
a nung ta lai le om lai hi.
- Among those who - like me - carried the heads of enemy on both of their sides and tending
mithans on the way at the same time, there are some who are already dead and some who are
still alive(figuratively: among my brave contemporaries with whom I have defeated our enemies,
some are already dead but some are still alive).
...........................................................................................................................
6(a) Kial ngil na e, va thang mual tawn tangh(tang?), nuai zin na sawmsial e, zuk salian suang
bang ka zawng hi ze.
6(b) Na tun thaamna vangkhua suanh tangh(tang?), Pazua thaam na e, nuai zin ta
meal a mu nuam ingh.
A Khiak na:
6(a) Ngilkial manh po mual dung ka zui leh, Dawi te khawi sa, Sazuk, Sakhi hon khat ka man ah,
cia pui in ka zawng uh hi.
- Trekking along the mountain range, I found and killed deers and barking deers that were raised
by the Dawi te(Evil Spirits according to traditional belief) and we carried them home.
6(b) Ka Nu hong mat sak te khua sunh(sung?) ah, ka Nu phu la zo lei ka leng Ka
Pa dawi ah thi ahi manh ka ci ka law ka he bua hi. Dawite meal mu nuam bek ingh.
- I have revenged those who had captured my mother, but I feel helpless against the Dawis at whose
hands my father lost his life. I only want to see the faces of those Dawis.
.....................................................................................................................
7(a Taang sak taang aw ci tangh, sak taang lengh, taang thang taang aw ci,
7(b) Taang sak ka taan le taang sak nuai kei-tangh mau ngi ngei e.
A Khiak na:
7(a) Sa pangh tu sia, a sak sang panh pang leng, a thang sang a sa om tu muang maw zaw.
- If I took position on the north side[during hunting], I thought the beast might appear in the south.
7(b) A sak sang pan ka panh le, ka panh na nuai ah, sahang mau ngi ngei.
- But taking position in the north, the tiger was roaring beneath me.
................................................................................................................
8(a) Laizom sel in taang sak ma taang aw ci e, tangsak nuai a, kei-tangh mau ngi ngei ee...
8(b) Laizom sel ta nong cia zang kei sa awng Zangsi ka ngual ka tong el zo om ngawl.
A Khiak na:
8(a) Pianpui laizom nei ngawl a, a sak sang panh ma ka panh, leh a thang sang na ka nuai panh
ma sahang om in hong mau ngi ngei va ve hi.
- Without a brother/sister of my own I took position in the north, but the tiger appeared in the south
and was roaring there.
8(b) Laizom pianpui nei ngawl nong ci, sahang awng, Sizang ka ngualtam kei pau kei kam hong el zo
kua ma om ngawl hi.
- Literal translation: Oh, You Tiger! Although you said[to me] you dont have a brother of your own,
there is none among my contemporary fellow Sizangs who dares to oppose my words.
Figurative translation: He claimed that there was none among his contemporary fellow Sizangs who
could rival him in village/state affairs.(Or, in other words, he wanted to say that he was the most
influential or powerful among the Sizangs of his time.
* Laizom pianpui = brothers/sisters who are born out of a single father and a single mother
...........................................................................................................................
Remarks:
1. Since its not possible to translate many verses into English literally, the Zos traditional ways of expressing historical facts
in bio - and - autobiographical songs may surely sound very strange to those who are not familiar with this tradition.
2. Translated from poetic words into plain words by Pu Ngo Za Lian of Khuasak and the English translation has been done by
myself.
3 According to the Hiistory of Lophei*, the two verses in Stanza 1(a+b) were composed by Seam Muang himself in dedication
of his elder brother and that these were integrated later into Kiim Lels autobiographical song. This is a common practice. However,
in modern times, in nearly every autobiographical song the names of those who compose such verses in dedication of the owner
of the autobiographical song are mentioned in plain text at the end of every verse. So, if Kiim Lel and Seam Muang were still alive
and composed these verses today, for instance, at the end of the two verses in Stanza # 1b, it would be written in plain text like
this: Verses 1 & 2 are composed by Seam Muang as a dedication to Kiim Lel. (This will be clearly seen in the English
translation of Khup Za Thangs autobiographical song in future Updates.)
_______________________________________________
* Source: Zomi Encyclopedia, Vol. 3. pp. 164-193(This is a 20-Volume Encyclopedia which will be published sometime in the
near future. Each Volume contains approximately 500 pages.
Prepared by Thang Za Dal, Hamburg. June 2011
APPENDX A,]
Ah Khunpa(R!corder): ?AU TwELlPan Turrl, Lophei, 1940
''This
book concains historicEl rcctrds on rne origin oftlE Siangs sto.titrg Aom Thua Tak. sd the afiairs of Lophei v,llage,
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oI the eveDls recorded hercitr ue uhuc, Dobody el$ in Lhe vitlage knows these mators bctLr thm ?a Khup Lion I solld
lilie to request fr6e who r6ad dd usc thB b@k Lo kcep i1 salell and wiLh cre "
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APPENDIX B
CHIEF MINISTER'S PEACE CALL ECHOES AS STATE CELEBRATE KUT

Imphal, Nov 1, 2008
Punctuated with the Chief Minister's reiteration for a negotiated settlement to the vexed insurgency issue along with
traditional fervour and gaiety marked the celebration of Kut the biggest post-harvest festival of the Kuki-Chin-
Mizo group of people all over the State today.
The main function, however, was organised under the aegis of State Level Kut Committee, Manipur at Ist MR ground
here. Speaking as chief guest of the inaugural function, Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh said it is the festival of merry making
and thanks giving to the Almighty after the hard labour of cultivation in the fields and reaping the fruit.
Miss Kut 2008 contestants wait for the announcement of the final round
After remaining in the shadow for quite some time, the popularity of Kut has gained ground and since 1979 the
festival is being celebrated far and wide so much so that State Government has also declared November 1, the
day of Kut celebration, as a public holiday to ensure participation of all the people, the Chief Minister said,
while wishing that celebration of the festival would help in cementing the bond among different groups of
people living in the State.
Stating that there could be nothing more fortunate than the success of signing the Suspension of Operation with Kuki
UG outfits by the Government of India and Manipur Government with an eye on bringing about an honourable solution to
the violence besetting the Chin-Kuki-Mizo communities, the Chief Minister also called upon other UG outfits to come out
for peace talks. To bring about a permanent solution, the State Government has been trying to identity the designated
camps and number of the UG cadres of all the UG groups which are party to the Suspension of Operation, the Chief
Minister said.
Presentation of colourful traditional dances and folk songs were the main highlight of the inaugural function. The
celebration picked up its tempo in evening programmes with the stage coming alive to the sound of modern music and
Miss Kut pageant.
Manipuri film actors like Kamala, Sonia, Kaiku, Olen and Guna who also participated in the celebration enthralled the
crowd with their performance. The celebration continued late into the evening with presentation of cultural dances and
songs besides other entertainment programmes.
SDO of Tousem Depu Gangmei, president of Kuki Inpi Tamenglong-Jiri Zone PT Singbon and BDO Khoupum Kajaigai
Gangmei were respectively chief guest, functional president and guest of honour of the celebration marked by cultural
dances and other entertainment items.
Source: The Sangai Express
----------------------------
Kukiforum News
Visit us at www.kukiforum.com
______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
APPENDIX C
Lamka December 20, 2004
*ZO FEST 2004 CONCLUDED WITH CALLS FOR UNITY*
The Zo Fest 2004, a cultural and musical festival of the Zo people, which was held during 15-16 December 2004 at the
AR Ground, Aizawl, Mizoram, was started and concluded with the theme: Unau Kan Ni( We are Brothers & Sisters). The
two-day Zo festival showcases the distinct identity of the Zo people as a nation and ended with a message that Zo people
scattered in different parts of India and outside are one and the same people and thus should strive for their eventual
unification. This is the second Zo Festival held since 2002 under the aegis of the Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP) general
headquarters, Aizawl. The first was held at New Lamka, Churachandpur, Manipur State.
Altogether, about 670 tribe delegates from the states of Manipur, Tripura, and Assam apart from Mizoram came for
the conference. The 283 odd delegates from Manipur had arrived back here after a two-day trip in six buses late last night.
Prominent dignitaries who attended the two-day extravaganza are Mr. Zoramthanga, Chief Minister of Mizoram, Mr.
AR Kohli, Governor of Mizoram, and some sitting MLAs and ministers from the host state. Most of the well known artists
and singers in Mizoram also took part in the event.
The major highlight of the program was presentation of cultural items by more than 10 Zo-tribes, presentation of
songs by artists and concert by musical bands, unification speeches and a fashion show. In his speech on the first day of
the conference, Mizoram CM Zoramthanga stressed on the inseparability of the Zo tribes and said that minor differences
in dialects spoken by Zo tribes is no longer a problem.
"If the present Mizo language spoken in Mizoram is to be the only criteria for being called a Mizo, then I will also not be
a Mizo as I was not its original speaker", he said. Mr. AR Kohli, Governor of the state urged the organisers to make the
event an annual affair and urged the participants to spread the spirit of the festival everywhere in India. He also thanked
the various organisations that donated money to sponsor the festival. It may be mentioned that the North Eastern
Council(NEC), State Bank of India(SBI), Arts and Culture Department of the Mizoram government and vijaya Bank had
contributed a sum of Rs. 7 Lacs, 4 lacs, 3 lacs and 2 lacs respectively for the festival. Mr. Lalthangliana, Minister(Edn) also
followed on the same theme in his speech and said, "We dont have to claim we are one, What we did already shows that
we are one".
Mr. Lianzuala, President of the all powerful Young Mizo Association(YMA), in his address lauded the efforts of the
MZP for Zo unification and said that the festival is a God-ordained event for the Zo people. "It came at the right time as
our brothers in neighbouring states are in a dilemma at the moment and there is a Indo Naga peace process on. The Zo
people must stand together to shape their common future", he said. The festival finally concluded around 10 pm on 16
December after a musical concert.
____________________________
Originally received from:-
Subject: [SSPPNet] Report from Lamka Dec20
From: Thangkhanlal Ngaihte <ngaihte11@yahoo.co.in>
Date: Mon, 20 Dec 2004 12:01:14 +0000 (GMT)
To: mails@insangaiexpress.com, siamsinpawlpi@yahoogroups.com
This message is forwarded to you by the CHIN FORUM INFORMATION SERVICE (CFIS)
_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
APPENDIX D
Lamka Impressions January 9, 25
Thangkhanlal Ngaihte for TSE
MIZORAM DIARY
MIZORAM IS A CLASSIC EXAMPLE OF HOW MUCH DIFFERENCE PEACE AND UNITY CAN MAKE FOR THE BETTER UNITY
REFRAIN:
From around the later half of the last decade, a certain kind of political awakening has swept though the entire northeast
region. This process of awakening is defined along ethnic lines. There were claims and counter claims over one's
'traditional' land. Ethnic strife is rife. Much of the northeast is, thus, in constant ferment which gravely impact on
development in all spheres. It is common understanding that Mizoram remained practically unaffected by the turmoil even
though the state has enough problems on its hands over sporadic outbreak of violence on non-Mizo residents of the
state. It has been identified
as something of a model state and received peace-bonus from the central government at regular intervals.But the wind of
change keeps blowing and it cannot be checked by artificial state boundaries. As it blows, people rediscover their roots,
identities and that inevitably imposes on them the aspiration to unite and enjoy their shared future with their estranged
brethren, wherever they may be.
The Zo people are no exception to this trend. While the ruling generation in Mizoram are still haunted by the
ghosts of Mizo insurgency days in the 1960s and frowned upon all forms of movements which could involve violence, the
new generation aspires for reunification of all Zo-tribes, and see opportunities in the chaos all around. The first Zo Fest
was held at New Lamka, Churachandpur in May 2002. It evokes lots of goodwill and hope among the Zo tribes. The
second festival, 'Zo Fest 2004' held at Aizawl during December 15 to 17 carries the same message throughout: Unau
Kan Ni or We are Brothers & Sisters. The day after it concluded, I scanned through the various newspapers at the MZP
Headquarters office, reading not just the reports but opinions too. It was all there. The Zo people have graduated from
the first agenda - We are Brothers & Sisters. They are now faced with the next agenda: Where do we go them there?
STARS IN THE HILLS:
One thing that a first time visitor in the state just cannot miss is the excellent power situation. The feeling of envy and
admiration is all the more pronounced when one's from Manipur. The Mizoram people heard about loadshedding, perhaps
from their Manipuri counterparts, but never experienced them. From the capital Aizawl city to Khokawn village near the
Manipur border and every other settlement in between, they enjoy electricity- day in and day out. The fee charged is
strictly on the basis of the meter reading. I asked a villager at Ngopa how much he usually pay for electricity in a month.
Rs 40-70, he announced. The building where we stay at Aizawl's Canaan Veng is occupied by six households. The
monthly charge for the entire building? Rs 600-800. Mizoram got the first taste of electrict power in 1959 when a 75
MW generator was installed at Aizawl. Now all its villagers are electrified. For them, it's entitlement as citizens. For us,
it is a dream.
MERGING INTERESTS:
One thing very significant in Mizoram and which is a major cause of its success is that it is hard to differentiate between
governmental enterprise and private initiatives. They work so closely together and in such a contructive spirit. The Zo FEst
2004 was organised by the MZP but the expenses were borne by various banks and the government itself. There is one
main social body- Young Mizo Association, and one main students' body- Mizo Zirlai Pawl. But it's enough. The influence
and reach of the YMA is so pervasive that the government seem to have delegated the social policing duties to it. This
organisation was founded in 1935 and was orginally called Young Lushai Association. One of its founding fathers,
significantly, was Rev. EL Mendus, a missionary. YMA volunteers were seen lighting fires and on duty at night in all
localities. With drugs and substance abuse identified as the biggest social evil this year, the organisation has taken stern
actions which did not go down well with human rights groups. Some clashes have occured and more are expected. Apart
from the YMA, Village Defence Party is set up in each village to take care of law and order.
CASTLE IN THE HILLS:
The entire state of Mizoram is composed of rugged hill ranges. There are no plain areas. The sight of Aizawl city from a
distance reminds one of castles in some faraway land. It is a concrete jungle constructed amid cliffs and protruding hills.
When you walk or ride, it is either up or down. So, there are no cycle rickshaw or auto rickshaws. In Aizawl, the main
mode of transport for visitors is the taxi- Marutis, Santros and Matizs. With traffic jams a regular affair even now and
roads no broader than 12 feet with no space left for expansion, ropeways may be the only alternative in, say, five years
time.
SMOKER'S PARADISE:
It seems every second person you met in the street in Aizawl is a smoker. People smoke on the roads, inside taxis and on
the dais during functions. This is the most repulsive thing I encountered during my three-day-stay in the capital. When
the editor of Newslink, one of the two english dailies in the state asked me to write my impressions for the letters column,
I immediately filled the column on this nuisance and the danger it entail. As if they don't know!!
COMPLACENCY GALORE:
Mizoram is at peace. You can feel it. One way of knowing is by reading their newspapers. Most of the items will pass off
as page 3 gossip in other parts of the country, including Manipur. Most of them survive with government patronage. They
may not like to hear it, but the level of professionalism is comparable with Churachandpur newspapers. As a news editor
of a leading daily there told me: Ask me what is the political issue on in Mizoram, and I would'nt know. But they are very
friendly and I would not think twice before going there, again.
____________________________________________________________________
SOURCE: SSPP web-site: www.siamsinpawlpi.zzn.com
Subject: [SSPPNet] Lamka Impression Jan 9
From: Thangkhanlal Ngaihte <ngaihte11@yahoo.co.in>
Date: Sat, 8 Jan 2005 07:33:03 +0000 (GMT)
To: mails@insangaiexpress.com, siamsinpawlpi@yahoogroups.com
(This article is forwarded to you by the CHIN FORUM INFORMATION SERVICE)
__________________________________________________________________
APPENDIX E
Remarks. - Village [Koset = Khuasak]* is inhabited by the Twuntak [Thuan Tak/Suantak] clan of the Siyin tribe.
The past history of all the Siyin clans is found in the chapter dealing with the history of the Siyins. Lyin Vum [Lian Vum]
governs his own village only and has nothing to say to other villages. Village was disarmed in 1891. Kuppow [Khup Pau],
the ex-Chief, is in a jail in Burma and his son Kaikam [Khai Kam] is deported to the Andamans [ the notorious islands
off Burmas coasts in the Indian Ocean on which both political prisoners and criminals serving life-sentence were banished
from the British colonial time up to the 1970s] and should never be allowed to return to the hills. The present Chief spent
some months in jail in Burma in 1894 for assisting his rebel relatives. The Twuntaks fought stubbornly in 1888-89 and
again in 1892-93. They should never be allowed to leave their present village-site. Village was destroyed in 1889 and
rebuilt in 1895; it has no stockades and is easily attacked from all sides, except from the west. The notorious Aung Paw
lives in this village and knows Burmese. Water is abundant in village and below village and there are several campaign-
grounds.
Remarks. - Village [Lope = Lophei] is inhabited by the Kimlel [Kim Lel] family, an offshoot of the Twuntak clan of
the Siyin tribe(see chapter on the Siyin tribe). Khuplin [Khup Lian], the Chief, has visited Rangoon. There was no village
at Lope when we first occupied the hills, though the site had previously been occupied by the Kimlels. After the rebellion of
1892 the Kimlels were disarmed and allowed to build a separate village so as to weaken the Twuntaks by splitting them into
two independent villages [Khuasak and Lophei]. The village is easily approached by following the excellent mule-road from
Fort White to within a mile and a half of old Fort White and then dropping down on to the village. Village is not stockaded
and easily attacked from all sides. Excellent camp some 250 yards south-west of village. Water is abundant in streams.
(The Chin Hills, Vol. II, Part III, Gazetteer of Villages, iv)
Authors(Thang Za Dal)Remarks

- *Khuasak was attacked for two times by the combined forces of Burmans, Tashons, Zahau, Khuangli and Hualngo.
It was completely destroyed on the first attack and 150 people of the village were either taken away or killed. This event
took place in B.E(Buddhist Era) 1220(1859) according to Burmese chronicles. The Burmans who took part in this attack
were 400 men. The Khuasak villagers then moved to Muitung(close to Thuklai or later Fort White) and lived with the
Thuklais where the Tashons once again attacked with a big force. In this battle Lian Bawi, one of the most powerful Chiefs
of the Tashons, an uncle of the historical Chief Con Bik, who had given sanctuary to the Prince Shwe Gyo Byu and his
followers, was captured and killed by the Sizangs, and the Tashons withdrew immediately.(Carey & Tuck, p. 130)
The Khuasaks then moved back to their old village. It was for the second time attacked again by the Tashons and
Burmans from Kale State.- The Burman version of this fight is as follows. In BE. 1228(1867) the Kale Sawbwa[Prince]
Maung Yit, at the request of the Tashons, sent an army into the hills to attack Koset. Maung Yit was in command of
the forces numbering 800 men, the Tashon force numbered 1,000. Koset village was duly surrounded, but the Siyins
fought so determinedly that the united forces could not take the village. Some Burmans managed to reach the village and
set fire to a house, and the fire spreading, about half the village was destroyed. A parley then took place, and the Siyins
promised a mithun and some grain to the Tashons, who then retired, and the Burmans considered it wise to accompany
them and to return to Burma through Tashon territory. One Burman was killed in the attack and several Tashons. The
fact of the Burmans retiring via Falam and leaving their rations inclines one to believe that the united forces were
defeated and that No-man[Chief Ngo Mang of Khuasak] did not surrender.(Carey & Tuck, Vol. I, Footnote 2. p. 131)
NOTE: EXPLANATION FROM 9.6.6. Encounter with Siyins - Footnote 2.
The Burman version was given by Amat[high ranking official of Burma royal court] who accompanied the expedition is as
follows: In Kashon 1239 B.E.(1878) we set out to attack Koset village. Our force was 1,500 strong, divided into two
columns. The first was composed of men drawn from Mingin, Taungdwin, Kale, and Yaw, 1,000 strong, and commanded
by Kampat Wun[high ranking executive officer of Kampat] Maung Pauk Tun. This column marched west from Kalemyo
with its objective Koset. The second column, 500 strong, was commanded by Maung Shwe Maung of Kendat, head clerk
of Kalemyo; under Maung Shwe Maung were three Bos[military officers], Maung Min Gaung, Maung Tet Po, and Maung
Shwe Bu. The force was drawn from the following centres: Tein Nyin 70, Legayaing 100, Kalewa 70, Yazagyo 160; besides
these the Yan Aung Naing Wundok[township officer of Yan Aung Naing] sent 100 Yes Amuhdans[a sort of police]
collected from the Chindwin who were commanded by the Legayaing Sitke[second-in-command of a military unit during
the time of Burmese kings]. The column advanced from Nansoungpu up the Nataga stream to Tiddim, where it was met
by the brothers of the Chief Kochim, who guided the column south to Shwimpi[Suangpi], which village the Sokte declared
was not under Koppow but under Kochim. Therefore it was not attacked. Shortly after the arrival at this village news was
brought in that Kuppow had routed the Kalemyo force, so the column at once retreated, the Bos considering that it was
not sufficiently strong to move alone against Koset. The northern column returned without fighting and made suitable
gifts to the friendly Soktes. The Kalemyo column lost 27 killed and two or three were taken prisoners.(Carey & Tuck, p.
133)
Footnote on Page 129(Carey & Tuck): Lope village was founded by Somman and destroyed by the Tashons when Lua
Twam, Sommans son, was Chief. Lua Twams grandson, Kuplien, rebuilt the village after the Siyin-Nwengal rebellion.
The people call themselves Kimlel te to distinguish themselves from the Twantaks of Tavak. Kimlel was an elder brother
of Neyal[Nei Zal], from whom the Chiefs of the Siyin clan spring, and the Kimlels of Lope and Twantaks are really one and
the same branch of the Siyin tribe.
- Note: In fact, Lophei was founded by Chief Kiim Lel, not Sawm Mang. Kiim Lel was the 12th generation and Sawm
Mang the 19th generation from Zo. - See Tables 2, 3, 5/A & 5/B and Khup Lians Memorial Stone: APPENDIX F
(Thang Za Dal. February, 2010)
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APPENDIX G
THU KHUPNA LA
A-KAI(SLOW)
1. A. Tuan a pu von paw, na khan taang bang pha e, Thuan tui suanh
ngua bang tuan na, Vaak tui ngam saai bang na saat hi ze.
B. Sak tui miim phuung ten, mung lo bang tum ta e, Vaak tui le zu
bang mawl a, a vaang khua thaang bang a maai hi ze.
2. A. Phuung mal nu in ne, sa bang taai nga ta te, kim pui khan lo bang
lel a, Laitui a mawng bang a peam hi ze.
B. Pu von nang khan a, Buantui khua aw ci te, phuung ni thum han
lung ciam a, Pintui a ngua bang ta tuan kik hi ze.
3. A. Taang pa kei khan paw, zu bang sia sa veang nge, tun le zuan
tuang nu sia a, pu von in aal bang hong taa hi ze.
B. Zo ih tu suanh paw, thin lai lung ngil laing nge, tang sanga ka
khan ciang a, thiam thil a phuung bang ka ciang hi ze.
4. A. Tun ang lai pan ne, taang a piang hi veang nge, sanga la ka sial
ciang a, tong dam pat puan bang ka neam hi ze.
B. Len pui ka ngual taw, lem a zawng hi veang nge, siing ta len mo
bang dong nge, kim pui khan daai bang ka deap kik hi ze.
A NAW(FAST)
5. A. Sen ka lung tup aw ci tang, vaai mang thiam thil, thiam bang sin
ding, phuung in khuang bang tho ze.
B. Sei saang tang a, len pui ngual aw ciing, thiam thil baan a bang
sam a, lung tup teng, kaa bang a tung la nge.
6. A. Sa nga lung lian, kawl ciang zuun hi veang, do ta na sum tual a,
hing le ngaw, puan bang thua, zo ing nge.
B. Pu von thaam na, taang in lung ngil laang, lei do a zua pa tawh,
dat phu khuam, thing bang lai, zo ing nge.
7. A. Hau ta lang lam aw ci tang, sei no ka lung tup ze, phuung in keen
lam bang hong, hal ta ze.
B. Nuu leh ciim khen, do zua pa tong dam, ni khat nau bang ka saan,
phuung awng pat, puan bang na, neam ziam maw.
8. A. Taang ka baan zaal aw ci tang, thiam thil phuung bang ciam sa,
khang sawn ten tu, bang a ciing nam maw.
B. Mi ci pau len, sa nga nang aw ci, thei sen sa nga sial nan, zo ci
suanh, ngui a ka, suut hi ze.
9. A. Miim bang pian na aw ci tang, zo suanh vaang khua, ciim tui khua
mual, meal mu ngo, bang lang nge.
B. Thin thu haai, zu zawng thei leang, u le nau awng, ih ciam lai a, lal
ih dem na hi ze.
A NGUI(MAIN PART)
10. A. Pu pa khan ngui, aw ci veang nge, zo ih tu suanh, aw ciing nge.
B. Zo suanh koi a, zaam ziam ciing nge, tong dam ci bang, pawi ing nge.
11. A. Thei lo lai a, tuan pu pa teng, pian ngui a lai, zawng hi ze.
B. Cian a tel la, siing dang ki sa, tun sung lai zom, tek hi ze.
12. A. Khan meal ci na, lum suang phuu luang, thel na phung cing, thiam
thil ngia bang, zuun ing nge.
B. Phuung meal ma a, siing dang ki sa, zo tui suanh phuung, khang
sawn ten, na ciing hen naw.
13. A. Zo ci suanh khang, meal ci na ding, tang phuung bang ciang, zo ing nge.
B. Khang sawn te tuu, bang ciin ding a, kheap tang bang zau, zo ing nge.
14. A. Pupa khan zu, bang mawl lai, siing dang ki sa, sim lu baan zaal,
maai bang meet a, siallum kawl ciang, khai ta ze.
B. Tu leh thiam thil, phuung cing taw, tui bang ciim ciang, zom ih ci
suanh u le ka nau, lem a zawng, diil dial leang nge.
15. A. Dim tui kuam a, miim phuung ci suanh, lai zo za a, tam hi ve.
B. Suul bang kan laak, u le nau awng, thin thu zu bang, sia dah lai aw,
ngia bang zom zi, lai leang nge.
16. A. Khan ngui zom phuung, meal ci na ding, law ciang bang sa, zo ing nge.
B. Ih kiak nu a, sawn le von ten, huan tuu bang, na ciing hen naw.
17. A. Phuung ih tuu suanh, ngua bang tuan na, mual ciin saang, tam hal ta ze.
B. Thiam thil neal bawl, meal a mu ciang, thin lai thel bang, tho hen naw.
A THIPNA(EPILOGUE)
18. A. Pupa khan a, sim lu baan, zaal khai ka le, tun sung lai zom, tu le
lem, a zawng leang nge.
B. Vaai bang thaam na, mual ciin cieu, kuam hal ka le, thin thu zeak
thiam, ho neam a, ki zawng leang nge.
19. A. Mi ci pian na, thing bang zung, peang om ngawl a, sol tha khat a,
lam ngial a, kia tek hing nge.
B. Siing ih nial a, phuung tu tawm, nau bang kap teng, thian hawm thi
thu, tong ih ngai, pheang lai tu ze.
20. A. Ka sei no a, ka sa nga, na sa veang nge, sei saang tang a, len pui
ka, ngual siing veang nge.
B. Pupa khan ngui, zo khang pan, ngia bang ka zop, baan zaal kai
thiam, ka han lum, khaina hi ze.
K.A. Khup Za Thang
Laibu at pa.
Source: Genealogy of the Zo(Chin) Race of Burma, Second Edition, 2007. p. 284
_________________________________________________
(See 19.6 Traditional Songs)
APPENDI X H. 1
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APPENDIX H-2
(Three Research Papers of Mr. Pandey on the Pau Cin Hau Script)
* tzd/12.2010
SO/EC JTC1/SC2/WG2 N3781
2010-02-28
!"#$%& Preliminary Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646
'(#)*+& Anshuman Pandey (pandeyumich.edu)
,#-#(.& Individual Contribution
'/#"*0& For consideration by UTC
1-#%& 2010-02-28
2 30#+*4(/#"*0
The purpose oI this document is to bring the Pau Cin Hau writing system to the attention oI the Unicode
Technical Committee. Very little inIormation about this script is available in English, but there appears to
be a good number oI materials written in Chin languages. This document provides a historical background
oI Pau Cin Hau, brieIly describes its structure, presents tentative character names and glyph shapes, and enu-
merates several encoding issues. Research on the script is ongoing and the present author is in contact with
specialists oI Chin languages and culture. The inIormation given here is subject to change. It is requested
that any inIormation regarding Pau Cin Hau be submitted to the author at the email address given above.
5 6-/78+*(04
The Pau Cin Hau script is the ecclesiastical script oI the Laipian religious tradition, which developed in the
Chin Hills region at the turn oI the 20th century. The script is named aIter Pau Cin Hau (18591948), a
Sukte` (Tedim) Chin, who Iounded the Laipian tradition and developed the script in order to convey his
teachings. In an account given by J. J. Bennison in the 1931 Census of India report Ior Burma, Pau Cin Hau
stated that the characters oI his script were revealed to him in a dream in 1902.
1
Pau Cin Hau revised his
script twice and developed the third and Iinal Iorm in 1931.
The script was designed to represent Tedim (|ctd|), a northern language oI the Kuki-Chin group oI the
Tibeto-Burman Iamily, which is spoken in Chin State, Myanmar. It is known traditionally as pau cin hau
lai 'script oI Pau Cin Hau. The Tedim word lai means 'writing and Pau Cin Hau himselI is reIerred to as
laipianpa 'script creator.
2
The name is also romanized as Pau Chin Hau` and is known in one source as
Bow-chinhow`.
3
There appear to be logographic and alphasyllabic Iorms oI Pau Cin Hau. The logographic Iorm is believed
to be the original script revealed to Pau Cin Hau (see Figure 6). It is reported that the logographic script
consisted oI 1,050 characters, which were reduced to a repertoire consisting oI 57 characters.
4
This 57-
character repertoire belongs to the alphasyllabic script described in this document. The transIormation oI
the logographic script into an alphasyllabic Iorm was the Iinal revision made by Pau Cin Hau in 1931. Some
characters oI both the logographic and alphasyllabic scripts resemble those Iound in Burmese, Latin, and
other writing systems, but these occurances are coincidental. Neither Iorm has a genetic relationship with
any other script.
The alphasyllabic script Iormalized in 1931 was used Ior writing and printing Laipian and Christian literature.
A primer Ior the script was printed Ior the purpose oI teaching the script (see Figure 3). Books oI Laipian
ritual songs were written in the script and it is believed that some oI these were also printed.
5
In 1931, the
Baptist and Foreign Bible Society printed the 'Sermon on the Mount Irom the book oI St. Matthew in
1
Bennison 1933: 217.
2
Pau: 11.
3
American Bible Society 1938: 82.
4
Pau: 10.
5
Banks 1967: 46.
1
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
the Kamhow` (now known as Tedim) dialect in the Pau Cin Hau script (see Figure 4). At least one metal
Iont was developed in order to print the materials oI the Baptist and Foreign Bible Society. The script charts
shown in Figure 2 and Figure 3 appear to be printed using diIIerent Ionts, but there is insuIIicient inIormation
to ascertain the accuracy oI this assumption.
The use oI the Pau Cin Hau script diminished with the decline oI the Laipian tradition and the rise oI Christian
missionary activity. Baptist missionaries introduced Latin-based orthographies Ior languages oI the Chin
Hills and in many cases developed the Iirst orthographies Ior these languages. A Latin-based script Ior
Tedim was introduced by J. H. Cope, an American Baptist missionary.
6
This Latin alphabet is the regular
script Ior Tedim and has replaced Pau Cin Hau. Although practice oI Laipian and usage oI the Pau Cin
Hau script have declined, both still survive to an extent. It is reported that both the logographic and syllabic
systems are still used in a very limited Iashion by the Laipian religious community.
7
InIormation on the
size oI the user community was unavailable to Bennison in 1931;
8
the same is true at present. In addition to
the religious uses oI Pau Cin Hau, the script appears to enjoy scholarly attention, as is evidenced by articles
published online by members oI Chin-speaking communities and in websites dedicated to the script.
9 :)-+-/#%+ ;%<%+#*"+%
The alphasyllabic Pau Cin Hau script has a repertoire oI 57 characters, which consists oI 21 consonant letters,
7 vowel letters, 9 coda letters, and 20 tone marks. A preliminary code chart and nameslist is provided in
Figure 1.
Character names are tentatively assigned according to those given in the script charts. The only exceptions
are the names oI ! and " , which are shown in the charts as a` and ai`, respectively. Names Ior the
tone marks have been assigned serially based upon the order in which they appear in the charts.
The character names are problematic; please see section 7 Ior Iurther details.
= ,#+(/#(+%
Pau Cin Hau is written Irom leIt to right. It is designed to represent the Tedim language, whose syllable
canon may be described as (C
1
)V
1
(V
2
)(C
2
)T.
9
The presence oI consonant letters that represent phonemes
not used in Tedim suggest that the script was intended to represent other Chin languages, such as Mizo, as
well.
The onset (C
1
) is represented by one oI the Iollowing consonant letters. Only these letters may appear in the
initial consonant position.
10
# /p/ $ // % /t/
& /k/ ' /h/ ( /t
h
/
) /l/ * /g/ + /n/
, /m/ - /x/ . /p
h
/
/ /d/ 0 /s/ 1 /r/
2 /j/ 3 /b/ 4 /I/
5 /v/ 6 ?? 7 /c/
The nucleus (V
1
) is represented using the Iollowing vowel letters. The letters and represent dipthongs,
11
which are coded as V
1
(V
2
).
6
Banks 1967: 59.
7
Button 2009: 23, In. 20.
8
Bennison 1933: 217.
9
Thang 2001: 33.
10
Button 2009: 34.
11
Button
2009: 26.
2
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
! /a/ 8 /o/ 9 /io/
" /e/ : /u/
; /i/ < /uo/
The coda (C
2
) is represented using one oI the Iollowing consonant letters. These letters may appear only as
the Iinal consonant.
12
The letters and are glides.
13
= /p/ > /m/ ? /w/
@ /k/ A /n/ B //
C /t/ D /l/ E /j/
The tone (T) is represented using one oI the 20 so-called tonal signs`, shown below. Script charts show
the tone marks arranged into Iour rows. The signiIicance oI this arrangement is unknown. The glyphs oI a
particular row exhibit a common structure, except Ior those oI the third row:
F G H I J K
L M N O
P Q R S
T U V W X Y
Christopher Button, a specialist oI northern Chin linguistics, has shed much light upon the properties and
arrangement oI the tonal signs.
14
He explains that the signs are used to mark vowel length, tone, and syllable-
Iinal glottal stop (written in the Latin orthography using `h`). His description alludes to a sub-grouping oI
the signs. The ten signs in the leIt-most three columns are used Ior marking '3 basic 1 sandhi tones with
2 vowel distinctions; the 'remaining 2 are then leIt Ior codas ending in a glottal stop oI which one is a
'sandhi alternate. The signs in the right-most three columns have the same Ieatures as those in the Iirst
three, but are used at the end oI sentences. Button suggests that the doubling oI lines is borrowed Irom
Burmese, where two vertical lines are used to mark end oI sentence. Further research is required in order
to determine the tonal Ieatures oI each sign, but based on the preceding inIormation, these Ieatures may be
hypothesized as Iollows:


T U V W X Y
F G H I J K
L M N O
P Q R S
12
Button 2009: 30.
13
Button 2009: 27.
14
Button, February 2010, personal correspondence.
3
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
Digits and punctuation are unattested. However, punctuation may be inherently reIlected in some tonal signs,
as described above. Figure 4 shows the use oI Latin digits and punctuation (period, etc.) in printed Pau Cin
Hau texts.
> ,*(+/% ?*+ @$A<) ,)-<%.
The proposed glyphs Ior Pau Cin Hau characters shown in the code chart in Figure 1 are based upon the
Iorms shown in script charts. The Iont was designed by the present author and is a work in progress.
B :)-+-/#%+ C+*<%+#"%.
The tentative properties Ior Pau Cin Hau characters in the Unicode Character Database Iormat are given
below. The postulated punctuation properties oI some tone marks are not included.
11B00;PAU CIN HAU LETTER PA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B01;PAU CIN HAU LETTER KA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B02;PAU CIN HAU LETTER LA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B03;PAU CIN HAU LETTER MA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B04;PAU CIN HAU LETTER DA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B05;PAU CIN HAU LETTER YA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B06;PAU CIN HAU LETTER VA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B07;PAU CIN HAU LETTER NGA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B08;PAU CIN HAU LETTER HA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B09;PAU CIN HAU LETTER GA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B0A;PAU CIN HAU LETTER XA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B0B;PAU CIN HAU LETTER HSA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B0C;PAU CIN HAU LETTER BA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B0D;PAU CIN HAU LETTER TGA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B0E;PAU CIN HAU LETTER TA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B0F;PAU CIN HAU LETTER HTA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B10;PAU CIN HAU LETTER NA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B11;PAU CIN HAU LETTER HPA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B12;PAU CIN HAU LETTER RA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B13;PAU CIN HAU LETTER FA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B14;PAU CIN HAU LETTER CHA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B15;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B16;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AAI;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B17;PAU CIN HAU LETTER I;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B18;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AW;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B19;PAU CIN HAU LETTER U;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B1A;PAU CIN HAU LETTER UA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B1B;PAU CIN HAU LETTER IA;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B1C;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AB;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B1D;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AG;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B1E;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AD;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B1F;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AM;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B20;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AN;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B21;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AL;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B22;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AU;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B23;PAU CIN HAU LETTER ANG;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B24;PAU CIN HAU LETTER AI;Lo;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B25;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK ONE;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B26;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK TWO;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B27;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK THREE;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B28;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK FOUR;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B29;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK FIVE;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B2A;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK SIX;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
4
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
11B2B;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK SEVEN;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B2C;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK EIGHT;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B2D;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK NINE;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B2E;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK TEN;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B2F;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK ELEVEN;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B30;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK TWELVE;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B31;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK THIRTEEN;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B32;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK FOURTEEN;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B33;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK FIFTEEN;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B34;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK SIXTEEN;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B35;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK SEVENTEEN;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B36;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK EIGHTEEN;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B37;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK NINETEEN;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
11B38;PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK TWENTY;Mc;0;L;;;;;N;;;;;
D E(#.#-04"08 3..(%.
Much inIormation is still needed regarding the Pau Cin Hau script. The outstanding issues are discussed
below.
1. Origins The exact relationship between the logographic and alphasyllabic Iorms oI the script is yet
to be determined.
2. Allocation II deemed suitable Ior encoding, should the script be encoded in the Basic Multilingual
Plane (BMP) or in the Supplementary Multilingual Plane (SMP)? The script may be minor, but there
is a user community associated with it.
3. Character Repertoire Although the character repertoire given here mirrors that Iound in script charts,
it is necessary to be determined iI any characters have been added to the repertoire since Pau Cin Hau
Iinalized it in 1931.
4. Character Names The character names as given in the charts are problematic Ior the Iollowing rea-
sons:
(a) The names Ior letters that represent the onset consonants possess an `, which is suggestive oI
Brahmic character names, eg. , , , etc. However, Pau Cin Hau characters do not possess
an inherent vowel and the script is not based upon a Brahmic model.
(b) The `presence` oI Latin transliterations oI voiced consonants in the character names Ior coda
consonants contradict the basic phonological properties. For example, the letters , ,
are used only Ior representing codas. However, codas can be only voiceless, liquid, or nasal
consonants.
15
Moreover, the presence` oI Latin ` in the names oI coda letters suggests a
phonological property that does not inhere in the letter.
It is possible that the character names are inIluenced by names oI Burmese characters. Also, it is
possible that the ` was assigned to names oI consontant letters in order to assist in the independent
pronunciation oI the letters.
Should character names reIlect the original names as given in the charts or be changed to reIlect actual
phonetic values and character semantics?
15
Button 2009: 30.
5
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
5. Character Properties Button suggests that some tonal signs are used only at the end oI sentences.
II this is the case, then the tone marks must be given punctuation properties. Does this present any
technical issues?
6. Phonetic Jalues Need to determine the actual phonetic values oI some consonant letters, eg. 6 .
7. Transliteration Is there a standard transliteration Ior Tedim and other Chin languages that may be
assigned to Pau Cin Hau characters?
8. Collating Order What is the collating order Ior Pau Cin Hau? Does it Iollow the order given in the
script charts, which is mirrored in the encoding order? Does it Iollow the pattern used Ior Tedim?
9. Glvph Shapes VeriIy that glyph shapes are representative. Also, determine the nature oI the nearly
homoglyphic` letters: 7 and C ; 1 and ? . The letters in the scripts charts upon which
the digitized glyphs are based are distorted by the low resolution oI the images.
10. Tonal Signs The value oI each individual tonal sign remains to be identiIied.
11. Specimens Better reproductions hand-written and printed specimens are required. Is a complete
printed version oI the 'Sermon on the Mount, an excerpt oI which is shown in Figure 4, available
anywhere? Also, is the book Irom which the specimen in Figure 3 was extracted still available?
F ;%?%+%0/%.
The American Bible Society. 1938. The Book of a Thousand Tongues. Being Some Account of the Transla-
tion and Publication of All or Part of The Holv Scriptures Into More Than a Thousand Languages and
Dialects With Over 1100 Examples from the Text. Edited by Eric M. North. New York and London:
Harper & Brothers.
Banks, E. Pendleton. 1967. 'Pau Cin Hau: A Case oI Religious Innovation among the Northern Chin.
In American Historical Anthropologv. Essavs in Honor of Leslie Spier. London and Amsterdam:
Southern Illinois University Press.
Bennison, J. J. 1933. 'The Pau Cin Hau Movement in the Chin Hills. Census of India, 1931, vol. XI,
Burma, pt. 1, ch. XI. pp. 217218.
Button, Christopher T. J. 2009. 'AReconstruction oI Proto Northern Chin in Old Burmese and Old Chinese
Perspective. Ph.D. dissertation. School oI Oriental and AIrican Studies, University oI London. http:
//victoria.linguistlist.org/~lapolla/downloads/Button-Proto-Northern-Chin.pdf
Go, Khup Za. 2008. Zo Chronicles. A Documentarv Studv of Historv and Culture of the Kuki-Chin-Lushai
Tribe. New Delhi: Mittal Publications.
Pau, Pum Khan. 'Religious conversions reconsidered: Christian missions and indigenous movement
among the Zo people in colonial Chin Hills. http://www.scribd.com/doc/25568052/Religious-
Conversion-Reconsidered
'Pu Pau Cin Hau Lai. Zomi Online Library, Item #200, http://zomilibrary.com/main/items/show/
200
Thang, Khoi Lam. 2001. 'A Phonological Reconstruction oI Proto-Chin. M.A. thesis. Payap Univer-
sity, Chiang Mai, Thailand. http://ic.payap.ac.th/graduate/linguistics/theses/Khoi_Lam_
Thang_Thesis.pdf
6
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
G '/70*H$%48I%0#.
I owe a great deal oI appreciation to Christopher Button. He has patiently IulIilled my requests Ior inIor-
mation and overlooked my ignorance oI Chin linguistics. He continues to explain the logic underlying the
Pau Cin Hau system and his comments on the tonal signs are especially valuable. Last, but not least, he has
provided me with specimens oI the logographic Iorm oI the script.
7
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
Printed using UniBook
(http://www.unicode.org/unibook/)
Date: 24-Feb-2010 1
11B3F Pau Cin Hau 11B00
11B0 11B1 11B2 11B3
!
"
#
$
%
&
'
(
)
*
+
,
-
.
/
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
!
8
"
9
:
;
<
=
>
?
@
A
B
C
#
$
%
&
'
(
)
*
+
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
N
11B00
11B01
11B02
11B03
11B04
11B05
11B06
11B07
11B08
11B09
11B0A
11B0B
11B0C
11B0D
11B0E
11B0F
11B10
11B11
11B12
11B13
11B14
11B15
11B16
11B17
11B18
11B19
11B1A
11B1B
11B1C
11B1D
11B1E
11B1F
11B20
11B21
11B22
11B23
11B24
11B25
11B26
11B27
11B28
11B29
11B2A
11B2B
11B2C
11B2D
11B2E
11B2F
11B30
11B31
11B32
11B33
11B34
11B35
11B36
11B37
11B38
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
A
B
C
D
E
F
Printed using UniBook
(http://www.unicode.org/unibook/)
Date: 24-Feb-2010 2
11B38 Pau Cin Hau 11B00
Consonants
11B00 ! PAU CIN HAU LETTER PA
11B01 " PAU CIN HAU LETTER KA
11B02 # PAU CIN HAU LETTER LA
11B03 $ PAU CIN HAU LETTER MA
11B04 % PAU CIN HAU LETTER DA
11B05 & PAU CIN HAU LETTER YA
11B06 ' PAU CIN HAU LETTER VA
11B07 ( PAU CIN HAU LETTER NGA
11B08 ) PAU CIN HAU LETTER HA
11B09 * PAU CIN HAU LETTER GA
11B0A + PAU CIN HAU LETTER XA
11B0B , PAU CIN HAU LETTER HSA
11B0C - PAU CIN HAU LETTER BA
11B0D . PAU CIN HAU LETTER TGA
11B0E / PAU CIN HAU LETTER TA
11B0F 0 PAU CIN HAU LETTER HTA
11B10 1 PAU CIN HAU LETTER NA
11B11 2 PAU CIN HAU LETTER HPA
11B12 3 PAU CIN HAU LETTER RA
11B13 4 PAU CIN HAU LETTER FA
11B14 5 PAU CIN HAU LETTER CHA
Independent vowels
11B15 6 PAU CIN HAU LETTER AA
11B16 7 PAU CIN HAU LETTER AAI
11B17 ! PAU CIN HAU LETTER I
11B18 8 PAU CIN HAU LETTER AW
11B19 " PAU CIN HAU LETTER U
11B1A 9 PAU CIN HAU LETTER UA
11B1B : PAU CIN HAU LETTER IA
Codas
11B1C ; PAU CIN HAU LETTER AB
11B1D < PAU CIN HAU LETTER AG
11B1E = PAU CIN HAU LETTER AD
11B1F > PAU CIN HAU LETTER AM
11B20 ? PAU CIN HAU LETTER AN
11B21 @ PAU CIN HAU LETTER AL
11B22 A PAU CIN HAU LETTER AU
11B23 B PAU CIN HAU LETTER ANG
11B24 C PAU CIN HAU LETTER AI
Tone Marks
11B25 # PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK ONE
11B26 $ PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK TWO
11B27 % PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK THREE
11B28 & PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK FOUR
11B29 ' PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK FIVE
11B2A ( PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK SIX
11B2B ) PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK SEVEN
11B2C * PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK EIGHT
11B2D + PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK NINE
11B2E D PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK TEN
11B2F E PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK ELEVEN
11B30 F PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK TWELVE
11B31 G PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK THIRTEEN
11B32 H PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK FOURTEEN
11B33 I PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK FIFTEEN
11B34 J PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK SIXTEEN
11B35 K PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK SEVENTEEN
11B36 L PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK EIGHTEEN
11B37 M PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK NINETEEN
11B38 N PAU CIN HAU TONE MARK TWENTY
Figure 1: Proposed code chart and nameslist Ior Pau Cin Hau
8
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
Figure 2: The Pau Cin Hau script (Irom Bennison (1931), reprinted in Go (2008: 94)).
9
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
Figure 3: Characters oI the Pau Cin Hau script (Irom 'Pu Pau Cin Hau Lai: 4).
10
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
Figure 4: Excerpt oI the 'Sermon oI the Mount printed in Pau Cin Hau (Irom 'Pu Pau Cin Hau
Lai: 3).
%:BG !U ,;G *;G )8?M ,;G '!)G 6;T ! !|...|
+! ,$EG &<BF 0:BP /8BG ;EP !T +<@ /;B|...|
;V 69BF ;=P +!BG ;=M #!U 09=U 39@F +!G |...|
|?|:=H !V +!F #!EM #;V +!E %!@G ;EP +!G |...|
+!1 -!CV !% ):BP &;>Q )8?V +! 8>G +!G
+!G +!T 09=T 39@F +! 39@F +!G %!?L ,!EF
|?|!EP .87H ;=D %< +!U : +!U +!1 %8H +!G
|?|V 69BF ;=P 39@F +! +!U #9G /;BF ';N . 25
&;U -97F +;T #!F %8U )!>G +;F !V +!G
%!@F ;=P !G ,!V %8U !U ,!=G )!<F ;=P &;U
,"BF ;=N %< !F ';U &$EF )$T !G ,!2 ;=F
|?| E!V (:F -$=P ,!|?| %$L -9< !|?| '8BF #|...|
|?| ,!BF +!F ;=|?| +!|?| )$>T :@V #!L &9B !F
! +!BG ;=L )8BG ):BG !F '8BF -:9L
'<E ';N . 26 !G +:G +:BG #"=F ;=G /!|...|
-!7V +!U $8AF +!G )81V -;7U ,!G %|...|
Figure 5: The Pau Cin Hau text Irom Figure 4 rendered in a digitized Iont. There may be errors in
the transcription on account oI the low resolution oI the source image.
11
Preliminarv Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646 Anshuman Pandev
Figure 6: Asignboard in the logographic Pau Cin Hau script and in the Myanmar script. Photograph
taken by Vungh Suan Mang in Tedim Township, Chin State, Myanmar on December 31, 2008.
12
SO/EC JTC1/SC2/WG2 N3784
2010-03-22
!"#$%& DeIining Properties Ior Tone Marks oI the Pau Cin Hau Script
'(#)*+& Anshuman Pandey (pandeyumich.edu)
,#-#(.& Individual Contribution
'/#"*0& For consideration by UTC and WG2
1-#%& 2010-03-22
2 30#+*4(/#"*0
The preliminary proposal to encode the Pau Cin Hau script (N3781 L2/10-080) identiIied the notation system
Ior tones as an issue requiring Iurther research. This document provides additional inIormation about the
tone marks and requests advice on deIining names and properties Ior these characters.
5 6-/78+*(04
The alphabetic Pau Cin Hau script has 20 tone marks, which are said to represent the complete tonal system
oI the Tedim language, spoken in Chin State, Myanmar. There is very little inIormation available about
these marks. Charts oI the script simply show the tone marks arranged into Iour rows, as below, but do not
explain the logic behind the arrangement or speciIy the values oI the marks:
! " # $ % &
' ( ) *
+ , - .
/ 0 1 2 3 4
Ongoing research has shed more light upon the above arrangement. At the highest level, based upon glyph
shape, the columns may be divided into two groups oI three columns, which indicate positional and vocalic
Ieatures oI the tone marks. The rows indicate tone categories. This classiIication may be imposed upon the
traditional arrangement as Iollows:



! " # $ % &
' ( ) *
+ , - .
/ 0 1 2 3 4
1
!"#$%$%& '()*"(+$", #)( -)%" ./(0, )# +1" '/2 3$% 4/2 56($*+ 7%,128/% '/%9":
The marks in the word-Iinal` class represent (a) basic tone vowel length; (b) basic tone syllable-Iinal
glottal stop; and (c) sandhi tone vowel length.
The sentence-Iinal` marks represent both tone and punctuation. They correspond by column to the word-
Iinal` marks and are semantically identical to them. These marks replace the corresponding word-Iinal`
marks at the end oI sentences. There are two exceptions to the correspondences between the two groups: in
the tone category the word-Iinal` mark Ior syllable-Iinal glottal stop has no sentence-Iinal` correlate and
the unmarked `general` long vowel is marked in sentence-Iinal position.
The glyph shapes oI the sentence-Iinal` marks are suggestive oI their Iunction as punctuation marks. With
the exception oI marks in the tone category, the sentence-Iinal` marks are produced by doubling the basic
graphical element oI the word-Iinal` mark. This practice shows the inIluence oI Burmese orthography,
particularly borrowing the Iunction oI ! 104B , which may be decomposed as
a doubling oI " 104A . With the exception oI the tone marks, the
sentence-Iinal` marks could be considered contextual variants oI the word-Iinal` marks.
Although Pau Cin Hau was designed Ior writing Tedim, not all tone marks have actual representation in the
language.
1
For example, in Tedim, the basic syllable-Iinal glottal stop is represented by 1 and the sandhi
variant is marked by #. There is only one possible sandhi variant Ior syllable-Iinal glottal stop in Tedim, but
there are three marks in the writing systemIor syllable-Iinal glottal stop. The mark , has no real representation
in Tedim. It is, thereIore, highly likely that the Pau Cin Hau tone mark repertoire was developed Ior the
purpose oI representing not only Tedim, but also other northern Chin languages as well.
The contours oI the basic tone categories oI the northern Chin languages vary by language, as shown below:
2

T 1 1 1 1 1
1 T 1 1 1 1
1 1 1 1 1 1
Based upon the diIIerences in the correlation between tone contour and tone category, the semantic value oI
Pau Cin Hau tone marks is dependent upon the language being represented.
9 :(%.#"*0.
;-<"08 =*0>%0#"*0 Is there a preIerred convention Ior naming characters that represent tones? Tone
characters that are already encoded in the UCS Ior other scripts have names that include mark` and sign`,
while some names do not contain such descriptors; some characters are named serially, while others are
named according to the tone contours they represent, eg.
07EB
0EC8
1063
1087
1970
19C8
1
Christopher Button, March 2010, personal correspondence.
2
Adapted Irom Button (2009: 37).
2
!"#$%$%& '()*"(+$", #)( -)%" ./(0, )# +1" '/2 3$% 4/2 56($*+ 7%,128/% '/%9":
Both 1063 and 1087 are
used Ior representing tone, have identical properties in the Unicode Character Database, and are part oI the
same script block, but they are named diIIerently. Are there criteria Ior distinguishing a tone mark` Irom a
tone sign`?
=)-+-/#%+ ;-<%. In the preliminary proposal the tone marks were given tentative names based upon
their serial order in script charts, eg. ... .
Now that values Ior the tone marks have been established, should the generic names be replaced with more
descriptive names? Are the names given below suitable?
!
"
#
$
%
&
'
(
)
*
+
,
-
.
/
0
1
2
3
4
=)-+-/#%+ ?+*@%+#"%. What is the appropriate way to describe the properties oI tone marks that are also
used as punctuation?
A*"0"08 6%)->"*+ Should the tone marks be treated as combining characters?
B+4%+"08 Should the tone marks be ordered according to the traditional arrangement given in script charts
or by tone contour?
C D%E%+%0/%.
Button, Christopher T. J. 2009. 'AReconstruction oI Proto Northern Chin in Old Burmese and Old Chinese
Perspective. Ph.D. dissertation. School oI Oriental and AIrican Studies, University oI London. http:
//victoria.linguistlist.org/~lapolla/downloads/Button-Proto-Northern-Chin.pdf
Pandey, Anshuman. 2010. 'Preliminary Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Script in ISO/IEC 10646
(N3781 L2/10-080). http://std.dkuug.dk/JTC1/SC2/WG2/docs/n3781.pdf
F '/70*G$%48<%0#.
I am indebted to Christopher Button Ior his explanations oI the Pau Cin Hau tone notation system and his
analysis oI the correspondences between the tone marks and the Tedim tone system.
3
SO/EC JTC1/SC2/WG2 N3961
L2/10-438
2010-10-27
!"#$%& Introducing the Logographic Script oI Pau Cin Hau
'(#)*+& Anshuman Pandey (pandeyumich.edu)
,#-#(.& Individual Contribution
'/#"*0& For consideration by WG2 and UTC
1-#%& 2010-10-27
2 30#+*4(/#"*0
The purpose oI this document is to bring to the attention oI the Unicode Technical Committee (UTC) the
logographic script developed by Pau Cin Hau. This script is related to the alphabetic script oI Pau Cin Hau,
which is proposed Ior inclusion in the Universal Character Set in the document N3960 L2/10-437. The
present document provides a list oI character names and some specimens oI the logographs. Research on the
script is ongoing and additional inIormation will be provided.
An allocation Ior these characters should be made in the Roadmap to the Supplementary Multilingual Plane
(SMP), as was requested in N3865R L2/10-073R1. The block should be named Pau Cin Hau Logographs`.
For the present, at least 1,056 code points should be reserved Ior the script.
5 6-/78+*(04
The Pau Cin Hau Logographs belong to a writing system used by the Laipian religious tradition, which is
practiced in Chin State, Myanmar. Pau Cin Hau (18591948) was the Iounder oI the Laipian tradition and
the developer oI the script.
There are two distinct writing systems associated with Pau Cin Hau and the Laipian tradition. They were
designed Ior representing Tedim |ctd|, a northern Chin language oI the Tibeto-Burman Iamily. One is a
logographic script, which is described here, and the other is an alphabet (see N3960 L2/10-437). Pau Cin
Hau designed the Iirst script in 1902, which was revised twice. The 57-character alphabet is the result oI the
Iinal revision. It is not known iI the logographic script represented in the extant sources is the original script
or the second revision. The logographic script is said to consist oI 1,050 characters, a number that is based
upon a count oI the logographs that appear in a Laipian recitation text (see Figure 1). However, a dictionary
oI Tedim that provides a list oI logographs shows 923 distinct characters.
The diIIerence in character count is likely a result oI the inclusion oI characters in the recitation text that
are not atomic characters, but composites oI a base letter and a combining mark. These combining marks
are used Ior indicating tone, vowel length, glottal stop, and Iinal consonant. Examples oI the use oI these
combining marks are shown in Figure 3. The dictionary source that lists the 923 logographs does not include
characters with combining marks; it shows only distinct characters.
The Pau Cin Hau Logographs are attested in several primary and secondary sources. The script is used in
religious works, such as Laipian recitation texts (Figure 1); dictionaries (Figure 2 and 3); inscriptions on
stone (Figure 5); and signage (Figure 6). There are also secondary materials about Pau Cin Hau, his scripts,
and the Laipian religion written in Burmese in the Myanmar script (see Figure 7).
1
!"#$%&'()"* #+, -%*%*$./+)( 0($)/# %1 2.' 3)" 4.' 5"6+'7." 2."&,8
9 :)-+-/#%+ ;%<%+#*"+%
Presented below is a serialized list oI 923 distinct logographs as identiIied in a Tedim dictionary (see Figure
2). The names oI characters are based upon the Latin transcription oI syllabic values given Ior the logographs.
II more than one logograph has the same transcribed name, the name is marked using a serial number, eg.
, , etc. The sort order Iollows that given in the dictionary, which is Ior the most part based on the Latin
alphabetical order.
1. A
2. AH
3. AI
4. AI-2
5. AK
6. AL
7. AAM
8. AN
9. ANG
10. ANG-2
11. AT
12. AW
13. AWI
14. AWI-2
15. AWK
16. AWM
17. AWN
18. AWNG
19. BA
20. BAH
21. BAI
22. BAIH
23. BAK
24. BAL
25. BAN
26. BAN-2
27. BAAN
28. BAANG
29. BAWH
30. BAWK
31. BAWL
32. BAWM
33. BAWNG
34. BE
35. BEH
36. BEI
37. BEEK
38. BEK
39. BEL
40. BEL-2
41. BEEM
42. BEM
43. BENG
44. BEU
45. BI
46. BIA
47. BIING
48. BIANG
49. BIIK
50. BIL
51. BING
52. BIT
53. BO
54. BOIH
55. BU
56. BU-2
57. BUA
58. BUAI
59. BUAL
60. BUAN
61. BUANG
62. BUK
63. BUK-2
64. BUL
65. BULH
66. BUI
67. BUM
68. BUNG
69. BUT
70. CI
71. CI-2
72. CIA
73. CIAH
74. CIAK
75. CIAL
76. CIAM
77. CIANG
78. CIAT
79. CIAU
80. CIL
81. CIL-2
82. CIIM
83. CIM
84. CIIN
85. CIN
86. CIN-2
87. CING
88. CING-2
89. CINGH
90. CIK
91. CIING
92. CIANG
93. DAH
94. DAI
95. DAI-2
96. DAK
97. DAL
98. DAM
99. DAN
100. DAN-2
101. DANG
102. DAU
103. DAWH
104. DAWI
105. DAWI-2
106. DAWK
107. DAWL
108. DAWN
109. DAWNG
110. DAWP
111. DAWT
112. DE
113. DEI
114. DEIH
115. DEK
116. DEK-2
117. DELH
118. DEL
119. DEM
120. DEN
121. DENG
122. DENGH
123. DEP
124. DEUH
125. DIAH
126. DIAK
127. DIAL
128. DIAL-2
129. DIH
130. DIK
131. DIM
132. DIM-2
133. DING
134. DINGH
135. DO
136. DOK
137. DOL
138. DOM
139. DON
140. DONGH
141. DONG
142. DONG-2
143. DUAI
144. DUANG
145. DUM
146. DUNG
147. DUP
148. DUH
149. DIM-3
150. E
151. EI
152. EK
153. EL
154. EM
155. EN
156. EN-2
157. ENG
158. ENG-2
159. EU
160. EU-2
161. GA
162. GAH
163. GAI
164. GAI-2
165. GAK
166. GAL
167. GAM
168. GAAM
169. GAN
170. GAAN
171. GAU
172. GAWM
173. GAWI
174. GAWNG
175. GEK
176. GEL
177. GELH
178. GEEM
179. GEN
180. GI
181. GIAK
182. GIAH
183. GIAL
184. GIK
185. GIL
186. GIM
187. GIN
188. GIN-2
189. GING
190. GO
191. GOIH
192. GOLH
193. GONG
194. GU
195. GUA
196. GUAH
197. GUAI
198. GUAK
199. GUAL
200. GUANG
201. GUI
202. GUI-2
203. GULH
204. GUM
205. GUN
206. HA
207. HAH
208. HAI
209. HAI-2
210. HAK
211. HAAK
212. HAK-2
213. HAL
214. HAM
215. HANG
216. HANG-2
217. HANG-3
218. HAT
219. HAU
220. HAWK
221. HAWH
222. HAWL
223. HAWI
224. HAWM
225. HAWNG
226. HAWT
227. HEH
228. HIAM
229. HIANG
230. HIT
231. HIH
232. HIK
233. HIL
234. HINH
235. HIING
236. HO
237. HONH
238. HOIH
239. HU
240. HUH
241. HUA
242. HUAI
243. HUAL
244. HUAN
245. HUAU
246. HUIH
247. HUK
248. HUL
249. HUM
250. HUM-2
251. II
252. IN
253. IT
254. INGH
255. IM
256. KA
257. KAI
258. KAI-2
259. KAK
260. KAL
261. KAL-2
262. KAM
263. KAMH
264. KAN
265. KAN-2
266. KANG
267. KAP
268. KAP-2
269. KAU
270. KAWH
271. KAWI
272. KAWI-2
273. KAWL
274. KAWM
275. KAWN
276. KAWNG
277. KEL
278. KEI
279. KEI-2
280. KEK
281. KEN
282. KEN-2
283. KENG
284. KEP
285. KEU
286. KEU-2
287. KEUH
288. KHA
289. KHA-2
290. KHAH
291. KHAL
292. KHAK
293. KHAAM
294. KHAM
295. KHAM-2
296. KHAN
297. KHANG
298. KHAANG
299. KHAAT
300. KHAP
301. KHAWL
302. KHE
303. KHEM
304. KHEN
305. KHEN-2
306. KHENG
2
!"#$%&'()"* #+, -%*%*$./+)( 0($)/# %1 2.' 3)" 4.' 5"6+'7." 2."&,8
307. KHIA
308. KHIAL
309. KHIL
310. KHEI
311. KHEK
312. KHEL
313. KHEM
314. KHIANG
315. KHIH
316. KHIM
317. KHIIN
318. KHIN
319. KHUA
320. KHUAI
321. KHUAL
322. KHUAM
323. KHUANG
324. KHU
325. KHUI
326. KHUL
327. KHAWI
328. KHAWL
329. KHAWL-2
330. KHAWK
331. KHAWM
332. KHAWN
333. KHAWNG
334. KHAU
335. KHEUH
336. KHO
337. KHOH
338. KHOI
339. KHOL
340. KHOLH
341. KHONG
342. KHUAK
343. KHUAT
344. KHUM
345. KHUM-2
346. KHUNG
347. KUNG
348. KUNG-2
349. KHUP
350. KHUP-2
351. KHUT
352. KI
353. KIA
354. KIAL
355. KIAM
356. KIANG
357. KIL
358. KIK
359. KIK-2
360. KIIM
361. KIM
362. KIP
363. KIN
364. KIU
365. KO
366. KOI
367. KOIH
368. KOL
369. KOM
370. KONG
371. KU
372. KUA
373. KUAI
374. KUAM
375. KUAN
376. KUANG
377. KUI
378. KULH
379. KUM
380. KUNG
381. LA
382. LAH
383. LAI
384. LAI-2
385. LAI-3
386. LAK
387. LAAK
388. LAL
389. LAM
390. LAAM
391. LAMH
392. LAN
393. LANG
394. LANGH
395. LAP
396. LAAT
397. LAU
398. LAWH
399. LAWI
400. LAWK
401. LAWM
402. LAWNG
403. LEH
404. LEI
405. LEL
406. LEL-2
407. LEL-3
408. LEM
409. LEN
410. LENG
411. LIM
412. LIIM
413. LIN
414. LING
415. LIING
416. LET
417. LEU
418. LIA
419. LIAK
420. LIAN
421. LIANG
422. LIAU
423. LU
424. LU-2
425. LUA
426. LUAH
427. LUAI
428. LOH
429. LO
430. LOM
431. LONG
432. LUAN
433. LUANG
434. LUI
435. LUI-2
436. LUM
437. LUM-2
438. LUN
439. LUNG
440. LUP
441. LUT
442. LUM-3
443. MA
444. MAH
445. MAL
446. MAL-2
447. MAM
448. MAN
449. MAN-2
450. MAN-3
451. MANG
452. MANG-2
453. MAT
454. MAI
455. MAI-2
456. MAI-3
457. MAU
458. MAW
459. MAWH
460. MAWK
461. MAWL
462. MAWNG
463. ME
464. MEK
465. MEH
466. MEL
467. MEI
468. MEEI
469. MENG
470. MENG-2
471. MEET
472. MI
473. MIAL
474. MIM
475. MIN
476. MIT
477. MO
478. MOI
479. MOLH
480. MONG
481. MOM
482. MU
483. MUAL
484. MUAM
485. MUK
486. MUL
487. MUIH
488. MUN
489. MUNG
490. MUT
491. MUANG
492. NA
493. NAI
494. NAK
495. NAL
496. NAM
497. NAM-2
498. NANG
499. NAANG
500. NAU
501. NAWH
502. NAWI
503. NAWL
504. NAWN
505. NAWN
506. NAWT
507. NEK
508. NE
509. NEL
510. NEH
511. NEM
512. NENG
513. NEU
514. NGAH
515. NGAI
516. NGAIH
517. NGAL
518. NGAP
519. NGAT
520. NGAWH
521. NGAWL
522. NGEI
523. NGEEI
524. NGEM
525. NGEN
526. NGIL
527. NGIM
528. NGEU
529. NGIA
530. NGIAM
531. NGO
532. NGUL
533. NGUN
534. NI
535. NIN
536. NING
537. NIL
538. NIAL
539. NIAM
540. NIANG
541. NO
542. NO-2
543. NOK
544. NOLH
545. NOMH
546. NON
547. NOP
548. NU
549. NUAI
550. NUAK
551. NUAM
552. NUI
553. NUL
554. NUN
555. NUNG
556. NUNG-2
557. NGUUL
558. OM
559. OK
560. OT
561. PA
562. PA-2
563. PAK
564. PAK-2
565. PAL
566. PAL-2
567. PAL-3
568. PAH
569. PAI
570. PAAI
571. PAAM
572. PAN
573. PAWH
574. PAWK
575. PAWM
576. PAWN
577. PAWNG
578. PEK
579. PEEK
580. PEK-2
581. PEK-3
582. PEL
583. PEM
584. PEN
585. PENG
586. PENG-2
587. PET
588. PEU
589. PEUH
590. PHA
591. PHA-2
592. PHAH
593. PHAI
594. PHAL
595. PHAM
596. PHAN
597. PHAW
598. PHAWNG
599. PHE
600. PHEI
601. PHEL
602. PHEN
603. PHANG
604. PHIAL
605. PHIAU
606. PHIANG
607. PHIAT
608. PHIH
609. PHIL
610. PHIM
611. PHIN
612. PHING
613. PHIT
614. PHO
615. PHONG
616. PHUAI
617. PHUAK
618. PHUAL
619. PHUANG
620. PHUI
621. PHUUK
622. PHUL
623. PHUM
624. PHUN
625. PHUNG
626. PHUT
627. PHAWK
628. PHAWNG
629. PI
630. PIA
631. POH
632. PIAL
633. PIAU
634. PIL
635. PIM
636. PO
637. POI
638. POP
639. PU
640. PUA
641. PUAH
642. PUAK
643. PUAM
644. PUAN
645. PUK
646. PULH
647. PUM
648. SA
649. SAI
650. SAI-2
651. SAK
652. SAL
653. SAAL
654. SAM
655. SAN
656. SAN-2
657. SANG
658. SANG-2
659. SAP
660. SAT
661. SAT-2
662. SAU
663. SAWH
664. SAWK
665. SAWL
666. SAWM
667. SAWN
668. SAWN-2
669. SAWNG
670. SAWT
671. SEI
672. SEEK
3
!"#$%&'()"* #+, -%*%*$./+)( 0($)/# %1 2.' 3)" 4.' 5"6+'7." 2."&,8
673. SEL
674. SEL-2
675. SEEM
676. SEN
677. SEP
678. SEEP
679. SENG
680. SENGH
681. SEU
682. SI
683. SI-2
684. SIA
685. SIA-2
686. SIAM
687. SIAM-2
688. SIAH
689. SIAL
690. SIAN
691. SIANG
692. SIAT
693. SIAU
694. SIH
695. SIIK
696. SIK
697. SIL
698. SILH
699. SIM
700. SIIM
701. SIMH
702. SIN
703. SINGH
704. SIING
705. SIT
706. SIU
707. SO
708. SOI
709. SOL
710. SON
711. SOT
712. SU
713. SU-2
714. SUAH
715. SUAK
716. SUAL
717. SUAM
718. SUAN
719. SUANG
720. SUANG-2
721. SUI
722. SUK
723. SUL
724. SUM
725. SUUM
726. SUM
727. SUNG
728. SUNGH
729. SUT
730. SUT-2
731. TA
732. TA-2
733. TAN
734. TAH
735. TAI
736. TAI-2
737. TAI-3
738. TAK
739. TAK-2
740. TAL
741. TAM
742. TAAM
743. TAN
744. TANGH
745. TANG
746. TAANG
747. TANG-2
748. TANG-3
749. TAT
750. TAAT
751. TAU
752. TAW
753. TAWH
754. TAWI
755. TAWL
756. TAWM
757. TAWM-2
758. TAWNG
759. TAWP
760. TE
761. TEH
762. TEI
763. TEI-2
764. TEK
765. TEK-2
766. TEM
767. TEL
768. TEU
769. TEU-2
770. TENG
771. TEN
772. TEENG
773. TEP
774. TO
775. TO-2
776. TON
777. TOLH
778. TONG
779. TONG-2
780. TONGH
781. TU
782. TUAH
783. TUAI
784. TUH
785. TUAK
786. TUAL
787. TUAL-2
788. TUAM
789. TUAM-2
790. TUAN
791. TUANG
792. TUI
793. TUK
794. TUK-2
795. TUUK
796. TUL
797. TUM
798. TUM-2
799. TUN
800. TUNG
801. TUNG-2
802. TUUN
803. THA
804. THA-2
805. THAI
806. THAL
807. THANG
808. THAT
809. THAU
810. THEK
811. THEL
812. THEI
813. THIAU
814. THO
815. THOT
816. THOIH
817. THOP
818. THU
819. THUAK
820. THUK
821. THUAM
822. THUUM
823. THAWN
824. THAWNG
825. THAWNG-2
826. THAM
827. THEH
828. THAWL
829. THUAH
830. THUANG
831. THEU
832. THUNG
833. THU
834. THUP
835. TUM-3
836. U
837. UA
838. UAP
839. UI
840. UK
841. UL
842. UM
843. UAN
844. UNGH
845. UT
846. UN
847. VA
848. VAI
849. VAI-2
850. VAK
851. VAK-2
852. VAL
853. VAN
854. VAN-2
855. VANG
856. VAT
857. VAU
858. VAWH
859. VE
860. VEH
861. VEI
862. VEK
863. VEK-2
864. VENG
865. VIL
866. VIAL
867. VO
868. VOK
869. VOM
870. VON
871. VU
872. VUAH
873. VUAN
874. VUANG
875. VUK
876. VUL
877. VUM
878. VUN
879. VUNG
880. VUNGH
881. ZA
882. ZAI
883. ZAL
884. ZAM
885. ZAN
886. ZANG
887. ZANG-2
888. ZANG-3
889. ZAP
890. ZAU
891. ZAW
892. ZAWI
893. ZAWL
894. ZAWNG
895. ZEK
896. ZEL
897. ZEL-2
898. ZELH
899. ZEM
900. ZEN
901. ZI
902. ZIA
903. ZIAL
904. ZIANG
905. ZIK
906. ZIL
907. ZIN
908. ZING
909. ZO
910. ZO-2
911. ZOL
912. ZOM
913. ZU
914. ZUAK
915. ZUAL
916. ZUAU
917. ZUAN
918. ZUANG
919. ZUI
920. ZUM
921. ZUN
922. ZUNG
923. ZUT
The Iollowing characters are not accounted Ior in the preceding list:
1. 9)*)#6 The script has digits (09) Ior representing numbers oI the decimal system.
2. 3%7:)")"* ;.$<6 There are combining marks used Ior indicating tone, nasalization, and glottal stop.
The use oI these marks is shown in Figure 3.
3. 087:%=6 There is a symbol that appears on Laipian materials, which is shown in Figure 7.
= >+-<)"/-$ ,"?"$-+"#@ *A B*8*8+-<).
Several characters have graphical similarity to other characters, but have diIIerent phonological values. For
example, the glyphs Ior some characters are modeled upon the basic shape B. Distinct characters are created
4
!"#$%&'()"* #+, -%*%*$./+)( 0($)/# %1 2.' 3)" 4.' 5"6+'7." 2."&,8
Irom this shape by attaching various appendages to it (see Figure 4). Although these characters have the
same basic graphical model, there is no other identiIiable commonality between them.
C D(?E%+ *A :)-+-/#%+.
As mentioned, there are two diIIerent numbers given Ior the inventory oI logographs: 923 and 1,050. It is not
known how many distinct logographs exist. A comparative analysis between the characters in the recitation
text and dictionary is underway. It is possible that there are logographs that are not represented in either
source.
F ;%A%+%0/%.
Pandey, Anshuman. 2010. 'Allocating the Pau Cin Hau Scripts in the Unicode Roadmap (N3865RL2/10-
073R1), July 26, 2010. http://std.dkuug.dk/JTC1/SC2/WG2/docs/n3865.pdf
. 2010b. 'Preliminary Proposal to Encode the Pau Cin Hau Alphabet in ISO/IEC 10646 (N3960
L2/10-437), October 27, 2010. http://std.dkuug.dk/JTC1/SC2/WG2/docs/n3960.pdf
G '/70*H$%48?%0#.
I would like to thank Christopher Button Ior providing me with several sources on the logographic script,
without which this document would not be possible.
5
!"#$%&'()"* #+, -%*%*$./+)( 0($)/# %1 2.' 3)" 4.' 5"6+'7." 2."&,8
Figure 1: A page Irom a Laipian recitation text written in the logographic script oI Pau Cin Hau.
Courtesy oI Christopher Button.
6
!"#$%&'()"* #+, -%*%*$./+)( 0($)/# %1 2.' 3)" 4.' 5"6+'7." 2."&,8
Figure 2: A page Irom a Tedim dictionary showing the Latin transliteration oI the phonetic values
oI the logographs. Courtesy oI Christopher Button.
7
!"#$%&'()"* #+, -%*%*$./+)( 0($)/# %1 2.' 3)" 4.' 5"6+'7." 2."&,8
Figure 3: Extract oI a page Irom a list oI the logographs. The examples show the use oI combining
marks to indicate glottal stop and other Ieatures. The composite characters shown here are not given
in the list oI logographs Irom the Tedim dictionary, which shows only distinct characters.
8
!"#$%&'()"* #+, -%*%*$./+)( 0($)/# %1 2.' 3)" 4.' 5"6+'7." 2."&,8
Figure 4: A chart Irom a Tedim dictionary showing characters whose glyphs are modeled upon
the same basic shape, but whose phonological values are not assigned according to any identiIiable
system.
Figure 5: A stone inscription produced using the logographs. Courtesy oI Christopher Button.
9
!"#$%&'()"* #+, -%*%*$./+)( 0($)/# %1 2.' 3)" 4.' 5"6+'7." 2."&,8
Figure 6: A signboard written in Pau Cin Hau logographs and the Myanmar script. The sign is
posted outside a Laipian school in Tedim Township. Photograph taken by Vungh Suan Mang in
Tedim Township, Chin State, Myanmar on December 31, 2008.
10
!"#$%&'()"* #+, -%*%*$./+)( 0($)/# %1 2.' 3)" 4.' 5"6+'7." 2."&,8
Figure 7: A pamphlet written in Burmese about the Laipian tradition and the Pau Cin Hau script.
The Laipian symbol is shown at top, along with text written in Pau Cin Hau logographs. Courtesy
oI Christopher Button.
11
APPENDI X I
Date of Origination, Frequency and Anniversary ofZND By Taang Zomi
Zomi National Day Celebration:
Origination Date, Frequency and Anniversary
By Taang Zomi
01 Or 20 FEB 194t, Zomr National Day was not cel!bml!d On tlat day, lhere was no
discussion as to whether we should have a national day. Even immediately before tlat day,
sometime in late 1947 or in early 1948, no ]vas designated to be a natlonal day
02 On 20 FEB 1948, there was no such thing as Zomi National Day
03. On 20 FEB 1949, there was no such thing as Zomi National Day.
04 On 20 FEB 1950, there was no such thing as Zomi National Day
05. On 09 OCT 1950, Zomi AffaiN Council (composed of about 14 M!mb!rs of Parliarnent)
decided to have a national day, and to celebrate lt on 20 FEB 195 I for the first time
06 Zomi Nalional Day was celebiated for the first trme on 20 FEB 1951 in Mindat
07 Celebration ofZoml National Day was not allowed in 1956, 1957 and 1958
08- Celebration ofZomi National Day was allowed again iD 1959-
09 Zomi Special Division was recognized as Zomi Stale on 03 JAN 1974 Our State Day, ifrve
ever had one. should fall on 03 JAN 1974
I 0 Zomr National Day in its pure essence and folm was c!lebrated for the last time ln I 974.
11. Zomi National Day m its purc, unadulteated essence and folm was celeblated for 2l lrmes
f t om 20 FEB 1951ro 20 FEB 1974
12 Zoml National Day-cum-Zomi State Day was celebrated for the tust time on 20 FEB 1975
13 Zomi Nalional Day-cum-Zomi State Day was c!lebrated for tle last time on 20 FEB 1980.
14 Zomi Nalional Day-cum-Zomi State Day was c!lQbrated for 6 times fiom 1975 to l9E0
15 Zomi Nalional Day and rts adulterated fonn Zomi Nalonal Day-cum-Zomi State Day \,!ere
Wednesday, February 18, 2009 Page 1 of 4
Taane Zomi Date of Originetion, Frequency and Anniversary of ZND
c!lebrated for a total of27 trm!s.
16 The celebntion of both Zomi Natjonal Day and its adultorat!d form Zomi National Day-
cum-Zoml Stale Day has been prohibited since 1981 up to now.
Sourcei
Vung Lian Mang, Tg
,
"Zomi Nam Ni I,!h I Tav'uai", Uahui Magazine 2006, ed Taang Zomi, pp.
3r - 36
Serial
Number
Date Time/Frequency of
Theoreticdl
Celebration
T im elF rcquency ol Actu al
Ofrtcidl Celebt^lion
Anniversary
0l 20 FEB 1948 l" Tlme Nrl N
02 20 FEB 1949 2d lime Nil l" Anniversary
03 20 FEB 1950 Nil 2d Anmversary
04 20 FEB 1951 l "' Ti me 3dAnnrversary
20 FEB 1952 ) - l l me 4d Amrversary
06 20 FEB 1953 6d Tlme 3d Time 5h iversary
07 2OFEB 1954 4d Time 6t Anniverca.y
OE 20 FEB 1955 7^ Amiversary
09 20 FEB 1956 9o'Tlme NotAllowed E'Almivercary
l 0 20 FEB 1957 Not Allow!d 9s Anniversary
l l 20 FEB 195t Not Allowed l0sAnnr!ersary
12 20 FEB 1959 6bTi ne I I
b
A-onivenary
I 3 20 FEB 1960 tJ" rllne 12d'Andversary
t 4 20 FEB 1961 l 4dTi me d" l r mc l36Anniversary
l 5 20 FEB 1962 9b Time I4s Arnrversary
l 6 20 FEB 1963 16"Ti me 106 Time l5'Anniversary
r'1 20 FEB 1964 l7'Time I 6h Anniversary
18 20 FEB 1965 1E$Time l7e Annivers
19 20 FEB 1966 l 3hTi me I 86 Anniversary
20 20 FEB 1967 20* Tirne t 4- l l me l9G Arniversary
2l 20 FEB 1968 2l"Time l f ' l l me 20'Anniversary
PaEe 2 oI 4 Wednesday, February 18, 2(mq
Date of Orieination, Frequency and Anniversary of ZND
Ey
TaC!,CZ!!Si
Serial
Nurnber
Dot! TimdFrequency of
Celebrstion
Time/Frequency oL{ctzal
Olfdal Celebr^tion
Anniversary
22 20 FEB 1969 22'Time 2 1"'Anniversary
23 20 FEB 1970 23' Ti me l7b Time 22"d Anniversary
24 20 FEB 1971 24* Tirne 1E" Ti me 23'd Anmversary
20 FEB 19'72lJ_ llme 24'Annive.sary
26 20 FEB 1973 20eTime 25nAnDiversary
2'7 20 rEB 1974 27d Time 2l
"
Time and last Time
Zomi National Day
26" Anniversary
2t 20 FEB 1975 22d Time (l"Time Zomi
Nalioml and State Day)
27'Anniversary
29 20 FEB 1976 29*Time 23'd Trr e (2^ Ttme Zofii
National ad State Day)
2EhAnniversary
30 20 FEB t977 30d Time 24" Time (3'oTime Zomi
National and State Day)
29d Anmvelsary
l l 20 FEB I97E 31"' Ti me 25'Tirne (4' Time Zomi
Nationa.l and State Day)
30dAnniversary
32 20 FEB 1979 32" Time 26'Time (5'Time zomi
Natronal and State Day)
3 1"'Anniversary
33 20 FEB 198033" Time 2?d Time (6u Time Zomi
National ard Stat!Day)
32d Andvefiary
20 FEB l 98l 34"Ti me Not Allowed 33'd Anniversarv
20 FEB 1982 Not Allowed 34d Artnivefiary
36 20 FEB 19t3 NotAllowed J)- Annr!ersary
37 20 FEB 1984 Not Allo\red 36t Annivelsary
38 20 FEB 1985 386 Time Not Allowed 3?e Anniversary
39 20 FEB 1936 39bTi me Nor Allo\a ed 38'Aaniversary
40 20 FEB 1987 40"Time NorAllowed 39'AnniveB
4t 20 FEB 1988 41" Time NotAllow!d 40s Anmversary
42 20 FEB 1989 42'd Time Not Allowed 4 1"'Anniversary
20 FEB 1990 Not Allowed 42"d Anniversary
44 20 FEB l 99l 44'Time Not Allowed 43dAnniversary
45 20 FEB 1992 NotAllowed 44fr Annivers
Wednesday. February 18. 2009 Page 3 of 4
Serial
Number
Drte Tim dFrequency oI
Theoretical
Celebration
Time/Tr!quency of ,4clr.a,
Ofrtcial Celebr{tion
AnnrYeasary
20 FEB 1993 46'Trme NotAllowed
456 Anniversary
20 FEB 1994 4f Time Not Allowed
46'A.dnivors
48 20 FEB 1995 4Ed Time Not Allowed
4?d Anniversary
49 20 FEB 1996 49d Time Not Allowed
4td Annivenary
50 20 FEB 1997 50- Time NotAllowed
49b Adiv!rsary
5l 20 FEB 199t
NotAllowed
50s Afiiversary
52 20 FEB 1999 52d Time NotAllowed
5 I "'Anniversary
20 FEB 2000 I J* ume Not Allowed 52d Anniversary
54 20 FEB 2001 54'Time Not Allowed
5 3dAnnive.sary
55 20 FEB 2002 ))- Irme Not Allowed
54h Annivers
20 FEB 2003 56h Time Not Allowsd
5 5'Anniversary
51 20 FEB 2004
NotAllowed
56u Adivercary
5E 20 FEB 2005 5SmTi me Not Allowed
57h Anniversary
20 FEB 2006 59* Time NotAllo.fled
5 8'Annivercary
60 20 FEB 200? 60ft Time Not Allowed
59'Amiversary
6t 20 FEB 2008 61"' Ti me Not Allowed
60d Anniversary
20 FEB 2009 62d Time NotAllo$'ed
61"'Annivenary
Page 4 of 4 Wednesday, February 18' 2009
APPENDIX J
TREES
Ash
Oak(several varieties)
Rhododendron
Wood-oil(Dipterocarpus)
Pine(Pinus khassia)
Peepul(Finus religiosa)
Eugeniaa
Sterculias
Teak
Sal
Hill silk-cotten tree
Rubber
Maple
Dalbergia
Iron wood
Laurel
Tree ferns
Bamboos(four varieties)
Palms(varieties)
Cane
Cutch
Alder
Willow(Salix)
Sumbal(Indian name)
Holly
Acacia
Fruit Trees
Sweet chesnut
Fig
Pear
Peach
Walnut
Cherry
Mangoo
Tamarind
Orange
Lemon
Sweet-lime
Citron
Mulberry
Guava
Plantain
Indigo
Other Plants
Pineapple
Chillies
Tobacco
Cardamom
Cotton
Raspberries
Strawberries
Turmeric
Ginger
Euphorbia(a species of cactus much grown as
village fences).
Flowers
Common dog-rose
Violet
Arumilily
Primula
Daisy
Marsh mallow
Flags
Tiger lily
Orchids(over 30 varieities have been found)
Forget-me-not
White jasamine
Hare-bell
African marigold
Azalea
Honey suckle
Anemone
Morning glory
Sun-flower
Blue larkspur
Verbena
Animals
Elephant
Rhinoceros(Sumatrencis)
Rhinoceros(Sondaicus)
Bison(Gavus gaurus)
Gayal(Gavus frontalis)
Tsine(Gavus Sondaicus)
Sambur(Rusa Alistotelis)
Thamin(Rusernes Eldii)
Barking deer
Ghooral(Nemorhdus)
Serow(Nemorhdus bubalina)
Hog-deer(Axis porcinus)
Tiger(Felis tigris)
Panther(Felis leopardus)
Marbled tiger cat(Felis marmorata)
Wild cat(Felis chaus)
Civet cat of varieties
Toddy cat
Otter(two kinds)
Malayan sun vear(Ursus Malayensis)
Himalayan black bear(Ursus torquatus)
Wild dog(Cuon rutilans)
Badger
Porcupine
Armadillo(true name manis)
Hoolook(Hylobates hoolook)
Different species of Macacus(short-tailed monkeys)
Hare(very large)
Flying squirrel
Ordinary squirrel
Goat
Pig(Sus cristatus)
Rats, moles, and various rodents
Game birds
Bamboo partridge
Wood partridge(varieties)
Chinese francolin
Kallige pheasant(black-breasted)
The grey bellied tragopan
Argus pheasant(Polypectron)
Fire-backs(two or three kinds)
Humes pheasant
Jungle fowl
Wookcock
Wood-snipe
Snipe(fantail and pantail)
Teal(common)
Teal(whistling)
Golden plover
Button quail
Rain quail(occasionally)
Imperial pigeon
Green pigeon(three kinds, including pintailed)
Speckled wood-pigeon
Birds of prey
Bonellis eagle(crestless haw eagle)
Kestrel hawk
Sparrow hawk
Other varieties of falcons and hawks have been
seen, but all far from common.
Vulture
Kite(Milvus govinda)
Brahminy kite
Buzzards(two small kinds)
Owls(several kinds, including the large scops owl,
the eagle owl, grass owl, and others)
Other Birds
Swift
Swallow
Sand martin
Night jar
Bee-eater(blue tailed)
Roller(blue jay)
King fisher(five varieties, including the great Indian
kingfisher, large crested black and white
kingfisher, the pied kingfisher, the common India
kingfisher, and a small bird as found in England).
Yellow-throated broadbill
Hornbill
Paraquets(three varieties)
Woodpeckers(golden-backed and four or five other
kinds).
Wry neck
Nut hatch
Cuckoo(many varieties, including the allied families
of Koels and Malkohas are found; the English
cuckoo is frequently heard).
Greak hawk cuckoo
Hoopoe
Shrikes(several, of which the drongo is the best
known representative under the name of king-
crow).
Large miniret(scarket plumage particularly
noticeable).
Black bird
Water ousel
Thrush(several varieties of babbling thrushes).
Bulbul(ordinary red-vented and green).
Golden oriole
Red start
Grass warbler
Reed warbler
Wagtail(pied)
Tits(several kinds, the cole tit being most common)
Wrens(common and golden crested)
Crow(Corvus splendens)
Jay(as found in England)
Magpie(common Indian and the red-billed blue
magpie).
Mynas(at foot of hills; chiefly the Burmese pied
myna, the glossy black myna, and the common
myna).
Spotted munia
Sparrow(Passer montanus)
Lark(small sky-lark, very similar to English species,
but smaller).
Red wattled lapwig
Stone plover
Sand-piper
Rails
Little green heron
Emerald dove
Bar-tailed cuckoo dove
Snakes
Hamadryad
Himalayan tree viper
Cobra(rare)
Green snakes
Spotted snakes
Russels viper(chain viper)
Fish
Mahseer(two varieties)
Carp(several varieties)
Chilwa
Stone loach
Sharp-nosed eel
Cat-fish
Murrel
Goonch
Footnote 1 on page 11. In 1835 Captain
Pemberton wrote that Lontak Lake, from which the
Manipur river issues, furnished no less than 26
varieties of fish - 18 common to the rivers of
Bengal and eight not found in any of them. So far,
only some 12 varieties of fish have been noticed in
the Chin hills.
Source: Carey & Tuck, Vol. I. pp. 8-11
APPENDIX K
Thu Patna(1973)
[PREFACE from First Edition, 1974]
Kum 1955 kumin Zo khang sim na laibu no khat, U Thawng Kho Hau in hong suak sak ngei zo hi. Tua laibu sia, mann
ngawl hi, pawl cing ngawl hi, a ci pawl khat om a hi hang, kei ngai sut na pan lungdam huai ma ma ka sa hi. Bang hang ziam
ci le, tua laibu hong pian ciang in, a ma te bawng tetek, a khang thu kan nop na thin hong piak tek kheu kho pai a hi kom,
khang thu kin ngawl tu-zong na kin na leh, khanlawna hong nei sak hi. Tua laibu sung a a ki hel zo ngawl bawng te le,
phung tatuam bawng te theampo in, ei khang hong at sak ba thong ta a, ci in khaw ngai kheu kho tek hi.
Hi Zo suanh khangsimna laibu vawt tu ka ngai sut zawk ngei mama zo a hi hang, ki pat ta tak tu hamsa mama a hi kom
tu ma kum sali lai(kum 1965) kum pan ki pan da dam in ka tawm thei pheang hi.
A masa ka ngaisut in, ol zeang tu bang a ka ngaisut hi kasap, ka up mawk saang in, a za thum bang a hong hamsa zawk
hi. Bang hang ziam ci leh, khang thu a kan masa te khat leh khat ii mu na le tepte na ki bang ngawl si a, khang ciamte te
zong in, ngual dang khang ci tha-da, ei ma khang tek zong ih be sungpan, ih tepte na tek hong ki bang thei bua hi.
Hi thu ka mu ciang in, ol zeang a vawt thei hong hi nawn ngawl in, a ma te bawng tek ii lungkim na laak tu kuul hi ci in ka
ngaisun a, a na te bawng tek ii lungkim na hong ki la hi. Kim khat ten hong kin pui a, hong puak pai a hi hang, kim khat ten
kin ngaisut ngawl a hi kom, a hun hong ngei ta-to hi.
A hamsa sa-seam na thu khat pan, taanglai khang ciamte te pa ki pan, tu dong Zo mi khang sim na sung a, numei khang
peu ma ih ciamte ngei bua hi. Tua thu ka ngaisut ciang, ih numei tetek tuu beak ug ciamte ba le, ni dang ciang ki ma ngil sia
tu ci ka lau manin, numei min at tu ka ngai sun hi. tua hi a, a ma te bawng tek pan numei min hong ki puak theampo ki-at sak
a hi manin hong ham sa ta-to hi. (See the original text: Appendix K-1)
Back in 1955 Pu Thawng Kho Hau had compiled a book called Zo Khang Sim Na. Although some people complained at
that time that there were some inaccuracies in the book I think we should be very glad that he had compiled it because that
book aroused many peoples interest in their own genealogical roots. And those whose genealogical trees were not
included in it were very sad. Although I had wished to compile a book on ZO genealogies since a long time ago, I could
slowly start with my serious research only seven years ago in 1965. When I started it I thought that it would be quite a
simple and easy undertaking, but it turned out to be three times more difficult than I had envisioned because some clans
even had different versions within their own genealogies. So when I found out this problem I realized that I needed to
request every clan to send me an approved version of their own. And another big hurdle which made my work even more
difficult was the fact that from our forefathers times to the present time we did not and do not use the female lines in our
genealogies. I therefore decided to include all the females that could still be recalled in this book, lest they would get lost
forever. Such extra efforts had prolonged and complicated my undertakings.
___________________________________________________________________________________________________
Introduction[from Second Edition, 2007]
1st Pyi-Thu Council pan a ki tawlngak 1976 kum pan ki pan lai bupi Addendum vawt tu thu zaaksak na lai hawm ka
kawi a, 1988 kum, kum (12) a khawngei ciang draft(---) aat in ki pan hi. 1st draft a ki aat zawk ciang zong, hong ki puak
thua teng tawh 2nd draft ki aat la l eau hi. Tu kum 1992 bo ciang fair copy (---) aat tu ki man in Phostat zaih tu bek in
samh hi.
Hi lai bupi Addendum vawt tu, a kipat 1976 kum pan 1988 kum dong kum(12) sung khawm tua in(---) vawt a, 1988 kum
pan 1992 kum dong kum(4) sung draft bu (2) le fair copy(---) ki man zo pheang a hi kom, kum (16) a khaw-ngei zawk ciang
hi lai bu hong suak zo pheang a hi
hi.(See the original text: Appendix K-2)
When I retired from Pyi-Thu Council[Peoples Council] in 1976 I started again for the task of compiling the Addendum by
informing all those who could be interested in the project. After 12 years in 1988 the 1st draft was finished. And then the
2nd draft was prepared with data received in the mean time and a fair-copy was compeleted at the end of1992. That means
researches and data collection were made in 12 years(1976-1988), and then it took another 4 years(1988-1992) to prepare
two drafts and a fair-copy. So this Addendum was ready for printing only after 16 years of hard work.
___________________________________________________________________________________________________
APPENDIX K
Conclusion Thukhupna[from Second Edition, 2007]
Hi Zo Khang sim na laibupi sia, laibu aat pa ngalkap a tawp kum 1962 kum pan kipan, kum 1974 kum dong kum (12)
ciang Bu masak ki khen a, tu a Addendum sia kum 1976 pan kum 1992 sung kum(16) ciang ki manh a hi kom, a ni ki
ngawm kum(28) ki vawt a, laibu aat pa pian kum(70) a phaak kum, kum 1993 kum in Photostat ki zaih a hi hi.
(See the original text: Appendix K-3)
The first edtion of Zo Genealogy was the fruit of a 12-year long hard work(1962-1974), and the Addendum could be brought to
completion after16 years(1976-1992). So, l altogether 28 years were needed to bring the two works to a complete end, when the
Addendum was finally ready to be photostatted in 1993 - the year in which the compiler reached his 70 years of age.
Note: Although the ADDENDUM was already ready for print in 1993 it could be printed only in 2007 due to lack of money.
English translations above are that of my own from the original Sizang dialect. Thang Za Dal. December 2008

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z
APPENDIX L
VETERANS OF SIYIN CONTINGENTS AGAINST
GENERAL WHITES ARMY 1888-1895
I. LUNMUN THUKLAI(UPPER THUKLAI)
1. Chief Pu Thuk Kham
2. Hau Vum, Chief, a hero
3. Thuam Suang
4. En Suang, a hero
5. Kam Ngo, a hero
6. Tuang Hau, a hero
7. Thuam Ngul, a hero
8. Kam Thang
9. Lun Ngo
10. Vum Khai, a hero
11. Tun Vum
12, Kam Pum
13. Tuang Kim
14. Thang Pau
15. Mang Son
16. Vum Kam
17. Mang Son, a hero
18. Kam Hang
19. Thuam Suak
20. Kip On
21. Son Suak
22. Tuang Kham
23. Sung Hang
24. Song Lam
25. Hau Sing
26. Son Tuang
27. Vum Son
28. Soon Kham
29. Zong Thuam
30. On Kam
31. Vum Suang
32. Pom Zuul
33. Vum Lian
34. Vum Thang, a hero
35. Kam Vum
36. Pau Thang
37. Pau Lian
38. Hang Tuang, a hero
39. Kham Pau, a hero
40. Kam Ngul, a hero
II. SUMNIANG THUKLAI(LOWER THUKLAI)
41. Kam Lam, Sumning Chief
42. Thuam Ngo, a hero
43. Khup Khai
44. Mang Lian
45. Tuan Kim
46. Lam Mang
47. Kam Ko Thang
48. Khan Mang
49. Nga Thuam, a hero
50. Thang Suan
(continued on page: 228)
* Remarks by Thang Za Dal on Chief Khup Pau and his two sons
(see next page 228):
...Chief Khup Pau and his two sons, Khai Kam and Mang Pum
(he was the youngest son), did not surrender. But as all their
close relatives were arrested by the British - and they were
promised amnesty - they came forward.
However, they were arrested anyway and sent to Kendat Jail.
From there they were taken to the Myingyan Jail and then once
again to the Rangoon Jail. Khup Pau and Mang Pum were kept in
Rangoon, but Khai Kam was sent to the notorious Andaman
Islands where criminals who were sentenced to life imprisonment
and political prisoners were banished. Mang Pum was released
and arrived at Khuaksak in November 1897, Khup Pau in Decem-
ber 1897 and Khai Kam on May 14, 1910.
Mang Pum diligently learned Burmese while he was in jail and
even mastered Pali. When he was released he worked as an
interpreter. He later became the Chief Government Interpreter.
He then joined the Army on 1st September 1907 and finally rose
to the rank of Subedar. While he was Chief Interpreter, he
appealed to the British Government to release his brother, and his
wish was fulfilled...(Excerpted from: Subedar Mang Pum -1880-
1951).
(Subedar is a historical rank in the Indian Army, ranking below
British commissioned officers and above non-commissioned
officers. The rank was otherwise equivalent to a British lieutenant
and was introduced in the East India Company's presidency armies
(the Bengal Army, the Madras Army and the Bombay Army) to
make it easier for British officers to communicate with native troops.
it was thus essential for subedars to be fluent in English. Until
1866, the rank was the highest a non-European indian could
achieve in the armies of British India. A subedar's authority was
confined to other Indian troops, and he could not command British
troops.(Source: Wikipedia under Subedar)
_______________________________
(Source: Vum Ko Hau, 225-35)
Note: As several songs contain from 225 to 227 pages only the
names of veterans are taken out in order to save space by myself.
Several veterans from such villages as Suangpi, Pimpi, Zung,
Phunom and Laibung, etc., and the names of many wounded and
killed were, unfortunately, not recorded as well.
(This page is prepared in October 2009 by Thang Za Dal)
III. VETERANS FROM KHUASAK CONTINGENT, AGAINST GENERAL WHITE AND
OTHER BRITISFI TROOPS. 1888
_
I 895
l . Chi ef Khup Pau Ngal phuat<
2. Mang Suang
3. Khai Kem, Hero. Later l rani ported l o the Andamans for resi stance and *he Si yi n
l i on of 1892.
4. Mang Pum, l al er fi rst Chi n Subedar i n l he Army.
2 Io 4 were sons of Chief Khup Pau.
The fol l owi ng i s Mang Pum' s song:
uo I r' t nl atzta
Ki mpui Khan ngual i n ni al zi a
Ke henkol taw
Khua thong ti o l ui kal i ng
Tha vaong eeng i en
Ngol si ol beng hong en na ve
Ah nu ci angi n
Zangsi khan
nguol si ng i ngh
Subedar Mang Pum and hi s broi her, one of fhe Si yi n rebel l eaders.
not surrender; fhey were promi sed omnesfy but when they came
were arresfed and sent to exi l e i n the Andamon l sl ands.
' ' 5l .
Hong Thuam
Et
( ^^
Fl . na
53. Peem Tuang
54: Khup Hang
55. Hong Tuang
56. Kham Pou
57. Lom Hau
58. Khum Li on
59. Tuang Kam
5. Chi ef Li an Vum
6. Mang Khup
7. Li an Khai , a hero
8. Mang Vung
9. Pau Tuang and
10. Lam Son brol hers
f l . Suang Li on
60. Nga Son
61. Lun Son.
'
62. On Suong
bJ. L-rn l hang
64. Ki m Thuam
65. Hau Khai
66. On Tuang
67.
' Hong
Suak
Chased by enemi es
Deni ed by fri ends ond
conlemporaries
l n chai ns
I crossed the mighty
Tio river
I rarTots
had watched my movements
l n fi me I had surpassed
my Si yi n
conl emporari es
I l - I \ ndn Lt dn
13. Mong Ngo
14. Vum Kham and
15. Khai Hau brothers
16. Pau Suan, messenger
17. Suak Mang
18. Lam Ngo
228
19. Hau Mong, ki l l ed i n,acti on ai Kol e
20. Han Mang ( Ngawnuai )
21. Za Mang .
:
t l . Ld v um
23. Vum Hatr
24. Thang Hau, a hero
25. Pau Mong
26. Sen Li an
27. Kom Ngo, a hero
t 6, La t nuam
29. Pau Ki p
30. Thang Kam
J t . | \ ndr Lr 6n
J l , f l dng \ nam
33. Thuk Hang
34. Ki p Hang
35. Do Hang
36. Kai Tuang
J / . I n u a m L m
38 . Thuam Son, a commandi ng hero
39. Thuam Lam, ki l l ed i n acti on at Kal e
40. On Tun
41. On Suang. a hero
42. Kam Thang
43. Dong Tun
44. Hang Li an Namzo
45. Lam Khai
46. Nga Mawng from Lophei Suangi hang' s
47. Mang Li an
48. Mang Tuang
49. Suak Hau, a hero
50. Pau Khen, messenger and rai i on carri er
5t . r au r um
-
do
-
52. Suan Lam
5J. LUn ) On
54. Nga Vum. messenger
!5. )On Juang Inal mun
56. Pou Thang, a hero
57; TuanE On, a hero and a Commandgr
58. Tun Kham
59. Lun Suak
60. fhpam,fl anq
61. Vum Tuang
. .
62. Son Thuam
63. Ki p Tuong
64. Suak Ngul
65. Son Dong
66. On Thang
67. Lam Vum
58. Hong Tuang
69. Thuam Son
/u. Lam Lun
71. Lam Ngo
72. Thang Ngul
73. Thuam Hal g Tongseol
74.
15.
76.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
Huat Kam
l huam Kam. /J to /) Drorners
Tun Ngo
Thuk Ngo
Kam Ki m and
Kam Tun brolhers
Karn Khup .
Suang Son
Thang Dai
Do Ngi n
Mang Tun 83 to 84 brol hers
Hang Ki p (Aung Phaw| A Yaw Chi n who
came up to the Si yi n Val l ey from Kal e
wi i h two Engl i sh fl i nt l ock guns and
foughi wi th i he Si yi ns.
house
86. Son Lam
87. Thang On
88. Do Thang
uY. Inawang Lran
90. On Tuang
91. Tuang Suak
Yl . rau Jon
93. Suak Hang
94. Ki p Hang
95. Hong Son
96. Lam Pau
97. Hong Kam
98. Tuang Zam
99.., Za Do
, -
,
100. Suak Zam
229
l 0L Hau Suang
102. On Son
103. Pau Suang
104. Li an Ki m
105. Ki p Son
106. Zom Pau
107. Suan Pau
108. Lua Vum
109. Kam Suang
| 10. Son Ki m, a hero
t ' t ' t . : Ft ang
' ' t ugng
i " r ' 1
. , ,
l l 2. Kham Pat r '
| :
| 14. Hang Thuam
| 15. Zong Lom
.l 16. Vum Son, a hero
I I 7. Hang Mang
l l 8. Mang Thual Vai phei , . r
:
l f 9. Lomhn Son
. .
:
120. Mang Vungh
. , ' .
' i , , . ,
l 2l . Dong Tun, a her o
, ,
, , I
tv.
GENERAL
Hang Si ng
JON \ JN
Ki m Thang
26.
27.
28.
6. Pau Ki m
7. Pau Son Vungt huam
, i r
8. Kami 5uar i
1
: i :
'
; 1
9. - \ On' Thur i r n Hounadl .
j - r
r I
. i
10. Thang Dq
'
l l . Ki i n SuanE. Comni ander a4fl Hero
12. Ki m Hang
13. Kang Tuang
, , , i
14. Mang Tuang
t 5. uo t nuam
16. Lu Thong
17. Son Kham
18. Khup Hau, f at her of Chi ef Hang Ngo
19. En Vum
r u, r au I nuam
21. Tuang Hau
21. Tuang Hau
l l , rau Ltan
23. Nga Kam
24. Hau Suan
25. Hang Suang
29. Kam Khai
30. Kham' Mang:
'
'
31. Thang Pau
32. Thang Son
.
33. Khup Si ng
34. Hau Tun
35. Mang Pau (Li engnuoi house)
36. Tun Mang
' :
r,
. ' , . , ?7,
. Mens
l l sg l
38. Mang Thuam
39. Ki m Lam
{Taapi
house)
40. Kham Son
..
41. Hen Suan Sai zang
42. Hau Kham
43. Mang Lam (41 to 43 were brol hers|
44. Tuan Pau
45. Hau Thuam
46. Thuam Lam
47. Hong Lam, o herb
48. Lam Tun
it. thang Fiau, a Comni6nder ahd Hero r
Hi s song dedi cal ed to l he Ti ri tan (Tartanl Batfl e where a l arge numbbr of +fi e Ki ml ui Cl on
i ncl udi ng women and chi l dren wel e massacred by the Bri ti sh troops.
230
L Phung taw i i am ngawl , ngai tow l i am a
Kado Khuam bang nang i ng nge
Zial le vei pan lambang kot ah
Ko ngai ngi t bang hung l ang nge
Without the cooperalion of my tribe
'r
But onl y wi th l oved ones
I slood againsf my enernies like a posi
I fai l ed to de{end my l oted ones as groi n' from,parrows
2. Tung Tunni ki m khen man ngawt an
Hau l awi huan i hi ng bang ki si a
Tung Sol i ha sul heek man ngal arr
Mual +eng pan ni ng fi -ri si ah
The Sun has noi reached i ts zeni l h
Bui nobl e men ha,re been sl acked l i ke wood (i n pi l es|
The Moon has has nol travel l ed hal { i i s orbi t
And Water has been offered i n memory at al l
Mounl ai n Gates
51.
52.
54.
55.
5C. Pau Thuol , a defender of Fami l y Fort ai
Tai i an
,
(Tartan)
Kai Khup Suani e
M'ang Tiang
Ki m Kham
l
) uak Jon
Lam Si ng Haunam
56. Hong Pau
57. Tuang Khup
KI MLAI ( EUANMAN)
l . Chi ef Pau Khai
2. Thang Ki i m
J. Kdr
(Jn
4. On Suang
5. Kam Pum
5. Do Thang
8. Tun Thang
9. Thang Tuang pa
10. Thang Tuang
58. Thang Suari
59- Hang
_Khup
60. Oi r Tl ang Thal mun
61 . Po r.r Tuang
62. Suan Pau
63. Mang Suang
b4.
65.
Kham Li an
Pau Suang
En Kham
Zong Lam
Pau Lam
Hanq Si ng
Mang Khoi , a Her o
Khai Son
Son Thual
Khup On :
Dai nuai house
S.rum Son ,
Kai Son
v. srYt N CONTI NGENTS
rKl Ml , 4/
Ct l 4N) AGAI NS1 . GENERAL
WHrrt s ARMY Ai \ D
OI HER BRI TI SH AND GURKHA I ROOPS UP TO TF{E CAPTI VE' OF
THE HI STORI C
SI YI N FORT OF TAI TAN (TARTAN) ON 4TH OF MAY 1889.
l l -
t 2.
t 3.
t +.
t 5.
t 6.
17.
t 8.
t 9.
20.
? ? l
Fort. Ki l l ed i n aci i on af the Forl on
2 l . Mang Hong
22. Pau Khom
23. Ki p Hang
24. Hang Tun
25. Chi ef Li an Kam of Tai tan,
Commander of Tai i an
4th May 1889 and succeeded by hi s son.
26. Chi ef Do Li an of Tai tan
{Tar}an).
Eri l ed to' the Myi ngyan
i oi l
on
,behal f
of hi s dead
fal her Chi ef Li orl Kom for l he heroi c defence' of Tai i an Fqrt. He di ed i n Myi ngyon
i ai l
i n 1894.
l / . | \ am t l n
28. Vum Mang
29. Vi al Ngai
30. Khoi On
3l . Pou Suang
JZ. Lamn I nuam
33. Vum Suong
34. Hou Khai
35. Tuang Hang
36. Kam Suan
37. Khup Vum, a Her o. .
38. On Tuonq
39. Pau Thual , a heroi c defender of Fami l y Fori ai Tai i an (Tartan). He ,had a bad knee
received lhrough a fall from a 1ree.
He killed a number of lhe enemy {rom
hi s Forf. Not a si ngl e bul l ei hi + hi rn. He coni posed the fol l owi ng song i n connecl i on wi fh
fhe action.
Phung Sakl ueng l e l ei drJ sakl uang
Tul Luong thi ng bang' hong ti phom
Phung l uang l umsuang bang bel i ng
Pu von mi n nam si al i ng
Bodies of relatives and enemies
Were heaped l i l e l ogs on one another
Bodi es of rel al i ves served as my fort
And col l ed fhe heroi c names of my cl ansmen
as I ki l l ed the enemy.
41, Kam Suak, a Her o
42. Khat Kam
43. Hau Kham
44. Son Thuk
45. Hang Thang
46. Zong Tun
47. Mun. Kam
48. Li an Thuam
49. Tuang Thang
50. Hang Tun
t 52
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
6 2 ,
63.
65.
66.
67.
68.
70.
71.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
6 5 .
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
J5.
Tuang Vum
Lam Khup ki l l ed i n acti on al Tai tan (Tortan)
Thang Ngo
Khup Suang
Tuang Si ng
Vum Kham
Khup On
Khan Vum Lengzang
Lam Son, a hero
On Ngul , o Hero
Lam Tun, a Hero
Suan Thang
Tuong ThJam
Zong Ki m
Lam Thuk
Tri ang Mang
Thuam Kam
Zong On
Pem Tuang
Za En
Vum Li an
72. Vum Tuang, ki l l ed i n acti on at Tai tan (Tarfan) on 4i h May. 1889
f3.
Za Yun, ki l l ed i n acti on ai Tai tan, a Hero
74. Lu Kam ki l l ed i n acti on ot Tai tan
75. Zong Thuam ki l l ed i n acl i on al Tai l an
Ki p Khai , a Hero
En Thuam
Huat Thang, a Commander
Tun Ngo
Za Huat
Hong Son
Khup Son fel l i n acl i on at Lei san Mual ,
No- 3 Sl ockade
Son On fel l i n acti on at Kal g
Lam Sua*
-
ditto
-
Thuk Lam
Thuam Suang ki l l ed i n acti on at Kal emyo by Bri ti sh troops
Thuk Ngo
Ki m Suang
Thang Ngul
Khai Thuam
Son Kam
Lrn I un
Tun Si ang
On Kham
Lam Suan
he^
255
VI . LOPHEI , THANGNUAI AND VAI PHEI VEI ERANS AGAI NST THE ERJTI SH:
r 888
-
t 895
l . Chi e{ Pu Khup Li an, Commandi ng Heto
Ool y Chi n to capi ure the ri fl e of the enemy whom he ki l l ed.
Hi s sono was dedi cai ed +o i t:
Vang Khua suanl u.
Lei do vai mang
Ni khat pi l bang the nge
Al bang thot i ng
Haui oi hi ng ci -i ng
Karvl ti ang fui bang La i ng nge
Za l ai oh Kansoang i ng nge
2. Thuarn
-Kbai ,
a hero
3. Chi ef Man Suang
4. Lu Ki m, a hero
5- Mang Suang, o hero
6. Hang Pau
'
7. Hang Ngi n
8. Mang Thawng
9. Za Khup o{ Lophei
10. Kam Suan
I l . ) on ) uan
12. Zong On, e hero
t J . E n v u m
14. Suak Son
t 5.
( r n
r uan
16. Son Lam
t / . 5uak Laf i
18. On Ngul
19. Phut Son
l u. t uang ) udx
21. Ki p Seal
22. Zong Ki m
23. Lam Hau o{ Thukl ai resi di ng at Khuasak
24. Vum Hang
- do-
Enemy aftemplin! lo captrire
l ' r
my \ rl orl ous t own
I scattered l i ke pebbl es
I swore ihal
I was the son o{ a highborn King
And ki l l ed enemi es l i ke chi ckens
Besi des capturi ng an enomy gun
l am exol t ed among i he hundr eds
26. Kam Vum
27. Kam Ngul
t o- \ _rn Juang
29. Vum Thang
30. Tuan Ki m
3.1. Zong Lam
51, vn I nang
33. Do. Mang
34. Thuam Vum
35. Son Mang
36. Zuan Kam
37. Kam Mang
38. Suak Hang
39. Nga Mong ( Yaw Chi n)
40. Lam Suak
41. Khan Hang
42. Khup Hang
43. Thuam Suang
44. Khan Khup. a hero
45. Ngam Khai
46. Hen Lal
47. Pau Suang, a hero
Women who weni l o the {ronf to repl eni sh food and ammuni i i on
48. Ti ang.Nuam, Khai Ngo' s moi her
49. Kam Di m, Ma Pe Yi , Yaw Chi n
234
VII. THANG NUAI VETE NS
As told to me by Chief Pu Khup Lian on l4fh July, 1960 a+ 07.45 houn al Lunmun Innpi.
l. Hang Suan,tiltd fwd Biilish soldjers ,.8: Khup, Nqul.
. 2. On. Neng,. H9p
3. Thlal Tud, a lKiro
-
10. On Siq
,
4. Ton Son l l . Sua[ On
'
5. Kip Khai t2.'Thua'f Tuang
6. On Son
' '
t3. On Vum
7. On Tun 14. Pau Lam
The above velerais also residdt.w;*.the:tophei;iKhuasakland Vaiphei peopie at Khu-
asak and lhe Valley below if. They all were of l'he Thuanlak clan- The above Thangnuiris have
since migr6 lo Thbngnuai village on flre norlh- side of the Siyin Valley on anolher hill <if
the Thang Mual . (Kennedy Peak| and the Vaipheis.acrosi Manipur river to the Wesf.
VIII. VAIPHEI VEIERANS
The following Vaiphei cousins of the Siyin Thuanfals fr6m Tuitong, Suanglang and
Tung Z-ang migraled lo the Siyin Valley when-'they were driven aw6y by theh local
enemies and lived tog!ther with the Lopfieis and Khuasals and sonre Thuklais in lhe Valley
below Khuasat. They made a pact with tlre Siyins by lhe cusfromary tradilion of touchirrg one
onother wifh buffalo tails, to help each olher in fime of war. The VoiBlreis lrue to their
ollegiance assisted the Siyins in lheir war againsf flre British- The list was as fold io me
by my uncl e, Chi ef Pu Khup Li an of Lophei on o{ Jul y,.1960:
l . Mang Thual ,
a Commanding Vaiphei leader
2. Mangpi Lam
3. Kai tal.
The above l$ree were lhe heroic leaders-
17. Mi nh Pau
18. Tong Lian
-
l 9: ' Thang Kop
'
2O. Pau Tho
2l . Vurgh Za Pau
22. Than{ Nei Khup 4- Thawng Khaw Lun
5. Pa Lal
6. Tawngpi Mang
7. Thirxj Ko Lian
8. Kai Lal
9. Pa Vel
10. Vunqh lGrn
l l . Mangnei Khai
l ?. Kawl ti n Thang
.
13. Nei Thanq
14. Pb Sum
15. Knawl l ; | | n
16. Lun Za Tawng
23. Vung Uan
2,*. Nei Pau
25. Purir Kam
26. Pi Mang
27. Awn Khup
28. Lul Khup
29. Pau Khaw Lun
30. Thang Bawng
3l . Hau Zarrg
32. Thual Za Tftang
33.
..
Mat Kham
. . '
235
APPENDIX M
Introduction
There are in the Chin Hills two main language groups resulting from the two streams of immigration
into the Hills. Surgeon-Major A.E.G. Newland years ago compiled a handbook of the Lai dialect, the
largest of the southern group. But the only work done for the northern group is a small vocabulary by
Captain Rundall soon after the Annexation, in which he failed to distinguish between dialects. This book
has been long out of print. Thus it is most timely that a handbook should be produced for the northern
group.
The Siyin is the official dialect of the Tiddim Subdivision. The Siyins are not the most numerous, but
their language is the best known of any outside its own country. The Siyin, besides being the most
progressive man in the Tiddim Subdivision, is also the most widely travelled and he can be found in the
most out-of-the-way places engaged in trade. Thus he is known and his dialect widely understood.
When it was decided to prepare a handbook for the northern group, Siyin was wisely chosen. As spoken
the dialects appear to differ considerably, but a careful study shows that many words are similar while
the names of objects are almost identical. Again, there are certain rules which govern the various
dialectical changes in words and these are easily learned. Finally, the rules of grammmar and syntax are
practically the same. Thus the officer, who masters Siyin, will find little difficulty in becoming proficient
in allied dialects.
Mr. Taylor has been nine years in the Chin Hills, most of the time in Tiddim. He has been several
years preparing this handbook. I have read most of the manuscript and we have had many conferences
on the subject matter. There is no question of the value of this handbook, divided as it is into three
sections, the Grammar. Note, which are very full, the sentences, which are conveniently classified
according to subjects, and the Vocabulary, which contains about 2,500 words. Not only will this book
prove valuable to the Political Officers but also to the Officers of the Chin Units in the Indian Army and
the Military Police. The inability of the Chin to explain peculiarities of his language, makes this
handbook indispensible to those wishing to acquire the language, besides which it will be found to
be a distinctinct contribution to our knowledge of the Tibeto Burman Language.
Rev. J.H. Cope
American Baptist Mission
Tiddim, Chin Hills
10th January 1924
____________________________________________________________
A PRACTICAL HANDBOOK OF THE CHIN LANGUAGE(SIYIN DIALECT)
By L.B. Naylor
Assistant Superintendant, Burma Frontier Service, Rangoon.
Supdt, Govt. Printing and Stationary, Burma, 1925
APPENDIX M-1
Subj: [ZOMIFLA] Nu Luan Za Cing' laikhak
Date: 1/30/03 6:31:09 AM Central Standard Time
From: niang@aol.com
Reply-to: ZOMIFLA@yahoogroups.com
To: zomifla@yahoogroups.com

Florida-a om Zomi Innkuan teng le Sia Mengpu,
Kong pai sung nong lim dawn-na uh le, nong zindonate uh hangin ka lungdam mahmah hi. Pasian in note khempeuh
thupha ong pia ta hen! I hun bang tom lua phial! A masa-in hun zang ding ong kicih ciangin ka kiginna khat om teeinapi
Na innkuan thu uh ong gen in, ci-in ong kinak nget lua ahi manin kiging khol het lopi-in ka innkuan thu bek uh ong
gen man suak ing. Tua ahi manin tu-in tua kong gen nop pen lai-in ong gen leng, Khantoh nadingin Khuamuhna kisam a,
Khuamuh nadingin
Lai kisam hi cih thu hi.

I KHANTOH NADINGIN KHUAMUHNA KISAM A KHUAMUHNA DINGIN LAI KISAM HI.

Nidangin lai i nei ngei a, gualum tunga kigelh pen huih in ong letsakin savun tunga kigelh pen ui in ong tuahsak a tua-
a kipan lai nei nawn lo, ci-in i pu i pate in na gen uhi. Tua khit ciangin 1900 pawl-in Pasian in Pau Cin Hau tungah
Mangmuhna panin lai na ngahsak a, tua bek kizangin (1917-1919) Piancit pai lai bangin tua Pau Cin Hau lai tawh lai na
kikhak uhi. Tua hun lai in Kumpi in Kawllai sang, a bawl uh hangin kuamah lai thei nuam sangkah nuam om lo hi. Tu lai
bangin Kawlte tawh kikawmna peuhmah om lo hi. Rev Carson in a sih ma-in ABC laimal zat dingin Kumpi tawh thukimna na
bawl khin zo hi.
Zang man nai loin amah si a, a sih khit a sawt lo, 1908 kumin Rev. Cope Haka ong tungin 1910 ciangin Tedim ah ong
kituah hi. 1912 kum a kipanin Laisiangtho tei ong kipan hi. 1914 kumin Maku Bu ei pau tawh a kikhen khia a masa pen
ahi hi. 1919 kumin Khalkha gal (Piancit pai lohna hang-a gal piang) a om ciangin a galtai kawmin Mrs Carson in Rangoon
ah La 125 a pha khat khen khia hi. Cope Topa ong tun ciangin Christian masa ahi, Pu Thuam Hang, Pu Pau Suante kiang
pan pau na sin a, Sihzang pau na siam hi.
1919 kumin Tedim khua Paangpi nuai-ah Bangpau-a lai bawl ding i hi hiam? cih kikupnapi khat bawl uh a, Hausa
Siahkai cingteng 6 sam uhi. Tua lai-ah Cope Topa in Sihzang pau tawh a bawl Hat Lian Bu (Jack the Giant Killer) a kici laibu
khat sim khia hi. Tua ciangin kuamahn tel lo a,
1. Tuimui Hausa Mang Za Thang in Ko Paihte pau-in om hen ci leng kuamahn thei lo ding a hi
ciangin Tedim pau-in om leh kithei kim pen ding hi, ci a,
2. Haiciin Hausa Tual Pum in, Tu-a Tuimui Hausapa cih pen a maan hi, ci-in thauhkhan(move) hi.
3. Hiangzang Hausa Zam Khaw Thawng in zong Tu-a Tuimui Hausapa cih a maan hi. Ko
Thado pau-in om leh kuamahn thei lo ding hi, ci a,
4. Hangken Hausa Kam Pum in tu-a pen a maan hi ci-in thauhkhan hi.
5. Saalzang Hausa Zaang Khaw Lian in Ko Zopau-in om leh zong kuamahn theilo ding hi. Tedim pau-in om hen ci a,
6. Phaitu Hausa, Mantuangte Khan Thawng in Tu-a Saalzang Hausapa cih pen a maan hi, ci-in
hausa, siahkaai cingteng 6 in a gen ciangin Tedimpau-in lai kibawl hi.
Hih Zolai ong bawl a, biakna sungah ong pantah ciangin theihnop kisa mahmah a, kilawp mahmah a mi khempeuh
phial in thei-in Mang Tuallai, kici hi. Manglai mal ei Zolai ong suak cihna hi. Tua kum October kha a kipanin Tedim Thu
Kizakna ci-in khasimin ong hawm khia pah a i khuamuh kipatna ong suak hi. Ahi hangin amah 1938 kumin ong sihsan ahi
manin hih lai pen puah kikna om loin tudong i zang suaksuak hi.
Tu-in Khamtung Sangte-ah Kawllai vive-in kisin a, Zolai pen maimang pianpianta ahi manin, ei mahmah in i kep i
puahding kisam hi. Banghang hiam cih leh lai a nei ngeisa a mangthang kik mi nam tampi tak om hi. I lai mangthang leh
a sawt ciangin i minam zong a mangthang ding ahi hi. Tua ahi ciangin tu-in i nuntakna haksa lua a, i mipil om sunsunte
zong nuntak nading zonna tawh a hun uh zang khin a, a pilna teng uh ong sihpih mawk ding uh ahi manin a sih ma-
un tua amau pilna teng i mipihte tungah i zeek khiat, i zat khiat theih nadingin lungsim ngaihsutna, thatang, neih
sate tawh hanciamin i mite i tawisang zawh nading ngimna-in Tedim Journal ci-in kong phuan khia uhi.
Hih sungah tu-a ngimna-ah,
1. Cope Topa Tedim Thukizakna sunga theihhuai thute,
2. I Khang-lui ngeina,
3. Lai gelh dan,
4. Numeite mahmah i domsang zawh nading,
a huampi-in I mipihte khantoh theih nading ngimna hipi pen a, tu-in Journal 2 na ciang kihawm khia zo pan hi. A masa in
ko a vaihawm teng in hawm khat ta, K.25,000- si ding a, kum khat li vei bang suaksak zo lehang ka cih uh leh, laidal
man ong nak khan lua a, teng khat (K 100,000) bang ong bei mawk ciangin tup bangin ong hi thei lo hi. Khatvei
hawmin bu 500 bek kikhen a, teng khat (K100,000) bang bei hi. Tua ahi manin kum khatin khatvei a suak zo liailiai ong
suak hi. Tua zong eimite sumtha hat lo lua ahi manin, a mawkna-a hawm ding danin ka ngaihsut uh leh ka kikup uh
ciangin ei mite in I lei ciang bekmahin a man nei-in kingaihsun ahi manin a man zah langin zuak bawl ni ci-in a beizah
lang, K.100-in ka zuak uhi. Tu-in zong Vol. III-na ding pen a baihsa-in om napi, a sum ding kisam ahi manin kikhen nai
lo a, tua thu a theih ciangin hawm khat taang ken ong si ning ci-a a sum mahmah a $100 ong pia khat le a thu a ong
kamkhap khin khat om hi. Tua ahi manin kuama peuh in hih thu, thupi-a na ngaihsut uh leh ngaihsutna piak huaite ong
pia in laibu sung-a suak dinga hoih na sak uh om leh zong nong hanciampih a nong gelh ciat ding uh leh a neihsa
thatang mahmahin zong nong huh theih bangbang ua nong huh ciat dingun kong thum hi. Hih pen kei pumpi ading hi
loin i mite mahmah domsang nadinga a kingim ahi mah bangin a laibu ong tun ciangin zong mipi tungah tungkim a,
mite in zong sim ciat-a, ngaihsutna i kihop sawn ciat dingin ka lam-en uhi.
Lungdam. Pasian in thupha ong pia ciat ta hen!

Luan Za Cing
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NOTE: Texts marked in blue are the ones translated into English by myself. See Appendix M-2.
Thang Za Dal. June 2009
APPENDIX M-2
WE NEED KNOWLEDGE FOR OUR DEVELOPMENT AND FOR OUR DEVELOPMENT WE NEED WRITING
By Pi Luan Za Cing(Mrs. Rev. S.T. Hau Go of Sukte)* -30.01.2003
Around 1900 God had given writing to Pau Cin Hau in visions and only this was used. This writing was used by those who
went to Europe and their families back at home as a means of communication during WWI(1917-1919). At that time
although the Government had opened Burmese schools no one was interested to learn, and there was no social intercourse
at all with the Burmans like today. Before his death Rev. Carson had in fact already made an agreement with the
Government to use ABC(Roman Alphabets) as a medium of communication.
Soon after his death the Rev. Cope arrived at Haka in 1908 and he moved in 1910 to Tedim. He began translating the
Bible in 1912. The translation of Mark was finished in 1914. When the Haka Rebellion broke out Mrs. Carson fled to
Rangoon and published there a Hymn book containing 125 songs. When Rev. Cope arrived he learned and mastered the
Sizang dialect from the first Chin Christians, Pu Thuam Hang and Pu Pau Suan[at Khuasak village].
In 1919 he held a big meeting with six Chiefs at Tedim to discuss about which dialect to choose. He first read out Hat
Lian Bu(Jack the Giant Killer) which he himself had written in the Sizang dialect. However, no one understood it.
1. Mang Za Thang, Chief of Tuimui, then said If I say let us use the Paite dialect, no one will understand it either, so let it
be the Tedim dialect;
2. Tual Cin, Chief of Haiciin, said, I fully support what the Tuimui Chief has just said;
3. Zam Khaw Thang, Chief of Hiangzang also said, What the Tuimui Chief has just said is true. If we would use the
Thado dialect, no one would understand it either;
4. The Hangken Chief, Kam Pum, also aggreed with what the others have said;
5. Zaang Khaw Lian, the Saalzang Chief: If we would use the Zou dialect, no one would understand it either. Therefore
let us choose the Tedim dialect;
6. Khan Thawng of the Mantuang sub-clans, Chief of Phaitu fully supported what the Saalzang Chief has just said. So, the
Tedim dialect was thus chosen with the agreement of six Chiefs.
When this new writing was introduced in worship services everybody was very enthusiastic about learning it. It was even
called Mang Tuallai(English becoming Zo Writing). Starting from October in that year, a monthly journal named Tedim Thu
Kizaksakna(Tedim News) was published. It was the beginning of dawn for the Zo people. However, we keep on using it
without reforming it since his death in 1938.
Nowadays only Burmese is taught in schools throughout Chin State. Our language and writing are slowly disappearing
with the time. It is now our duty to keep and reform it. There are countless examples of peoples with writings of their own
who have completely disappeared. If and when we have no more writing of our own, our people will also cease to exist.
(translated from the Tedim dialect by Thang Za Dal, December 2008)
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___________________________________________
* See also: 9.9.2 - The Battle of Tartan(Taitan) and 18.3.2 - The Adoption of the Name Zomi Baptist Convention

APPENDIX N
Chin Resource Lailun Foundation
A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CHIN NATIONAL DAY
(PERHAPS THE MOST TRENCHANT SINGLE POSTMORTEM OF OUR MUCH ACCLAIMED DAY)
October 6, 2005

(Have we ever made an in-depth study?)
By No Than Kap
INTRODUCTION:
On the 9th of October 1950, the then Chin Affairs Council proclaimed the 20th of February 1948, Chin National Day.
From that time onward, February 20th of every year became the National Day of the Chin People. Thus, February 20th is not
only regarded as a memorable day, it is promulgated as the national day. This kind of proclamation calls for in-depth study
and thorough analysis of the case. It is an affair of the whole nation and a challenge to every Chin. So let us examine the
matter exhaustively.(The italics here in INTRODUCTION are mine. tzd)
CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ISSUE
About Chin National Day, some argue that it's not only the 20th of February 1948, that is so important, but also the 20th
of February 1918 and 1940. For on those two days, certain memorable events for the uplift of the Chin people took place,
too. Even without the 20th of February 1948, February 20th could still be a landmark in Chin history.
Among those who hold this view, the statement of Mindat Zuzin (alias Ke Khui Sing) might be most explicit. In Chin
National Day Golden Jubilee Magazine, he writes:
" On the 20th of February 1918, the Chin Education Uplift Society was formed at Maymyo (now Pyn-Oo-Lwin), and
groundwork for the Chin people started.... On the 20th of February 1940, British rulers (Mcracken, the Commissioner of
Magwe Division; Naylor, the Deputy Commissioner of Falam; and Poo Nyo, the Superintendent of Kanpetlet) attended a mass
meeting at Kanpetlet. When those British officials turned down the demand of the people, the Chin Hills Union Organization,
led by Vawmtu Mawng, and the masses numbering about 1,000 reacted in outrage, and the three officials fled in terror"
(Chin National Day: Golden Jubilee Commemorative Magazine, p. 70. Translated from Burmese by the author).
In that same Magazine, Robert Siang Lian wrote an article on the Chin National Day, but did not mention the 20th of
February, 1918 at all. It might be that he did not deem it worth mentioning, or did not accept it as one of the days which
brought about the Chin National Day. Also, unlike Mindat Zuzin, who put the year of the episode at Kanpetlet 1940, Robert
Siang Lian recorded it as 1938, not 1940. Moreover, according to Siang Lian, the number of the members who attended the
meeting was "about 300 members of the Chin Hills Union Organization, and about 300 government servants (altogether
about 600)," and not 1,000 (cf. Chin National Day: op. cit, English Section, p. 24). Note that according to Siang Lian, there
was no ordinary working class, i.e., the masses who attended the meeting, but in Zuzin's record the masses numbered
about 1,000.
Contact was made with both of them by phone on the 17th of February 2004 to find out the reasons for the
discrepancies between the two versions of the affair. Both of them affirmed that they have written evidences to document
their respective claims. After three days, (that is, on the 20th of February 2004), Mindat Zuzin included the two events of
February 20, 1918 and 1940, in his Chin National Day speech, emphasizing their importance once again.
That same night, Mindat Zuzin was asked if he had written documents to prove that the Chin Education Uplift Society
was formed on the 20th of February 1918 at Maymyo. His answer was negative, but he did mention the fact that on that day
the Chin Education Uplift Society (one of the leaders was Vawmtu Mawng) made a protest against the decision of the British
authorities to rescind the teaching of Burmese language in Chinland.
In light of the above ambiguous and somewhat contradicting assertions, it became clear that regarding the origin of Chin
National Day, the statement of Vawmtu Mawng, the vice chairman of the Chin Education Uplift Society which was founded in
February 1918, and the chairman of the Chin Hills Union Organization that had direct confrontation with the British
authorities in 1940, is most reliable and authentic. Moreover, it may not be wrong to say that Vawmtu Mawng was a key
figure who championed the promulgation of the Chin National Day.
On the 20th of February 1951, at 10:00 am, Vawmtu Mawng delivered a speech on Chin National Day at Mindat. In his
message he mentioned briefly the years 1918 and 1940 in connection with their resistance against the English, but did not
elaborate on the incidents of February 20, 1918 and 1940, nor include them in the factors that brought about Chin National
Day. Below is a short excerpt from his message:
"The Southern Chins, in particular, had always been joining hands with the Burmese revolutionaries and fighting against
the British rulers over the education system in 1918, over religion in 1927, and over administration in 1935" (Chin National
Day: op. cit, Burmese Section, p. 60. Translated from Burmese by the author)
As seen above, Vawmtu Mawng did not even mention on which date or month of 1918 the Chin Education Uplift was
formed. Neither did he mention the year 1940. However, in that same message, he did declare in the clearest terms that the
event on 20th February 1948 was the true cause for the birth of Chin National Day:
"A general meeting was held in Falam and was attended by about 5,000 representatives of the Chin people. Among
several proposals, proposal number four, which was put forward on the 20th of February 1948 was the main factor that
gave birth to Chin National Day (Chin National Day: op. cit, Burmese Section, p. 65.)" Therefore, only Vawmtu Mawng's
statement, which was that the decision made on the 20th February 1948, was the primary and sole cause of the founding of
the Chin National Day, is reasonable and acceptable. It is, quite obvious that the statement of Vawmtu Mawng is most
definite and worth analyzing with regard to how Chin National Day came into being.
On the other hand, the claims of others that both February 20th of 1918 and of 1940 needs to be taken into account
for the birth of Chin National Day appears to be just an attempt to vindicate the designation of February 20th as Chin
National Day.
In fact, if one gives much importance to the incident at Kanpetlet on the 20th of February 1940, in which the interests of
Vawmtu Mawng's group and the British's collided, the rebellion of the Sim tribe and the Hakas in 1917 against the British, as
well as the resistances of the Siyin, Kamhau, and Tlaisun, etc., during the invasion of Chinland by the British troops count,
too. Ignoring these incidents while emphasizing the activities of Vawmtu Mawng and party to the extent of making it the
foundation of Chin National Day is tantamount to doing injustice to history. It also means groping for pretexts that the
20th of February 1948, is not the only day that bred Chin National Day. Moreover, the protest made in 1918 was to say
"no" to the decision of the Bristish government to replace the teaching of Burmese in Chinland with the teaching of the Chin
language. That means Vawmtu Mawng's Chin Education Uplift Society prefers teaching Burmese to Chin language in
Chinland. So, can we, the Chins, praise the protest which was made to deny the teaching of Chin language in the Chin
schools? May it never be!
There are two reasons that February 20, 1948, is regarded as a glorious day for the Chins. One is that on that day
the first congress of the representatives of the entire Chin Hills was successfully held. Concerning this Robert Siang Lian
writes:
"[20th February, 1948] is a landmark in the history of Chin Hills because it was the first time that all the Chins
were able to hold the general meeting and achieved national unity among themselves. So, 20th February is an historic and
meaningful day for the Chins, because all the Chins were able to achieve national solidarity on this very day." (Robert Siang
Lian, Chin National Day and National Unity, CND, GJC Magazine, p. 26). The date inside the brackets is the authors
addition.
When Siang Lian said, "It is a landmark in the history of Chin Hills because it was the first time that all the Chins were
able to hold the general meeting and achieve national unity among themselves," he seems to emphasize the unity they
achieved more than the reason they achieved that unity, or the purpose of having that unity. This view of Siang Lian is
shared by many others, too. If one glorifies the 20th of February 1948, on the grounds that the first Chin congress was
held and national unity was achieved on that day, and overlooks or ignores the cause of such event, it is disagreeable
because it could suggest that any unity attained even for a mean purpose could be glorified. This is unacceptable simply
because when people unite to do something wrong, that unity, in itself, is already wrong. The act of unifying to do wrong
things cannot be appreciated or valued. So, in the final analysis, without knowing the reason for achieving unity on February
20th, one cannot conclude that this day is either glorious or honorable. It is, indeed, a landmark in Chin history, but this
fact does not necessarily qualify it as honorable or glorious.
In other words, if we honor February 20th just because it is the day that national unity was attained, we may be taking
the matter too lightly. However, if we commemorate February 20th because unity was achieved for an honorable cause, the
day deserves hailing. The reason it happened is more important than what happened and how it happened.
Another motive for holding February 20, 1948, in great esteem is that "the rule of the hereditary chiefs" ended on that
day. This aspect puts greater emphasis on the reason, and can be clearly seen in the message of Chin Affairs minister
Vawmtu Mawng:
" On the 9th of October 1950, the Chin Affairs Council declared the 20th of February 1948, the Chin National Day not
only because the Chins were freed from the yokes of blood-sucking hereditary chiefs who obstruct the development of the
Chin people, but also because the rule by the elected Councilors was introduced on that day. "(Chin National Day: op. cit,
Burmese Section, p. 66. Translated from Burmese by the author).
Here Vawmtu Mawng stated clearly the reason for attaining solidarity among the Chins. According to him, the reason for
designating February 20th as a glorious day is that on that day (1) the system of hereditary chieftaincy was ended and (2) a
new government system (the rule by the elected Councilors) was introduced.
Which country in the world has ever marked the day on which their old governing system changed as their national day? If
an independence day is named 'national day', that is a different story. In that case we would call the day we attained
independence from an alien nation our national day. After that we would be under no other nations rule. Only then should
we celebrate that day as our national day. The Singaporeans call their independence day (August 9) their national day. And it
is reasonable and acceptable because they were governed by no other nation from that day forward. We, the Chins, did not
call the day we attained independence from the British our national day. Because we do not now live freely, as our forefathers
did at one time, the day cannot qualify as our "National Day."
Some may argue that our national day is not the day on which our forefathers' administrative system ended, but the day
the British era chiefs ceased. The bottom line is that the Chin chiefs under the British ruled their subjects mostly in the same
manner our forefathers ruled their ancient land. So, dismissing the British era chiefs soon after independence is tantamount
to rejecting the governing system of our forefathers. Therefore, the day the British era chiefs ended was the day the
administrative system of our forefathers (the invaluable part of our culture) became null and void.
In short, the day of ending the governing system of a nation is not the same as the day of gaining independence by that
nation. They are two separate things that have different significances. Therefore, February 20th, the day on which our
forefathers' governing system was changed and discarded, is not worth calling "Chin National Day"; and naming it "the
birthday of the Chins (Lai Phun Suah Ni)," is meaningless; nay, it is ridiculous. Even if we recognize the 20th of February
1948, as the day the Chin people achieved national unity for the first time, we would rather call it "Chin Union Day" than
national day.
It is usual that when a governing system of a country becomes obsolete, the populace or the government substitute it
with a better system. Thus, if the day the governing system is changed is called the national day or the founding day of a
nation, some countries would have more than ten nation founding days, for the longer the history of a nation, the more
likely it is that that nation has had different kinds of governing systems.
Vawmtu Mawng elucidated why he called the chiefs blood suckers and hinderers of the development of the Chin people,
as shown below:
"Grain tribute: Each house had to pay half a bushel of maize, millet, etc., to the chief annually.
Labour: One member of each house had to work one to three days a year in the fields of the chief.
Meat tribute: Whenever a villager bagged an animal he had to give some specified portions to the chief.
To free them from those sufferings, 5,000 men who attended the February 20, 1948, conference at Falam voted in favor of
eliminating the hereditary chieftaincy in the Chin Hills, and only 17 objected to the proposal." (Chin National Day: op. cit, p.
65. Italic is the authors).
If one compares what Vawmtu Mawng enumerated as the sufferings of the Chins under their chiefs with the sufferings of
other nations under their suppressive rulers, the sufferings of the Chins are not at all worse or more severe. Therefore, it is
not proper or fair to call our chiefs blood suckers or obstructers of development. About development in those days, history
tells us that the ignorance of the people as a whole and their isolation from the outside world for centuries, coupled with the
British's unwillingness to educate them, are the main factors that hinder development.
To enable us to judge rightly how severely we suffered under our chiefs, we need to study the sufferings of others under
their own rulers. We will not need to look at different peoples. Just a glimpse at God's chosen people, the Israelites, will be
enough for us to see things in a proper perspective.
Setting aside the sufferings of the Israelites under alien kings, the hardships they endured under their own kings
was not at all lighter than what the Chins suffered under their chiefs. Let us examine how Israelites should suffer under their
kings, namely Saul, David, Solomon, etc., as foretold by the LORD.
"He (your king) will take your sons and appoint them for his own chariots and to be his horsemen, and some will run before
his chariots. He will appoint captains over his thousands and captains over his fifties, will set some to plow his ground and
reap his harvest, and some to make his weapons of war and equipment for chariots. He will take your daughters to be
perfumers, cooks and bakers. And he will take the best of your fields, your vineyards, and your olive groves, and give them
to his servants. He will take a tenth of your grain and of your vintage, and give it to his officers and servants. And he will
take your menservants and your maidservants and your finest young men and your donkeys, and put them to his work. He
will take a tenth of your sheep. And you will be his servants." (1 Sam 8:10 -17).
And so the Israelites had their own kings for hundreds of years and endured untold hardships without grudging. They
knew that to have their own land with their own kings was the way in which they could show the world that they were a
sovereign, independent nation.
To make the contrast more clear, let us compare the sufferings of the Israelites under their own kings to the sufferings
of the Chins under our own rulers.
Did we do as much works for our chiefs as the Israelites did for their kings?
No. We work for our chiefs just one or two days in a year.
Did our chiefs ever use some of our daughters as their cooks and perfumers?
Far from it. Our chiefs were never lustful. They kept a very high moral standard and they led exemplary lives.
Did our chiefs ever confiscate our best fields and gardens and give them to their servants just as
the kings of Israel did?
Not at all. Everyone had his own fields which could be passed on to his descendents.
Did our rulers ever force our sons to forge the arsenal for the warriors?
Never. Every village had its own blacksmith who earned his living justly by working in his smithy.
Did our chiefs ever demand one tenth of our grain?
Nay. Only half a bushel a year was demanded.
Did our chiefs ever take away our best domestic animals?
Never.
Did our chiefs ever take our best servants?
Never. They had their own servants who came to them voluntarily to become servants, and those who were
captured for slaves.
Did our chiefs use their subjects like slaves?
No. When a man did a wrong thing he was judged fairly, according to the law of the land. The punishment
was meted out fairly, in proportion to his wrongdoing. Moreover, whenever a man was judged, the chiefs
never did it alone; he was always assisted by his councilors. Even the slaves were treated humanly and very
leniently. Slaves were permitted to mix freely with members of their host family, as if they were legitimate
members of the family. A slave could even marry his master's daughter and became his heir.
If this is true, why are we, the Chins, so resentful about having our own chiefs? Why can we not take pride in the days
when we were under our own chiefs with quite a perfect governing system and quite a rich culture? As a matter of fact, the
rejection of our own rulers shows that our magnificence has worn down, our noble-mindedness has frayed, and we are on
our way to becoming a people of no status.
If we look at the history of Israel further, we see that they had no kings for more than 300 years, i.e., during the time
the apostasy and oppression covered the whole land. As recorded in Judges 21:25, "In those days there was no king in
Israel: every one did what was right in his own eyes." That period is called min-meh-naing-ngan[lawless country] in
Burmese. In min-meh-naing-ngan people usually behave like beasts; there are no taboos of any sort. How fortunate we
were to have chiefs (rulers) in the days of our forefathers so that our Chinland was never in the category of min-meh-
naing-ngan.
Every governing system in the world has its advantage and disadvantage. Even so-called democracy has its advantages
and disadvantages. So, to point out only the weaknesses of any governing system, including the chieftainship of the Chin
people, to the extent of making it a dark age without considering its advantages is tantamount to doing injustice to the
history of mankind. It also shows that we are vengeful people with ignoble mentality. We might regard our olden-day rulers
as harsh and pitiless when, in fact, they carried disciplined judgment in one hand and mercy in the other. Therefore, they
can be classed as expert rulers (chiefs) of their day.
Our neighbors such as the Arakans, Indians, and Burmese had kings. We can read from history books that those kings,
too, had shortcomings. The sufferings of the people under their kings might not be lighter than that of the Israelites, but
those nations never celebrate the fall of their kings and the end of their kingdoms. For instance, the Burmese do not mark
the day on which their last king was taken prisoner as their national day. On the contrary, even today they long for their
days of kuh-min-kuh-chin, kuh-`thi-kuh-nan[ones own kingdom]. They are not ashamed of their kings and rulers.
We, Chins, ought to be like them. We ought to follow their way of thinking in this regard.
Even if the way of living and the system of government of our forefathers were not so advanced, they deserve our
recognition and esteem. If we are ashamed of our parents, our ancestors and their lifestyle, and see only the weaknesses of
our past rulers, and celebrate the day their rule ends as the founding day of our nation, there will not be a more degenerate
and despicable people on earth than we are.
Lamentably, we often teach our young people to be happy when they ought not be happy, and inculcate in them a
keenness to take pride in things for which they should not be proud. We instill in them hatred and contempt for our old
chiefs as if they were despots. Thus, we create a complex situation in which it is difficult for our young people to
differentiate between what is right and what is wrong, what is white and what is black. Some of our learned men are very
fond of preaching and writing in condemnation of our old chiefs, but dare not utter a word or jot a line in despise for the
alien rulers. Can we call such a deed gallantry? No. Can we call such writers men of insight? Nay. Can we call such people
patriots? Not at all. They are just the bearers of pointed spears of grudge and hatred.
Truly speaking, the day on which the rule of the chiefs ended is the day the Chin governing system, which our
forefathers had adopted for centuries, came to an end. Every clean-hearted man with deep insight will say that the old
governing system of our forefathers is an invaluable part of our Chin culture.
Are we to say, then, that the system of hereditary chieftaincy should be continued up to this day? No. Are we to say that
the wish of the majority on the 20th of February 1948, is to be relegated? Nay. Even today the wish of the Chin majority is
to abolish the system of chieftaincy. If this is so, shall we disregard the wish of the majority? Not at all. There is no better
thing than to introduce a new administrative system, according to the needs of the day, which will benefit the people. But
the day on which the administrative system changed is not the national day of the country concerned. However good the
new governing system may be, the day on which it is adopted should not, nay, cannot be called the national day of any
country. One simple reason for this is that we have changed our governing systems not less than three times after 1948 (in
1962, 1974, and 1988). That would give us more than three national days already. It is absurd.
The uneasiness for the loss of our administration system does not mean, though, that it should be re-introduced; it only
means that it ought not be condemned too utterly.
Some would argue that even if February 20th is not called "Laiphun Suah Ni (the birthday/founding day of the Chins" it is
still "Chin Phunpi Ni (great race day/national day)". To call it "Chin Phunpi Ni" would not be sensible for, we did not become
a great race, or superior race, on that day; we were already a great race long before that fateful day. Some may say that we
should continue to celebrate this February 20th since we, Chins, do not have other days for gathering together in unity. But
celebrating February 20th will not enhance the forging of the Chin unity, for the concept of its use is already wrong. It is
important to note that we can have unity without February 20th. There is no tangible benefit for celebrating February 20th.
The drawback of commemorating February 20th far outweighs the benefit. It is sad if the 20th of February celebration is the
only way for the young Chins to meet one another and to renew their spirit of unity, for to celebrate with merriment the day
on which one part of our invaluable culture is buried implies that we are still politically nave and immature in our judgments.
CONCLUSION
It is good for the Chins to have a day which is worthy of celebration but if there is no such day, let it be. It is not proper to
keep February 20th as our national day just for the sake of having a national day. If we are so inclined and determined to
have such a national day, why don't we find a day in 1921 on which the decision to replace Burmese language with Chin
language in the Chin Hills schools was made? If we decline to call the day on which the decision to teach Chin language in
Chin schools our National Day, we have no other day, so far, that is fit to be called our national day.
On the other hand, the proposal made by some Chin leaders that December 4th should be the Chin National Day seems
to be unconvincing and unacceptable. We were not told that any event deserving to be called a landmark in the history of
Chins ever took place on that day. The other suggestion that the term Chin National Day should be changed to "Chin
Special Division Day" or "Chin State Day" is also not reasonable and fitting, because gaining a political status of a Special
Division or State is not worth hailing, in the first place, for a nation that had been living freely and under no foreign rule for
centuries.
The fondest dream is to call our independence day "National Day." Nevertheless, we have not had such a day since the
British came and conquered our land. Therefore,
1. If we still wish to mark February 20th as a memorable day, it might be more appropriate and meaningful to call it "Chin
Union Day" instead of "Chin National Day.
2. The prudent study of the Chin history leads us to conclude that, so far, the day that deserves to be called "Chin National
Day" is the day the decision was made to replace the teaching of alien languages in schools in Chinland with national (Chin)
language.
EPILOGUE
There are some Chins who think that the Kawlte (Burmese) have always opposed our having National Day, and had
attempted to abolish it by changing the term National to Union or People, etc. Moreover, they see as a stooge and
henchman of the Kawlte any Chin who dares to question the worthiness of celebrating our National day on February 20,
1948. To the best of my knowledge, the Kawlte never tried to change National with Union or People. However, they tried to
change Chin National Day with Chin Special Division Day in 1966.
This is what I know about the Kawlte's involvement:
The security committee of Chin Hills (the chairman being Kawl) had a meeting on the 6th of January 1966 at Tedim High
School. At that meeting the committee decided to change the term Chin National Day to Chin Special Division Day. This
decision was reaffirmed at the meeting held on the 31st of January 1966 at No.1 Kaleymyo High School, and was endorsed
by Party Supervisor Chairman Maj. Mynt Thein on the 19th of February 1966.
However, this decision was turned down by the Revolutionary Council at Yangon (by the same Kawl leaders). The
statement issued by the Revolutionary Council at Yangon on the 25th of November 1966 says, "Chin National Day is Chin
National day (Chin Amyotha Nih di Chin Amyotha Nih ta hlin phit di)," and thus reaffirms the term Chin National Day. In
other words, though some lower rank Kawlte tried to change Chin National Day with Chin Special Division Day, the higher
authorities did not want to change it.
So, it is inaccurate to classify as a stooge or henchman of the Kawlte anyone who opposes the term Chin National Day, or
the use of February 20th as the assigned date of commemoration. For instance, in 1956, Pu Za Hre Lian, the former Chin
Affairs Minister, proposed to celebrate Chin National Day on the 4th of December instead of the 20th of February for his
own reasons. But we know that he neither did it just to please the Kawlte nor was asked to do it.
________________________________________
Note: Im including this article in this Paper of mine in the hope that the opinions expressed herein by the author(Pu No
Than Kap) could give both strangers and the Zo people themselves alike a different perspective in looking back at the
Zo/Chin history(see also APPENDIX I). Pu No Than Kap(in his mid 40s) is a former Chin politician and now living in Burma.
All markings in blue colour are mine.
Thang Za Dal
November, 2009
See 16.1 ABOLITION OF FEUDALISM IN CHINLAND AND THE BIRTH OF CHIN NATIONAL DAY
APPENDIX O
SOME OF THE BRITISH GENERALS, SENIOR OFFICERS AND ADMINISTRATORS WHO HAD PARTICIPATED
OR PLAYED SOME IMPORTANT ROLES IN CONQUERING THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE INSIDE
PRESENT-DAY BANGLADESH, BURMA AND INDIA (1841 - 1919)
FIELD MARSHAL SIR GEORGE STUART WHITE
Field Marshal Sir George Stuart White(4 July 1835-24 June 1912) VC., GCB., OM, GCSI., GCIE., GCVO., was an
officer of the British Army and recipient of the Victoria Cross, the highest and most prestigious award for gallantry
in the face of the enemy that can be awarded to British and Commonwealth forces.
The Victoria Cross
He was 44 years old when the following deed took place for which he was awarded the VC.
On 6th October 1879 at Charasiah, Afghanistan, Major White led an attack on a strongly fortified hill where the
enemy force outnumbered the majors by about eight to one. When his men became exhausted and immediate
action seemed necessary, he took a rifle and, running forward alone, shot the enemy leader. This decided the
issue and the enemy fled. Again, at the battle of Kandahar Major White led the final charge and personally
captured one of the two guns held by the enemy, immediately after which the latter retired...(Source: Wikipedia
under George Stuart White White)
Educated at Sandhurst, entered the Army in 1853; served in the Indian Mutiny with the 27th Inniskilling
Fusilieers, and in the Afghan War of 1879-80 with the 92nd Gordon Highlanders...From 1886-1889, he commanded
the forces in Upper Burma, his operations against the armies of dacoits and banditti and his expeditions into the
Hill recesses of the Frontier tribes did much to secure the pacification of the province. On the 8th of April 1893,
he succeeded Lord Roberts as Commander-in- Chief in India, a post he held until his return to England in 1897,
when he was appointed Quartermaster-General of the Forces in England. In 1899 he was selected to command
the British forces in Natal, South Africa. His name is especially associated with the defence of Ladysmith[The
British lost 850 killed and wounded and another 800 as prisoners in this battle]...In 1885 war broke out with Burma,
and White was appointed to the command of the Madras army detailed for service in the region. The capture of
Mandalay was easily effected by the troops under the command of General Prendergast, and at the conclusion
of the war White was placed in command of the forces left for the protection of the province...
Heartily co-operating with the civil authorities, he organized a system of movable columns which gave the
enemy no rest, and at the close of the first two years the country was sufficiently pacified to allow the substitution
of an organized police and military troops in the maintenance of internal order. White then directed his attention to
the Frontier Tribes in the north and east and south, and was able by a series of well-planned expeditions to bring
under the settled influence of British rule a tract compri-sing 50,000 square miles - a territory, that is to say,
almost as large as England. The success of these operations, said the Government despatch, which has
involved great hardship and labour on the troops, and the satisfactory progress made towards the pacification
of the country must be ascribed in a very large measure to the skill, judgment, and ability of Sir George White...
Time.(Vum Ko Hau. pp. 396-398, and http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Stuart_White)
(Sir George White, after having conquered the Sizangs and some Kamhaus villages in the immediate vicinity of
the Sizang region, and built up a base at Thuklai village called FORT WHITE, returned to Mandalay in mid February
1889. The base was later moved to what the Chins call Thangmual, about 9 km east of Thuklai on the Letha
Range. See MAP 6 for its location. tzd).
............................................................................................
Having learnt from Major Raikes, C.I.E., that it had been determined to leave a post in these hills for the rest of the year, and having on
consultation with him come to the conclusion that our several reconnaissances north, south and west showed this to be the most central
poisition, I select a site some 400 feet above and to the south-west of Tokhlaing(4,800 feet), which occupied not only so much ground as to
make it necessary to have alarge number of men on duty, but was also commanded on three sides, notably from the site where the present
post is, which with the permission of Major-General Gordon, C.B., and the concurrence of the Chief Commissioner, I have called Fort
White....-Brigadier-General E. Faunce, C.B., Commanding Officer, Chin Field Force [First Chin Hills Expedition, 1888-89]. Source: Vum
Ko Hau, p. x)
FIELD MARSHAL THE LORD NAPIER OF MAGDALA, GCB, GCSI, CIE, FRS
Napier was the son of Major Charles Frederick Napier, who was wounded at the storming of Meester Cornelis
(now Jatinegara) in Java on (26 August 1810) and died some months later. Robert was born in Ceylon on 6
December 1810.[1] He was educated at Addiscombe Military Academy from which he joined the Bengal Engineers
at North-West Frontier...
Napier was appointed military secretary and adjutant-general to Sir James Outram, whose forces took part in the
actions leading to the first relief of Lucknow on 25 September 1857. He then took charge of Lucknow's defence
until the second relief, when he was badly wounded while crossing an exposed space with Outram and Sir Henry
Havelock to meet with Sir Colin Campbell.[1]...
In January 1860 during the Second Anglo-Chinese War, Napier assumed command of the 2nd division of the
expeditionary force under Sir James Hope Grant. Napier took part in the action at Sinho, the storming of the Taku
(Peiho) Forts, and the entry to Peking. For his services he received the thanks of parliament, and was promoted
major-general for distinguished service in the field.[1]...
He achieved his greatest fame as an army officer when he led the expedition of 1868 against Emperor Tewodros
II of Ethiopia. The Ethiopian ruler was holding a number of Protestant missionaries hostage, in his mountain
capital of Magdala, as well as two British diplomats who had unsuccessfully attempted to free them... After the
Ethiopian campaign, Napier received many honors. The Royal Society of London for the Improvement of Natural
Knowledge inducted him as a member in 1869.[6] He received a parliamentary pension, was made Grand
Commander of the Order of the Bath and a Freeman of the City of London and by way of victory title was given
a hereditary peerage, Baron Napier of Magdala.[1]
Napier became Commander-in-Chief in India (1870-1876), being promoted to general in 1874. From 1876 to 1883
he served as Governor of Gibraltar. In 1877, during a tense period in European politics, he was appointed
commander-in-chief of a proposed force which was to be dispatched to Constantinople.[1]
On 1 January 1883 Napier was promoted to Field Marshal, and in January 1887 appointed Constable of the
Tower of London.[1]
He died in London on 14 January 1890, receiving a state funeral and being buried in St. Paul's Cathedral. His
eldest son, Robert William Napier (born 1845) succeeded to his barony.[1]
Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Napier,_1st_Baron_Napier_of_Magdala.
_____________________________________________________________
FIELD MARSHAL FREDERICK SLEIGH ROBERTS, 1ST EARL ROBERTS, VC, KG, KP, GCB, OM, GCSI, GCIE, PC
The Story of Lord Roberts
by Edmund Francis Sellar
Field Marshal Frederick Sleigh Roberts, 1st Earl Roberts, VC, KG, KP, GCB, OM, GCSI, GCIE, PC (30
September 1832 14 November 1914) was a distinguished British soldier and one of the most successful
commanders of the Victorian era. He was affectionately known as 'Bobs' by the troops he commanded.
Born at Cawnpore, India on 30 September 1832, Roberts was the second son of General Sir Abraham Roberts
a member of the famous Waterford city family that contributed so much to the city. At the time, Sir Abraham was
commanding the 1st Bengal European Regiment. Roberts was named Sleigh in honour of the garrison commander,
Major General William Sleigh. His mother was Isabella, daughter of Abraham Bunbury of Kilfeacle, County
Tipperary. He was educated at Eton, Sandhurst and Addiscombe before entering the British Indian Army as a
Second Lieutenant with the Bengal Artillery. He fought in the Indian rebellion, seeing action during the siege
and capture of Delhi, and was present at the relief of Lucknow. In January 1858, at Khudaganj, he won the
Victoria Cross...
After serving with the British Army in the Umbeyla and Abyssinian campaigns of 1863 and 18671868
respectively, Roberts fought in the Lushai campaign (18711872), for which he was appointed Companion of the
Order of the Bath (CB).... After a very short interval as Governor of Natal and Commander-in-Chief of British forces
in South Africa, Roberts (having been promoted to Lieutenant-General in 1883) was appointed Commander-in-Chief
in Madras, a post he held for four years. In 1885 he succeeded this appointment as Commander-in-Chief
throughout the whole of India, and two years later was appointed Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the
Indian Empire (GCIE). This was subsequently followed by his promotion to General in 1890, and in 1892 he was
created Baron Roberts, of Kandahar in Afghanistan and of the City of Waterford.
After relinquishing his Indian command and becoming Knight Grand Commander of the Star of India in 1893,
Lord Roberts two years later returned to his homeland as Commander-in-Chief of British forces in Ireland,
becoming Field Marshal in 1895 and receiving the Order of St Patrick in 1897...
Lord Roberts served as the last Commander-in-Chief of the British Army for three years before the post was
abolished in 1904, and for the last ten years of his life was showered with yet more honours, including numerous
honorary degrees and the Colonelcy of the National Reserve. He was a keen advocate of introducing conscription
to Britain in order to prepare for a Great European War. He died of pneumonia at St Omer, France, while visiting
Indian troops fighting in the First World War. After lying in state in Westminster Hall (one of two non-Royals to do
so in the 20th century, the second being Winston Churchill in 1965), he was buried in St Paul's Cathedral,
London...( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frederick_Roberts,_1st_Earl_Roberts )
...........................................................................................
...The military achievements of the gallant officer[Sir Roberts] are great and undeniable, as a
mountain open, palpable. They have received the unstinted acknowledgments not only of all classes
of his countrymen, but of the highest professional authorities of the Continent. Count Von Moltke and
the German generals expressed their unbounded admiration of the great march from Cabul to Candahar;
and the heroic Skobeleff, whose untimely death was such a crushing blow to the army he adorned, as
well as to the cause of Panslavism, though the pace of Europe was the gainer by his removal from
the scene - was enthusiatic in praise of the military genius displayed by Roberts throughout the two
years he was the central figure of the war in Afghanistan...Robertss dispositions for the capture of
the Peiwar Kotul were most masterly, and his rapid march on Cabul with only 8,000 men, his skill in
forcing the enemys position at Charasia, and his seizure of Cabul were brilliant feats of arms worthy
the best days of British prowess. On the abdication of Yakoob Khan he was, for a time, the
de fecto ruler of Afghanistan...(Source: Rathbone Low, pp. iii-iv)
__________________________________________________
FIELD MARSHAL PHILIP WALHOUSE CHETWODE, 1st Baron Chetwode, 7th Baronet of Oakley, GCB, OM, GCSI,
KCMG, DSO (21 September 1869 6 July 1950) was a British cavalry officer who became Commander in Chief in
India.
Chetwode was the son of Sir George Chetwode, 6th Baronet, and Alice Jane Bass daughter of Michael Thomas
Bass the brewer. He was educated at Eton, where he was an athlete of some distinction, and entered the army
through the Militia with his first commission being in the 3rd battalion the Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light
Infantry. He then received a regular commission with the 19th Hussars in 1889,[1] giving him early acquaintance
with both light infantry and cavalry.
Field Marshal Chetwood
Chetwode first saw active service in the Chin Hills expedition in Burma from 1892 to 1893[1] and later in the Second
Boer War[1] where he took part in the defence of Ladysmith. In 1906, he became assistant military secretary to Sir
John French and in 1908 was given command of a regiment in a cavalry brigade under the command of Edmund
Allenby. In World War I, he served on the Western Front in smaller cavalry commands with little distinction. His 5th
Cavalry brigade[1] helped cover the retreat from the frontier, and checked the pursuing Germans at Cerizy. Later in
the First Battle of the Marne, Chetwode's Brigade joined with Sir Hubert Gough to become the 2nd Cavalry
division.[1] Gough had been behind the Curragh incident of March 1914 and Chetwode's willingness replace him on
his temporary resignation had caused some ill feeling... With the war in Europe become bogged down in trench
warfare, Chetwode was lucky to be transferred to the near East in December 1916 commanding the Desert
Column[1] in the Egyptian Expeditionary Force under Sir Archibald Murray. In 1917 he commanded a Cavalry
Division at the First Battle of Gaza and the Second Battle of Gaza.
He married Hester (Star) Alice Camilla Stapleton Cotton and had a son and daughter. Their daughter, Penelope
married John Betjeman the poet (later Poet Laureate) and had a son Paul and daughter Candida Lycett Green.
Chetwode's sister Florence was married to General Birch.
British
* Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (1929)
* Member of the Order of Merit (1936)
* Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Star of India (1930)
* Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George (1917)
* Knight Commander Order of the Bath (1918)
* Distinguished Service Order (1900)
* Honorary DCL from Oxford University
Foreign
* Croix de guerre 19141918 (France)
* Order of the Nile, 2nd class (Egypt)
* Silver Cross of the Virtuti Militari (Poland, 15 February 1942)
* Order of the Sacred Treasure, 1st class (Japan)
* Commander of the Legion of Honour (France)
................................................................................
- Adjusted by Thang Za Dal/04.2012 from: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_Chetwode,_1st_Baron_Chetwode
__________________________________________________________
FIELD-MARSHAL TO VISIT JAVA
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF INDIAN ARMY.
AIR TRIP FROM CALCUTTA.
Field-Marshal Sir Philip Chetwode, Commander-in-Chief, Indian Army, and Lady Chetwode will arrive in Java
on July 15, by air from Calcutta (writes our Batavia Correspondent).
Sir Philip, who is on of the outward K.L.M. plane due in Singapore
on Sunday, is to retire in November when he will be 66 years of age.
He is succeeded by General Sir Robert Cassels, whose appointment to the Northern Command, the stepping
stone to C.-in.C., was made in 1930. Sir Philip has a most distinguished military career. He served at Chin Hills,
Burma, 1892-93, and in the South African and European Wars in both of which he was frequently mentioned in
despatches. Sir Philip has been C.-in-C., India, since 1930. For two years before that he was Chief of General
Staff, India, and between 1923-27, C.-in-C., Aldershot Command.
(Source: The Straits Times, 12 July 1935, page 12. See Newspaper Clipping on next page.
____________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________
Source: The Straits Times, 12 July 1935, Page 12
http://newspapers.nl.sg/Digitised/Article/straitstimes19350712.2.73.aspx
..................................................................
(Prepared in this form by Thang Za Dal/April 2012.
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elements of the 4th Punjabis and 5th Punjabis as the 8th Regiment of Punjab Infantry. It was formed in Nowshera
by Charles Henry Brownlow, who became the regiment's first commanding officer (CO). He remained associated
with the regiment into the 20th Century and became a Field Marshal in 1908.
The regiment's first overseas service came during the Second Opium War against China. After landing it was
present at the successful assault on the Taku Forts on 21 August 1860. The regiment advanced with the rest of
the British/Indian force, arrived at Beijing (Peking) in late September which was captured on 6 October. In 1861 it
was brought into the Bengal Army line as the 24th Regiment of Bengal Native Infantry, replacing the previous
24th which had mutinied in 1857. It was renumbered the 20th later in the year.
The 20th Punjabis last overseas service before World War I came during the Boxer Rebellion. The regiment,
along with many other Indian units, took part in the Allied intervention in China during the Boxer Rebellion in 1900.
Its title was shortened to the 20th Duke of Cambridge's Own Punjab Infantry the following year. In 1904, the
regiment was retitled in honour of Field Marshal Charles Henry Brownlow becoming the honorary colonel of the
regiment, becoming the 20th Duke of Cambridge's Own Infantry (Brownlow's Punjabis).
(From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia)
...........................................
Sir Charles Brownlow was born in 1831, a son of Colonel George A. Brownlow. He served in the Punjab campaigns
in 1848, the Hazara campaign in 1852-53, the expedition against the Momund tribes the following year, in which
he was badly wounded; the Bozdar, Eusozal expeditions, the China war, the Ambeyla campaign, and commanded
a column in the Looshai expedition in 1871. He was decorated several times and was aid-de-camp to the Queen
from 1860 to 1861, and Assistant Military Secretary at Horse Guards from 1879 to 1889. He was knighted in 1887
and appointed a Field Marshal in 1908.(The New York Times. April 6, 1916)
URL: http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9F0DE6DE163BE633A25755C0A9629C946796D6CF
__________________________________________________
GENERAL SIR GEORGE BENJAMIN WOLSELEY, GCB.,(1907); KCB(1891):CB
Born 11 July 1839; son of Major Garnet J Wolseley, and brother of Field Marshal Viscount Wolseley, KP., GCB.,
GCMG., D.C.I., LL.D.; educated privately...Major-General by selection 1892; served with 84th Foot in Indian
Mutiny(medal); Asst. Adj. Gen in Afghan campaign(medal and Brevet Lieut-Col);...Brigadier-General in Burma
campaign, held the first Durbar in the Chin Hills for the formal submission of the following Siyin Chiefs: Chief Khup
Pau of Khuasak; Chief Thuk Kham of Lunmun; Chief Kam Lam of Sumniang; Chief Pau Khai of Buanman, and
Chief Mang Lun of Sakhiling[Lim Khai], On the 1st September 1890, at a Durbar held by Brigadier-General
Wolseley, who was on inspection duty in the Chin Hills, the Siyin Chiefs formally took the oath of submission and
friendship to the British Government and accepted Captain Rundalls terms, which included the surrender of all
slaves and a promise to cease raiding on the plains and cutting telegraph wires...(Vum Ko Hau, p. 400).
See also 9.10.3 FORMAL SUBMISSION OF THE SIYINS, and Footnote.
______________________________________________________
GENERAL SIR JAMES WILLCOCKS GCB GCMG KCSI DSO
(1 April 185718 December 1926) was a British Army officer.
Willcocks was born in Baraut, Meerut District, United Provinces, India, the son of an officer in the East India
Company's army. He was educated in England and passed out from the Royal Military College, Sandhurst in
January 1878 (having only got in on the third attempt), being commissioned into the 100th Foot in the Punjab.[1]...
In 1884 he was seconded to the newly-formed Army Transport Department and posted to Assam...In 1889 he
served as an intelligence officer in the Chin-Lushai expedition and in 1891 in the Manipur expedition... In June
1897 he was appointed assistant adjutant-general of the Baluchistan field force and in November 1897 second-in-
command of the new West African Frontier Force as a Temporary Lieutenant-Colonel.[6] He was appointed
Companion of the Order of St Michael and St George (CMG) in the 1899 New Year Honours.[7] In November 1899
he was promoted substantive Lieutenant-Colonel[8] (having received his Brevet in May[9])and became Colonel-
Commandant of the Frontier Force, being granted the local rank of Colonel in January 1900.[10] For his relief
of Kumasi during the Ashanti War of 1900 he was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and
St George (KCMG) and promoted to Brevet Colonel.[11]...
After briefly serving in the South African War in 1902, he returned to India. He was promoted substantive
Colonel in March 1902, although at this time he was serving as a Brigadier-General.[12] He was promoted Major-
General and given a brigade in 1906[13], commanded the Bazar Valley Field Force in February and March 1908,
was given command a division in March 1908[14] and promoted Lieutenant-General for distinguished service in
the field following his command of the Mohmand Field Force in July 1908.[15] He was appointed Companion of
the Order of the Bath (CB) in the 1907 Birthday Honours.[16] In 1910 he was appointed to the command of the
Northern Army.[17] In the 1913 New Year Honours he was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of the Star
of India (KCSI).[18] He was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB) in 1914.
In 1914 he was given command of the Indian Corps in France. He was appointed Knight Grand Cross of the
Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) in the 1915 Birthday Honours[19] and was promoted General in May
1915,[20] but resigned in September 1915 after friction with Sir Douglas Haig, who commanded the First Army...
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Willcocks"
* This page was last modified on 16 June 2009 at 11:30.
............................................................
The University of Texas at AustinUniversity of Texas Libraries,
Collection Travel at the Turn of the Century
Work Identifier urn:utlol:travel.1627206
Title From Kabul to Kumassi
Description ch1-Sandhurst. Join 100th Foot in India. Jullunder. Polo. Some quicksands in a Subaltern's life.
The British soldier. Sialkote. Sport in the Sawalik Hills. My first command. A bold experiment. How I was sent to
the Afghan War. Arrival at Peshawur;... ch6-The Burmah Campaign, 1885-7. General Sir John Gordon. The Naga
Hills. Kohima. Munipore. The Kubo Valley Field Force. Tummoo. A long and difficult march. Mao Thana. Imphal.
The Munipore-Tummoo route. ch8- The Chin-Lushai Expedition, 1889-90. In the Quartermaster-General's
Department. Journey to Yaw. An extraordinary race of people. A Column held up by one savage. Nats. A deserted
land. The Panchaung Yuamas. Attempt to burn us out. Mistaken clemency. A sharp fight with the Chins. A weird
form of warfare. Strange customs of the Chinboks.
Item Identifier urn:utlol:travel.1627206_main
Item URL http://www.lib.utexas.edu/books/travel/1627206
______________________________________________________________
GENERAL SIR ARTHUR POWER PALMER, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF IN INDIA
Photographic copies of sketches made during the Chin Hills Campaign, Burma.
Photographer: Unknown
Event: 1892-93. Burma: Chin Hills Campaign
Genre: Historical
Date: 1892-93
Notes: Collection of 19 prints, guarded and filed. The collection comprises photographic copies of sketches made
during the Chin Hills Campaign of 1892-93 and sent by General Sir Arthur Power Palmer, Commander of the
Expedition, to Sir George Stuart White, Commander-in-Chief in India. Most of the prints are briefly captioned by
the artist, with more extensive notes, presumably by Palmer, written on the reverse. Among the subjects are: view
of Fort White, a halt on the road to Fort White, Christmas dinner at Fort White, cantilever bridge erected by the
Madras Sappers across the Manipur River, views on the Chindwin River, signalling station above Kaptial, Nwengal
Column crossing the Manipur River, Howchinkoop (Chief of the Kanhow Tribe, Kaptial burning, bivouac on plateau
above left bank of Manipur River. [Gelatin silver prints].
http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/indiaofficeselect/PhotoEnqFull.asp?PrintID=116080&RecNo=1&intPhSearchNo=1715258
http://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/cgi-bin/paperspast?a=d&d=EP19010322.2.37&l=mi&e=-------10--1----0--
Evening Post, Rrahi LXI, Putanga 68, 22 Poutterangi 1901, Page 5
SIR ALEXANDER MACKENZIE. K.C.S.I
Death of Sir Alexander MacKenzie
The Scotsman
12th November 1902, pg. 11
The Birmingham Daily Post of yesterday says: Much regret will be felt in Birmingham at the announcement of the
death of Sir Alexander Mackenzie K.C.S.I. who though not born within the borders of the city and for many
years absent from it is still remembered as one of the brilliant band who have made King Edwards School famous
throughout the land... Sir Alexander was born at Dumfries in 1842 but he came to Birmingham at an early age on
his father the Rev. J.R. Mackenzie M.A., D.D., accepting the pastorate of the Presbyterian Church, Broad Street...
His school career was distinguished, the Lea, Chance, and Keary prizes falling to him, and in 1859 he secured a
founders exhibition, with which he entered Trinity College, Cambridge...He determined to enter the Indian Civil
Service and at the examination in June 1851, he obtained second place, and probably would have been first but
for an attack of illness during the examination. His B.A. degree was taken in 1862, and in the same term he also
carried off one of the Hooper Silver Goblets for English declamation.
He landed in India in December 1862, and was soon after selected to work in the legislative and home
departments of the Secretariat of the Government of India. While thus engaged Sir Alexander studied the native
languages, and won large rewards for passing in Hindustani and Bengali within four months of his arrival, and
subsequently for high proficiency in Bengali. He was thereupon selected by Sir Henry Harrington, legislative
member for Bengal, to act as his private secretary, and assist in the revision of the great code of civil procedure.
Later February 1865 he was appointed Under Secretary to the Bengal Government, and a year or so later
Junior Secretary...In September 1881, he was appointed by Lord Ripon to be Home Secretary to the Government
of India, and in 1884 Lord Ripon offered him the Chief Commissionership of Assam in view of the fact that he had
in the Bengal Office made the frontier affairs of that province a special study. His History of the North-east
Frontier is, indeed, the standard official work on the subject...He continued to fill the post of Home Secretary
under Lord Dufferin, and in 1885 was selected by that Viceroy to be the next Chief Commissioner of the Central
Provinces. In January 1886 he accompanied Lord Dufferin to Mandalay to assist in the task of organising the
newly-conquered territory of Upper Burma, whence he left for England on a years furlough. In May 1886 Queen
Victoria pinned on his breast the jewel of a Companion of the Star of India... In November 1890 he was chosen
by Lord Landsdowne to succeed Sir Charles Crosthwaite in the government of Burma...In January 1891 he
was created a Knight Commander of the Star of India. He returned to his Indian work, and in 1895 became
Chief Commissioner in Burma.
URL: www.brebner.com/obituaries/alex_mackenzie_obit.pdf
______________________________________________________________
SIR BERTRAM SAUSMAREZ CAREY, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.I.E., V.D.
Person Sheet
Name Bertram Sausmarez Carey
Birth 21 Jan 1864
Death 14 Jul 1919 Age: 55
Ref Number Hh11
Father Alfred Henry Carey (1831-1880)
Mother Emily Ellen Hunt (1834-)
Spouses: Mary Harriet Chepmell
Birth 12 Nov 1865
Ref Number Hh11a
Father Dr Isaac Dobree Chepmell
Mother Isabella Morrison
Marriage 6 Jun 1895
Children: Bertram Chepmell (1897-1918)
Mary Judith De Beauvoir (1900-1901)
Rupert Sausmarez (1904-1981)
Notes for Bertram Sausmarez Carey
Educated at Bedford Grammar School, went out to Burma as Inspector of Police in 1886, promoted in 1887 to
the Burma Commission for good work in connection with Dacoit hunting. Political Officer in the Chin hills from
1889-1895; twice officiated as Superintendent Political officer in the Southern States; went to Delhi, as
attach for Burma, at the Coronation Durbar, 1902-3; was Deputy Commissioner at Myingyan, Mogok
(Ruby Mines) and Rangoon; Commissioner in Mandalay, Akyab and Sagaing.
War Services: Burma Expedition, 1885-7, Frontier Medal and clasp; ditto, 1887-9, clasp; Chin Lushai Expedition,
1889-90, clasp; Lushai Expedition, 1889-92, clasp; Chin Hills, 1892-3, clasp; took part in the march to Manipur,
1891, and later to Lushai to relieve Captain Shakespeare, who was invested; mentioned in despatches many
times, and received the congratulations of the Government of Burma, and thanks of Governments of India, Bengal
and Assam. He served in the Upper Burma volunteers, from 1889 to 1913, commanding the regiment in 1913, when
he retired as Major on account of his ill heath. he gained the Volunteer Officer's Decoration, 1908. Invalided home
in 1910, and at one time his life was despaired of, but he recovered at last sufficiently to return to Burma in 1911,
and put in nine years of good work.
During the Great War he worked hard at recruiting Labour Corps for service in France, consisting of 1000
Burmans and the same number of Chins, thereby releasing 2000 Europeans for the fighting line. He was again
seriously ill in 1917, but he continued in harness until Aug 1918, when his doctor insisted on his retirement. As it
was still war-time, he could not return to England at once, but went to the Hills at Maymyo where, in Sep, he
heard of the death in France of his soldier son.
He returned to England in Feb 1919, and died at Worthing in July of the same year.
For the services he was thanked by the Government of India, receiving in addition the following Medal honours:
C.I.E, Jun 1893; C.S.I. June 1914 and K.C.I.E. Jan 1919.
Last Modified 3 Mar 2002 Created 14 Aug 2008 by Paul Dobree - Carey
http://www.careyroots.com/PS03/PS03_491.htm
http://www.careyroots.com/medals.html#India1852
______________________________________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR BENJ. LUMSDEN GORDON, RA., KCB.
GORDON, Lt Gen Sir Benj. Lumsden RA KCB,
third son of late Capt James Gordon of Ivybank, Nairnshire

Born at Revack 08 july 1833
bap. Jul. 31, at Abernethy, Moray;
Educated at Edinburgh and Addiscombe ;
nominated for "Honourable East India Company Service",
by W. J. Eastwick on recommendation of his mother.
Married 1860, Feb. 2, to
Laura Sophia Caton (b. 1839, May 2),
dau. of R. R. Caton, of Binbrook, Lincolnsh.,
children: James Redmond Patrick Gordon b.1860 Brig Gen Commanding 1 Cavalry Brigade
MILITARY SERVICE
Sir Benjamin Lumsden Gordon
1852, Jun. 12, 2nd Lt., H.E.I.C.S. (Madras Art.)
1857-8, Hoprse Artilley in the Indian Mutiny, present at relief of Lucknow, including operations at the
Martiniere and Dilkoosha, Dec. 6, action and defeat of Gwalior Contingent at Cawnpore, and
pursuit (Medal with clasp).
1858, Apr. 27, sen 2nd Lt to 1st Lt. : source Bombay Times
1860, feb 02 Married Laura S, daughter of R R Caton, of Binbrook, co Lincoln
1863, Jun. 5, 2nd Capt., R.A.
1868, May 28, Capt.
1872, Jul. 5, Maj.
1875, Apr. 1, Lt. Col.
1880, Apr. 1, Bt. Col.
1879-80, served in Afghan war, battle of Charasiah, and operations round Kabul (Medal, two clasps).
Commander R.A. in Sir Roberts' advcance on Kabul
1881, Feb. 22, C.B.
1883, Mar. 31, Col.
1884, Mar. 31 Brig. Gen. (temp.), Madras; Jun. 10,
-sep 13 reward for distinguished services; Sep. 14
1886, Mar. 30, Brig. Gen., Madras; Oct. 27, Maj. Gen.; Mar. 31
1886-7, served in Burmese Expedition, comd. in Lower Burma Div. ; thanked by
Govt. of India (Despatches, Medal with clasps) (L.G.,
1887, Sep. 3).
1889-90, Served in GORDONS UNDER ARMS. 59 Chin-Lushai expedition,
Comd. Burma District 1889-91 (L.G., 1890, Sep. 12).
1890, Mar. 30, Lt. Gen. ;
1890, May 31, comd. in Madras as a Maj. Gen.
1890 Nov. 15, ret. list.
(A.L., 1853-1910).
1899, Jun. 3, K.C.B.
( http://www.jccglass.me.uk/lincs/caton-info9a.html )
_____________________________________________________________________
LEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR RICHARD HARTE KEATINGE, VC., CSI
Richard Harte Keatinge VC CSI (17 June 1825 25 May 1904) was an Irish recipient of the Victoria Cross, the
highest and most prestigious award for gallantry in the face of the enemy that can be awarded to British and
Commonwealth forces.
Keatinge was born in Dublin. He was 32 years old, and a major in the Bombay Artillery (Bombay Army), Indian
Army during the Indian Mutiny when the following deed took place for which he was awarded the VC.
On 17 March 1858 at the assault of Chundairee, India, Major Keatinge voluntarily led the column through the
breach which was protected by heavy cross-fire. He was one of the first to enter and was severely wounded, but
the column was saved from serious loss which would probably have resulted but for the major's knowledge of the
area. Having cleared the breach, he led the column into the fort where he was again wounded.
In 1868, he founded Rajkumar College, Rajkot, which opened its doors as a school for boys in 1870.
From 1871 to 1873 he was Chief Commissioner of Ajmer-Merwara, and from 1874 to 1878 was Chief Commissioner
of Assam. He later achieved the rank of lieutenant general. In retirement, he settled at Horsham, Sussex, where
he died in 1904.(Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Harte_Keatinge")
__________________________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR ARTHUR PURVES PHAYRE, GCMG, KCSI, CB
(7 May 1812 - 14 December 1885) was a career British Indian Army officer who was the first Commissioner of
British Burma, 1862-1867, Governor of Mauritius, 1874-1878, and author.
Phayre was born in Shrewsbury and educated at Shrewsbury School. He joined the Indian Army in 1828. In 1846
he was appointed assistant to the commissioner of the province of Tenasserim, Burma, and in 1849 he was made
commissioner of Arakan. After the Second Anglo-Burmese War (1852), he became commissioner of Pegu. He was
made a Brevet Captain in 1854 and in 1862 he was promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel.
In 1862 Phayre was made commissioner for the entire province of British Burma. He left Burma in 1867.
He served as 12th Governor of Mauritius from 21 Sep 1874 to 31 Dec 1878.[1]
He was appointed a CB in 1864, promoted to Colonel in 1866 and was knighted with the KCSI in 1867. In 1871, he
was promoted to Major-General and was promoted to Lieutenant-General in 1873. He retired to Bray in Ireland and
was appointed a GCMG in 1878.
http://www.worldstatesmen.org/Myanmar.htm
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arthur_Purves_Phayre"
______________________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR WILLIAM PENN-SYMONS, KCB., CB
Born July 17, 1843; son of William Symons: educated privately; joined 24th Regt. 1863); served in the Kafir and
Zulu wars 1878-79; to India 1880; AAG for musketry, Madras 1882;DAQMG in the Burmese expedition 1885-86;
commanded mounted infantry; Brigadier-General in the Chin Field Force; commanded the Burma Column in Chin-
Lushai Expedition 1889; C.B. 1890; AAG for musketry, Bengal, 1893; commanded as Brigadier in the Panjab 1895;
a Brigade in Waziristan 1894; Tochi 1898; and a Division in Tirah 1897-98; commanded the forces in Natal 1899;
died October 23, 1899 of his wounds at assault of Talana Hill.(Vum Ko Hau, p. 401)
The Battle of Talana Hill, also known as the Battle of Glencoe, was the first major clash of the Second Boer War.
A frontal attack by British infantry supported by artillery drove Boers from a hilltop position, but the British
suffered heavy casualties in the process, including their commanding general Sir William Penn-Symons.
Reinforcements sent to Natal by Britain immediately before the outbreak of war had moved into the northern path
of the province of Natal, but not far enough forward to occupy the passes of the Drakensberg mountains. As a
result, the Boers could invade Natal from three sides. Lieutenant-General Sir George White in command of forces
in Natal requested that forces at Glencoe (Dundee) be withdrawn to concentrate his forces at Ladysmith where he
held the bulk of the British garrison. The Governor of Natal considered it necessary to hold the position for
political and economic reasons, so he dispatched Lieutenant-General Sir William Penn-Symons to take control
of the troops at Glencoe. War was declared at 5pm on 11 October with the Boers invading on the 12 October.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Talana_Hill
...1889/90 nahm er als Fhrer der Burma-Kolonne an der Chin-Lushai-Expedition teil, wofr er am 14. November
1890 zum Companion (CB) des Order of the Bath ernannt wurde...
(The above German text is translated into English by Thang Za Dal: In 1889/90 he took part in the Chin-Lushai-
Expedition as the Commander of the Burma Column for which he was appointed Companion of the Order of the
Bath.) ( http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Penn_Symons )
________________________________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR HENRY D'URBAN KEARY, KCB., KCIE., DSO.
Lieutenant-General Sir Henry D'Urban Keary, KCB, KCIE, DSO
(28 April 1857-12 August 1937) was a British Indian Army officer, who served in a number of colonial conflicts
before commanding an Indian division during the First World War.
Early life
Henry D'Urban Keary was born on 28 April 1857, the fourth son of William Keary, the manager and agent of the
Holkham Hall estate in Norfolk, and his wife Anna (ne Anna D'Urban Rodwell).[1] He was educated at Marlborough
College before attending the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst; on passing out from Sandhurst in 1876, he was
commissioned into the 2nd Battalion of the Suffolk Regiment as a second lieutenant. Later the same year, he was
transferred to the Staff Corps and posted to India, where he took up a commission in the 1st Madras Native
Infantry.
Indian service
Keary was promoted to Lieutenant shortly after his arrival, in 1877, and served with his regiment in the Second
Anglo-Afghan War in 1879-8 and the Third Anglo-Burmese War in 1885. From 1887 to 1892, with a promotion to
Captain, he raised and then commanded a battalion of military police in Burma, as part of the operations to secure
British control in the newly annexed country. During this time, he was involved in the operations against Wuntho in
1891, where he was awarded the Distinguished Service Order as well as being mentioned in despatches.
In 1892, he was given a brevet promotion to Major and appointed to command the 31st Madras Light Infantry,
which was involved in suppressing a rebellion in the northern Chin Hills in 1892-93. It later served in China
(renamed the 31st Burma Light Infantry) as part of the Western relief force during the Boxer Rebellion, where
Kearney was again mentioned in despatches.
His brevet promotion was confirmed in 1897, and he was subsequently promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel in 1903
and Colonel in 1906. He relinquished command of the regiment (now named as the 91st Punjabis) in 1909, when he
was appointed to command the 2nd Infantry Brigade of the 9th (Secunderabad) Division; in 1910, he transferred to
the Garhwal Brigade of 7th (Meerut) Division. From 1907 to 1912 he served as an aide-de-camp to the King, and in
1911, he was promoted to Major-General and made a Companion of the Bath.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_Keary
_________________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL SIR GEORGE MACMUNN, K.C.B., K.C.S.I., D.S.O.,
Royal Artillery, later Commander-in-Chief in Mesopotamia and Quarter-Master General in India
(a) Distinguished Service Order, V.R., silver-gilt and enamels, complete with top suspension brooch
(b) India General Service 1854-94, 2 clasps, Burma 1889-92, Chin Hills 1892-93 (Lieut. G. F. Macmunn, No. 6 Bo.
Mt. By.)
(c) India General Service 1895-1902, 3 clasps, Punjab Frontier 1897-98, Samana 1897, Tirah 1897-98 (Lieutt. G. F.
MacMunn, No. 1 Kashmir Mn. By.)
(d) Queens South Africa 1899-1902, 3 clasps, Cape Colony, Orange Free State, Transvaal (Major G. F. MacMunn,
D.S.O. R.F.A.)
(e) Kings South Africa 1901-02, 2 clasps, South Africa 1901, South Africa 1902 (Major G. F. MacMunn, D.S.O.
R.F.A.)
(f) 1914-15 Star (Bt. Col. G. F. Macmunn, D.S.O.)
(g) British War and Victory Medals, with M.I.D. oak leaf (Maj. Gen. Sir G. F. MacMunn)
(h) General Service 1918-62, 1 clasp, Kurdistan (Maj. Gen. Sir G. F. MacMunn)
(i) Defence Medal 1939-45, unnamed as issued
(j) Delhi Durbar 1911, unnamed as issued
(k) Jubilee 1935, unnamed as issued
(l) Legion of Honour, Officers breast badge, gold and enamels
(m) Royal Artillery Institution, silver prize medal, 47mm (Lieut. G. F. MacMunn, D.S.O., R.A.)
(n) The Kings Medal, Royal Society of Arts, Manufacture and Commerce, G.V.R., silver, 55mm (Lieut-General
Sir G. F. MacMunn, K.C.B., K.C.S.I., D.S.O., for the Sir George Birdwood memorial Lecture The Romance of the
Martial Races of India. Session 1931-32) contained in its fitted presentation case, the first thirteen on original
Court mounting as worn, some minor enamel chipping but generally very fine or better 5000-6000
Footnote
George Fletcher MacMunn, the eldest son of Surgeon J. A. MacMunn, P.M.O., Chelsea Hospital, and Charlotte,
daughter of the Rev. George Mathias, Chaplain Royal, was born on 14 August 1869, and brought up at the Royal
Hospital, in the heart of all the glory and pathos of Army tradition. His nurse was the widow of a Sergeant in the
32nd Light Infantry and had been through the Defence of the Lucknow Residency; and his childhood companions
men who had served from Waterloo to Lucknow - old James McKay of the Forty-Twa, John Irby who had lost a
leg in the Quarries at Inkerman, Johnnie Green of the Rifle Brigade, all scars and wounds from the Mutiny ... and
so forth. Educated at Kensington Grammar School and The Shop, he was commissioned
He was twelve times mentioned in despatches, and given the Brevet of Colonel on 1 April 1915. He became
Major-General and a C.B. in 1916; a K.C.B. in 1917; a C.S.I. in 1918; and a K.C.S.I. in 1919. In the latter year he
was appointed General Officer Commanding-in-Chief in Mesopotamia. In 1921 he returned to India as Quarter-
master-General with ultimate responsibility for all movements and quarterings, supply and transport, and the
holding and distribution of all war stores, and remounts. He retired in 1925 and from 1932-38 held command of the
Royal Hospital, Chelsea. He served with the Home Guard during 1940-42. Sir George MacMunn was the author of
several well known books on Indian and military subjects, most notably The Armies of India published in 1911,
Martial Races of India (1933), and History of the Sihk Pioneers (1936). Lieutenant-General Sir George MacMunn
died on 23 August 1952, aged 83.
...........................................
Refs: The Distinguished Service Order 1886-1923 (Creagh); Behind the Scenes in Many Wars (MacMunn).
Dix Noonan Webb
Email: auctions@dnw.co.uk
http://www.dnw.co.uk/medals/auctionarchive/viewspecialcollections/itemdetail.lasso?itemid=42168
__________________________________________________________
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR RICHARD WESTMACOTT, K.C. B.
MILITARY MEDALS, GROUPS AND SINGLE DECORATIONS FOR GALLANTRY AND DISTINGUISHED SERVICE, A
very good Victorian General Officer's Chin-Lushai D.S.O. group of 9 to Major-General Sir Richard Westmacott, K.C.
B., Indian Army, comprising: The Most Honourable Order of the Bath (K. C.B.), Military Division, Knight
Commander's neck badge, in silver-gilt and enamel, and breast star, in silver, with gold and enamel appliqu' centre,
in Garrard's fitted case of issue; Distinguished Service Order, Vic., in silver-gilt and enamel; Diamond Jubilee,
1897, silver; Delhi Durbar, 1903 (both unnamed); Afghanistan, 1878, no clasp (Maj., Tran. Ser.); Egypt & Sudan,
1882, rev undated, 2 clasps, Suakin 1885, Tofrek (Lt. Col., 28th Bombay Inftry,); India General Service, 1854, 1
clasp, Chin-Lushai 1889-90 (Colonel, 28th Bo. Infy.); India General Service, 1895, 2 clasps, Punjab Frontier
1897-98, Tirah 1897- 98 (Brigdr. Gl. Sir, K.C.B., D.S.O., I.S.C.); Khedive's Star for 1884- 6, the group court-
mounted for wearing in order as listed, a few contact marks but generally extremely fine and contained in an old
case. (9) D.S.O. London Gazette: 14 November 1890. Richard Westmacott, Lieut.-Colonel and Colonel, India
Staff Corps. "For services in the Chin-Lushai Expedition." Major-General Richard Westmacott, K.C.B., D.S O.
(1841-1925) was educated at Rossall and entered the Bombay Army on 19th March 1859. In 1860, he was in
action against rebel Bheels in Gujerat and in 1868 took part in the operations against the rebel Naikras, including
the action at Warak, for which he received the commendation of the Government of India (G.P.O. 161, 1868).
During the Afghan War of 1878-1880, he was appointed Road Commandant in command of troops on the vital
Lines of Communication between Quetta and Kandahar, took part in the frequent engagements in the Khozak Pass
and was also present at the relief of Kandahar (M.I.D.). He then served in the Sudan in 1885, participating in the
operations at Suakin, Hasheen and Tofrek, also taking part in various attacks on convoys and in the advance on
Tamaai (M.I.D. London Gazette: 25 August 1885). Made Lieut. Colonel in 1885 and Colonel in 1889, Westmacott
served with the Chin-Lushai Expedition of 1889-1890 commanding an advance column on Haka for which he was
again M.I.D. and also awarded the D.S.O. Created a Companion of the Bath in 1891, he commanded the 28th
Bombay Pioneers, 1889-1895, and the 1st Brigade of the Mohmand Field Force in the action at Bedmanai amongst
others on the North West Frontier. Served with the Tirah Expedition in 1897-1898, commanding the 4th Brigade at
both actions at Dargai and many other locations, all of which combined to bring a well-deserved K.C.B. when the
campaign ended as well as further M.I.D.'s. Promoted Major-General in 1899, he commanded a First Class District
at Mhow, 1900-1903, after which he retired from active service. Despite the authors' statement that Westmacott
received a Mutiny medal it seems probable that this was simply an assumption on their part as there is neither
evidence nor confirmation that he was entitled to that award and the group offered in this catalogue is just as the
recipient wore it until his death. E4000-6000
http://www.artfact.com/auction-lot/military-medals,-groups-and-single-decorations-fo-1-c-1ec0g8xcgr
__________________________________________________
MAJOR-GENERAL ALBERT FYTCHE, C.S.I
General Fytche, later Chief Commissioner of British Burma, was born in 1823 and educted at Rugby and
Addiscombe. At the age of sixteen he obtained his commission in the Bengal army, and(like many distinguished
men) commenced work in earnest at an early age. Before he was twenty, while serving as a lieutenant in the
Arakan Local Battalion, he did credit to Rugby and Addiscombe while gaining his first laurels(1841) by routing out
and punishing a wild hill-tribe known as the Walleng(Whualngo Lushai Chin) who had committed several raids on
the British frontier. It was a difficult service. The position to be attacked was on a precipious mountain, 4,000
feet high, with sides so steep that the inhabitants of the place could only ascend it by ladders. In the face of
strong opposition Lieutenant Fytche dislodged the enemy, and for this gallant attack received the thanks of the
British Government. In 1845 he joined the Commission of Arakan...The tribes on the Arakan frontier and region
beyond - wild, savage people, of a very primitive type - occupied General Fytches attention...
(Vum Ko Hau, p. 404)
____________________________________________________________________________
MAJOR-GENERAL DONALD MACINTYRE, VC., F.R.G.S.
Born 1832; educated at Addiscombe; entered the army 1850; with the 66th Gurkhas in the Peshwar frontier
expedition: 1852-64; with the Gurkhas in the Lushai-Chin expedition 1871-72; gained the V.C., climbed over a
stockade 8 to 9 feet high under heavy fire; Brevet Lieut-Colonel; in the Afghan war 1878- 79 commanded 2nd
Gurkhas in the Khyber and in the Bazar valley; retired as Major-General 1880; F.R.G.S., wrote Wanderings and
Wild Sports on and beyond the Himalaya Himalaya; died April 15, 1903.(Vum Ko Hau, p. 401)
........................................
Donald Macintyre VC (12 September 1831-15 April 1903) was a Scottish recipient of the Victoria Cross, the
highest and most prestigious award for gallantry in the face of the enemy that can be awarded to British and
Commonwealth forces. He was 40 years old, and a major in the Bengal Staff Corps, Indian Army, and 2nd
Gurkha Rifles, Indian Army during the Looshai Expedition, India when the following deed took place for which
he was awarded the VC.
On 4 January 1872 during the Looshai[Lushai] Campaign, North-East India, Major Macintyre led the assault
on the stockaded village of Lalgnoora[Lalngura]. He was the first to reach the stockade, at that time about 9
feet high, and successfully stormed it under heavy fire from the enemy.[1]
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Donald_Macintyre"
* This page was last modified on 13 June 2009 at 08:18.
.........................................................................
Major Donald Macintyre, 2nd Gurkha Rifles, India - 4th January 1872
"For his gallant conduct at the storming of the stockaded village of Lalgnoora (in Looshai) on the 4th January,
1872.
Colonel MacPherson C.B., V.C. Commanding the 2nd Goorkha Regiment, in which Lieutenant-Colonel Macintyre
was serving at the time as second in command, reports that this Officer, who led the assault, was the first to
reach the stockade (on this side from 8 to 9 feet high); and that to climb over and disappear among the flames
and smoke of the burning village, was the work of a very short time. The stockade, he adds, was successfully
stormed by this Officer under fire, the heaviest the Looshais delivered that day".
London Gazette 27 September 1872
http://www.army.mod.uk/gurkhas/14281.aspx
_____________________________________________
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR THEODORE FRASER, KCB,CSI, CMG
15 June 1865(1865-06-15) 22 May 1953 (aged 87)
Major-General Sir Theodore Fraser KCB,CSI, CMG was a British soldier of the Royal Engineers, serving for most
of his career with the Indian Army. He was born on 15 June 1865 in Inverness, Scotland to parents Rev. Donald
Fraser D.D. and Theresa Eliza Isabella Gordon, the fourth daughter of Major-General Alexander Gordon of the
Royal Engineers.
Education and career
From University College School he went to Clare College, Cambridge,[1] obtaining his commission direct into
the Royal Engineers in February 1886. Indian service soon brought him experience of frontier warfare. He was in
the Chin-Lushai expedition of 1889-90 and the Hazara expedition in 1891. In May, 1916, Colonel Fraser was
appointed the administrative role of General Staff Officer Grade 1(G.S.O.1) of the newly-formed 15th (Indian)
Division, stationing on the Euphrates front until October of that same year where he was again transferred to the
III Corps as Brigadier-General General Staff. He led the Corps through the Battle of Kut, and the manumanoeuvre
leading to the occupation of Baghdad, and then the operations on the Adhaim in April, 1917...
He assumed the command of the 15th Division in September 1918, the 18th Division in the following March,
and promoting to Major-General in June 1919. He was engaged in the Kurdistan operations of 1919-20, and
relinquished command in October, 1921, From March to November, 1922, he commanded the forces in Iraq, but
was not again employed until May 1924, when he was appointed General Officer Commanding (GOC) Malaya.
He performed his tour of duty in Singapore for the next three years until his retirement on 9 June 1927, with
Major-General C.C. Van Straubenzee, KBE, CB, CMG (1867-1956) replacing him as the next GOC Malaya
on 16 June, 1927.
Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theodore_Fraser"
.........................................................................................................
National Library Singapore
NLB I National Library I Public Libraries
(The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser (1884-1942), 12 May 1924, page 6)

Major-General Sir Evan Theodore Fraseer, K.C.B., C.S.I., C.M.G, who has been appointed to the command of the
troops in Malaya, is a distinguished officer who passed his service in the Royal Engineers. He was commissioned in
the Royal Engineers in 1886, reached the rank of colonel in 1916, and major-general in June, 1919. His first active
service in the Chin-Lushai Expedition, 1889-90 (medal with clasp); followed by the Hazara Expedition, 1891 (clasp);
North-West Frontier Expedition, 1897-1900 (mentioned in despatches, brevet majority, Queen!s medal with three
clasps); and the Great War. He was in India when the war opened, and at first officiated as Embarkation Officer, after
which he took the duties of Assistant Adjutant and Quartermaster-General of the Lahore Division, leaving Bombay for
Egypt in charge of the advance party for the disembarkation of the Indian troops for France. In succession hewas a
brigadier-general and divisional commander in Mesopotamia. Mentioned several times in despatches, 1914 Star,
K.C.B., C.S.I., and C.M.G., and promoted colonel and major-general.
( http://newspapers.nl.sg/Digitised/Article/singfreepressb19240512.2.29.aspx )
_______________________________________________________________
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR PHILLIP MAINWARING CARNEGY, C.B., GOC
Infantry Brigade
(1858-1927)
Dollar Academy, Cheltenham College, RMC Sandhurst
Indian Army
Phillip Mainwaring Carnegy was the son of Major-General P A Carnegy. He was commissioned in the 67th Foot
[later 2nd Battalion Hampshire Regiment] on 30 January 1878, but transferred to the Indian Army in 1884. He saw
a great deal of active service in the brush fire wars of the Indian Empire, including Afghanistan (1878-80), Burma
(1885-6 and 1889), the Chin Lushai Expedition (1888-90), Manipur (1891), Chitral (1895), the Tirah Expedition
(1897-8) and China (1900) and was twice wounded. By the time the European War broke out he had advanced to
major-general and was commanding the 8th (Jullundur) Brigade, part of the 3rd (Lahore) Division. He was 53.
Carnegy deployed to France with his brigade in September 1914. Indian troops were used piecemeal in the
desperate fighting round Ypres and suffered grievously in the wet winter of 1914-15. Carnegy was replaced in
January 1915 by a British officer, Peter Strickland. He retired from the army in 1919 and was knighted in 1921.
http://www.firstworldwar.bham.ac.uk/donkey/carnegy.htm
______________________________________________________________
MAJOR-GENERAL WILSON-WRIGHT OF COOLCARRIGAN, CB., CMG.
In 1649 Cromwell's army landed in Dublin. Among these was a 34-year-old soldier from Royston in Yorkshire, a
captain in the army, by name of James Wright (1615 - 1700). Nothing is known of his father John; his mother
Margaret Wright was a daughter of Richard Ratcliffe, also of Royston, Yorkshire. At the time of the Cromwellian
invasion, Captain Wright had a small son, William, but his first wife Jane Owen had died in 1641, shortly after their
marriage. On 1st July 1661, Captain Wright was granted lands at Golagh in Co. Monaghan. However, his
connection with Monaghan seems to have run considerably further back for in 1650 he took as his second wife
Mary Slacke, daughter of John Slacke of Slacke's Grove in County Monaghan... The Rev. Wright's third son was
Sir Charles Theodore Hagberg Wright (1862 - 1940), KBE, CB, FRS, Secretary adn Librarian to the London Library
and Assistant Librarian at the National Library of Ireland. He had been educated privately in Russia, France and
Germany before returning to Ireland where he married Constance Lewis but died without issue. The fourth brother
was Major General Henry Brooke Hagstromer Wright, CB, CMG, a veteran of Burma (1886-89), the Chin-Lushai
Expedition (1889 - 90), the North West Frointier (1897-98), South Africa (1899 - 1902) and World War One. He
married Helen, daughterf Sir John Kirk, GCMG, lived at Seaton Down House in Devon, and died in 1948, leaving
two daughters...
Ancestry.co.uk
http://boards.ancestry.co.uk/surnames.wilson/12433/mb.ashx?pnt=1
_______________________________________________________
British Awards for Gallantry
MAJOR-GENERAL MONTAGUE PROTHEROE, C.B., C.S.I.
Fine Group of Seven, display mounted: The Most Honourable Order of The Bath, Companions breast badge ,
C.B., in Gold and enamels, hallmarked 1887, with gold suspension and ribbon clasp, nearly extremely fine;
Companion of the Star of India, in Gold and Diamonds, with finely carved cameo and Brooch Bar)(1881); Jubilee
1897 (Silver Un-named), good very fine; Abyssinia Medal (Embossed: Lieut M PROTHEROE. MADRAS SAPPs &
MINRS), very fine; Afghanistan 1878-1880: Clasp: Kandahar (officially engraved: MAJOR M PROTHEROE.
MAD:S.C.,nearly extremely fine; Kandahar Star: (Impressed: MAJOR M. PROTHEROE. MADRAS S.C.). India
General Service Medal 1854-1895: Clasps Burma 1885-7, Burma 1887-89 and Chin-Lushai 1889-90 (Script
Engraved: Colonel M. Protheroe M. S.C.).
Montague Protheroe was born in Pancras, London on 25 Jan 1841, the son of Evan Protheroe, a wine merchant
of Haverstock-Hill and Henrietta Foote Protheroe (nee Smith). He attended Blackheath Preparatory School before
entering the Honourable East India Companys Academy at Addiscombe in 1857. Upon graduation, his first unit
was the 45th Madras Native Infantry Regiment, where he was appointed 2nd Lieutenant on Jan 1858... During the
Afghan War, he served as ADC to Lieutenant-General Sir Donald Stewart, Commanding Kandahar Field Force and
took part in operations in the Kama District and Besud. He accompanied Sir Frederick Roberts in the march from
Kabul to Kandahar. He took part in the battle for Kandahar, for which he was mentioned in despatches, and
subsequently appointed a Companion of the Order of the Star of India (CSI) in 1881. He received the decoration
personally from Queen Victoria on 24 Mar 1881.
He was promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel on 4 Jan 1884 and took part in the Burma expedition of 1885-87, for
which he was again mentioned in despatches and promoted to Colonel on 17 May 1886, in recognition of his
service in Burma. Major-General Sir George White VC commended Protheroes service in the Upper Burma Field
Force during 1887. Sir George wrote: Colonel M. Protheroe, CSI has been Assistant Adjutant and Quartermaster-
General of Force during the time I commanded it. His zeal, ability and untiring powers of work are well known to
all the officers of high rank who have commanded in Upper Burma, and have been invaluable to me and to the
force at large. I hope that his excellent service may receive some further mark of approval. He was subsequently
appointed a Companion of the Order of the Bath (CB) in 1887. Colonel Protheroe took part in the Chin-Lushai
expedition of 1889-90. As Brigadier-General, he commanded the Haiderabad contingent from 1890-1895. Returning
to London from India, he was served as Aide De Camp to Queen Victoria from 1894-1897, receiving the Jubilee
medal. Following this appointment he was promoted to Major-General on 30 Apr 1897, and appointed Assistant
Military Secretary for Indian Affairs. He returned to India at the end of 1898, and was appointed Commander of
Burma District on 4 Jan 1899, an appointment he held until 1903. He retired in Feb 1903, and returned to London.
In retirement he was involved with the Royal United Service Institute. He was appointed Honorary Colonel of the
94th Infantry Regiment (Russells Infantry) on 13 May 1904. Major-General Protheroe never married, and died
on 2 Jul 1905, aged 64...
( http://www.emedals.ca/catalog.asp?item=BAG194 )
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MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HERBERT MULLALY, C.S.I., C.B., K.C.M.G.
Major General Herbert Mullaly in The Times
Saturday 15 August 1908 (Honours)
Indian Frontier Operations
The King has been pleased to make the following promotions in and appointments to the Orders of the Star in
India and the Indian Empire in connexion with the recent operations against the Zakka Khel and Mohmands:-
C.S.I.
Colonel (Brigadier-General) Herbert Mullaly, C.B.
Wednesday 01 May 1918 (Court Circular)
On arrival Their Majesties were received by the Mayor and the Town Clerk of Chatham, the Mayor and Town Clerk
of Gillingham, Admiral Sir Doveton Sturdee, Bt. (Commander-in-Chief at the Nore), and Staff, and Major-General
Sir Herbert Mullaly and Staff.
Friday 01 December 1922
Major General Sir Herbert Mullaly, surveying the vital Eastern problem, begs Greater Britain to live up to its faith
in peace and good will, especially with the Turks and our Moslem fellow-subjects, and to refrain from offending
them and their religious principles.
Monday 13 June 1932
Obituaries
Major General Sir Herbert Mullaly, late R.E., died at La Tour de Peilz, Switzerland, on June 9, at the age of 72.
The son of Mr. John Mullaly, of the Honourable East India Companys Service, he was educated privately, and
joined the Royal Engineers from Woolwich in 1878. His first active service was as field engineer with the
Chin-Lushai Expedition, 1889-90, when he was mentioned in dispatches. In 1895 he was officiating assistant
secretary of the Military Department, India, D.A.A.G. for R.E., and secretary of the Defence Committee, India,
and in 1896 he was appointed D.A.Q.M.G. for Mobilization, India. In the South African War, 1899-1900, he
served as D.A.A.G., being present at Lombards Kop, the defence of Ladysmith, and other operations. He was
severely wounded and mentioned four times, and received his brevet of lieutenant-colonel and four clasps.
After his return to India he was in 1902-3 officiating deputy secretary, Military Department, India, and was then
D.Q.M.G., and in charge of mobilization, India, till 1906, when he was appointed Director of Military Operations in
India, a post which he held till 1910. He was made C.B. in 1905. In 1908 he officiated as Chief of Staff with the
Bazar Valley field Force and the Zakka Khel Expedition, and was again mentioned and created C.S.I. He
commanded a brigade from 1910 to 1913. In the Great War he commanded a division and the East coast
Defences, and was mentioned twice and created K.C.M.G. in 1917. He retired on an Indian pension in 1920.
Sir Herbert Mullaly married, in 1883, Mabel, daughter of the late Mr. Hastings Read, I.C.S.; she died in 1924.
Source: http://www.kenthistoryforum.co.uk/index.php?topic=1811.30
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MAJOR-GENERAL R. G. WOODTHORPE. CB., K.C.I.E., R.E.
By Colonel Sir Thomas Hungerford Holdich, R.E., K.C.I.E., C.B.
Robert Gosset Woodthorpe, second son of Captain John Bolton Woodthorpe, R.N., was born at Purfleet, in Essex,
on September 22, 1844, and was educated at Mr. John Taylors school at Woolwich, preparatory to entering the
Royal Military Academy as a cadet. He obtained his commission in the Royal Engineers on June 22, 1865, and
very early in his career he elected for service in India. He heard the East a-calling as others have done, and he
responded to that call with the service of a lifetime, finishing his career as Deputy Survey-General at Calcutta,
and taking his last long leave on May 26.
Nature intended Robert Woodthorpe to be one of the worlds explorers. He was gifted with a short, square
figure and sturdy frame, immense capacity for enduarance, and a courage that no combination of difficulties and
dangers could depress. Thus, when the Indian Survey Department pointed the way to geographical distinction,
he accepted the chance with alacrity, and he speedily drafted off to some of the wildest and most inaccessible
districts of the Indian borderland on survey duty.
His first surveys were carried through the Khasia and Naga highlands, and it was here that he found himself
face to face with a people so exceptional in their physical characteristics, and so entirely aboriginal in their
manners and customs, that he at once fell into the habit, which never after left him, of illustrating his wanderings
with his pencil... In 1871-72 he was called to accompany the Lushai expedition, which was carried through
districts much akin to those of the Khasia community...
Source: JSTOR: The Geographical Journal, Vol. 12, No. 2(August 1898)
http://www.jstor.org/pss/1774471
Note: He is the author of The Lushai Expedition 1871-1872. tzd
______________________________________________________________________
MAJOR-GENERAL MICHAEL JOSEPH TIGHE, C.B., COMB., D.S.O.
Lieutenant, was born 21 May 1864, at Trincomalee, Ceylon, eldest son of Major Michael Joseph Tighe, 70th
Regiment. He was educated at a private school, and at Sandhurst, and joined the 1st Battalion The Leinster
Regiment 25 August 1883, and the Indian Staff Corps 27 June 1885. He served in the Burmese War, 1886-89, with
the Mounted Infantry (Menial with clasp); with the Red Karen Expedition in 1889; served with the Mounted Infantry;
was mentioned in Despatches 15 November 1889, and received a clasp, and was created a Companion of the
Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette, 12 November 1889]: "In recognition of services during operations in
Burma. Michael Joseph Tighe, Lieutenant, Bombay Staff Corps". The DSO was awarded for personal gallantry at
the action of Niza Kaing 1 June 1889, when in command of the MI of the AG to Sir N Collet's Force (Field
operations, Burma, General Orders, No 17, 6 May 1889): "In this action the MI, under Lieutenant Tighe, attacked
and destroyed the Karen Force at Niza Kaing; this officer himself killed eight of the enemy in the hand-to-hand
fighting". He served with the Chin-Lushai Expedition in 1890 (clasp); Chin Hills Expedition, 1890-92, as Political
Officer (two clasps). He became Captain 25 August 1894. He served in East Africa, 1895-96; operations against
the Mazrin Arabs, also with the Naval Brigade in operation on the coast (Medal and Brilliant Star of Zanzibar
awarded for distinguished service before the enemy); Ufunda, 1897-99; operations against the Wa Zeita;
operations against the Soudanese Mutineers (Despatches, Medal and clasp, Brevet Major, 4 October 1899);
Mikron Expedition and operations in East Persia in 1901; storm and capture of Wadisfort, in command; Brevet of
Lieutenant Colonel. In 1902 he accompanied the Indian Contingent at King Edward's Coronation (Medal); in 1911
commanded Indian Contingent at Coronation of King George V (CIS and Medal); in 1911 awarded CB; in European
War, 1914, commanded Composite Brigade, British East Africa; commanded Expeditionary Force, BEF, in
operations against the Germans up to 1 April 1918. He was promoted Major General for Distinguished Service in
the Field 3 June 1915; awarded KCMG 28 March 1916. He married in London, 14 June 1900, Katherine Helen
Mackay, daughter of Mackay Hugh Bailie Scott, and they had one son, Valentine Michael Vincent, born 14
February 1904. Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book) Bombay Staff Corps
_____________________________________
MAJOR-GENERAL W. H. BIRKBECK, C.B., CMG., Order of the Rising Sun
Colonel W. H. Birkbeck, C.B., C.M.G., who has been promoted to be Major- General, was born in 1863, youngest
son of the late Mr. Joseph Birkbeck, of Set- tle, Yorkshire, and obtained his commission in the King's Dragoon
Guards when he was 20 years of age. His first service was in India, where he acted as assistant superintendent of
signalling during the Hazara expedition of 1888, receiving mention in despatches; and again obtaining a similar
honour in the Chin-Lushai expedition, 1889-90. In October, 1899, on the outbreak of the South African war, Colonel
Birkbeck was selected to go to the front as assistant inspector of remounts, his services being twice mentioned in
despatches, and rewarded with a brevet lieutenant-coloneley and the C.B. He remained in South Africa until May,
1903, and two years later was attached to the Japanese army in Manchuria, when he was decorated with the Order
of the Rising Sun and the C.M.G. Sub-sequently he became Conmmandant of the Cavalry School, and last year
was ap- pointed. Director of Remounts at the War Office.
( http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/50735467 )
Note: The Order of the Rising Sun (eez, K y o k u j i t s u s h M ? ) is a Japanese order established in 1875 by Emperor Meiji of Japan.
The order was the first national decoration awarded by the Japanese Government, created on April 10, 1875 by decree of the Council of State.
It is the second most prestigious Japanese decoration after the Order of the Chrysanthemun.
( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Order_of_the_Rising_Sun )
______________________________________________________________
MAJOR-GENERAL EDWARD PEMBERTON LEACH, VC., C.B.
Rank: Lieutenant, 17-4-1866; Captain, 31-12-1878; Major, 17-4-1886; Lieutenant Colonel, 5-12-1892. Army Rank:
Major, 22-11-1879; Lieutenant Colonel, 2-3-1881; Colonel, 2-3-1885; Major General, 1-10-1897. War Service:
Looshai, 1871-72; Afghanistan, 1879-80; Sudan, 1885.
REFERENCE:
1. CONNOLLY, T.W.J. Roll of Officers of the Corps of Royal Engineers From 1660 to 1898. Royal Engineers
Institute, Chatham, 1898.
2. The Royal Engineers Monthly List, April 1910.
( http://www.reubique.com/officers.htm )
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MAJOR-GENERAL WILLIAM JOSEPH FITZMAURICE STAFFORD, C.B, Bengal Army
1871-72 Looshai expedition CB Medal Group
'Looshai' expedition C.B. group of four awarded to Major-General William Joseph Fitzmaurice Stafford, Bengal Army
The Most Honourable Order of the Bath, C.B. (Military) Companion's breast badge, gold and enamel, hallmarks for
London 1858, complete with gold buckle on ribbon, minor enamel damage to wreaths; Indian Mutiny 1857-59, 1
clasp, Delhi (Capt. W. I. F. Stafford, 4th Punjab Infy.) note incorrect initial; China 1857-60, no clasp (Major W. J. F.
Stafford, 22nd P.N. Infy.) engraved naming; India General Service 1854-95, 1 clasp, Looshai (Colonel W. J. F.
Stafford, 22nd Nat. Infy.)
William Joseph Fitzmaurice Stafford was born at Winscombe, Somerset on 18 April 1819, the son of Colonel
John Stafford and his wife Frances Maria Stafford. He received a classical and mathematical education at La
Flche College, France. He was nominated as a Cadet for the East India Company's Bengal Infantry by E.I.C.
Director John Thornhill, at the recommendation of his father, then a Major-General. Stafford passed the Military
Committee at East India House, London on 29 July 1840 and embarked for India on the Vernon on 31 July 1840.
Ranked as an Ensign in September 1840 and posted to the 36th Bengal Native Infantry in February 1841, he
qualified as an interpreter in December 1843. Served as Brigade Major with the Hurriana Field Force under General
H. C. van Cortlandt, C.B. and was selected to command a detachment sent to cooperate with Brigadier Showers
against Khajjar, at the surrender of which place he was present in October 1857. For his services he was
mentioned in despatches and thanked by Sir John Lawrence. Commanded the 22nd Punjab Infantry in the affair at
Kukrowlie and at the taking of Bareilly - for which he was mentioned in Lord Clyde's despatch, G.O. 8 May 1858.
For his services in the suppression of the Indian Mutiny he was granted the brevet of Major and awarded the medal
with clasp. He then served in China in command of the 11th (later 22nd) Punjab Infantry, operating in the vicinity of
Shanghai and capturing a number of stockaded villages. He also commanded a mixed force at the relief of Tsinpoo.
For his services he was awarded the medal without clasp.
Stafford was promoted to Major in February 1861 and to Lieutenant-Colonel in March 1866. Served in the
Looshai expedition, 1871-72, in command of the 22nd Regiment Native Infantry. For his services he received the
thanks of the Government of India, was awarded the medal with clasp and was created a C.B. Stafford was then
placed in command of the Eastern Frontier District for five years from October 1872, commanding the Duffla
expedition, 1874-75 for which he received the thanks of the Government of India.
Stafford retired as a Major-General on 10 March 1878 and died on 29 August 1887.
http://www.stanleygibbons.com/stanleygibbons/view/product/sgproductcatalog/210844/SG746075
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MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN MACDONALD
Bengal Staff Corps, head of survey operations on the Looshai Expedition
Punjab 1848-49, no clasp (Ensign, 18th Bengal N.I.); India General Service 1854-95, 1 clasp, Looshai (Major,
Bengal Staff Corps)
Footnote
John MacDonald was born in India on 11 March 1829 and entered the East India Company Service in the season
of 1846. He served with the Army of the Punjab in 1848-49 as an Ensign with the 18th Regiment Native Infantry.
He was twice employed on special duty in the Looshai Country in 1869-70 and 1870-71, and in the Looshai
Expedition of 1871-72, when he served as head of the survey operations. He received the thanks of Government
in G.G.O.s 1227 of 1870 and 480 of 1872, and in Government Resolution 562 of 1872, in recognition of his
professional work in the Looshai Expedition 1871-72. Promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel in December 1872, he
became Colonel in December 1877, and retired as Major-General in December 1880. He died in England on 16
February 1892.
http://www.dnw.co.uk/medals/auctionarchive/searchcataloguearchive/itemdetail.lasso?itemid=25507
___________________________________________________________________________
BRIGADIER-GENERAL GERALD EDWARD HOLLAND, C.B., C.M.G., C.I.E., D.S.O.
The Exceptional Great War Military Operations, C.B., C.M.G., Unique Boer War C.I.E., Indian Marine
Chin-Lushai Operations D.S.O. Group of Eleven to Commander G.E. Holland, Royal Indian Marine,
Captain of the Ill-Fated "Warren Hastings" and Latterly a Brigadier-General in the Royal Engineers
(a) The Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Companion's (C.B.), Military Division, neck Badge, silver-
gilt and enamel
(b) The Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George, Companion's (C.M.G.), breast Badge, silver-gilt
and enamel, with usual swivel-ring suspension and riband buckle
(c) The Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, Companion's (C.I.E.), breast Badge, gold and enamel, complete
with upper suspension brooch
(d) Distinguished Service Order, V.R., silver-gilt and enamel
(e) India General Service 1854-95, three clasps, Burma 1885-7, Burma 1887-89, Chin Lushai 1889-
90 (1st Gde. Officer, H.M. I.M.S.)
(f) Queen's South Africa, one clasp, Natal (Commdr., Rl. Ind. Mar.)
D.S.O. London Gazette 14.11.1890 'In recognition of services during the late Chin-Lushai Expedition.' Holland
had been created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order for the Chin-Lushai Expedition but
was probably better known as the Captain of the ill-fated Warren Hastings (see below).
..He was appointed its Director in 1916, a Brigadier-General in 1917, created a Companion of the Order of the
Bath and the Order of St. Michael and St. George, two Foreign Orders and Mentioned in Despatches thrice. He
died of sickness contracted in France while on leave in England in 1917.
Medals and Militaria relating to the Boer War
Christie's 2009
Christie's | Online Auction website for Art Auction Sales
http://www.christies.com/LotFinder/lot_details.aspx?intObjectID=1550623
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BRIGADIER-GENERAL ALEXANDER BEAMISH HAMILTON. C.B.
The Great War C.B. Group of Nine to Brigadier A.B. Hamilton, Kings Own Scottish Borderers, a Veteran of the
Chin-Lushai Expedition, and was Mentioned in Despatches. During the Sudanese Campaign 1896-98 as One of
Only Two K.O.S.B. Officers Present
a) The Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Military Division, Companions (C.B.) breast Badge, silver-gilt and
enamel, with integral silver-gilt riband buckle
b) India General Service 1854-95, one clasp, Chin-Lushai 1889-90 (Capt. A.B. Hamilton 1st. Bn. K.O. Sco. Bord)
c) Queens Sudan 1896-98 (Cpt A.B. Hamilton. 2/K.O.S.Bds.)
d) 1914-15 Star (Brig: Gen: A.B. Hamilton. C.B.)
e) British War and Victory Medals (Brig. Gen. A.B. Hamilton.)
f) Hong Kong Coronation 1902, bronze, unnamed as issued
g) Belgium, Kingdom, Order of the Crown, Commanders neck Badge, 72mm including wreath suspension x 55mm,
silver-gilt and enamel
h) Khedives Sudan 1896-1908, one clasp, Khartoum, this clasp a contemporary tailors copy, unnamed as issued,
lacquered, generally nearly extremely fine, with recipients Great War Bronze Memorial Plaque Alexander Beamish
Hamilton (9)
C.B. London Gazette 3.6.1915 Colonel (temporary Brigadier-General) Alexander Beamish Hamilton. Belgium, Order
of the Crown, Commander London Gazette 24.9.1917 Colonel (temporary Brigadier-General) Alexander Beamish
Hamilton, C.B., late Embarkation Commandant For distinguished services rendered during the course of the
campaign. Brigadier Alexander Beamish Hamilton, C.B., born December 1860, the son of Lieutenant-Colonel
Samuel Beamish Hamilton, Kings Own Scottish Borderers; Commissioned Second Lieutenant, Kings Own Scottish
Borderers, January 1881; Lieutenant, July 1881; served in the Chin-Lushai Expedition as part of the Burma Column
under Brigadier W.P. Symons, November 1889 - April 1890; Captain, December 1889; Appointed Adjutant, March
1890-December 1893; Deputy Assistant Adjutant General, Egypt, December 1893 - December 1898, with the
Garrison at Alexandria; Served in the Nile Expedition 1898 (Mentioned in Despatches, London Gazette 30.9.1898)
... died in a nursing home in Weymouth, whilst still on Active Service during the Great War, 30.12.1918, and is
buried in Affpuddle (St. Lawrence) Churchyard, Wiltshire.
.............................
Orders, Decorations, Campaign Medals and Militaria including the Collection of the Late Lee E. Bishop, Jr.
Thursday 23 July 2009.
For more information about Spink services, forthcoming sales and sales results you can access the Spink web
site at www.spink.com
_______________________________________________________________________
BRIGADIER-GENERAL COLIN ROBERT BALLARD, C.B., C.M.G
The Great War C.B., C.M.G. Group of Ten to Brigadier C.R. Ballard, Norfolk Regiment, Who Commanded
Variously Three Infantry Brigades on the Western Front 1914-17; a Veteran of the Burma Campaign 1891-92,
the North West Frontier, South Africa, and Somaliland; Mentioned in Despatches on Seven Occasions
a) The Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Military Division, Companions (C.B.) neck Badge, silver-gilt
b) The Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George, Companions (C.M.G.) neck Badge, silver-gilt
and enamel
c) India General Service 1854-95, one clasp, Burma 1889-92 (Lieut. C.R. Ballard 1st. Norfolk Regt.)
Brigadier Colin Robert Ballard, C.B., C.M.G., born Lasswade, Scotland, July1868, the second son of General
J.A. Ballard, C.B., Royal Engineers; educated at United Service College, Westward Ho!; Commissioned Second
Lieutenant, Norfolk Regiment, February 1888; Lieutenant, April 1890; served in Burma as part of the Baungshe
Column as Intelligence Officer under Major R.H. Gunning, 25.12.1891-29.2.1892; served during Operations in
Chitral with the Relief Force, March to August 1895, and subsequent Operations on the North West Frontier of
India in the action against the Khel Waziris, and with the Tirah Expeditionary Force as Transportation Officer
under the command of General Sir W.S.A. Lockhart, K.C.B., K.C.S.I. (Mentioned in Despatches, London Gazette
7.6.1898); Captain, May 1898... Brigadier Commanding, 95th Infantry Brigade, New Armies, British Expeditionary
Force, 17.8.1915-19.7.1916; Brigadier Commanding, 57th Infantry Brigade, British Armies in France, 31.12.
1916-6.4.1917 (Four times Mentioned in Despatches, London Gazettes 19.10.1914, 17.2.1915, 15.6.1916, 6.7.
1918; Brevet of Colonel, 18.2.1915); Colonel, 12.1.1917;
Served as Military Attach, Romania, 6.5.1917-16.9.1919 (Appointed Knight Commander, Order of the Star of
Romania, Military Division; and Commander, Order of Carol I); General Officer Commanding, Lowland Area,
Scottish Command, 10.10.1919- 10.2.1920; President, Allied Police Commission, Constantinople, 11.2.1920;
retired, 1.9.1923. Brigadier Ballard died 20.6.1941. www.spink.com
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BRIGADIER-GENERAL HERALD PEMBERTON LEACH. C.B.. D.S.O.
Major and Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, late RE, 4th son of Lieutenant Colonel Sir George Archibald Leach, KGB,
RE; born 1851; first commission 1871; promoted Colonel by Brevet in 1894; retired in 1908 and became Honorary
Brigadier General in 1912. Served with 1st Division Khyber Field Force in command of Company, Bengal Sappers
and Miners, 1878-79; was present at capture of Ali Musjid, action at Deh Savak and the operation in the Bazar
Valley (Despatches). Subsequently in the Kurram Valley, 1879-80, when he took part in Zaimuckt Expedition,
including the taking of Zowa (Despatches, thanks of Government of India, Medal with clasp). Lent to Home
Government for service with Camel Transport during the Nile Expedition, 1884-85; present at the actions of Abu
Klea and Gubat; Senior Transport Officer on withdrawal of Force from Metemneh (Medal with two clasps; Bronze
Star; Brevet of Major). Senior RE with Lushai Expedition 1888-89 (honourably mentioned; Medal with clasp). CRE
with Chin-Lushai Expedition.1889-90 (Despatches, clasp, Brevet of Lieutenant Colonel); Created a Companion of
the Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette, 30 May 1891]: "Harold Pemberton Leach, Major and Brevet
Lieutenant Colonel, Royal Engineers". CRE (Colonel on the Staff) with Chitral Relief Force, 1895. Present at taking
of Malakand and action on Panjkora River (Despatches, Medal with clasp; CB). Commandant Bombay Sappers,
1890-91. Military Secretary to C-in-C Bombay, 1891-93. Commandant Bengal Sappers, 1893-1900; Brigadier
General commanding Presidency District, 1900-05 (thanks of Government of India for despatch of China Expedition
from Calcutta); also officiated in command of Peshawar District in 1896, and again in 1898; Lahore District in 1901
and as DQMG Army Headquarters, India, in 1898. During the Great War commanded the 89th Brigade, 4th Army
(subsequently turned into 1st Training Reserve Brigade), 1914-1917 (Secretary of State's List, CBE).
Subsequently served as Group Commander, Surrey Volunteers. Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book)
_________________________________________
BRIGADIER-GENERAL ALEXANDER CADELL
A Fine Campaign Group of Four to Brigadier-General A. Cadell, 38th Bengal Infantry, Late 26th Punjab Infantry
India General Service 1854-95, two clasps, Chin-Lushai 1889-90, Waziristan 1894-5 (Lieutt. A. Cadell 38th Bl.
Infy); Queen's Sudan 1896-98 (Capt. A. Cadell. 26th/Pun: Inf:), suspension claw re-affixed ; India General Service
1895-1902, one clasp, Punjab Frontier 1897-98 (Brevet Major A. Cadell. 38th Bl. Infy.); Khedive's Sudan 1896-
1908, no clasp (Captain A. Cadell. 38th Bl. Infy.).
Brigadier-General Alexander Cadell, born 1867; Lieutenant 38th Bengal Infantry, 1885; Captain 1896; served
with the Indian Contingent at Suakin during the Dongola Expedition under Sir H. Kitchener 1896 (Brevet Major);
served in the campaign of the North West Frontier of India under Sir W. Lockhart (1897-98) with the Malakand Field
Force, including the night attack at Markhanai, the operations against the Mamunds and the engagements at Agrah
and Gut (Mentioned in Despatches 22.4.1898); Lieutenant-Colonel and Commandant 38th Dogras, 1910; Colonel
1.1.1914; Deputy Adjutant-General in India, Headquarters Staff, from 1.3.1915; Brigadier-General 27.12.1916;
served during the Great War in operations in Mesopotamia, February-August 1917; General Officer Commanding
41st Infantry Brigade (M.I.D. London Gazette 28.7.1919); retired 21.1.1921.
http://www.invaluable.com/auction-lot/a-fine-campaign-group-of-four-to-brigadier-genera-1-c-u5r9spgs8h
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BRIGADIER-GENERAL D.C.A. ANDREW
Brigadier-General David Claphon Adrian Andrew (1866-1942), Commissioned Second Lieutenant, Royal Warwick-
shire Regiment, January 1886; transfered Indian Army, April 1887, and posted 21st Bengal (Punjab) Infantry;
Appointed Assistant Commandant, Burma Military Police Battalion, Mandalay, November 1890; served witht the
Momeik Column in operations against the Kachins, January-March 1891; saw action at Thanga and Montok in
operations against the Chins, November 1892; Captain, January 1897; present at the defence of Malakand, and
the actions at Landakai, Utman Khel, Buner, and Tanga Pass, 1897-98; Appointed Second in Command, 21st
Punjabis, December 1902; Major, 30.1.1904; Company Commander, 55th (Cokes) Rifles, January 1907, and saw
action with them in the North West Frontier, 1908; Lieutenant-Colonel, 22.10.1911; Commandant 55th (Coles)
Rifles, 22.10.1911-21.10.1916; Brigade Commander, Bannu, 1.6.1914; Brigadiere-General, 14.3.1917.
Briegadier-General Andrew retired 3.4.1920.
............................................................................
Source: Orders, Decorations, Medals and Militaria/Thursday 22 November 2007. No. 390, p. 65;
www.spink.com
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BRIGADIER-GENERAL C.H. ROE, Royal Engineers,
The Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George, Companion's (C.M.G.)
A Great War C.M.G., C.I.E. Group of Seven to Brigadier-General C.H. Roe, Royal Engineers, The Most
Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George, Companion's (C.M.G.) neck Badge, silver-gilt and enamel; the
Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, Companion's (C.I.E.) neck Badge, gold and enamel; Kaiser-i-Hind, V.R.,
silver; India General Service 1854-95, three clasps, Chin Hills 1892-93, Burma 1887-89, Burma 1885-7 [In this
order] (Lieutt., R.E.); British War and Victory Medals (Brig. Gen.); Delhi Durbar 1911, the fourth with edge bruising
and contact wear, otherwise good very fine or better (7)
Brigadier-General Cyril Harcourt Roe, C.M.G., C.I.E., was born in Dorchester in October 1864 and gazetted to
the Royal Engineers as a Lieutenant in February 1884. Arriving in India in March 1886, he participated in the
operations in Burma until the following year, being employed in 3rd Brigade, under General Anderson. Advanced to
Captain in August 1892, he next served as a Company Commander in the Sappers and Miners during the Chin Hills
Expedition, when he was employed in building new forts in the North. By the outbreak of hostilities in August 1914,
Roe had risen to the rank of Colonel, and two months later was granted the rank of Temporary Brigadier-General,
his subsequent 1914-18 services incorporating the Mesopotamia operations and resulting in two 'Mentions' (London
Gazettes 21.1.1919 and 5.6.1919 refer) and the award of a C.M.G. and C.I.E. He retired to Worcestershire and
died in November 1928.
..............................................................
www.christies.com
Orders, Decoration, Campaign Medals & Militaria
27 April 2000
http://www.christies.com/lotfinder/LotDetailsPrintable.aspx?intObjectID=1757388
_____________________________________________________________________
BRIGADIER-GENERAL F.W. TOWSEY, C.M.G., C.B.E., D.S.O.
The Great War C.M.G., C.B.E., D.S.O. group of ten including the India General Service with clasp Lushai 1889-92,
and Ashanti Star 1896 to Brigadier-General F.W. Towsey, West Yorkshire Regiment, who Commanded the 1st
Battalion of his regiment on the Western Front in the Great War, and was Mentioned in Despatches five times.
http://www.spink.com/news/newsletters/2006/200610medal_news.asp
__________________________________________________________________
BRIGADIER-GENERAL F. A. SMITH, Indian Army, latterly commanding the 2nd Rajputs
INDIA GENERAL SERVICE 1854-95, 1 clasp, Chin-Lushai 1889-90 (Lieut. F. A. Smith, 3d Bl. Infy.);
INDIA GENERAL SERVICE 1895-1902, 3 clasps, Punjab Frontier 1897-98, Samana 1897, Tirah 1897-98 (Captn.,
2d Bl. Lt. Infy.) unofficial connections between clasps; CHINA 1900, no clasp (Captn., 2d Rajput Lt. Infy.); NAVAL
GENERAL SERVICE 1915-62, 1 clasp, Persian Gulf 1909-14 (Lt. Col., 2nd Rajputs, H.M.S. Pelorus)
Frederick Alexander Smith was born on 18 March 1864. First commissioned in the Yorkshire Light Infantry on 7
February 1885. Appointed to the Bengal Staff Corps, Indian Army, in March 1888. Posted to the 2nd Rajput Light
Infantry as a Wing Officer in September 1888. Served on the N.E. Frontier of India, Chin-Lushai 1889-90 (medal
with clasp). Appointed Adjutant in 1894 and Captain in February 1896. Served on the N.W. Frontier of India 1897-8,
with the Kohat Kurrum force and in Tirah, 1897-98, including the actions of Chagru Kotal and Dargai (medal with 3
clasps). Appointed a Couble Company Commander in May 1900 and was present with the 2nd Rajputs in the
campaign in China, 1900 (medal). Smith was promoted to Major in February 1903, was ranked as 2 i/c/ of the 2nd
Rajputs in August 1907 and became a Lieutenant-Colonel and their commander in February 1910. Smith qualified
for the Naval General Service medal as Commanding Officer of the detachment of 2nd Rajputs, borne for duty on
H.M.S. Pelorus in June 1913 for services during the punitive operations against the Tangistani. Only 17 army
officers received the Naval medal for the Persian Gulf operations. During the Great War he was promoted to
Colonel (Hon. Brigadier-General in February 1915 and was appointed Brigadier-General & Commandant of the
Secunderbad Infantry Brigade in June 1916. Smith served in Egypt between 15 November 1914 and 12 February
1916, for which he was mentioned in despatches (London Gazette 21 June 1916) awarded the brevet of Colonel
and awarded the Serbian Order of St. Sava, 5th Class. Additionally awarded the 1914-15 Star trio. Smith retired
on 1 March 1921 but was Colonel of the 1/7th Rajput Regiment (late 2nd Rajputs) from August 1921 until his
death on 12 August 1945.
546
www.dnw.co.uk
11 May 2011
_________________________________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL F.S. LEQUESNE, VC.
Lieutenant-Colonel F.S. LeQuesne, V.C., who won the decoration in 1889 for conspicuous breavery while serving
as a surgeon during the attack on the village of Tartan, Upper Burma, died on April 14, 1950 at the age of 86.
Ferdinand Simeon LeQuesne, who was the third son of the late Lieutenant-Colonel Giffard N. LeQuesne, Royal
Jersey Artillery, was born in Jersey on Christmas Day, 1863. After being at school in the Channel Islands he
received his medical training at Kings College Hospital, London. Preferring a career in the service to that of a
private practitioner, he joined the army medical service, and in 1889 was called upon to serve in the Burma
Expedition. On May 4 of that year he was with a column of the Chin Field Force attacking the village of Tartan. In
the course of the operations Second Lieutenant Michel, of The Norfolk Regiment, was lying wounded within five
yards of the loopholed stockade from which the enemy was maintaining a continuous fire. Surgeon LeQuesne,
notwithstanding the fire, with perfect coolness and self-possession, went to the aid of Michel and remained with
him for 10 minutes dressing his wounds. LeQuesne then turned his attention to other wounded and while attending
to another officer was himself severely wounded. In addition to being awarded the Victoria Cross, which was
gazetted on October 29, 1889. LeQuesne was mentioned in dispatches and received the medal and clasp for the
campaign. He saw further service the next year with the Chin-Lushai Field Force and in 1891 with the Wuntho
Field Force.
LeQuesne reached his majority in 1898, just before the outbreak of the South African War. He continued to
serve and he was promoted to lieutenant-colonel in 1906. Lieutenant-Colonel LeQuesne, who retired in 1918, was
in his younger days a fine shot and an able player at rackets and lawn tennis. He was unmarried. - Time. London.
(Vum Ko Hau, p. 399)
..................................................................................................................
NAVAL AND MILITARY MEDICAL SERVICES
_______
THE VICTORIA CROSS.
The Queen has been graciously pleased to signify her intention to confer the decoration of the Victoria Cross upon
Surgeon Ferdinand Simeon LeQuesne (Medical Staff), whose claim has been submitted for Her Majestys approval
for his conspicuous bravery during the attack on the village of Tartan, Upper Burma, by a column of the Chin Field
Force on May 4th last. The act of courage for which he has been recommended is recorded as follows: - Displayed
conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty during the attack on the village of Tartan by a column of the Chin Field
Force on May 4th last, in having remained for the space of about ten minutes in a very exposed position (within
five yards of the loopholed stockade from which the enemy were firing), dressing with perfect coolness and self-
possession the wounds from which Second Lieutenant Michel, Norfolk Regiment, shortly afterwards died. Surgeon
LeQuesne was himself severely wounded later on whilst attending to the wounds of another officer.
(Source: The British Medical Journal. Nov. 2, 1889. 1015)
.............................................................................
Medal entitlement of:
Lieutenant Colonel Ferdinand LEQUESNE
Medical Staff ( Royal Army Medical Corps )
* Victoria Cross
* India General Service Medal ( 1854-95 )
o 3 clasps:
o "Burma 1887-89"
o "Chin Lushai 1889-90" - "Burma 1889-92"
* Queen's South Africa Medal ( 1899-1902 )
o 3 clasps:
o "Cape Colony"
o "South Africa 1901" - "South Africa 1902"
* 1914 Star
* British War Medal ( 1914-20 )
* Victory Medal ( 1914-19 )
* King George VI Coronation Medal ( 1937 )
( http://www.victoriacross.org.uk/puleques.htm )
_____________________________________________
WAR IN BURMA - THE AWARD OF THE VICTORIA CROSS TO
FERDINAND SIMEON LEQUESNE
PH Starling
Director, Army Medical Services Museum, Keogh Barracks, Ash Vale Aldershot
Introduction
Britain had been engaged in fighting in Burma on a small scale
since the late 18
th
century but fighting intensified in the 19
th
century into what became known as the First, Second and Third
Burmese Wars, after which Upper Burma was annexed by the
British on 1
st
January 1886. The Third Burma War had taken a
heavy toll on the combined British and Indian force, mainly from
sickness with epidemics of malaria, dysentery and typhoid fever
resulting in heavy wastage. The terrain dictated that the method
of evacuation of the casualties was initially by hand but later by
pony and elephant. Where possible rivers were used and large
steamers were employed as floating hospitals [1]. The rate of
admission for disease per 1000 strength in 1888 was 2367.45 and
a death rate of 48.49; the following year things were slightly
better with 2144.55 admissions per 1000 and 30.19 deaths [1].
After the Third Burma War there were further expeditions,
conducted in the main to control the hill tribesmen, and it is one
such expedition, the Kachin Hills Expedition of 1893, that is
detailed here.
Kachin Hills Expedition
The Kachin Hills form a mountainous district of Upper Burma
inhabited by the Kachin people who had been raiding columns
and settlements for some years. Numerous small actions and two
large expeditions were mounted against the Kachins to bring the
major troubles to a halt, which happened in March 1893. There
re-occurred some minor troubles for some years after, necessitating
a strong police force remaining in the area for some years.
One such expedition was sent to destroy the village of Tartan
which had been rebuilt by the rebels after its destruction in
February 1889. The force consisted of 2
nd
Norfolk Regiment
and sixty men of the 42
nd
Ghurkha Light Infantry. The whole
force was commanded by Captain Otway Mayne, 2
nd
Norfolks
with 25 year old Surgeon Captain Ferdinand LeQuesne as the
medical officer [2].
Ferdinand Simeon LeQuesne
LeQuesne was born in Jersey on the 25
th
December 1863, the
third son of Lieutenant Colonel Giffard N LeQuesne, a retired
Royal Jersey Artillery officer and Augusta W LeQuesne, ne
Simeon. He was initially educated in the Channel Islands and
later underwent medical training at Kings College Hospital. He
qualified as a licentiate of the Society of Apothecaries in 1885;
MRCS in 1886 and a Licentiate of the Royal College of
Physicians, also in 1886. Commissioned as a Surgeon Captain
on 28
th
July 1886 he was attached to the 2
nd
Norfolks and
proceeded with them to Burma [3].
LeQuesnes presence on the return to Tartan on the 4
th
May was
regarded more as a morale booster than a necessity. The Chins
were not expected to fight but to follow their practice of
abandoning their village on the approach of the column. By
0930am the column was above what looked like the abandoned
village and Captain Mayne deployed his forces and the final
advance into the village began. When almost at the bottom of the
hill the troops discovered two fortified stockades which
immediately came to life as heavy fire poured from them. One of
the first to fall was 2
nd
Lieutenant Michel, leading the main party
forward. Forced to withdraw, the troops pulled back with Michels
body but he still remained exposed to the Chin fire. A Private
Charles Crampion went and fetched LeQuesne to treat Michels
wounds
1
. Here he dressed the wounds aided by Crampion and two
Gurkhas, all the time under constant Chin fire (Figure 1). After
about ten minutes LeQuesne and his helpers brought Michels
body under cover. Observing this brave act, from a position about
thirty yards away, was Captain Mayne, who himself was wounded.
LeQuesne now dashed across the fire swept hillside to Maynes side
and commenced dressing his wounds at which point he himself
was wounded. Maynes own statement testifies to the bravery of
LeQuesne.
.the splendid coolness and gallantry displayed by Surgeon
LeQuesne in attending to the wounded, he himself being
exposed during the whole time to a very hot fire, under which
several men dropped; this was more especially the case while
attending to 2
nd
Lieutenant Michel, owing to his extremely
exposed position. I consider that Surgeon LeQuesnes conduct
is deserving of the highest possible recognition [4]
By now some eleven officers and men had been killed and
with only two doolies, Captain Westmoreland, on whom
command now rested, decided that withdrawal was the only
option [5]. This, the force did, leaving Tartan burning once
again. Some days later a force returned again to the scene of the
action and destroyed the now unoccupied stockades.
On 29th October 1889 LeQuesnes name appeared in the
London Gazette with notification of the award of the Victoria
Cross.
Displayed conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty during
the attack on the village of Tartan, by a column of the Chin
Field Force, on 4
th
May 1889, in having remained for the space
of about ten minutes in a very exposed position (within five
yards of the loopholed stockade from which the enemy was
firing), dressing with perfect coolness and self-possession the
wounds from which Second Lieut. Michel, Norfolk Regiment,
shortly afterwards died. Surgeon LeQuesne was himself
severely wounded later on whilst attending to the wounds of
another officer.
The Victoria Cross was presented to him by General BL
Gordon at Rangoon in December 1889.
Corresponding Author: Captain (Retd) PH Starling, Director,
Army Medical Services Museum, Keogh Barracks, Ash Vale,
Aldershot, GU12 5RQ
Tel. 01252 868820 Fax. 01252 868832
Email: armymedicalmuseum@btinternet.com
THE MEDICAL VICTORIA CROSSES
1
Private Crampion was recommended for the Victoria Cross for his actions but
was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal (DCM). He was awarded a bar
to the DCM during the Anglo Boer War.
JR Army Med Corps 155(1): 39-40 39
LeQuesne recovered from his wounds and took part in
further actions in Burma including with the Chin Lushai Field
Force in 1890, the Wuntho Field Force in 1891 and the
Kaukwee Expedition. He was awarded the Indian General
Service Medal 1854-95 with three clasps and was further
Mentioned in Despatches. After a year in England from 1893
to 1894 India beckoned again and service in Bengal until 1900
and then the Punjab until 1901, during which time he was
promoted to the rank of Major, in May 1898. In November
1901, with the Anglo Boer War almost three years old,
LeQuesne found himself in South Africa, where he served until
1902 and was awarded the Queens South Africa Medal with
clasps for Cape Colony, 1901 and 1902 and was once again
Mentioned in Despatches.
After a further two years in England he returned to Bengal
until 1909, being promoted Lieutenant Colonel in 1906. With
the outbreak of war in 1914 LeQuesne joined the BEF, serving
in the war until 1918, when he retired. On retirement he took
up the post, amongst others, of Honorary Surgeon to the
Metropolitan Hospital London. His recreations were shooting,
racquets and lawn tennis; presumably he developed his love for
the former whilst in India. He remained a bachelor throughout
his life [6].
Ferdinand Simeon LeQuesne died on 14
th
April 1950, aged
86 at 6 Victoria Square, Clifton, Bristol. He was buried at
Canford Cemetery, Westbury-on-Trym, Bristol, on 19
th
April
1950.
References
1. Cantlie, N. A History of the Army Medical Department. London:
Churchill Livingstone, 1974
2. Snelling, Stephen, The First Chin Hills Expedition 1888-89. (Coin &
Medal News, 1988.
3. Drew, Robert (Ed) Commissioned Officers in the Medical Services of the
British Army 1660-1960 vol I. London: The Wellcome Historical Medical
Library, 1968
4. Statement by Captain O Mayne 2
nd
Norfolk Regiment regarding
operations on 4
th
May 1889. The National Archives, WO32/7404
5. Copy of the report by Captain CH Westmoreland, 42
nd
Goorkha Light
Infantry, Fort White, dated 5 May 1889 to District Staff Officer Chin
Field Force. The National Archives, WO32/7404
6. LeQuesne VC File, Army Medical Services Museum
Ferdinand LeQuesne PH Starling
Figure 1. Ferdinand LeQuesne attending to the wounded under fire.
40 JR Army Med Corps 155(1): 39-40
COLONEL SIR RONALD MOSQUITO ROSS, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.
The Burma and Chin-Lushai campaign medal awarded to Colonel Sir Ronald Mosquito Ross, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., late
Indian Medical Service, whose discovery of the mosquito cycle in malaria won him the Nobel Prize for Medicine and
universal acclaim as one of the greatest benefactors of mankind.
India General Service 1854-95, 2 clasps, Burma 1885-7, Chin-Lushai 1889-90 (Surgeon R. Ross, 9th Madras
Infy.) Ronald Ross was born at Almora, a hill station in the Nort-Western provinces of India, on 13 May 1857, the
eldest child in the family of ten of General Sir Campbell Claye Grant Ross, of the Indian Army. At the age of seven
he was sent to England to begin his education, initially in Ryde and then at Springhill, near Southampton. He
became fond of nature studies as well as of drawing, music, writing verses and mathematics.
In 1874 he became a medical student at St Bartholomews Hospital in London. The extraordinary thing about
Ross was that he never really wanted to be a doctor. His real ambition was to be an artist, and he had given
evidence of his ability when he came first in the Oxford and Cambridge Local Examination in Drawing. But his father
wanted him to go into the Indian Medical Service, so he obeyed. He failed his first examination and, to save his
father money, he went to sea as a ships doctor until the next examination. He eventually passed and entered the
Indian Medical Service, arriving at Bombay in October 1881. For the next several years he held temporary
appointments either attached to various Madras regiments or doing duty at station hospitals. Some six months
were spent at Vizianagram, and a short time at Pallaveram, both in the Madras Presidency.
From September 1882 to August 1884 he was at Madras itself. In September 1884 he brought a detachment of
Madras Pioneers from Quetta to Madras, and in January 1885 spent a week in Burma taking a regiment to
Thyetmyoo. On two occasions he was with detachments of Indian troops at Port Blair in the Andamans. From May
1885 to May 1886 he was at Moulmein during the operations in Burma, and later took part in the Chin-Lushai
operations of 1889-90, for which he received the India medal with two clasps.
During a visit on leave to England in 1894, Ross was introduced to Patrick Manson, the famous tropical
diseases doctor, who had made the discovery that a mosquito carried the parasite which caused elephantiasis in
man. Manson suggested to Ross that the mosquito could also be the carrier of the malaria parasite, which the
Frenchman, Laveran, had recently discovered in the blood of people suffering from malaria. However, no one had
any idea yet how the parasite got there and Ross determined to find out. He began his search as soon as he got
back to India. Two years and four months later, on 20 August 1897, he saw the first significant sign of success in
the discovery of the pigmented oocysts of the malaria parasite in an unusual kind of mosquito, Rosss dapple-
winged mosquito, now well known as the anopheles mosquito.
It was not until the following year, however, that the discovery that malaria was an infectious disease
transmitted from man to man by the mosquito was fully and for all time established. On 28 July 1898, when
Manson announced Rosss results at the Edinburgh meeting of the British Medical Association, the whole
astounding cycle of development had been demonstrated for bird malaria and hence by very obvious probability
for malaria in man. In February 1899, Ross left India to take up the position of lecturer at the Liverpool School of
Tropical Medicine, and in July of the same year he retired from the Indian Medical Service.
His mind was now turned almost wholly to the application of his discovery to the eradication of malaria by the
destruction of the anopheles mosquito. Success was not at first so great as had been anticipated, for although
the method was clearly logical enough, difficulties in carrying it out were at first underestimated. Ross,
nevertheless, lived to see his methods applied with increasing success all over the world and, as organization and
experience increased, universally recognized as the way in which man might eventually rid himself of this most
deadly of all diseases of the tropics which, even today, is reckoned to claim some three million lives every year.
Within a few years of his discovery honours of every kind were conferred upon Ross by scientific institutions
of many countries. In 1901 he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society, which awarded him a Royal medal in
1909. In 1902 he was awarded the prestigious Nobel prize for medicine. He was appointed a Commander of the
Bath in 1902, a Knight Commander of the Bath in 1911, and received honorary degrees from several universities.
Whilst in Liverpool, Ross organized and led expeditions to Sierra Leone (1899-1900), West Africa (1901-02),
Mauritius (1907-08), Spain, Cyprus and Greece (1912), his chief concern being the prevention of malaria. During
1912 he moved to London and became physician for tropical diseases at Kings College Hospital.
In 1908, Ross received a commission as Major in the R.A.M.C., Territorial Force, became Lieutenant-Colonel in
1913, and Consulting Physician for tropical diseases to the Base Hospitals for Indian Troops in England in
December 1914. In 1915, he was sent to Alexandria to investigate dysentery prevailing in the Dardanelles. He
became Consultant for Malaria to the War Office and in 1917 was sent to Salonika on a malaria survey. The ship
he was on was torpedoed in a landlocked bay close to the Leucadian Rock (where Sappho is supposed to have
drowned herself) - Ross gives a dramatic account of the incident in his Memoirs. In 1918 he became temporary
Colonel in the R.A.M.C., and in June of that year was appointed a Knight Commander of St Michael and St George.
In 1925 he became Consultant in Malaria to the Ministry of Pensions, and when, in 1926, the Ross Institute and
Hospital for Tropical Diseases at Putney Heath was founded in his honour, he became its first director-in-chief.
Sir Ronald Ross died on 16 September 1932, at the Ross Institute after a long illness.
The medal is accompanied by a substantial quantity of additional research and six related books, including
Rosss Memoirs (London 1923) which contains an autographed letter of thanks from Ross to James Tait Black
for the memorial prize won by Ross for this same book.
.....................
CIVILIAN AWARDS (John Tamplin Collection)
Collection: CIVILIAN AWARDS (John Tamplin Collection)
Category: SINGLE CAMPAIGN MEDALS
Note: Highlighting in blue colour has been done by myself. tzd
( Source: http://www.dnw.co.uk/medals/auctionarchive/viewspecialcollections/itemdetail.lasso?itemid=36374 )
_________________________________________
COLONEL FRANK MONTAGU RUNDALL, D.S.O.
He was born 18 May 1851, son of General F H Rundall, RE, CSI. He was educated at Marlborough, and was
gazetted to the 49th Foot, as Sub-Lieutenant, 9 March 1872, becoming Lieutenant, 20 November 1874, and
Captain, Indian Staff Corps, 9 March 1884. He served in the 49th (Royal Berkshire Regiment), 4th Bengal Infantry,
9th Bengal Infantry, 3rd Gurkha Rifles, and 4th Gurkha Rifles. Captain Rundall was on the Staff of General Sir
William Lockhart, in the Upper Burma Campaign, 28 September 188G to 2 February 1887, and received the Medal
and clasp. In 1889-90 he served in the Chin-Lushai Expedition, receiving a clasp. He became Officer
Commanding the Chin Hills, and Political Officer, Fort White, and conducted operations against Kanbow, China,
in 1891; received a clasp, and was created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette,
19 November 1891]: "Frank Montagu Rundall, Captain, Indian Staff Corps. For services in the Chin Hills". The
Insignia were presented by the Queen at Osborne 10 January 1893. He was promoted to Major 9 March 1892. In
1891 he served in the Manipur Expedition, commanding in the action of Bapam. He was mentioned in Despatches
[London Gazette, 14 August 1891], and received a clasp. He again saw active service in the Waziristan
Expedition, 1894-95, and received a clasp. Captain Rundall was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel 9 March 1898.
He served with the China Field Force, 1900-01 (Medal). He was created a CB 1901; became Colonel, and was put
on the Supernumerary Employed List, Indian Army. He commanded Group A, City of London Volunteer Regiment.
Colonel Rundall has published a Manual of the Chin Language. He married, in 1876, Emily Rosa, daughter of the
Right Reverend E H Bickersteith and they had two sons and two daughters.(Source: DSO recipients
(VC and DSO Book)
( Source: http://www.dnw.co.uk/medals/auctionarchive/viewspecialcollections/itemdetail.lasso?itemid=36374 )
____________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL CHARLES McDOWALL SKENE, D.S.O.
Lieutenant Colonel Skene was born about 1844, son of W A Skene, Lethenty, Aberdeenshire, and a kinsman of
the Duke of Fife; was educated at Addiscombe, and joined the 43rd Gurkha Rifles (then the 43rd Assam Light
Infantry), Indian Army. He served in the North-West Frontier Campaign in 1863. He married, 24 June 1870, atRyde,
Isle of Wight, Rosalie Purnell George, eldest daughter of Mr James Thorne-George, and had four children: Charles
George; Madeleine; Alice Beatrice, and John Gordon. He was present at the Forcing of the Ambala Pass
in the Duffla Expedition in 1874; the Akka Expedition, 1873-74; the Burmese Expedition, 1886-89, when he took
the Ruby Mines; was mentioned in Despatches, and created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order
[London Gazette, 25 November 1887]: "Charles McDowall Skene, Lieutenant Colonel, Bengal Infantry. For
operations in Burma". He commanded the Northern Column in the Chin-Lushai Expedition, and was repeatedly
mentioned in Despatches from the Government of India. Colonel Skene was killed in action at Manipur in March
1891, aged 47, having been transferred to 42nd Gurkha Rifles as Commanding Officer just previously.
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book)
( Source: http://www.dnw.co.uk/medals/auctionarchive/viewspecialcollections/itemdetail.lasso?itemid=36374 )
____________________________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JOHN SHAKESPEAR, CMG., D.S.O.
SHAKESPEAR, JOHN, was born at Indore 1 September 1861, youngest son of Colonel Sir Richmond C
Shakespear, CB, Bengal Artillery, and Marion Sophia Thompson. He was educated at Wellington College, and the
RMC, Sandhurst, and gazetted to the 100th Regiment 22 January 1881; became Adjutant, 1885; served as
Intelligence Officer with the Lushai Expeditionary Force, 1888, and with the Chin-Lushai Expedition, 1889 (Medal),
and created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette 14 November 1890]: "John
Shakespear, Captain, The Prince of Wales's Leinster Regiment. In recognition of services during Chin-Lushai
Expedition". He was Assistant Police Officer, 1890; Superintendent, South Lushai Hills, 1891-96. He married, in
1892, Charlotte F B, daughter of Arthur Disney Dunne. He became Major, 1895; admitted to ISC, 1896; Assistant
Commissioner, Assam Commission, 1896; Deputy Commissioner, 1897; Police Officer, North Lushai Hills, 1897;
First Superintendent, Lushai Hills, 1898; was transferred to Supernumerary List, 1 May 1900, after ten years'
permanent civil employment; became Lieutenant Colonel 22 January 1907; became Deputy Commissioner, Assam,
and Political Agent in Manipur in 1905. Lieutenant Colonel Shakespear wrote 'The Lushais and the Land They Live
In' (Silver Medal of the Society of Arts), 1894, and 'The Lushai Kuki Clans', 1912. He commanded the 18th
Battalion Northumberland Fusiliers at the time of the European War, and was created a CMG in 1917.
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book)
Prince of Wales's Leinster Regiment (Royal Canadia
_______________________________________________________________
Authors Note
The biographies of other outstanding senior British military officers such as Major-General Nuthall, Major-General
R.C. Stuart, Major-General Sir Vincent William Tregear, K.C.B., Brigadier-General Faunce, C.B., Brigadier-General
Bourchier, K.C.B., Brigadier-General Macquoid, and also that of other personalities who had played important roles
in conquering the Chin/Zo people, will be added here as soon as enough information about them is obtained.
November 2012.
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APPENDIX R
REPORT OF THE FRONTIER AREAS COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY, 1947
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REPORT OF THE FRONTIER AREAS
COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY, 1947
CONTENTS
REPORT
CHAPTER I. The Problem
CHAPTER II. The Work of the Committee
CHAPTER III. Recommendations and Observations:
Part I- General
Part II- The Constituent Assembly
Part III- Observations
APPENDICES(not printed)
App. I. Verbatim Record of Evidence heard by the Committee.
App. II. Resolutions and Memorials communicated to the Committee.
App. III. Notes by the Frontier Areas Administration, Government of Burma, on
Economic Situation, Education, Health and Communications and
Mineral Resources in the Frontier Areas Administration.
App. IV. Administrative and Racial Maps of Burma.
REPORT OF THE FRONTIER AREAS COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY, 1947
CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM
1. Origin of Committee
The Committee originated from the conclusions reached in the conversations between His Majesty's
Government and the Executive Council of the Governor of Burma in London in January, 1947.
Paragraph 8(d) of these Conclusions states:-
"A Committee of Enquiry shall be set up forthwith as to the best method of associa-ting
the Frontier peoples with the working out of the new constitution for Burma. Such
Committee will consist of equal numbers of persons from the Frontier Areas, nominated
by the Governor after consultation with the leaders of those areas, with a neutral
Chairman from outside Burma selected by agreement. Such Committee shall be asked to
report to the Government of Burma and His Majesty's Government before the
summoning of the Constituent Assembly."
2. Terms of Reference
The terms of reference of the Committee were those quoted above. They have, of course, to be
considered in the light of the statement of the agreed objective of His Majesty's Government and the
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Government of Burma with which paragraph 8 of the Conclusions opens:-
"To achieve the early unification of the Frontier Areas and Ministerial Burma with the free consent of
the inhabitants of those areas."
3. Scope of Committee
For the purposes of this Enquiry, Frontier peoples have been taken as those inhabiting the areas listed
in both parts of the Second Schedule to the Government of Burma Act, 1935. These areas fall into two
divisions, Part I administered by the Governor in his discretion and Part II administered by the
Governor in his individual judgment. It was also decided that, although the three States of Karenni
were not part of the Scheduled Areas and did not therefore necessarily come within the purview of the
Committee, they should be invited to send representatives to express their views, on account of their
close economic and racial ties with both Scheduled Areas and Burma proper. All three Karenni States
duly accepted this invitation.
4. Administrative Units in Scheduled Areas
The Scheduled Areas as defined in the 1935 Act cover 113,000 square miles or about 47% of the total
area of Burma. The population, however, is only 2,400,000 or 16% of the total. The main
administrative units are the following:-
(i)
Federated Shan States. The Shan States, though British territory, are a quasi autonomous area ruled by
hereditary Shan Chiefs known as Sawbwas, under the general supervision of the Governor of Burma.
In 1922 the states were formed into a species of federation for purposes of common subjects and for
administrative purposes were divided into southern and northern groups. Within the Federation are the
notified areas of Taunggyi, Kalaw and Lashio and the civil stations of Loilem and Loimwe, which were
originally carved off from the states and placed under the direct administration of the Government of
Burma through the Federation officials.
The two groups are:-
(a) Southern Shan States.
Area 36,416 sq.mls.
Total Population * 927,000 "
* (Gross figures for population are taken from the 1941 Census. The 1941 figures for population by
race were lost as a result of the Japanese invasion. Figures in this paragraph are based on the
assumption that percentages given in the 1931 Census remained approximately the same in 1941 and
that the increase in population should be distributed between races accordingly.
Population by Races:-
Shan and Lolo Moso 515,412 or 55.6%
Karen Group 192,108 or 20.4%
Burma Group 152,955 or 16.5%
Palaung-Wa 50,985 or 5.5%
Indian, Chinese and Others 18,540 or 2.0%
(b) Northern Shan States.
Area 21,400 sq.mls.
.Total Population
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Federated States 690,000
Unfederated Wa States 82,614
Population by Races:-
Shan and Lolo Moso 333,960 or 44%
Palaung-Wa 220,000 or 28%
Indians, Chinese and Others 93,840 or 12%
Kachin 71,070 or 9%
Burma Group 53,130 or 7%
They are six states in the Northern group including the Wa State of Mong Lun. The other Wa States
which are not in the Federation were brought under administration only in 1935 and the Was are still
addicted to headhunting.
Kokang, a sub-state of North Hsenwi with a predominantly Chinese population and administered by a
Chinese Myosa. claimed to be a separate state during the war.
(ii)
(a) Bhamo District.
Area 4,148 sq.mls.
Total Population 129,000
Part I Population 52,000
Part II Population 77,000
Population by Races:-
Kachin 49,794 or 38.6%
Shan 36,765 or 28.5%
Burma Group 33,540 or 26.0%
Indian, Chinese and Others 8,901 or 6.9%
The Bhamo Part II Area is a Constituency Area, represented in the Burma Legislature and the
Constituent Assembly.
(b) Myitkyina District.
Area 19,762 sq.mls. (excluding the Triangle not measured).
Total Population 298,000
Part I Population 189,000
Part II Population 109,000
Population by Races:-
Kachin 157,642 or 53.2%
Shan, Lolo Moso 76,586 or 26.0%
Burma Group 40,230 or 13.7%
Indian, Chinese and Others 23,542 or 7.1%
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Almost all the Burma Group of the population live in the Part II Area. Of this Area, Myitkyina is
represented in the Burma Legislature and the Constituent Assembly, but Kamaing Township is
Non-Constituency. The Shan States in the Hkamti Long Area are included in Part I.
Katha District. This district is in Ministerial Burma, but includes a small Part I Area inhabited by a few
hundred Kachins.
(iii)
(a) Chin Hills District.
Area 10,337 sq.mls.
Total Population 186,000
Population by Races:-
Chins 183,768 or 98.8%
Others 2,232 or 1.2%
Kanpetlet Subdivision in the south of the district has close ties with the neighboruing Chin population
of Ministerial Burma.
(b) Arakan Hill Tracts.
Area 3,543 sq.mls.
Total Population 34,000
Population by Races:-
Chin 25,772 or 75.8%
Others 4,624 or 13.6%
Burma Group 3,570 or 10.6%
The Burma Group of the population who are Arakanese Buddhists nearly all live in the Southern part
of the Tract bordering on the Arakan Division.
(iv)
(a) Salween District.
Area 2,582 sq.mls.
Total Population 57,000
Population by Races:-
Karen Group 49,020 or 86.0%
Tai(Shan) 4,389 or 7.7%
Burmese 2,223 or 3.9%
Others 1,311 or 2.4%
(b) Karenni.
Area 4,519 sq.mls.
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Total Population 70,000
Population by Races:-
Karen 51,310 or 73.3%
Shan 13,580 or 19.4%
Burma Group 2,660 or 3.8%
Others 2,450 or 3.5%
(v) Naga Hills District.
Area 5,895 sq.mls. (excluding Homalin (Part II) Subdivision)
Total Population 84,000 + Homalin approx 48,000 = 132,000
Population by Races, Part I Area only:-
Naga 71,736 or 85.4%
Tai 12,264 or 14.6%
Homalin Subdivision is a Part II Non-Constituency Area more advanced than the rest of the district. In
Part I, the Shan States of Thaungdut and Singkaling Hkamti, and the Somra Tract inhabited by Chins
and Shans, are more advanced than the rest of the district which is inhabited by the Naga tribes. These
are the most backward of all frontier peoples, still addicted to head-hunting and human sacrifice. They
were brought under administration only in 1940, and little progress in civilizing them has so far been
possible.
(vi)
Other Part II Areas.
(a) Tamu Township Population 5,870
Tamu Township is a small Part II Non-Constituency Area on the India-Burma frontier in
the Upper Chindwin District. Details of the racial composition of the population are
lacking, but it is known to be predominantly Shan.
(b) Thaton Part II Areas Population 218,008
(c) Eastern Toungoo 160,000
(d) Kyain 59,897
(e) Myawaddi 8,360
Details of the racial composition of the population in these areas (b) to (e) bordering on the Salween
District, are lacking, but it is known to be predominantly Karen. All four areas are represented in the
Burma Legislature and the Constituent Assembly.
5. Geographical and Historical Background of Frontier Areas.
Reference to the map of Burma shows that the great river valleys of Burma proper are surrounded
from the North-West to the South-East by and unbroken chain of mountain and hill country covering
all land approaches from India and China and all except the extreme South-Eastern approach from
Siam. These hill areas contain more than 100 distinct tribes. The great majority, however, are too
small to be of political importance and the four largest, Shans, Kachins, Chins, and Karens, dominate
more than 95 percent of the Frontier Areas between them.
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Although there is a diversity of languages, dress and customs ethnological research discovers an
intimate relationship not only between the races of the Frontier Areas but also between them and the
Burmans and the Karens. Most of the races belong to the ethnological group known as
Tibeto-Burmans, subdivided into Eastern Tibeto-Burmans and Western Tibeto-Burmans. To the
former class belong the Chins, the Kachins and the Nagas of Upper Burma and to the latter the
Burmese of the Irrawaddy Valley, the Marus and Lasis of the N'Maikha, the Lisaws of the Salween and
the Lahus and Akhas of the Mekong. There are signs of a common ancestry in the languages of the
Burmese, the Chins and the Kachins. The Shans, Palaungs and the Was, however, belong to a separate
though allied ethnological group known as the Tais.
The historical and cultural links between the Burmese and the Shans have been particularly close. In
the middle of the 8th Century, the Shans formed a powerful state in Nanchao, the modern Yunnan,
and could resist Chinese attempts at conquest until 1253. About 1254 the ruler of Nanchao subjugated
certain tribes of the Upper Irrawaddy and had close relations with the Kingdom of Burma, composed
of Pyus, a race which later merged with others to form the Burmese.
In 1253 the Shan Kingdom of Nanchao was broken up by the Tartar Emperor Kublai Khan and the
Shans were forced to migrate mainly south and west. Some of them entered Siam and founded a
kingdom at Chieng Rai in 12762, another at Chieng Mai, in 1296, and a third at Ayuthiya in 1351,
after defeating older kingdoms established by the Mons. These kingdoms in later centuries were
consolidated into the Kingdoms of Siam. An earlier migration of Shans which took place before the
Chinese conquest of Nanchao was across northern Burma into Assam where they founded the once
powerful Kingdom of Ahom. There is an obvious connection between the words Ahon, Assam, Shan
and Siam.
In the period of the Kingdom of Pagan (1044-1287) the Shans had established in northern Burma a
state known as Maw and comprising Mogaung and Mohnyin, but though it is recorded in Burmese
chronicles the the Sawbwa of Maw sent tributes and a princess to wed King Anawrahta of Pagan, he
was probably independent. After the fall of Pagan before the Tartars in 1287, three Shan princes
dominated Upper Burma, one of them, Thihathu, becoming king in 1312 with his capital at Pinya. A
younger son of his set up an independent kingdom at Sagaing in 1315. There was at this period a large
penetration of Shans into Upper Burma, and even further south to Toungoo. The Shans of Maw, now
gradually strengthened by fresh Shan migration, invaded both the kingdoms of Pinya and Sagaing in
1364. After their departure the two kingdoms were united under another Shan King, Thadomingya,
who built his capital at Ava. By the time of his successor, Minkyiswasawke (1368-1401), the Shan
dynasty had merged with the remnants of the older Burmese dynasty of Pagan and many of the Shans
who had penetrated into Burma and had intermarried became indistinguishable from the Burmese.
There was a second invsion of Upper Burma by the Shans in 1507, this time by Sawlon, Chief of
Mohnyin, who attacked over a long front and began a systematic destruction of the Burmese kingdom,
until it fell in 1527 with the death of its king in battle. A great part of the Burmese population of Upper
Burma migrated southwards to the new Burmese kingdom of Toungoo. After the conquest, Sawlon set
up his son Thohanbwa (1527-43) as King of Ava who was afterwards assassinated and was succeeded
by the Sawbwa of Hsipaw under the title of Khonmaing in 1543. The dynasty founded by him ruled
Upper Burma until Bayinnaung, the Burmese King of Toungoo, reconquered it in 1555. The latter
King, as part of the process of consolidating the whole of Upper Burma in three campaigns, invaded
the Shan States, on after another, including Mohnyin and Mogaung and also two states, Chiengmai
and Linzin, which are now in Siam, The suzerainty of the Kings of Burma over the Shan Chiefs dates
from that period. Bayinnaung also established the Buddhist faith in the Shan States.
It was traditional Burmese policy not to interfere with the internal administration of their feudatory
states and Shan chieftains were left to rule their own states. Many young Shan princes and princesses
were, however, brought up at the Burmese court, many Shan princesses became Burmese queens and
Shan levies were from that period constantly present in the Burmese armies, being particularly noted
for their spearmanship and for their skill in fighting on elephants. Though the Shans preserve their
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own language, many Shans have learnt Burmese and in fact the two races share a common culture, and
almost a common literature. The last King of Burma, Thibaw, was half Shan. After the annexation of
Upper Burma in 1886 the British had succeeded to the rights of the Burmese kings. Many of the Shan
chieftains, however, looked askance at the claim and rallied round a Burmese prince, the Limbin
Mintha, in an attempt to resist the British, an attempt which they gave up when it proved hopeless.
The relationship between the Burmese and the Kachins was less close. As a race the Kachins originate
from the eastern portion of the Tibetan plateau and , as compared to the Burmese, the Chins and the
Shan, they are latecomers into Burma, though they have now reached as far south as the Shan State of
Kengtung and the concentration of hills in the Myitkyina, Bhamo and Katha districts. They are
scarcely mentioned in Burmese chronicles and inscriptions before the 15th century, but the Burmese
King Bayinnaung of Toungoo (1551-81) used Kachin levies for his army. It was their custom to obtain
permission from the ruler of the country or state before practising shifting cultivation in the hills and it
may be assumed that, though they governed themselves according to tribal customs, they
acknowledged the suzerainty of the Burmese or Shan ruler concerned. The armies of King Alaungpaya
(1752-60) contained Kachin levies.
The Burmese were not interested in the internal administration of the Kachins and the suzerainty
exercised did not mean much more than occasional persents or tribute from the Kachins and their
occasional service in Burmese armies. In some cases Kachin Duwas of importance received
appointment orders from the Burmese King. Thus the Kansi Duwa, a powerful chieftain, received his
appointment order and his badge of office from King Mindon (1853-1878) U Khaung in the same
period was appointed military commander in Hkamti Long by King Mindon and placed under the
orders of the Sawbwa of Wuntho.
The Kachins did not take easily to the idea of submitting to the British on the annexation of Upper
Burma in 1886 and several British expeditions had to be sent to the Kachin Hills, the Kachins
resisting with considerable success. It was not until 1895 that the Kachins opposition could be broken
and British administration introduced in the Kachin Hills by the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation of that
year. As the Kachins are not self-sufficient in their hills they have always been obliged to maintain
contact with the plains population through Shan-Burmese villages in the foothills. Some Kachins know
Burmese.
Sections of the Chins who have migrated into Burma from the Tibetan plateau almost in a straight line
down south are to be found from the Somra Hill Tracts down to Cape Negrais. The Chins, then
mostly in north-western Burma, are known to have had social intercourse with the Burmese at the time
of the Kingdom of Pagan (1044-1287). There were Chin levies in the armies of King Bayinnaung of
Toungoo (1551-81) and of King Alaungpaya of Ava (1752-60).
Local tradition has it that the ancestors of some of the people forming the principal tribes ascended the
Chin lands from the Kale-Kabaw and the Myittha river valleys. One group went there by the foothill
Burmese village, Yazagyo, and are the clans now inhabiting the north-east region of Tiddim. Another
group went up Mount Kennedy from the Kale Valley. They then descended the western slope of
Mount Kennedy and settled in Zangpitam above Thuklai village, Siyin Valley. Later they continued
their move to Cimnuai near Saizang village, Sokte area. Their descendants spread along various routes
from Cimnuai and are believed to be the ancestors of the present tribes of SiYin, Dokte, Kamhau, Zo
and Thado. The remainder moved from the Myittha river valley into the central Chin country and
were the ancestors of the Zanniats, Zahaus, Tashons of Falam and various tribes of Haka.
It is not within tribal memory that any full-scale organised war was ever waged between the Burmese
kings and the Chins, but minor hostilities used to occur at times in the foothill valleys, resulting in
raids and skirmishes on the border.
British troops were in action against the Northern Chins after the annexation of Upper Burma for a
continued period of seven months or thereabouts among the foothills now passed by the Kalemyo-Fort
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White-Tiddim road, at a place called Leisan (now known as the Basha hill). The Chins resisted the
advance of British troops fearlessly till they were subdued. It was not until 1892 that the northern
people now inhabiting the Tiddim subdivision were totally disarmed. The central Chins did not offer
any full-scale resistance. Further down in the south, the various tribes of the Haka subdivision resisted
sternly the advance of the forces from the Gangaw Valley.
There is a great deal of social intercourse between the Chins and the Burmese and a considerable
number of Chins speak Burmese. Many Chins living in the Pakokku, Thayetmyo, Prome and Henzada
districts have become Burmanised, being mostly Buddhists. Even in respect of the Chins in the Chin
Hills District, those who inhabit the southern portion and those areas adjacent to the Kale-Kabaw
valley are in close touch with the Burmese. The Chins have frequently expressed a desire to have
Burmese as the medium of instruction in their schools.
The Karens of the Frontier Areas, apart from Karenni, are mostly found in the Salween District, in
certain portions of the Southern Shan States and in the hill areas of the Toungoo District. The Karens
in the Shan States naturally have close relations with the Shans, while the Karens of the Salween
District live intermingled with the Shans and other races, which form the minority population of this
district. They were the earliest settlers in Burma and, after migrating southwards through the hill areas,
some penetrated into the plains of the Irrawaddy Delta and the Tenasserim Division and lived
peacefully with other races. Peace loving, shy and aloof by nature, many preferred to remain in the
seclusion of the hills. The Salween District was ruled by a Chief Sgaw Saw Ku at the time of the British
annnexation of Tenasserim, who surrendered the district to the British authorities.
Karenni, the home of the Red Karens, is made up of the State of Kantarawaddi, forming Eastern
Karenni, and the States of Bawlake and Kyebogyi forming Western karenni. At some periods in the
history of Burma the Chiefs of Karenni were feudatories of the Burmese King. Thus King Minkyinyo
(1486-1531) received propitiatory tribute from the rulers of Karenni. Nevertheless no attempt was ever
made by Burmese kings to interfere with the States till 1845, when the Red Karens became aggressive
and raided the neighbouring Shan States in pursuit of slaves. The Burmese raised an expeditionary
force in the Shan States, raided Karenni and did not withdraw until the Red Karens submitted. After
this trouble the Chief of Kyebogyi, formerly an official of the Chief of Bawlake, received from the
Burmese King recognition as the ruler of a separate state in Karenni and the title of Myosa. In 1886
the Chief of Kantarawadi in Eastern Karenni assisted the Burmese King in suppressing a rebellion led
by the latter's son, the Prince of Mingun and in recognition of these services the Chief was granted by
King Mindon a letter of appointment under the title of Myosa of Kantarawadi. In 1881 the Chief sent
his son Sawlawi with presents to King Thibaw at Mandalay and Sawlawi received royal recognition as
Kyem-mong, or heir apparent, of the State.
A Burmese outpost was established at Loikaw in 1872 and another at Nammakon in 1873, but the
latter was withdrawn in 1876 on the representation of the British Government.
In 1875 the independence of Western Karenni was guaranteed as follows, by an agreement between
the British and the Burmese Governments:-
"It is hereby agreed between the British and Burmese Governments that the State of Western Karenni
shall remain separate and independent, and that no sovereignty or governing authority of any
description shall be claimed or exercised over that State."
After the annexation of Upper Burma in 1886 the British, in view of the Agreement of 1875, left
Western Karenni alone for some time. An attempt made in 1887 by the British to secure the peaceful
submission of the Myosa of Kantarawaddi in Eastern Karenni was unsuccessful and in 1888 the Myosa
even raided the Shan State of Mawkmai which had accepted British suzerainty. A British force
despatched to Karenni in December of the same year subjugated the State. The Myosa was deposed
and his son Sawlawi, the Kyem-mong was elected by the people Chief of Kantarawadi and
subsequently confirmed by the British authorities as Myosa under a sanad or patent of appointment in
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the same terms as Chiefs of Shan States. The status of the Myosa was later raised to that of Sawbwa.
In 1892 the Chiefs of Western Karenni, of whom there were four at the time, nominally independent,
were formally recognised as feudatories by the Government of India and were preented with sanads
appointing them Myosas on terms similar to the Myosa of Kantarawadi. These four states were later
reduced to the present two by amalgamations.
The three Karenni States have never been annexed to the British Crown and have the status of
feudatory states. The Chiefs, under the sanads recognising their appointment, are required, among
other conditions, to pay an annual tribute and accept and act upon any advice given to them by the
British political officer concerned.
6. British Administration of Frontier Areas up to 1942.
The strategic importance of the Frontier Areas as a buffer between an inland invader and the valleys of
Burma proper prompted the British to extend their administration over these areas piecemeal, as
necessity or opportunity arose, in the years following 1886. Local advances continued in the far north
as late as 1940, when the head-hunting Naga tribes were first brought under some sort of
administration.
From the late 19th century until the 1935 Government of Burma Act came into force in 1937 the form
of administration in the Frontier Areas, other than the Shan States, did not materially change. They
were ruled as part of Burma in the traditional manner by local chieftains under the general supervision
and control of the Governor of Burma.
British administration of the Shan States up to 1942 may be divided into four periods. First, in 1888,
leading Sawbwas were persuaded to accept the simple form of Sanad, one of the clauses in which
required a Sawbwa to accept the guidance of the "Superintendent." The actual administration during
the period 1886-1897 however was left in the hands of the Sawbwas. British advisers were attached to
the Sawbwas of Hsipaw and Yaunghwe. This was the origin of the system of "Assistant Superintendents"
in the Shan States.
The years 1897-1922 were marked by the introduction of local self-government in Burma and in the
Lieutenant Governor's Council a Shan Sawbwa was a member throughout this period.
The third period, 1922-1935, was an experimental one in federation. The federation of Northern and
southern Shan States came into effect on 1st October, 1922, which was a year before the introduction
of the dyarchical form of government in Burma. The Federal Council of Shan Chiefs, with a
Commissioner as President, was introduced. Through this Council the Sawbwas expressed their views
on federal and general matters, including the federal budget. The Burma Frontier Service came into
being with the introduction of federation. Towards the end of this period suggestions were made for
the creation of a Peoples' Council.
The fourth period, from 1935 to 1942, was marked by a series of reforms as a result of representations
by Sawbwas to His Majesty's Government. A significant feature was the creation of a small Standing
Committee of Council Chiefs composed of six representatives elected by the main Council. This
Standing Committee had direct dealings with the Governor periodically. Thus federal subjects came
under the general direction of the Council.
Although, however, the system of administration was different, the course of events forged a number of
new links between the Frontier peoples and Burma during this period. Many trading centres sprang up
in the valleys where Burmese, Indian and Chinese merchants settled and built up a considerable trade
with the people of the nearby hills. By 1935 the population of these centres and the surrounding
country had become rather more advanced than their neighbours in the hills.
The 1935 Act made allowances for the different stages of development in the different part of the
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Scheduled Areas by dividing them into less politically advanced regions, known as Part I areas, still to
be administered by the Governor in his discretion, and the more politically advanced Part II areas, the
administration of which was within the ministerial sphere, though the Governor had a special
responsibility over these and could over-rule the decision of ministers in respect of these areas. A
further division was made in Part II between the Constituency areas, which returned members to the
Burma Legislature in Rangoon, and the Non-Constituency areas.
It was contemplated that, as Part II Areas continued to develop, they should in time be completely
merged in Burma proper. The same course of development was open to Part I Areas. The Act allowed
Part I Areas to become Part II Areas, as they matured, and Part II Areas to be merged in Ministerial
Burma, but did not permit the reverse process in either case.
The 1935 Act remained in active operation until the Japanese invasion in 1942 and the process of
closer association between Burma and the frontier Areas continued. The links between the two were
not only commercial but also financial. For instance, Health, Education, and various other services
were financed in part by the revenues of Burma, since all the Frontier Areas with the possible exception
of the Federated Shan State were deficit.* Moreover, Kachins, Chins and Karens had all come to
regard service in the Burma Army and Police, both financed by Burma, as an important source of
income.
By the time of the Japanese occupation in 1942, the situation was that the frontier peoples had begun
to be accustomed to many amenities of which they had known nothing before 1886, and which they
could not afford to maintain out of their own resources. Thus, both political and economic links had
been strengthened between them and Burma since the British annexation of 1886.
* (The Shan States were self-supporting before the War, if the Shan States Federal Fund is taken into
account. This Fund was created in 1922 and maintained by contributions from the States and from the
funds of Burma and by receipts from minerals and forests. From 1937 the contribution from the
central revenues of Burma was not a gift to finance a deficit, but a carefully calculated allotment of
what was due to the States in consideration of revenue accruing to the Central Government from
taxation of commercial activity in their territories (e.g. the entire Petrol Tax accrued in the first place to
central revenues, although much petrol was consumed by transport operating in the Shan States). The
Fund has been in abeyance since 1941, but Articles 8 and 9 of the Panglong Agreement foreshadow its
renewal.)
7. British Re-occupation in 1945.
After the British re-occupation in 1945, it soon became apparent that administration under the 1935
Act would not for long satisfy the political aspirations of Burma. Burmese nationalism had greatly
increased both in strength and in the urgency of its demands, and a similar, though less marked,
development had taken place among the frontier peoples, who were anxious to take into their own
hands as soon as possible many of the powers formerly exercised by the British. It was realised that the
time had come when the traditional methods of personal rule must be modified by the development of
representative institutions, where they were in existence, and their creation where they were not. A start
was made by enhancing the importance of the Village Councils that had, according to customary law,
formerly advised the Chiefs in the exercise of their powers, and by fostering the growth of larger
District and Domain Councils to which the villages could send representatives. A hierarchy of Councils
with powers at first advisory and later executive was in fact envisaged. The process, however, was
bound by its very nature to take time, and was, by early 1947, still at a comparatively rudimentary
stage. As far as the Shan States were concerned the absorption in 1945 of the duties of the
Commissioner, Federated Shan States, in those of the Director, Frontier Areas Administration, with
headquarters in Rangoon, and the placing of the Federated Shan States under the charge of two
Residents, constituted a reversion to the system of administration before 1925, when there was no
separate Commissioner for the Shan States. This did away with the central executive within the
Federated Shan States and the control over federal departments. The Sawbwas therefore formed their
own Executive Council including the representatives of the people.
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At the same time, the more enlightened leaders of the frontier peoples realized that they were
economically as well as politically less advanced than Burma proper. They depended on Burma to
supplement the inadequate local production even of their staple foodstuff, rice, and, outside the Shan
States, the sparsity of population and difficulty of communications were serious obstacles to
development. They appreciated the fact that, in order to achieve a higher standard of living, they
needed a measure of outside assistance which would have to come from either Britain or Burma, and
that, in the conditions of the modern world, they had certain common interests with Burma which
precluded a continuance of the pre-war arrangements for entirely separate administrations.
Nonetheless, the historical fact that the frontier peoples had never been interfered with in their internal
affairs was not forgotten, and the desire for a large measure of autonomy was almost universal.
Various contacts between Burmese and frontier political leaders took place during 1945 and 1946,
and progress towards mutual understanding was made. In January, 1947, when the London Agreement
cleared the way for the speedy creation of a new constitution for Burma, the problem of relations
between the Frontier Areas and Burma acquired a new urgency. The Agreement, moreover, gave a
clear indication of the most desirable solution to the problem, by proclaiming that it was the agreed
objective of both H.M.G. and the Government of Burma "to achieve the early unification of the
Frontier Areas and Ministerial Burma with the free consent of the inhabitants of those areas."
In February, 1947, leaders and representatives of the majority of the frontier peoples met members of
the Burma Executive Council at Panglong, in pursuance of the terms of paragraph 8(b) of the London
Agreement, and agreed on a form of association during the interim period until the new constitution
came into force.
8. The Panglong Agreement
The terms of the Panglong Agreement, which regulated relations between Burma and the major
portion of the Frontier Areas when the Committee of Exquiry began its work, were as follows:-
THE PANGLONG AGREEMENT, 1947.
A conference having been held at Panglong, attended by cortain Members of the Executive Council of
the Governor of Burma, all Saohpas and representatives of the Shan States, the Kachin Hills and the
Chin Hills:
The Members of the Conference, believing that freedom will be more speedily achieved by the Shans,
the Kachins and Chins by their immediate co-operation with the Interim Burmese Government:
The Members of the Conference have accordingly, and without dissentients, agreed as follows:-
A representative of the Hill Peoples, selected by the Governor on the recommendation of
representatives of the Supreme Council of the United Hill Peoples (SCOUHP), shall be
appointed a Counsellor to the Governor to deal with the Frontier Areas.
1.
The said Counsellor shall also be appointed a Member of the Governor's Executive Council,
without portfolio, and the subject of Frontier Areas brought within the purview of the Executive
Council by Constitutional Convention as in the case of Defence and External Affairs. The
Counsellor for Frontier Areas shall be given executive authority by similar means.
2.
The said Counsellor shall be assisted by two Deputy Counsellors representing races of which
he is not a member. While the twoDeputy Counsellors should deal in the first instance with the
affairs of their respective areas and the Counsellor with all the remaining parts of the Frontier
Areas, they should by Constitutional Convention act on the principle of joint responsibility.
3.
While the Counsellor, in his capacity of Member of the Executive Council, will be the only
representative of the Frontier Areas on the Council, the Deputy Counsellors shall be entitled to
attend meeting of the Council when subjects pertaining to the Frontier Areas are discussed.
4.
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Though the Governor's Executive Council will be augmented as agreed above, it will not
operate in respect of the Frontier Areas in any manner which would deprive any portion of
these Areas of the autonomy which it now enjoys in internal administration. Full autonomy in
internal administration for the Frontier Areas is accepted in principle.
5.
Though the question of demarcating and establishing a separate Kachin State within a Unified
Burma is one which must be relegated for decision by the Constituent Assembly, it is agreed
that such a State is desirable. As a first step towards this end, the Counsellor for Frontier Areas
and the Deputy Counsellor shall be consulted in the administration of such areas in the
Myitkyina and the Bhamo Districts as are Part II Scheduled Areas under the Government of
Burma Act of 1935.
6.
Citizens of the Frontier Areas shall enjoy rights and privileges which are regarded as
fundamental in democratic countries.
7.
The arrangements accepted in this Agreement are without prejudice to the financial autonomy
now vested in the Federated Shan States.
8.
The arrangements accepted in this Agreement are without prejudice to the financial assistance
which the Kachin Hills and the Chin Hills are entitled to receive from the revenues of Burma,
and the Executive Council will examine with the Frontier Areas Counsellor and Deputy
Counsellors the feasibility of adopting for the Kachin Hills and the Chin Hill financial
arrangements similar to those between Burma and the Federated Shan States.
9.
The importance of the Agreement lies not only in the fact that it settles the form of association during
the interim period, but also in its enunciation of certain principles, notably that the frontier peoples
should be entitled to fundamental democratic rights, that they should have the right to full autonomy
in the internal sphere, and that they should be entitled to receive a measure of assistance from the
revenues of Ministerial Burma, which are relevant to decision of the ultimate form of association. The
formation of the Supreme Council of the United Hill Peoples was also a noteworthy step forward in the
establishment of representative institutions among the frontier peoples.
9. Limitations of Panglong Agreement.
When the Committee began its investigation, the Panglong Agreement had not been accepted by all the
frontier peoples. The Shans, Kachins and Chins had ratified it, and their actions may be assumed to
cover the small racial units within their areas. The Karens, however, of the Salween District and the
Karenni States, who were not represented by delegates at Panglong, were not parties to the Agreement.
Others who were not present and whose adherence could not be taken for granted were the Chins of
the Arakan Hill Tracts, the Nagas and the Was.
Such was the situation when the Frontier Areas Committee of Enquiry began its work.
CHAPTER II.
THE WORK OF THE COMMITTEE.
1. Composition of the Committee.
The Members of the Committee were:-
Chairman:
Mr. D. R. Rees-Williams, M.P.
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Burma Members:
The Hon. U Tin Tut, C.B.E.
Member without portfolio
of Executive Council.
Frontier Areas Members:
The Hon. Sawbwa of
Mongpawn(Shan),
Counsellor to H.E. the
Governor for
the Frontier Areas, and
Member of Executive Council.
Thakin Nu, Vice-President
A.F.P.F.L.
Sima Hsinwa Nawng (Kachin),
Deputy Counsellor.
U Khin Maung Gale,
A.F.P.F.L
U Vum Ko Hau (Chin),
Deputy Counsellor.
Saw Myint Thein,
Karen Youth's Organization.
Saw Sankey,
Karen National Union.
Secretariat:
Mr.W.B.J.Ledwidge,
Burma Office,
Secretariat.
U Tun Pe, B.Fr.S.,
Joint Secretary.
Major Shan Lone, O.B.E., M.C., B.Fr.S.,
Assistant Secretary.
Saw Myint Thein joined the Committee when it moved to Maymyo, in place of the Hon'ble U Kyaw
Nyein, Home Member, who was a member in Rangoon, but was forced to resign owing to pressure of
other work.
2. Programme of the Committee.
It was clear that, in order to arrive at a solution, the Committee must hear the evidence of all interested
parties. Witnesses from every one of the Frontier Areas were therefore invited to testify before the
Committee. The selection of the main body of witnesses was carried out by the Councils in each area;
but it was also announced that any individual or organization who was dissatisfied with the selected list
of witnesses might apply to the Committee for a separate interview. A number of requests of this kind
were received and all were accepted.
It was decided that witnesses from the Arakan Hill Tracts and the Salween District should be heard at
Rangoon, and that those from the other Frontier Areas should be heard at Maymyo, which was more
accessible to them. The possibility of the Committee establishing its headquarters in every area in turn
in order to interview witnesses locally was considered, but rejected because of shortage of time and
transport, and administrative difficulties.
The Committee further decided that all meetings should be held in private and that the Chairman
together with two Members each from Burma and the Frontier Areas should constitute a quorum.
It was agreed that Advisers to Members should be allowed to attend all meetings but should not
participate in the discussions. Advisers who attended were:-
Sao Boon Waat, Political Secretary to the Hon. Sawbwa of Mongpawn. 1.
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Labang Grong, Adviser to Sima Hsinwa Nawng. 2.
U Thong Chin Tang, B.Fr.S., Adviser to U Vum Ko Hau. 3.
The Hon.U Kyaw Nyein, who resigned from the Committee when it left Rangoon, was also permitted
to attend certain meetings in Maymyo as an observer.
3. Preliminary Tour.
The Chairman, accompanied by the Hon'ble Sawbwa of Mongpawn, the Hon'ble U Tin Tut and U
Khin Maung Gale, made a brief Preliminary tour of Kachin, Shan and Karen country from 7th to
17th March, 1947, and held informal meetings with local notabilities. Their programme was as
follows:-
7th March- Rangoon to Myitkyina by air.
9th March- Myitkyina to Bhamo by road.
10th March- Bhamo to Lashio by road.
12th March- Lashio to Loilem by road.
13th March- Loilem to Taunggyi by road.
14th March- Taunggyi to Loikaw by road.
15th March- Loikaw to Mawchi by road.
16th March- Mawchi to Toungoo by road.
17th March- Toungoo to Rangoon by road.
The Hon'ble U Tin Tut and U Khin Maung Gale left the party at Lashio to return to Rangoon by way
of Mandalay and Meiktila.
4. Meeting in Rangoon.
The Committee held is first formal meting in Rangoon on 18th March, 1947, and then proceeded to
hear witnesses as follows:
19th March- Director, Frontier Areas Administration (for factual evidence relation to Salween
District). Salween District witnesses.
21st March- Saw Marshall Shwin, President of Shwegyin Karen Association.
22nd
March-
Director, Frontier Areas Administration (for factual evidence on natural resources
of Frontier Areas).
24th March- Arakan Hill Tracts witnesses.
26th March- Karen Youths' Organisation witnesses.
5. Meeting in Maymyo.
On 27th March, 1947, the Committee moved to Maymyo, and resumed hearings in accordance with
the following programme:-
11th April- Witnesses from:-
(a) Shan States Peoples' Freedom Congress.
(b) Kalaw, Taunggyi and Lashio Notified Areas, and Loilem.
(c) Northern Wa States.
(d) Kokang State.
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12th April- Witnesses from:-
(a) Southern Wa States.
(b) North Hsenwi State.
(c) South Hsenwi State.
(d) Taungpeng State.
14th April- Witnesses from:-
(a) Karenni States.
(b) Mongmit and Kengtung States.
(c) Papun United Karen Organisation.
16th April- Witnesses from:-
(a) Myitkyina and Bhamo Council Kachins.
(b) Hkamti Long Shans.
(c) Kachin Youths' League.
(d) Jingpaw National Modern Civilisation Development Association.
(e) Northern Hsenwi- Mongmit Kachins.
(f) Army Kachins.
(g) Frontier Constabulary Kachins.
(h) Nepali Association, Myitkyina.
17th April- Witnesses from:-
(a) Karen National Union.
(b) Bhamo A.F.P.F.L.
19th April- Witnesses form:-
(a) Falam Chins.
(b) Haka Chins.
(c) Tiddim Chins.
(d) Chin Pensioners' Association.
(e) Kanpetlet Chins.
(f) Somra Tract (Part I Area) Chins.
(g) Thaungdut State (Part I Area) Chins.
(h) Singkaling Hkamti State (Part I Area) Shans.
(i) Homalin Subdivision (Part II Area) Burmanised Shans.
21st April- Witnesses from:-
(a) Supreme Council of United Hills Peoples.
(b) Shan Sawbwas.
(c) Other Southern Shan States.
(d) Tiddim and Kanpetlet Chins.
(e) Bhamo Part II Area Burman community.
6. Preparation of Report.
After completing the hearing of evidence, the Committee proceeded immediately to consideration of
their Report. On 23rd April they agreed unanimously on the Recommendations and Observations
contained in the following chapter and the Report was formally signed on 24th April. The Committee
held a total of 24 meetings, 17 devoted to the hearing of evidence and seven to private deliberations.
CHAPTER III.
RECOMMENDATIONS AND OBSERVATIONS.
PART I.
GENERAL
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The terms of reference of the Committee appear to restrict us to enquire and report on the best
method of associating the frontier peoples with the working out of the new constitution for Burma. We
make these recommendations in Part II of this chapter. It, however, proved difficult in the course of
our enquiry and in the examination of the witnesses who appeared before us to restrict the scope of our
investigations strictly to the objective set out in our terms of reference. In the minds of many of the
witnesses from the Frontier Areas the question of participation in the work of the Constituent Assembly
is inextricably intertwined with the question of the future of the frontier peoples under the new
constitution, and indeed, they appear to view the two questions as different facets of a single great
problem. Our tours and our enquiry have also given this Committee unprecedented opportunities of
contact with and insight into the minds of the frontier peoples. We would, therefore, be failing in our
duty if we were to refrain from adding to our recommendations a summary of the salient features that
emerge from the evidence on the second question and if we did not add to these certain observations
which may be of assistance to the Constituent Assembly when it deals with the difficult problem of
framing a constitution for the whole of Burma. These observations will be found in Part III of this
chapter.
PART II.
THE CONSTITUENTY ASSEMBLY.
(1) With the exception of the unfederated Shan States of Taungdut and Singkaling Hkamti, all the
witnesses before us expressed without hesitation the desire that representatives of their States or local
areas should take part in the work of the Constituent Assembly, the members of which, in respect of
such portions of ministerial Burma as enjoy rights of representation in the Legislature under the 1935
Act, have already been elected. We recommend accordingly that their wishes be met and that the
following areas be given representation in the Constituent Assembly:-
The Federated Shan States, including Kokang and Mongpai.
The Kachin Hills.
The Chin Hills with the Arakan Hill Tracts.
The Karenni States.
The Somra Tract.
The Salween District.
The Homalin Subdivision.
We have grouped Kokang with the Federated Shan States though its de jure position is not quite clear.
We have, however, ascertained from the Federated Shan States that one of the seats to be allocated to
them for the Constituent Assembly will be given to a representative of Kokang. We have grouped the
Arakan Hill Tracts with the Chin Hills, as the witnesses from the former area have shown a clear desire
to be associated with the Chins of the Chin Hills, and we have ascertained that one of the seats to be
allocated to the Chin Hills will be given to the Arakan HillTracts. Witnesses from the States of
Thaungdut and Singkaling Hkamti not only expressed a desire to be incorporated in ministerial Burma
but stated that they are prepared to accept whatever future constitution is drawn up by the Burmese.
We found it impracticable to procure witnesses from the Naga Hills and the Wa States, but we have no
hesitation in recommending that representatives need not be sought from these areas for the
Constituent Assembly on account of the primitive nature of their civilisation and the impossibility of
their finding persons who will be able to assist in the drawing up of Burma's future constitution.
(2) We have found the question of determining the number of seats to be allocated to the Frontier
Areas in the Constituent Assembly one of considerable difficulty. Strictly on a population basis they
would be entitled to a maximum of some 35 seats as against the 210 seats allocated to the constituency
areas of ministerial Burma. But some consideration is due to the fact that, though the population of
Frontier Areas is only one-sixth of the population of ministerial Burma, in point of area they constitute
some 47 per cent. of the whole of Burma, and also to the fact that many parts of the Frontier Areas are
sub-divided into numerous States or tribal areas and that too small a number may impede a satisfactory
division of seats within the same territorial unit. Thirdly, there are small units which, though they may
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not be entitled to one seat each on a population basis, cannot be given less than one member if they
are to be represented at all. We accordingly recommend that the Frontier Areas (by which we mean
here the areas set out in Part I of Schedule II of the Government of Burma Act, 1935) and the Karenni
States be allocated 44 seats and that the Homalin Subdivision, a Part II non-constituency are in the
same Schedule, be allocated one seat.
In regard to the distribution of the seats our recommendations are as below:-
Federated Shan States (incluting Kokang and Mongpai) 26
The Kachin Hills 7
The Chin Hills with the Arakan Hill Tracts 6
Karenni 2
41
.
The Salween District 2
The Somra Tract 1
The Homalin Subdivision 1
45
We have shown in the above table the Salween District, the Somra tract and the Homalin Subdivision
in a separate compartment for convenience, as witnesses from these areas expressed a desire for their
incorporation in ministerial Burma.
(3) The physical difficulties of travel in the Frontier Areas, the unfamiliarity of their peoples with the
system of expressing their will through the ballot box and the limiting factor of time preclude us from
recommending for the Frontier Areas elections to the Constituent Assembly the method of electoral
rolls and the ballot box, and, indeed, with the exception of a small section of the witnesses from the
Chin Hills, every witness before us to whom the question was put replied in fact that full-dress elections
are impracticable. Simpler and quicker measures are essential and for the Federated Shan States we
recommend that the Council of Shan States should form the electoral body for returning the members
for these States to the Constituent Assembly. This Council is a representative body, half of which
consists of representatives of the Shan Sawbwas and the other half of representatives of the people of
these States. There are no bodies of a sufficiently representative nature in the other Frontier Areas and
we make the following recommendations after taking due account of the local conditions:-
(i) For the Kachin Hills we recommend that the electoral body should consist of the
members of the District Council, the members of the subdivisional or domain councils,
the duwa in charge of each administrative unit and a peoples' representative from each
such unit. The peoples' representative should further be elected at a mass meeting of the
members of such unit.
(ii) For the Chin Hills we recommend that one representative be elected in the Arakan
Hill Tracts by a mass meeting, one be elected at a mass meeting in the Kanpetlet
subdivision and the remainder be elected at a joint mass meeting of the residents of the
remaining sudivisions, all these meetings to be held in such manner as may be approved
by the Deputy Counsellor in charge of the Chin Hills.
(iii) For the Karenni States we recommend that the chiefs or administrators of the three
States may be asked to consult the wishes of their peoples and to nominate jointly the
representatives for the Constituent Assembly .
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(iv) For the Salween District we recommend that the representatives be selected by a mass
meeting to be convened in such manner as many be approved by the Hon'ble Counsellor
in charge of the Frontier Areas.
(v) For the Somra tract and the Homalin Subdivision we recommend that the
representatives be selected at mass meetings to be convened by the principal civil officer
administering each area.
(4) We commend that the Frontier Areas members of the Constituent Assembly should have the same
status in the Assembly as members elected from ministerial Burma and that they be entitled to
participate fully in the deliberations of the Assembly and be eligible for places on such committees as
the Assembly may appoint. We further recommend that the participation of representatives from
various parts of the Frontier Areas in the work of the Constituent Assembly should not be regarded as
committing them to union or federation with Burma. As a further protection to the Frontier Areas, we
recommend that no proposal relating to the mode of government in the Federated Shan States, the
Kachin Hills, the Chin Hills and the Karenni States shall be deemed to have been carried in the
Constituent Assembly unless it has been voted for not only by a majority of the members of the
Assembly present, but also by the majority of the members present of the unit concerned. Similarly, we
recommend that no proposal relating to the constitution of a federated Burma shall be deemed to have
been carried in the Constituent Assembly unless it has been voted for not only by the majority of the
members of the Assembly present, but also by a majority of the members present of the Frontier Areas
which will from states in the federation.
PART III.
OBSERVATIONS.
1. The Future of the Frontier Areas.
The view of the witnesses from the Federated Shan States and from the Kachin Hills are strongly in
favour of a federated Burma in which the Federated Shan States will form a state or unit and the
Kachin Hills another. They desire the fullest possible autonomy for the states within the federation but
agree that certain subjects of general scope should be entrusted to the federation. On the evidence
tendered before us, representatives from the Chin Hills do not desire to federate the Chin Hills with
Burma proper but prefer an amalgamation of their area with ministerial Burma, stipulating only that
there should be no interference with their tribal customs and traditions and that their chieftains should
be allowed to administer their tracts as at present. The Chin Hills would otherwise become one or
more ordinary districts of Burma proper. On the day after they had tendered this evidence, the
witnesses submitted a letter saying that they had not understood the point correctly and that they
intended to say that the Chin Hills should form a separate state within a federated Burma. The only
conclusion we can safely draw is that the people of the Chin Hills are not yet in a position to come to a
firm conclusion on this matter and that it will have to be left to their representatives in the Constituent
Assembly to define their views precisely. The witnesses from the Arakan Hill Tracts, the majority
population of which is Chin, expressed no independent views but desire to follow the lead of the Chin
Hills people. The witnesses from the Somra Tract, Thaungdut, Singkaling Hkamti and the Homalin
Subdivision expressed categorically the view that their areas should be incorporated in ministerial
Burma and should be given the same constituency and other rights as other areas in Burma proper.
The representatives from the Karenni States, while stating clearly that they wished to be represented in
the Constituent Assembly, did not definitely commit themselves to any views in regard to the entry of
the Karenni States into a federated Burma. A group of witnesses from the Salween District, appearing
before us early in our meetings, expressed views in favour of forming a state within a Burma federation.
Another group, appearing before us later, supported by a letter from the leaders of the first group,
stated that, after further consideration at a mass meeting of the residents of the district, they now desire
the incorporation of the district as a part of ministerial Burma.
The picture that emerges from this welter of evidence is that of a federated Burma, with the federated
Shan States and the Kachin Hills as two constituent states and with the Karenni States possibly
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another, but with Burma proper enlarged by the possible incorporation of the Chin Hills, the probable
incorporation of the Salween District and the elimination in respect of many of the Part II Scheduled
areas of the political disabilities now suffered by them. These amalgamations should reduce the
craziness of the patchwork quilt which the present administration of the Frontier Areas resembles.
2. The Federal Council.
With due reference to the difference in political experience between Burma proper and the Frontier
Areas and between the Frontier Areas themselves, not to mention the present preponderating
importance of Burma proper, it may be found inexpedient for the Constituent Assembly to attempt to
draw up the constitution of a fully-fledged federation, even if the decision should be that the future
political structure should be in federal form. The present circumstances may call for an elastic interim
constitution establishing perhaps a Federal Council which will be somewhat on the lines of a
Legislature, with such subjects as may be allocated to the federal sphere. The majority of the members
of this council in equity be allocated to representatives of Burma proper in view of its present
preponderating importance. But, in determining the number of seats to be allocated to the other states,
we think that considerable weightage should be given, in order that these members should have a real
share in the control of the federation. In assessing this weightage due account must, we think, be taken
of the probability of party differences among the members from Burma proper.
3. Future Development.
In view of the fact that there exist differences in the stages of development between ministerial Burma
and the Frontier Areas and between the Frontier Areas themselves, the Constituent Assembly may find
it desirable to postpone the formation of a Federal Constitution on the lines adopted in other
countries, till such time as the Frontier Areas become more developed. The Federal Council, when
established by the Constituent Assembly, could then be elaborated into a Senate or a federal
Legislature. We note in this connection the existence of a Supreme Council of the United Hill Peoples,
representatives of which gave evidence before us, and which is at present a representative advisory
body dealing with Shan States, Kachin Hills and Chin Hills affairs and which also hopes to be
entrusted with Karenni affairs. We see scope for this Council playing a part of considerable importance
in advising Frontier Area states in the proposed Burma federation on subjects which are within state
jurisdiction and upon which joint action or a common doctrine is desirable.
4. Common Subjects.
The weight of opinion among the witnesses examined by us is that, if there should be a Burma
federation, the federal organ should deal with the following subjects:-
External affairs. 1.
Defence. 2.
Post and telegraphs. 3.
Communications. 4.
Currency and coinage. 5.
Customs. 6.
Titles and honours. 7.
There is danger that the anxiety of the constituent states for the fullest possible internal autonomy
might lead to the constitution of a weak federal or central government which will be the government in
Burma which deals with the outside world. It is not for us to make recommendations regarding federal
subjects, but we see obvious omissions in the above list, which makes no mention of foreign trade or of
inter-state commerce or of federal finance.
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5. Right of Secession.
The majority of the witnesses who favoured a federation of Burma asked for the right of secession by
the states at any time. Few federal constitutions contain provision for the secession of states. It seems to
us that, if any such right is to be contained in the federal constitution for Burma, it will have to be
carefully limited and regulated.
6. Constitutional Safeguards.
The recommendations of the Constituent Assembly relating to the Frontier Areas should be
incorporated in the Burma Constitution and in the appropriate Act of Parliament.
7. Interim Arrangements.
During the transitional period, the Shan Counsellor and the Deputy Counsellors for the Kachins and
Chins should continue in office. The Frontier Areas Administration should also continue in this period
under the control of the Counsellor and his Deputies. Where possible, administrative officers should
be drawn from the indigenous peoples of the Frontier Areas.
8. States and other Territorial Units.
(1) The Federated Shan States.
(a) This federation should consist of the present States. The notified areas of Lashio,
Taunggyi and Kalaw and the civil stations of Loilem and Loimwe should, for
convenience in the administration of the federation, be incorporated in the respective
States in which they are situated.
(b) Mongpai State should continue to be grouped with the three Karenni States for
administrative purposes. Its political future should be decided by a Committee consisting
of representatives of the Shan States Council, Mongpai and Karenni.
(c) The Kokang State or Sub-State should remain as a Sub-State of North Hsenwi.
(2) The Kachin Hills.
If a Kachin State is to be established as a Constituent State in the Burma Federation, the question is
whether the Part I and the Part II areas should be amalgamated to form the new administrative and
economic unit. Evidence given by representatives of Part II areas in the Bhamo District indicated
probable unwillingness on the part of the Burmese and the Shan-Burmese population of the Part II
areas to be merged in the new State, particularly as some of these are constituency areas. We must
leave the point to be settled by negotiations in the Constituent Assembly. We agree, however, that the
Triangle should be included in the new State and also the Hkamti Long area. The Namwan Assigned
Tract should also be included in the State, but this inclusion will not of course, as such, affect its
position as an Assigned Tract. Kachin witnesses assured us that, if Part II areas should be united with
Part I areas to form the new state, they would willingly guarantee the rights and privileges of the
non-Kachin peoples and freedom to retain their own customs.
(3) The Chin Hills.
In view of the doubt regarding the wishes of the people of the Chin Hills and of the Arakan Hill Tracts
in regard to their political future, it must be left for negotiation and decision in the Constituent
Assembly.
(4) The Karenni States.
The representatives of the Karenni States expressed a desire for some form of association with the
other Frontier Areas. The exact form should be worked out in the Constituent Assembly.
The future of Mongpai State has already been referred to in paragraph 8(1)(b) above.
(5) The Salween District.
Evidence from the second group of representatives of this district indicated the desire for incorporation
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ministerial Burma as an ordinary district, but with the rider that, wherever possible, administrative
officers in the district should be Karens.
(6) The Naga Hills.
External government of some kind is, we think, still necessary in this area, till such time as its people
are fit for administering their area as a state in the Burma federation or a unit in ministerial Burma. We
have considered whether the Federal Council which was mentioned earlier in this report, might
suitably be entrusted with the supervision of the administration of this area. We think, however, that,
since the Homalin Subdivision, to which the Naga Hills adjoin, will be part of Burma proper, the Naga
Hills administration might be supervised by the Government of Burma proper. At present Homalin is
the headquarters of the Naga Hills District. In the meantime it is desirable that close liaison should be
maintained by the Burma Government with the Government of Assam, which also has Nagas on its
borders, in order that a common policy for the Nagas can be worked out and operated by these two
authorities.
(7) The Wa States.
The administration of these areas should be supervised either by the Federal Council or by the
government of the Federated Shan States, until their people are fit to take over the administration of
their own area either as a state in the Burma federation or as a unit of Burma proper. At present the Wa
States are under the charge of the Resident of the Northern Shan States. On the whole we are of
opinion that the Shan States government rather than the federal authorities would be in the best
position to supervise the administration of the Wa States.
(8) Other Areas.
(a) Tamu Township. This, we think, should be included in ministeria Burma and have
full constituency and other rights
(b) Eastern Toungoo, Kyain, Myawaddi and Thaton Part II Area. In our opinion, these
areas should be include in ministerial Burma and should have full constituency and other
rights, but negotiations to this end should take place in the Constituent Assembly.
(c) Thaungdut and Sinkaling Hkamti. These should, we think, be included in ministerial
Burma with full constituency and other rights. The Sawbwas in these states should
continue to perform their present functions.
(d) The Homalin Subdivision. This should also, in our opinion, be included in
ministerial Burma and have full constituency and other rights.
(e) The Somra Tract. We think that this should be included in ministerial Burma and
have full constituency and other rights.
(f) The Katha Part I Area should be, in our opinion, incorporated in ministerial Burma
and have full constituency and other rights, this is a matter to be negotiated in the
Constituent Assembly.
9. Acknowledgment.
Our task, enhanced in difficulty by the time factor, was facilitated by the energy and ability displayed
by Mr.W.B.J. Ledwidge of the Burma Office, our Secretary; U Tun Pe, B.Fr.S., our Joint Secretary;
and Major Shan Lone, O.B.E., M.C., B.Fr.S., our Assistant Secretary; and by the devoted and efficient
services of our staff of reporters, interpreters, typists, clerks and peons, all of whom worked overtime
and throughout the Burmese New year holidays. To each and every one of our Officers and Staff we
wish to convey our grateful thanks and appreciation.
Signed: 1. D. R. REES-WILLIAMS, Chairman.
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2. THAKIN NU.
3. SAO SAM HTUN.
4. TIN TUT.
5. HSINWA NAWNG.
6. KHIN MAUNG GALE.
7. VUM KO HAU.
8. MYINT THEIN.
9. SAW SANKEY.
Maymyo,
24th April, 1947.
(91966) 679/1820 6/47 M&C Ltd 440
CHIN COMMUNITY(GERMANY) APPENDIX S
Donauwrther Str. 47
86154 Augsburg
Germany
Tel:++49-8271-420575
Email :info@ccgev.de
STATEMENT ON RUMOURS ABOUT CHIN SOLDIERS SHOOTING AT DEMONSTRATORS IN BURMA
The Rumour
Ever since the first masssacre of the students in 1962, General Ne Win's Military Intelligence Service used to spread words
about Chin soldiers shooting at demonstrators. The same thing happened during the 1974 Labor and U Thant Strikes and
again during the 1988 uprisings after troops mowed down thousands of demonstrators. This is part of Ne Win's stratagem
to reduce public hatred towards him and his Burma Army and to instill ethnic hatreds among the oppressed peoples.
This stratagem proves to be successful as some of our Burman brothers believe those rumours and even spread the
words further, unwittingly serving the interest of the military dictators. This is due to total ignorance of what happened
inside Burma Army under General Ne Win.
The Reality
Ever since the Care-Taker Government period in 1958-1960 General Ne Win abolished the British-era ethnic based battalions
and turned the Burma Army into mixed-ethnic battalions with the majority made up of ethnic Burmans. But Ne Win was
careful enough not to eliminate the names of these battalions, so the names 1st, 2nd, 3rd [or 4th Chin Rifles] remain even
though these battalions are no more made up of Chin soldiers. The majority of soldiers in any battalion is the Burman
soldiers and the Chin soldiers if they ever exist are made up of 20 to 30 or even less in each of these battalions. It was Ne
Win's strategy to use soldiers bearing the badges and uniforms of Chin battalions to crack down whenever unrest occurred.
So, many people who are not aware of the changes inside the Army easily believe the Chin soldiers are shooting.
The Chin Revolution
One important fact is, nowadays the ever increasingly racist SPDC regime no more promotes Christian Chin soldiers to
higher ranks. And at the same time the Chin youths are very clever and intelligent and very much globalized. In response to
the military regime's persecution and hardships and sufferings imposed upon them the Chin youths are leaving behind their
beloved land temporarily in the thousands to study political science, economics, theology etc. in western countries. At this
very moment there are already about 500 Chin students in the universities in the western world and the number is
increasing. This makes the racist military regime very nervous. If we are to expect the successive Burmese governments to
grant us state scholarships to study abroad, less than 10 Chin students would have the chance to get it in ten years! So
this is sort of an "unintended consequences" of the SPDC regime the mass Chin exodus is creating. This is part of our Chin
revolution - knowledge revolution.
Our Vision
The pro-democracy political organizations like the Chin National Front, Chin National League for Democracy, Zomi National
Congress etc have been fighting for the restoration of democracy and federalism in our country. Non political organizations
like the Chin Forum and civil societies, including the Chin Community (Germany) are formed all over the world to promote
democracy, freedom and federalism. Our aim is to bring back modernity and establish a peaceful and prosperous federal
democratic Union so that our country could rejoin the civilized world. Successive Burman dominated central governments
have been wasting the country's precious natural and human resources by heightening racial hatreds among the peoples
and there by unnecessarily ruined all the opportunities to build a united and prosperous Union.
We condemn all barbarious killings
Definitely all the Chin people strongly condemn the shootings and killings of peaceful demonstrators as uncivilized and
barbarious acts. Whoever shoot the peaceful demonstrators must face justice along with their superiors who actually gave
orders to do so.
October 2007
Note: See Appendix T for an Arakanese scholars comment on this statement.
APPENDIX T
WERE CHIN SOLDIERS MADE SCAPEGOATS?

By Zaw Htwe Maung

Chinland Guardian
November 22, 2007

The Chin Community (Germany) had issued a statement upon the above mentioned topic. They mentioned: "Ever since the
first massacre of the students in 1962, General Ne Win's Military Intelligence Service used to spread words about Chin
soldiers shooting at demonstrators. The same thing happened during the 1974 Labour and U Thant Strikes and again
during the uprisings of 1988 when troops mowed down thousands of demonstrators. This is part of Ne Win's stratagem to
reduce public hatred towards him and his Burma Army and to instil ethnic hatreds among the oppressed peoples".
The present author is neither a Burmese [1] nor a Chin, but a Rakhaing or Arakanese, hence, also a member of another
ethnic minority group of Burma. As a neutral person, I will attempt to meet the complaints raised by the Chins looking into
all authentic historical facts of Burma and its people, and carefully scrutinize the roots of these rumours.
Traditionally, Chins are warrior tribes and many Chins joined the Burma Rifles since Burma was under the British Rule.
The bulk of the soldiers in the British-trained Army were of minority ethnic groups such as Chins, Kachins and Karens.
Most of them were Converted Christians from their natural beliefs. It cannot be ruled out that it was part of the 'Tactic and
Strategy' or 'the Policy of Divide and Rule' of the Colonial Masters then. In any case, the British Rulers never trusted the
majority Buddhists Population of Burma, especially the majority ethnic group, the Burmese. The Burmese were rarely
accepted in the armed forces before the First World War. Some Colonial Rulers wrote: "Never arm the Burmese! If the
Burmese have an army they will invade all weaker neighbours, bully other ethnic minorities and finally they will kill their own
people who won't dance to their tune". Any how, the British did not accept the Burmese in the Burma Rifles at the
beginning. They used only Chins, Kachins and Karens.
Hence, many Chins were career soldiers and officers when Burma regained her independence and they had a very good
reputation as 'Loyalists to the Union', 'Real Soldiers Defending Democracy' and so on, under U Nu's Regime. Chins did not
accept statehood although they were granted. They remained as a 'Special Division' inside the mainland. Only in 1974,
according to the new constitution 'Chin Special Division' became Chin State, however, as everybody knew, the Socialist
Republic of the Union of Burma and its 1974 constitution were sham ones. The 'States' were only 'Nominal States',
incomparable to the States of the 1947 constitution. Since the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma was a centralized
Nation and a 'One Party State', the real power was only in the hands of an elite group in Rangoon, particularly in the hands
of the Party Chairman and the Head of State then, Ne Win. In fact, the authorities and powers given to the 'State Councils'
were much lesser than the authority and power of a Deputy Commissioner of a District under U Nu's regime. However, even
under the BSPP Regime some persons of ethnic minority groups were appointed as high ranking officers in the Burma
Armed Forces. As far as I remember, there were two Chins and one Kachin Brigadier-Generals in the Army, which was the
second highest rank in the then army and the Chief of Burma Air force was an Arakanese (Rakhaing). Also some colonels
were from some minority ethnic groups as well as from Muslims. [2] Only after the 1960s, the bulk of the high ranking
officers are from "Burmese Buddhists".
The statement of the Chin Community: Ever since the care-taker government period in 1958-1960 General Ne Win
abolished the British-era ethnic based battalions and turned the Burma Army into mixed-ethnic battalions with the majority
made up of ethnic Burmans. But Ne Win was careful enough not to eliminate the names of these battalions, so the names
1st, 2nd or 3rd Chin Rifles remain even though these battalions are no longer made up of Chin soldiers. Burman soldiers
made up the majority in any battalion and if there are any Chin soldiers they are only about 20 to 30 or even less in each of
these battalions", is correct. In fact, Ne Win did it even earlier than the Era of the Caretaker Government. Since he became
army chief in 1949, he had this idea. He became Commander in Chief of Burma Army after the forced retirement of the
Karen, General Smith Dun, because some Karen Army units and one company from a Kachin Battalion went underground
and fought against the central government. Let Ya, who was the Second in Command under Aung San, at the same time,
the Defence Minister and Deputy Prime Minister then, was totally against the forced retirement of General Smith Dun, a
Karen. And even when the majority of the cabinet ministers wanted to pension Smith Dun he recommended another Karen,
Brigadier Saw Kya Doe, to be given the post of Army Chief. His efforts were all in vain because eventually Ne Win became
the Army Chief.
Ne Win and his protgs did not trust the battalions of the ethnic minorities, especially the Karens and the Kachins.
There were lots of conflict between the Defence Minister Let Ya and the Commander-in-Chief Ne Win due to Let Ya's plan
to send military officers for further studies in the Military Academies Sand Hurst (England) and West Point (USA). Ne Win
never trusted the officers either trained by the military academies of the western countries or the officers of ethnic
minorities, who at that time became the majority of the general staff of the Burma Armed Forces. He wanted to dismiss all
of them except Brigadier Saw Kya Doe, who had joined the Japanese-trained Burmese Army during the Japanese Era. Let Ya
was against that plan, but Ba Swe, Kyaw Nyein and all the socialists, who were the majority in U Nu's government, backed
Ne Win firmly. Let Ya became fed up with politics and resigned from both his political and military posts. These were given
to Ne Win, who became Deputy Prime Minister as well as Defence and Home Minister. He thus could manipulate all Armed
Forces in Burma as he wished and as soon as he took office he removed almost all British-trained persons from their posts,
regardless of whether they were of Burmese or ethnic-minority descent. The only Sand Hurst-trained Karen, Brigadier Saw
Kya Doe, mentioned above as Let Ya's preferred successor to Smith-Dun, was allowed to remain in the Burma Army for one
or two years, not only because he and his battalion joined the Burmese Armies during the Japanese Era but also because he
fought against the Karen and other rebels. Later even Saw Kya Doe became fed up with war and he resigned from the army.
Since that time, Ne Win shuffled the ethnic battalions of the Burma Army into mixed-ethnic battalions with the majority
made up of ethnic Burmese slowly by slowly. He used two methods. The first method was the immediate replacement of the
commanders and the bulk of the officers of those battalions with Burmese. The second method was replacing the soldiers,
non commissioned officers and many officers of that battalion with Burmese and also from other ethnic groups, if the
commander was still from that ethnic group. In that way, all battalions of Burma Army became mixed-ethnic battalions with
the majority made up of ethnic Burmese. However, Ne Win was cunning enough not to eliminate the names of these
battalions, hence; they remained as Chin, Kachin, Shan, Karen, Ghurkha, Kayah Battalions, and so on. Some of the
commanders were of that ethnic group and some were Burmese. The final reshuffling was made during the Era of the Care
Taker Government.
In the case of the shootings at the university campus on the 7 th July 1962, the commander of that battalion was
Lt. Col. Sein Lwin who was later well known as the 'Butcher Sein Lwin' in 1988. The bulk of the soldiers were Burmese and
not Chins. Colonel Sein Lwin was not a well educated man; he did not even finish his high school. That's why he regarded
university students with jaundiced eyes. About more than a year ago, in 1960 still under U Nu's regime, Sein Lwin had
problems with university students. Sein Lwin drove his new Chevrolet Bel Air Sedan recklessly on Prome Road near the
University and some students were slightly hit. Instead of stopping to apologize to the students, he and a fellow army
officer speeded up the car and tried to escape. The students followed his car. Just near the 'Windermere Ministers Village'
Sein Lwin could not control the speed and the car hit the round-about and stopped. He and the other officer ran into the
'Ministers Village' and took refuge there. One minister came out and consoled the students telling them that he came out to
apologize on behalf of the driver and his companion so that the students could forgive the driver and the other. The angry
students did not chase the driver anymore but they set fire to Sein Lwin's car. Since that time he was very angry with the
university students and waited for a chance to give a Vendetta. On the 7th July1962 when his troops surrounded the
campus, the students jokingly asked him whether he wanted to see how the university campus and class rooms looked like
because they knew exactly that he had never been inside there in his whole life, he felt insulted. It was the best time for
him to revenge, hence, he sent Ne Win through radio the false information that the situation could not be controlled by
peaceful means and therefore he had to request for shooting orders. Ne Win who was drunk at that time, wanted to show
his power and authority to the challengers, permitted the firing orders. However, later Ne Win pushed all blames to Aung
Gyi, his deputy then, which was vehemently rejected by Aung Gyi in his 'Open Letter' in July 1988.
As mentioned earlier, Chins are traditionally warrior tribes and well known to be good and disciplined soldiers. In fact,
since the BSPP Era many Chins did not join the army as they did under U Nu's Era because there were many shortages in
Burma due to the mismanagement of the economy. Many people had to think for their 'Existence Minimum' and had to
carry out 'cross border trading' with the neighbouring countries in their nearest border. Those traders, though officially
paying tax to the government, were named 'smugglers' and the markets selling these goods were called 'Black Markets'.
Many Chins, too, were involved in this kind of trading with their nearest border, India. Hence, there were not many Chin
soldiers inside the Burma Army. However, since the Ne Win Era the name Chin Battalions remained although in truth, the
bulk of the soldiers of those battalions were pure Burmese Buddhists. And since the Chins are well known to be good
soldiers who obey the commands of their Army chiefs, the various Burmese Military Governments usually stated that it was
the Chin Battalion who did the shooting. Since most of the Chins are Christians and the majority populace of Burma are
Buddhists, this also serves as a good tool to confuse the Burmese populace and 'divide and rule' the country between the
Chins and the Buddhists majority similar to the way the Colonial Masters did earlier.
Here I would like to point out that the descendents of the People of the Subcontinent had to bear the burden of the
'Divide and Rule Policy' of the British Colonial Masters. Until the present time, they are neither cordially accepted nor
showed affinity by the Burmese people. A similar situation can be found in many former British Colonies in Africa.
During the Colonial Era, the British preferred Indians for public sector jobs. Most of the policemen and officers,
postmen, railways and other transport workers, prison guards and officers, doctors, nurses and hospital workers, clerks,
armed forces personnel and even menial workers were Indians. Here I would like to cite Ton That Tien [3] who wrote: "That
in some form of occupation half of those engaged, and that in other forms of employment over 40%, should be aliens,
would be a remarkable situation in any country".
On the whole the British were too distrustful of the loyalty of their Buddhist subjects (the Burmese and other ethnic
groups like Mons, Shans and Arakanese) to become familiar with modern science, technology and warfare. All
independence struggles, rebellions, boycotts and so on, were brutally crushed by the British-Indian Army, Para-Military
Police and Burma Police which were mainly filled up with Indians. Thus there began to rise in Burma an antagonism against
Indians in addition to anti-British feelings. Many Burmese did have ill-feelings towards the Indians during the colonial era.
These feelings are now slowly decreasing, especially among the new generation who were born in the post-independence
era. However, until the present time, Indians are neither cordially accepted nor showed affinity by the Burmese people.
Aping the Colonial Masters, the various Military Governments have been using the same divide and rule tactics with a big
difference. Indians were aliens brought by the British to Burma and the whole battalion is filled only with Indian soldiers.
Chins are indigenous minorities of Burma and the battalions are not filled with Chin soldiers but with Burmese Buddhists
and are named Chin battalions. This shows that the various Military Governments are more crooked than the Colonial
Masters.
Nowadays, in Burma if one sees a minority soldier who speaks Burmese with accent they just conclude that this is a Chin
although they may be a Wa or Karen or Kachin or of other minorities, because the reputation of Chin soldiers was totally
destroyed since Ne Win's Era. There were rumours that these soldiers who shot the monks in Rangoon in September 2007
were taken from the Thai-Burmese Border. It cannot be ruled out that some soldiers are from the 'ceased fire groups' of
some other ethnic minorities or the Pocket Army of the Opium Warlords, who are for the time being allies of this military
regime. When we saw the pictures of some soldiers in 'Stern Magazine'[an influential German weekly magazine] their features
were with 'Chinky Eyes' and they looked more like other ethnic minorities from the Chinese Border rather than a Chin.
Hence, no wonder, they talked in a much accented Burmese as some monks claimed. However, one cannot deny the fact
that the majority soldiers in the division stationed in Rangoon, which crushed the demonstrators in September 2007, were
Burmese Buddhists. In any case, these soldiers were recruited from some minorities as well as from the Burmese.
Many young boys from their childhood were taken or bought from their poor parents and trained to become soldiers.
According to the latest surveys, there are about 70,000 'Child Soldiers' in the Burmese Army, the highest in the world.
They were taught or better say 'brain washed' to be faithful and loyal to the Burmese Military and their leaders only. They
were taught they had no parents anymore, only the Burma Army was their parents and because of the Burmese Military and
their leaders, they could survive and therefore they had to respect 'their parents' had to listen to them and obey their
orders. It is very similar to the way the Japanese Imperial Army trained Koreans and Manchus about 25 years before the
Second World War. Most 'Japanese soldiers' stationed in South East Asia were the so-called "Manchukos". Only officers were
Japanese. One cannot neglect the fact that, Ne Win, the so-called 'Second Father of the Modern Burmese Army' was a
Japanese-trained soldier who turned down the plan to send military officers to go for further studies in the Military
Academies Sand Hurst (England) and West Point (USA). Hence, there is no doubt that many ideologies of the modern
Burmese Army were influenced by the Mentalities and Ideas of the Second World War's Imperialist Japanese Army!
Sometimes the Burmese are too ethno-centric. They had and have an illusion that pure Burmese Buddhists soldiers
won't shoot and kill their own people, especially the monks even if they are ordered by their officers. They would rather
become renegades and so on. In fact, since the time of the Burmese Royal Army; all Burmese soldiers did kill, loot, rape,
and destroy everything which their 'He who must be obeyed' commanded. The past history of Ayuddiya (Siam) and Mrauk
U (Arakan), then the present history of U Thant's funeral riots in 1974, then again in 1988 had proven that Burmese
soldiers did not respect the clergy and the religion they supposed to practice. There is no doubt that these Burmese
soldiers did kill monks, loot monasteries, temples, destroyed Buddha statues and even loot the Buddha statues as booty to
take home during the crushing of these demonstrations in September 2007.
The history of the Holy Maha Muni Image in Mandalay has proven it! The Burmese Royal Armies looted this colossal
statue from the Arakan City or Mrauk U after the Burmese conquest of the Rakhaing Kingdom in the late 19 th Century.
They used the Arakanese prisoners of war, about thirty thousand including the last King of Arakan, as slave labour to carry
that colossal image across the mountain range and for other slavery works. Till now some Arakanese from Sittwe call the
Burmese as "Robbers and Thugs of the Holy Image, Maha Muni". I am sure; Thais must have been naming the Burmese
some similar names. There were rumours in Thailand that the Burmese king Hsinphyu Shin of the Konbaung Dynasty had
robbed the gold from Ayuddiya and donated that gold to the (former) umbrella [4] of the Shwe Dagon Pagoda in Rangoon.
After 1988 many Chins left the country because of economic, social, political and other problems. It can even be called
as the 'Chin Exodus' and therefore, nowadays there are very few Chin soldiers in the Burma Army. Aside from that, almost
all ethnic minorities in Burma are bilingual speakers. Apart of their mother tongue, they also have to speak and learn
Burmese which is the Lingua Franca of the whole Union of Burma. As Christians the Chins learned the English language
from the Christian Missionaries. That's why; generally their command of the English language is much superior to many
Burmese who start learning this only from the 5 th grade where their teachers are also not native speakers but Burmese.
After the nationalization of all schools in Burma in 1965, Burmese replaced English as the official language used in the
schools. Teaching the minority languages such as Shan, Karen, Mon and so forth was also forbidden. Only in the early 80s,
when Ne Win's favourite daughter Khin Sandar Win failed the entrance examination in Singapore, did English once again
become an official language. It was rather too late because there was then a shortage of experienced teachers able to teach
the required subjects in English. Many experienced teachers and scientists who had been trained under U Nu's government
began to leave Burma and settle abroad. The Burmese people have had to suffer under this burden until the present.
Hence, if a normal Burmese goes abroad he/she has language difficulty but many Chins speak English fluently and rarely
face language difficulty.
As the way, the Chin Community claims: "The Chin youth are very clever and intelligent and very much globalized. In
response to the military regime's persecution and hardships and sufferings imposed upon them, the Chin youth are
temporarily leaving behind their beloved land in the thousands to study political science, economics, and theology and so
on in the western countries. At this very moment there are already about 500 Chin students in the universities in the
western world and the number is increasing. This makes the racist military regime very nervous". According to population
ratio, the Burmese and Chins are 40:1, however, based on this population ratio, nowadays there are comparatively more
Chins studying abroad than Burmese.
As a conclusion, I would like to say that I share the view of the Chin Community. There is no doubt that the Chins were
made Scapegoats by the Burmese Military for their propaganda purposes as well as for their further 'divide and rule policy'
because all opposition groups, whether they are Burmese or ethnic minorities, have the same and single goal which is to
topple down the Military Dictatorship in Burma and the Junta is afraid that they will be united. Hence, the Junta instead of
admitting their mismanagement, tried to divert by pushing blames on Chin soldiers thereby 'shooting two birds
simultaneously with one stone'. So for those in the opposition camp inside or outside Burma, and especially the Burmese
media in exile, should think twice before they write or speak so as not to unwittingly echo the junta's words but rather
scrutinize the reality inside the Burma Army and avoid becoming a mouthpiece of the enemy they claim to fight against.
__________________________________________________________
[1] The word Burmese or Burman is also only for the Bamas, the biggest ethnic group in Burma and not for the citizens of
Burma, because if one asks a Karen or a Shan or even a Tavoyian who speaks a dialect of the Burmese Language, "Are you
a Burmese or a Burman" his answer will no doubt be, " I'm neither Burmese nor Burman, instead I am a Tavoyan, Chin, Shan
and so forth." The word Arakanese or Rakhine/Rakhaing is also only for the majority ethnic group in the Rakhine State, the
people who are called Yakhines by Burmese, and not for the other groups living in Rakhine State such as Mro, Dainet,
Kamans, Kamwee, Myedu, early Bengali settlers who came after the British occupation and the group who named themselves
"Rohingyas". I used the word Indian in this paper to represent not just the people of India, but rather the people from the
Subcontinent, which means Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis who are called Kalas by the Burmese.

[2] Muslim is a religion. Regardless of any ethnic group, every body could be Muslim if they believe in this religion. Hence,
what I meant was not only the Buddhists who are majorities but also the believers of the minority religion could also get
higher positions.
[3] Ton That Tien, India and Burma, in: India and South East Asia 1947-1960, Geneva, 1963, p. 152.

[4] The present Umbrella of Shwe Dagon Pagoda was donated by King Mindon in the second half of the 19 th century.
The Umbrella donated by King Hsinphyu Shin is kept in the Pagoda Museum since that time. King Hsinphyu Shin donated
that umbrella due to his body weight one or two years after the Burmese conquest of Siam. That's why, the modern Thais
suspected it to be made of the gold taken as booty from Siam. About 90 years later, at the second half of the 19 th
century, his great grand nephew, King Mindon, replaced that umbrella with the new one due to his body weight again.
Since Hsinphyu Shin was a warrior and Mindon was a fat man, it is sure that Mindon was heavier than his great grand uncle.
Apart from that, Mindon was the king only of Upper Burma. Lower Burma had already become a British Colony and King
Mindon had to ask permission from the British Government for his donation. When even the king of the half of Burma
could donate more gold to the new umbrella than the first one; it must be taken for granted that the ruler of the entire
Burmese empire then, Hsinphyu Shin, could easily donate such gold amount without using the gold from Siam taken as
booty, though there was a very unfortunate incident. The present author has seen that umbrella many times in the
museum. The names of other donors from the Ava City were written on the gold banyan leaves and small gold bells
attached to that umbrella, though the king was formally known as the main donor.
*********************************************
About Us
-------------------------------------------------------------
Covering Social and Politial Issues of Chin people and Burma
=============================================================
Chinland Guardian is an independent, internet-based news agency committed to providing reliable news and current issues
about Chinland and Burma through a balanced, objective and professional reporting.
_____________________________
Note 1. The auhtor is a Rakhaing(Arakanese) scholarr.
Note 2. Markings in blue are made by myself.
Thang Za Dal. August 2009
APPENDIX U-I
19TH CENTURY WARS AND CAMPAIGNS
(By David Stevens)
1803 India (1st Mahratta War)
Engagement: Assaye
1793-1815 - Napoleonic Wars
Campaigns: Denmark; The Netherlands; West
Indies; Mediterranean; Egypt; South America;
Portugal; Spain; India; South Africa; Waterloo
1812-1814 American War
Engagements: Washington; New Orleans
1814-1816 Nepalese War
1816-1819 India (2nd Mahratta & Pindari War)
Engagements: Nagpore; Maheidpore;Asseerghur
1824-1826 First Burma War
Engagement: Ava
1824-1831 First Ashanti War (West Africa)
1834-1835 First Kaffir War (South Africa)
1839-1842 First Afghan War
Battles: Guznee; Jellalabad; Canadahar; Kelat;
Cabool
1841-1842 First China War
1843 Annexation of Sinde ( N.W. India)
Engagement: Baloochistan; Meeanee
1843 Gwailor Campaign (Central India)
Engagements: Panniar; Maharajapur
1845-1846 - First Sikh War (Punjab)
Battles: Moodkee; Ferezeshah; Sobroan; Aliwal
1845-1847 - First Maori War (New Zealand)
1846-1847- Second Kaffir War (South Africa)
1848-1849 Second Sikh War (Punjab)
Battles: Multan; Gujrut; Chillianwala
1850-1853 Third Kaffir War (South Africa)
1852-1853 Second Burma War
1854-1856 Crimean War
Battles: Alma; Balaklava; Inkermann; Sebastopol
1856-1857 Persian War
Engagement: Bushire
1857-1858 The Indian Mutiny
Battles: Lucknow; Cawnpore; Delhi
1857-1860 Second China War
Engagements: Taku Forts; Pekin
1860-1870 Second/Third Maori Wars (New
Zealand)
1863 Umbeyla Expedition (India)
1866 Canada (Fenian Raid - Punitive Expedition)
1867-1868 Abyssinian Expedition
Engagement: Magdala
1870 Canada (Manitoba, Red River Punitive
Expedition
1873-1874 - Second Ashanti War (West Africa)
1878-1880 Second Afghan War
Battles: Kandahar; Kabul; Piewar Kotal; Maiwand
1870-1880 India (Minor Expeditions)
Bhutan;
Looshai;
Jowaki;
Nagaland 1877-1879)
Zulu War (Natal, South Africa)
Battles: Isandhlwana; Rorkes Drift;
Eshowe/Gingindhlovu; Hlobane/Kambula; Ulundi
1880-1881 Basutoland/Transkei Expeditions
(South Africa)
1880-1881 First Boer War (Transvaal, South
Africa)
Engagement: Majuba Hill
1882 Egyptian Campaign
Battle: Tel-el-Kebir
1884-1889 Sudan Campaigns
Battles: Tofrek; Abu Klea; Ginniss; Toski
1885 Canada (Van Riels Rebellion) Punitive
Expedition
1885-1887 Third Burma War
1888 India (Sikkim Minor Expedition)
1882-1892 Operations N.E. Frontier of India and
Burma
Burma (1887-92);
Hazara (1888);
Chin-Lushai(1889-92);
Samana (1891); Hazara (1891);
Hunza(1891);
Chin Hills (1892-93)[Campaign against the
Siyin-Nwengal Rebellion]*;
Kachin Hills (1892-93)
1891 Miranzai Expedition N.W. Frontier of
India
1891-1898 Operations in Central Africa
1893 Matabele War (East Africa)
1894-1895 Waziristan and Chitral Campaigns
N.W. Frontier of India
1895-1896 Third Ashanti War (West Africa)
1896-1897 Nigeria Expeditions (West Africa)
1896-1898 Reconquest of Sudan
Battles: Atbara; Khartoum; Omdurman
1897-1898 Indian Frontier Expeditions
N. W. Frontier: Malakand (1897); Samana (1897);
Tirah (1897-98) Punjab Frontier: (1897-98)
1897-1898 Operations in Uganda and
Somaliland (East/Central Africa)
1899-1902 South Africa (Anglo-Boer War)
Battles: Belmont; Modder River; Magersfontein;
Colenso; Spion Kop; Stormburg Junction; Wagon
Hill; Defence/Relief of Ladysmith, Mafeking,
Kimberley
* Info in square brackets is my own. tzd
http://www.militarybadges.org.uk/19c%20wars.ht
m
_____________________________________________
Source: Jay Luvass, Official Histories: Essays and
Bibliographies from around the World (Robin Higham,
Editor, Kansas State University Library, 1970).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: BRITISH OFFICIAL HISTORIES
THROUGH THE FIRST WORLD WAR
Crimean War 1845-55
Elphinstone, Major General Sir H. C., and Lieutenant
General Sir H. C. Jones. Journal of the Operations
Conducted by the Corps of Royal Engineers. Published
by order of the Secretary of State for War. 2 vols.
(1859).
China War 1860
Intelligence Branch, India. The China Expedition, 1860.
(1895).
Abyssinian Expedition 1867-68
Second Afghan War 1878-80
Intelligence Branch, India. The Second Afghan War,
1878-80. (1908).
Egyptian War 1882
Maurice, Major General Sir John Frederick. Military
History of the Campaign of 1882 in Egypt. Compiled in
the Intelligence Branch, War Office. (1887, reprinted
1908).
...........................
Chambers, Captain W. R. Report on the Chittagong
Column, Chin-Lushai Expedition of 1889-90. Compiled in
the Intelligence Branch, India. (1893).
( http://warchronicle.com/britain/first_officials.htm )
_______________________________________
Last updated in September 2011 by thangzadal.
APPENDIX U-2
INDIA & NWF
First Mysore War 1767 - 1771
First Rohilla War 1774
Bhutan 1774
Oudh 1776
First Maratha War 1817 - 1819
Second Mysore War 1780 - 1784
Third Mysore War 1789 - 1792
Trincomalee 1795
Fourth Mysore War 1798 - 1799
Second Rohilla War 1794
Second Maratha War 1803 - 1806
First Kandy War 1803 - 1805
Vellore Mutiny 1806
Nepal War 1814 - 1818
Third Maratha War 1817 - 1819
Pindari War 1817 - 1819
Second Kandy War 1818
Assam War 1824 - 1825
Jat War 1825 - 1826
Coorg 1834
Canara Uprising 1837
First Afghan War 1839 - 1842
Baluchistan 1839 - 1842
Kohistan Expedition 1840
Marri War, Sind 1840
Shahjehanpore Expedition 1841
Arakan Frontier Expedition 1842
Shinwari Expedition 1842
Saugor and Nerbudda Operations 1842 - 1843
Sind 1843
Gwalior 1843
Malabar Uprising 1843
Mahratta War 1844 - 1845
First Sikh War 1845 - 1846
Baizais 1847
Swat Valley Expedition 1847
Ceylon Uprising 1848
Second Sikh War 1848 - 1849
Baizais Expedition 1849
Afridis/Kohat Expedition 1849 - 1850
Yusufzai/Sanghao Expedition 1849 - 1850
Mutiny of 66th NI Regiment 1849 - 1850
Miranzai Expedition 1851
Mohmands Expedition 1851 - 1852
Ranizais Expedition 1852
Uthman Khel Expedition 1852
Wazirs, Darwesh Khel and Umarzai Expedition 1852
Hassanzai Expedition 1852 - 1853
Shirani and Kasrani Expeditions
Third Afridi Expedition 1853
Third Mohmand Expedition 1854
Fourth Afridi Campaign 1855
Miranzai Expedition 1855
Orakzais Expedition 1855
Sonthals Rebellion 1855 - 1857
Turis 1856
Beydur Expedition against Baluchis 1857
Rajamundry Expedition 1857
The Indian Mutiny 1857 - 1858
Yusufzais Expedition 1857
Sittana Field Force 1858
Khudu Khel Expedition 1858
Bandelcund Campaign 1859
Kabu Khel Waziris Expedition 1859 - 1860
Bengal Mutiny 1859 - 1862
Mahsud Waziris Expedition 1860
Sikkim 1861
Ambela 1863
Mohmands 1864
Shabkadar Fort 1864
Bhutan Expedition 1864 - 1866
Andaman Island Expedition 1867
Orakzais, Bizoti Expedition 1868
Black Mountain Expedition 1868
Bizoti, Orakzais Expedition1869
Looshai Expedition 1871 - 1872
Dawaris Expedition 1872
Tochi Valley Expedition 1872
Daffla Expedition 1874 - 1875
Naga Hills Expedition 1875
Jawaki Expedition 1877 - 1878
Utman Khel Expedition 1878
Ranizais Expedition 1878
Zakha Khel Expedition 1878 - 1879
Naga Expedition 1878 - 1879
2nd Afghan War 1878 - 1880
Mohmand Expedition 1878 - 1879
Zaimukhts 1879
Naga Hills Expedition 1879 - 1880
Mohmand Expedition 1880
Batanis 1880
Wazirs, Darwesh Khel 1880
Mahsud Expedition 1881
Bikaneer Expedition 1883
Takht-i-Suliman Expedition 1883
Akha Khel Expedition 1883 - 1884
Zhob Valley Expedition 1883 - 1884
Bhutan Expedition 1885
Bunnerwals Expedition 1887
Sikkim 1888
Black Mountain Expedition, Hazara Field Force1888 -
1889
Chin Lushai Expeditions 1889 - 1890
Zhob Expeditions 1890
Lushai Expedition 1889-1892
Black Mountain Expedition 1891
Orakzais 1891
Hunza-Naga Expedition 1891
Miranzai Field Force 1891
Isazai Expedition 1891 - 1892
Manipur Expedition 1891 - 1893
Abor Hills Expedition 1893 - 1894
Mahsud Expedition 1894 - 1895
Waziristan Expedition 1894 - 1895
Chitral Campaign 1895
Waziristan Campaign 1897
Tochi Field Force 1897
Bruner Field Force 1897
Malakand Field Force 1897
Mohmand Field Force 1897
Samana 1897
Tirah Field Force 1897
Zakha Khel Field Force 1897
Bunerwals Expedition 1898
Chamkannis Expedition 1899
Wazirsrs, Mahsud 1899 - 1901
Wazirs, Darwesh Khel 1901 - 1902
Afridis, Zakka Khel1853 1908
Mohmands 1908
Waziristan
1919 - 1921
Mohmand Campaign
by Stephen Luscombe
http://www.britishempire.co.uk/forces/armycampaigns/indiamenu.htm
____________________________________
Last updated inSeptember 2011 by thangzadal.
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APPENDIX V
FEASTING AND MEAT DTYIfIION AMONG TED ZASAU CSINS O}' BI'R,MA,
A PR,ELIMINAB,Y ANIIY$S,
By II. N. C, STBvsnso](.
IN the oourse of my work in the Chin IIi s I bed learnt sorEething of th! exist!nc!of
recipoca,l obligetions of
yarious
kinds conn!stcd vith fea,lt , aDd so
jumped
ai ih!
first opportunity I got of witDees one of the3! csr!monies. As I hoppercd to be
havsuing ir th! vicinity I msde a detour iD my jouErey
&lTieed &t the houso of
the fsast'gilr'er ebout noon on the gr dry
By the eroit!ment vhich prevailetl I realiaed thoi the high
?oint
in the proceedhgs
about to ta,ke plec!, Children who ha.d b!en soemp!ring about ia the sdja,oent
ga,rilone began occupy sha,t!gio vieq)ointE from which they oould s!!the whole
of ihe courtya,rd of the house, wbile tI! old!rs l!ft the zz-pots and crowded on to th!
wooden pla,tf,orm, caued. zMra, built on the dovnbill oide of it.
L",l sai Irc, my hoet at th! feast, had helt!d before the 6lst animalto be sscdtced.
Ih! drTms o!s!od, atrd s, hosh foll olr'!I ihe a,esombled tbrong.
In e loud Bingsong voio!, the feastgiv!r caJled upon lhe Bpllit, oI the Kkung to
of the animal offexed, and demondod that in exchang!-Knz.rrg Pd shotld br heslth
Bnil pmsp!rity to his home, and fll }is stolag! bius with golden millet and hLiB zlr-pots
with potent beer.
AB he intoned ihe rich phra!e!of the ineocation he poured Billet-b!!r ftom s. d
in hfu left hand over the neck of tho bound end tredbling mithaDr, threo timos ftom
the bo}, to tI! withel8. The menh th!ropos th&i bouEdthew$toh!d cre!,ture's
legs took t[e sbain so that when the time ca,Ee they oould whip its f6!t from undehoath
it a,trd pl!y the c!,te!trcphe of s, fo,U in the direction of the Bocrifrc!I, drerd omen
aB that le!s of death in tho howelold.
.dok.-Au muive Chin m!& intlodded in t[e @rre of thiB eiicte de a the irediiio@l ltorsl
1,.&dliuehiim
qs
it ap!!&B in bhe CIin re!der!. tL6y dE Dot io te rgsrd!d u
jr
any so@ sc@Bt4ly
I
ldfrnntdis. In Clin Ai,. Tle @nle oftle Enb.
Jtumal oftlv Roydl An hropolosical lwtitute, t ol. DtyII 1937
-
This Appcrdix is relevdt to the follolvin8 topicsl
l8 2 The Religion ofPau Cin Hau
lE 3-l lntroductionlto Ch.isnanzation in Chinlandl
l9 6 Hcad-hunt'lg and OLher Special Ce.!monics
199 RitDah md Rolos ofM?a/ aDd Zr
(Thmg 26 D3], Octobe! 2009)
Ttf
lee.r!
t t
17
l{t II. N. C. STri.Elrsoi{.--Parsthn o,nd. iveal
As the la.et !cho!s died s,way my host lifted hi6 speax a,nd alrove it with a quick tbrust
into th! a,nimal'B right 6ide. In an irutent it va.s flrlng to the grorud s,nal an o!siBtant
had da!hed its bs,ins out with an axo. The flst ea.crifice ws,!over,
Tle sp!s,I thust vEs a signal for thoF!ga,thered on the zazta to burst into the opening
choins of the Rhuang Ala, the Song of the Rhaang, which pantly &owned the sourd
of th! invoostiorE msde r/hen a secord and a third mitha,n were killed in o
Fecisely
simila,r manner, follo*"ed by
"
l-g" pU which Bquelled holribly as my host tbnst &
bamboo slike into its vits,ls ond twisted it to make the blood flov fteely into th!
&bdomhal cavity.
the centre of the skin of tle aDimels' be ies, aIld wiihjn a. few minutes the slo
ca,rcases had been skitDed enal cut up, th! carv6rs wa,tched car!fuIly by a critical group
who, headed by the Balai Ko,i,, heely oilered &dvice and admonitioD!.
La,ter I s&v th&t iiEtsad of the meat going to tle horEe of the feast-giyer to be
cooked for lds ts, it eB8 a,lmost enttely given a,\ye,y to
yaxious
people, who eagerly
carried ofi their shares to their or*rx home6 to be &ied for future coD$rmption or
eo
d
a,t oDce- A thin sliver of moat was sliced ofi eech joint tsken eray, to be dried and served
s,6 a,n &plrtis!! Bith ihe beer at the feast, but &part fiom tbis small qu&ntity end a few
iruignificetrt
jointE {or ihe food of assiBtents ot the fe{,Ai, ever}'thing went to perrons out-
!ide the holt's hourahold.
lnquiry reyeeled a vide va,ri!ty of recipiente of rneat, and I found that this syst!m
wes thoroughly iDstitutionsliced, epecfic divisions being made omong varying groqs
on ilifierotrt occa!ions.
I bad alroady discoyered, as previously noted, somethjng of the existence ofa
r!ciproos,l syst!m of obligstionE
jr
vhich the shsritrg of meat
da.yed
s, coD!ider&ble
p&rt, but was not prepaxed fox the extlaordinary iig!nuity show[ in the methodr of
rewa,! a.chieyem!nt tbrough thjs syst!t!1, whether in wax, ihe chaEe, or itr feast-giying.
I {oud that the group rec!iving meot at fes!ts in lhe haunlanr Eerie6 difiercd with
the Inognitude of the femt,
;
ih&t, in tuln, the6e groups vsxied from those who received
flesh a,t a,r ait or danc!in celebra.tion of succesB in hunting or wa,r, ard yet oth!I orienta-
tions of obligations exjst!d at th! thr!e funeEl fea,sts of Ruak hnah, Ktutn TceA, and
PMl, Clhnuk,
The {ollowing short statdn!nt of those who reo!iye flesh s,t only tbree of the nulnerous
oocasioru on *'hich inEtitutionoliaed dirbion is mado will giv! Bome iBdic&tion of the
difer!nc$ which erist. The fust coluDr| is 0, dqcription of the p!rsons Eceiving
mea,t, &nd the othex three for Ehoeing, by s,n X mqrk, whether or not the indivi&ral
in th! frst column gets s shano of the moat ai the paxticuls,I tj?e of feest noted in ih!
columns.
A}}exNr
<
v
Avbbn arnona tha Za!,au Ch;n"s ol B
It will be s!!tr thst the kinship a]rd ceftaiE other grcups remain ooDsta.nt, excopt
in the case of tho fuEeral fesst, from which I ha,ve left oul
"
f&ther," es th.is rclstive
ysry
occording to the nature of tho cemmony.
Thsse alifre$niia,triom oover so laxge a part of Chin life thet it woula be quite
iEl,ossible to dircuss all the xsm.ifrcations of Urc system hin the sco1,!of one adicle.
I hope, howeyer, to deal mor6 tuUy lyith the subject in la,ter publications.
tr'or my immodiet! purpose I belieye thst a,n an&lysiE of the division of mert a,t one
of the series of ce$monial f6a!t! will give o sufrcie'ntly cl!er iD! t itrto tho part played
by meot-distribution in the Bocial lif! of the Chi$, a.nd so I vill colrture my de!cription
tu, \he Kkuaw $awi, hhe
$ea,tosi
feaat of ell.
I prop$e to divide the subj!ot matter into two p s, the 6$t giving s thuEbna,il
sketch of the sett of these feaats &nd th! actual nethod of corving the a,nieals, a,nd
tho seoond study in deteil th6 firtrotion of the inEtiiutioaslis!d diyisioD of th! me!,r.
The ChiD6 irh,abit a very hilly country alnost completely devoid of plst!eux,
an agricultural people, theh chief (rops
be millet, maize, b!a;ns strd tsno. Ttr6y rear
pigs under the houses ia the
yillage,
ond keep smoll helds of mitban, both a,nimals being
u!!d almost !Etir!Iy for pu4)os!B of sacrifice to the spirits.
Wheth$ it be in the na,ttff of grain or livestocL, the Chin in my aros neyer see
to sove up " for & t&iny doy ", Eis motto of "
,
driDk, &nd be mer4r," may vell b6
t 1
D$dipiion of acipient,
I s c h d , .
Bioileft (cb&,)
Mothei's bfttho!
\Yifet trrotber . . ..
X8o (fortgiftr, dhootd of
suhe,
or heir of
d@ed) ..
r . .
I{!Erhe
Blook@i$
Cr-ovfur
lot!r. in hunt
of tMtE)
bBting kill) ..
rn@r{iaa (usi6hot
ct Kboan ri oDly)
A@s ls aboE)
Os@ ofNn@"{ taE}oo .. .,
x
x
x (6)
x
x
x
x
x
x
T
x
x
x
x
x ( l )
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
x(3)
x
x
x
x
rttFeHti<
w
18
I{. N, C. STlvENsori.-1ea.s#ng a,nd, Meat
the roeult oI the erctremoly unsettled conditioff of life thst prcyaileal
nrior to the
Ann*etioD.
ftibal hiEtory indic&tes thet fey
yittages
haye been eble to rEairtah theDrelyes
h the ye&xs in their origiDal Bit!s. One alt!I a.nother they hove fallen victim
to thoir !Demies, beeD bunt or broken-up end rcfomted et o lat!r dat!, atrd tjrere rs
little room for doubt that this contioual dangor of ma,jor raitls and minor head-huruurg
forsys mult heve made it dilficutt to giye much thought for a highly
Fobl!ma,tical
Aga,in, the faat ihet mithar s,re Don ga,rious in their hobits haa a dtect b!ering
on thfu m&tter, beceuse her difroulti!s sle suoh tlat f!w men ca,re to keeo morc ttran
three mithan st e time. Iferds are rarely a,Iloved to inclesse for tbis reaeon, and the
annual "inorcnqent " by calving is oouDt!r&cted by a, coatinu&l drain on the malule
anima,l6 {or Bserifice et tbe fea,6ts.
Wha,t,ever be tbe &usa pqint, the fact thet rho Chin ne1.er ma,ke! ary a mpr
to ke!p for long pedod! either bjs stores of grain or his stock of a,niEAls is op!D to empiical
obsereetion, sDd this fsct resdts in a, more ox l!ss continual ompp up of maJor or
l$!er feasts of one kind enal a.nother.
Thero is, of oouree, a m
?!riodioity
itr the oocurl!Dca of a,ll feastB, a,nd specially
thoBe great oDeB which involve severa.l day6,partiat or com}let! htorication
for the
pariicipants.
Netulslly th! leen monthE b!fore the [sryeBt ofite nov-crolB are not a
euitable time, a!th6 storcs of food would be almost completely exha,usted, pal:ticd&rlv
stores of those
$airu
ftom vrhich z?, is hewed, thot is, nfllet and maize.
Ag8in, the exig!Daies of agrior tur! will not perrDit de.llying at tbe z&_pot during the
plaDt Eesson, vhich is immedi&tely b!fore the ,D,firzr, or lpring la,ins, or the veedinq
Eeason, which !tarts s monih or so la,tor when the young plants ha,ye sFouted.
But bebween theBe pedodA a,ll Zohau Chine make greEt efiorrs to complet!,
for
reaeons whieh will b!discussed Letd in thi! erticle, stagos in tb! ssries of fe4st!onding
in the forlr ma,jor c!rcmo^ies ol Ktlai, tam, Bia tkun thnh, Bh b., th&h Md Kh/urng raawi;
at a,ll of whioh specifro eecri6c6s ere mbde to the spirits, and defnit!
lodods
of hospitality
!xt!rded to the
yiUagd
oomlrunity.
Eowev!t, while most Chins wiu suoceed some time itr th6ir lives in gBttirg pant
of th!
ws,y tbro the aories, few complete it owitrg to the groat expendihr.re of mot!ri&l wealth
required. I'he money !quiva,lent of the good6 coffumed at e fesst, oven rryhen al wero
of hom!
Foduotion,
would vaxy ftom RB. 60/- fot t\e Xktai tan No \,s. }Eo/- fot the
Rkaang taawi,.
Tov&rds tho a,ma,ssing of this mat!risl w!&ltb the Chin dirocts tie
agricultursl activitier which loom so la,rge in his life; {or this h6 rearB hi! mithen and
p1gs, end Bttrivos for her,vy orops of the zz-FoduoiDg millet onil maiz!.
A?PeN}' r,(V
Dioisiov amans tlu Zalwt Chim oJ Bwtrw.
I c{,n now deel with the acdual nethod of osrving a,nd dishibuiion. In this con-
n!ction, I would refer those rnf,er!Bted in compsxative study to the section on this subieot
orp s 119/27 ofP. Buck'B tr!etise oD Ssmoan M,Bteri&lC'ftue, in ihe Bernic!3tuhop
Museum Buletin 76. I did not havs the pleesur! of reading Mr. Buck'e until
eft!r I h8d left thc Chin EiUs, but !ven so I tbinkmadorE will 6nd much thst i3 oomla"able
in the syst!Es evolvsd by these widely Bel)s ated
}!ople6
to meet ths n!ed for alr$ation
of I!oipmcel obligations in therr communities.
To levert to ChiD corving-iD tbe case of pigs the skitr is iny&Iiably cut up
with tho flosh, but rffbon
mithen axe killed the sLin i6 u6uallJ r!moved first, to b!&ied
for rue s!e sleeping mat.
B!low is e diegemm&tio illuskation of th!
joints
into which mithen sr! divided
qt
lb6 Khaa,ng kdlDi fffit Xeoh
ioiDt
is na,ined, ond tJre figures in pareDihese!de[ote the
number of
joints
of thai oat!gory availoble, a note which is noc!ssery becsuse, in all,
thl!! mith.lr aro kiled.
Afang (6) A-in khar (6) Aza.g (3) Arnifr (3) Akawng (6)
Alu (3)
A-iih (6) Ahnawi (3) Anom (6)
!ra. l. DrAaM s
l 0
ch!brEaatbone. OEo oth6r
idint
rhio[ I Lsve no[ ]Mted i. ott!d Gtn tElrl, snd G iftideth!loft of
the hEr!t lrd!r dd.
*Pl esbi < v
20 E. N. C. SrEvrNson.-?@Hing d,nd, lta
Kinahip Toblz. Th6 d!scriptivo t6rms shovn agsinrt the eynbolr a,re thoge ured
by Ego in describing the rclotives conoemed. I have used the system advocat!d in
-d{a". 1932. No. 144.
The
joints
of mec,i shown in thc canving diagrem, together with the blood and
" inrla,rds
",
ale dilposed of a!followB :-
Xhahip Dltea.
ln
arrd. nnt 3 alu a,nd 3 an i$ (the clod!Et relBtivos kno\rn by the6s
clasBificatory termE gett ihe he&ds end th6 more distsDt the
dmdJt, !a,oh person getting on!
joiut).
\ akaMg eeah.
get I o,kneui es,ah.
shere tho p?rrc (lit. PU deai) conEj6ting of he{.d, kidney6,
Etomach, s?leen, &nd psrt of liYen.
(Best ftiend! on an in6tjtDtioEe,Us!d slut!m) get I d,ti,ng as,ch.
Mia.elhnpnts Dwz aa,rgdn4 at diff*etfi
Wes
oJ
Jedst,
lPr uF5
rung
\----v-..--.--./
Eo. 2, BmsE rA!I,r.
lartut
,Wai
hlnm hlaw
MtInt etr.a
In4n)
Iriadshdp Dt*t,
t
12)
Fesstgivor
tvri hla
ge+s I a.tr&tng.
(A$i.tart5 at th!f6sst) g!t fed duing their perioil of work on
6 dt!nr end psxt of tho liv![, itr addiuon to graiD food.
flPe.l>
i* v
D;t bim drnong thc Zaha,u CMw oJ Burna.
(Lit. Cuiter of the K.huang) get' I elianq.
gEtE 1
qliaw.
This pelson sulplies tho bamboo for mak up the
&bout et th! !trd of the feast, and ftom whioh she distribut!c
c!rtain a,rsicle8 to b!ecIambled for by the orowd of guest!.
An s!!istaa, at feest, g!ts I alian4.
(Men *ho ha,ye
Felriously
given fea!ts in this series) diyide
betw!!n them 2 al,iltng,3 a.&!twng,2 a.trh e d6a k dr.
Pqmanad Bocial D aa at an fpsti1,vl"s.
2l
Khuang hau,
Owaer of ihs
Khulrng b,,lJrboo
Baanq
Ho,wa pa,ul,
Eesdman
Blecksmith
geta I aarne a,\d I a"irr. (The lelgest in both oaoea.)
gEiE 3 a-ir baltlh (pieoes of Eeat uad!r the b&Astboao).
Ilrc blood of th! anima,ls is colloot!d s,trd made into Bauseges by ffllidg tho forg
Tor the fi l undeNtan of the Eubjeot, some e4ia,Daiion will be needed of the
t6rms used in the hip toble and the distribution liat. I ibink the na,mee of the
joints of mest showtr in the ca,rving ilis$sm caE be left witho{t firther !xpl&natiotr,
ss the only one with a linguistic Fleiion to the method of dispossl is P?Ea, on whiob I
loYe already mede a trots.
Pd, a d. n{rv, as ca,n be soen from the isble, meen fsther snd youngor brothor
or peternel male cousin of a yotnger hranoh r!s!!ctivov. OwiDg to tho feat tha,t I
made Ego aa eldest Bon iu the ts,blc, no texE for elder brother (z) ooulil be given. If
hmther with som, thi! item Todd hsve rcad
In,u,ne1l,
N Ego's elder bmthe$ snd
cousitrs of !,n elder branch, beiag etyled r, woiid ha,ye tston
l)Ieoedence
in mes,t di!-
tdbutioD over those styled, Mnt. Af+E\ the rehovel of the mea,t ftom ihe he.ade given
to th!se rela,tjv6, the skull ir retumed to the fe!,st-giver, who then scts it up on th6 ftont
q8ll
of his hous!Bo that all may knol' of his wealth.
lcrat ie a olassiffcaiory term app to siste.? srd f!ms,le cou!irs on ihe peirilinesl
giyen. At some foa,sts only tbree
/arnz
ofroiat!, a,nil these wodd b6 the
lamu
ngai a,t
the EtunnO tsaxti feeat, to distinguish them ftoE the ertEa thx!! TotlEidlq
larnu
wha
hoy!to $siBt Et this fea6t only-
llec*sia
'.j
22 E N, C. SrsvENsoN. ?.d!tiflg or.d -tr{ral
Xa,oh
Jn'm
las certsin obligetions to firlfl a,trd spocifc articles to proyido fo! tho
entefioinoent of guests, the right to rcnden thiB s!sistotrce is
jealouBly guaxded, for
rea!on6 which will b!come a?paxeni in let!I disousEiotr. In faci, itr one fairly recnt
oaa!a, woma,r was murdercd becs,use th6 right! of a relr,tive to assirt at a fe{!t &Dd reoeive
het oustomery returds hod b!en pasBed oyer for another vho w&s not so olearly entitled
to pa,rti ts.
Nq)u a\d Papt aFe lhe wife's bEother and the mother's brothor respectively. If
the fa,ther of the womar
{vif!
or moth!r) is slive, be leceives this du!inEt!ad of his
son, bllt I have not iDoluded this compucsiion in the tBbl6 anil iilt becouse, iD mo6t
(s!E,
this aan vould be dea.d before his son-in-lsw or grunilson, aa ihe ca!e moy b!, r!echod
the stage of lif! at which he ooutd a,fiord to give these feests. A maD wil ala?ys b!
paircd
with oDe siEter, vho will be ce[ed hia rtan4pmon
Jarnu S,rt
body-peircd sister),
1yho3e bride-pric! he \Fould rcceive and whose hurba,ad's '|t
Pt,
h6 ryill tecome. tr'ailing
sist!rs, he vould nomin&le one of his pstrilineslly rcletcd fema,l!corsiD!for pur1rcseg
of theB!rela,tioDships.
hnl, T][is term is &pplied to a man appointod. to be en " ofroiel
" best fried-
ga.o[
mal6 ha!two rr@l whom he will eppoint !ith!r ot mart e or at aDy !arlier ooos!ion
on which e rudl has to oarrlr out customa,ry obl ions. Ususlly thes!meD ore s!l!st!d
ftom a,mong the best liLed of boyhood's frield!, ona it iE & ous bloach of etiquette
to refuse to be Lhe rual of onyone wlo m&kes a forEsl spptcr,tion, unloee, of oourre,
the
!!rson
Eo s!k!d h6s alrcady got tvo ru@l. There are a glest manry rcciFocal dutie.
to be pedofmed
by tlfo Den who steDd in this reletioDship to e&ch other, of which the
a8siBta c!at feast!ie the majot rerponaibility.
Khrdng Ea1t. Usually an idiot with
just
sufrcient intetligcnce to obey sinlle
ordem is &ppoint!d to this offic!, wbich !xistB for I\a Khuang t6a&i o
f-
Ee hss to kill
a seoljfioial goo,t and to perforh other acts
yhich
will alrsv upon him a,lotre any ill-luok
wbich
iea,lou!
pelsolls (by blaok magic) or epiritB may attempt to visit upon th!fortunate
maD vho oan hold this
Sreot
feo,st. Ther6 are iDdiostiotrs in the c!I!moniol b!hcviour
ettached to this ofrc! thet a,t on!time th! wretcheil inoumbent wBs ereout!d at the
qrlmitratiotr
of the
Foc!edhgE.
tr'ot instanoe, after buryiug certajn axticles oonrccted
with the ritu&l beneotb tbe hous!, the ,rz ha!t,o lea,vo tho house etrclosure by the
narlow g8t!u.sed by the mithen. To do this he must pass utdex the zsute plstform,
on which sll tt! f!ast-giver'r party collect in irll rcgaliE, eith sU the go and ilrums
sft!r which he ha,e torun out ofthevill and Bpend &ni8bt inthe oFn. On questiorurg
my friends ebout this ritual, they reptied " We do not kDow for certritr Ehst the otd
cuatom ws!. Of course, now-a-do5re we cs,Dnot Bhoot people, but pefi&ps they did in the
old dayE io kill lhe ill-luck ca,rried by hirr. Anyway, it must h been someth.ing to be
i*PEt$i(
!
anoW tlz Zakau Ckirc ol Burrut.
ftightened ol or it vodd not l&ye been oustotrla,rJr to idiotB for the work. In
eny case the custrom cannoi be very ms,ty geqemtions old, becs,use we haye not had
guru el1 ths,t length of time. OuI old weepoDs were bol{s and a,rrowB."
Eawa Paul,. This iB the t6rm epplied to those who sha,rc ir tl:le h.@sa se at fes,.sta.
It includes a,ll msle bousetrolde$ in the villege. the 6ha,re of mea,t ei'hich !sch of th!
pautr rer*wea vaxi!s in dircct ratio to the Eognitude of the fessts he ha6 given.
Th!\Mhole !ompsry a,r!detailed ofi in ps,tus, those who ha,ve giver tb!most senior f!ssts
given ody the smellesi of fsssts rec!iy!
!!rhe?s
a aui otr one of the leeser joints, aDd
iboee who have given no feaots at all only a, ha,ndirl of m!a,t- It is interest to rooord
that the Fidovs of decea.6ed, haLsa p.Lujl, ao,y dtf"w their decessed huEbsrd's 6har6 for ono
feast a,ft!r their deatb.
In a.ddition to the sett a,side of partioulax pieccs of fesh fotr ihe houaa paul, *t
feasts, these men hsve ihe right to &in} ihe Pa at, or zu a:flpplied,by Lhe motlor's blother
and wife's brotber of tle f!ast It is tbo custom thst this b!!r, instaad of being
siphoned out into a, wooden bowl a,s is the cas!with the ordinory guests' be!r (ther!by
miring ihe good with the bed end th! shong with the s'ea,l&), is drunL direoi out oI the
pot by mea,ns of a wooden tube, eoch person taking his turn to Bit oven the pot aad suok
his quoia up the tube. By this mesns it is possible to difierentiat! between haum gad
of vsxying ra,nk, the most senjor beitrg given the b!st liquox to tkink, a,nd so on down
the Bcale. Even the fesst-giyer himBelf iB not permitteal to &ink Aom s
lot
of zx, s!t
aBiale for persoff who }ave n feestB gr6et!! tha'tr he ha.s givetr.
Il1tu difierentiation b!ts'eetr guests ss regard-s ztt is common to sU Chin fessts in my
pot 6et s,side for the few men wLo h&ve a,lso shot a, b!sn and hove killed 6 mithen in
colebntion, anotrhex for thoBe who haye shot a bean a l s d ody s pig in celeha-
tiotr, one for ilose who have ehot other la,rge
,
and so on down the roster of [unting
fame. In a,D those feasts there is a, defnite sto,nilad set for the quslity of the zu supp]ied
by va,rious rola,iivea, psxticul*rly
in the csses ot lb:e Nu yru arid Pa pu, who leye to
?toduce
esp!cia,lly high qua.tity beer becsuse it is ftom the
I)ots
which they briDg thst
the most diBtinguished guests will &ink. If the beer iB below 6ta,nda,rd the ?lan*a
o6n d!mond its relleoement, a,nd if tho ofiending relotive has tro mole iD stock the !ld6rs
\rill procure some from tle nee,rest available eourc!enil maJ.e th! ofiotdor
!&y
for it-
Ea,ving now described, with sufrcient detail to giye a,Ir unde$ta,nding of whst follov,s
in this iole, the socia,l setting of these fea,sts enil the method of c&reing eDal alistlibutior
of meot, I can sta.t the sooond part of the task, that is, showing the functionE of fe3dtiDg
a,nd cerelIloniol divisiod of flesh in Chio sooiety.
A.3 & pr!liminaxy to clos!I examination, I have compressoal into the cohpe,ot form
of * sJ'aoptic dia,grorn the bald outlineB of the forms in whioh theso ir4ctioDs csn b!
*trieo+tx
r]
24 E N. C. Srrvr:rsow.-Xeqdidg a , Meal,
obrerved, thrs giwiDg a,n acoDrate delineo,tion of tho Bcope of Dy raat!risl. llle di ln
will serve as a skel!ton, on to which I can graft the flesh of r!leyatrt deta,ll &nd rec.rceta
Bome semblence ofthe living rcolity.
Ki$hip
obli
Soi&l ReligioI3
Diiio.
Drtto,
b et. Elig-
Di0to. Diiio.
Di[to, Dtr4. nljgililiiy for
ChD.
The d &m demonstra,t!B at otrc!tha,i there are considerublo adyentss!s to be
gaircd by tbe giver oI lbese tessls.
ColurBn 2 Ehows thet the he{,dlnon rec!ives flesh, but column 4 indicateB ihst ie
has in rcluftr to ca,rry out c!rtein aluties such as the adDinistfe,tion of justic6,
the olga,niss_
tion of communs,l octivitiss such as the conshuction of
q,Et!r-duot!,
buildixg of road.s,
eic., strd has to besr the rcsponsibijjty for the pmteotiod of ihe commrmity e6 s whole.
The flesl due is by no means the only due ihot ths headman !!ceiv6s emoDg the Zsha,u,
but it is in it!elf an acknowle ent of his authority iu thjs sphere of
Frivet!
entexl,rue.
^t?ENS\x
V
Dioi*ion arnonq the Zaha, Ck;ne oJ Burna.
Similarly th! blaaksmith forgeB the hoes, axes, otc., of ihe
Fopl!
ftoE whoD he
receiyeB meet. In thjr caee also the flesh is not the o y recoml,eDEe made. The blaok,
smith alEo gets s,laboul due, Ell client hous!holdx one pexsoB to worL for two
&ys per annum in his fields. Th!fl!Bh duo i!, how!ver, a recognilion of th! fsct tha,t,
as procluoer of ihe impl!mentB with which the f!{st-giver tills his soil and raises the
In both the two ca!es meDtioned sbove, Efusal to Isnal oyer the floEb due would
result in litigation and the avard of comp!osetion to th! ofiendod pa,rty.
C,olumn 3 includee ell the rclatiyes moEtioned in ths Kinshi! Ta,bte. Ai feaBts,
e3 mentioned b!foro, th!s!reletives to supply cortailr quanlitieB of b!!r of a, specmc
strandaxd of excellence. But the kinship oblig&tions do not end with thir excbange
of beer end meet at feastB. Mutnal assista,Dco must b6 giyea at a,ll the sris!s of life--
at birth, ma,Iliag!, deeth, otc., atrd this fect nndorbt!dly has a d!ep efiect on the resi.
dential
$ouping
of th! p6op1e.
The eocia,lly rooognieed rol&tiy!s are grouped into two ca,togorjes, thei ie, iLe -l4oo
lso jcoul, or kin who rcoeive a share of ihe maraiag!pxice of daught!rs, or who would
be eligible if noa,rer relstives did not ctJrviva, s'1d S.ikt m n.?r4'rr, or kin who rocoive
flesh dues. The ,lfan tuo grou! consists of tho patrilinoally r!let!d ma.lea, the BdJi,
group includes mother'B brotheft, wife's bEothels, and sist!r's hom!holds, for wh!n
the oustomary heh, and when the sist!I's busbaad hihself gives a feast, Ego must assist
a,s Nu
1ru.
There is e twofold biniling of a,frml lela,tionsldps.
Thus in allvillage communitios ther6 a,re tflo conficiirg forces goyor tbe s!lection
of a pla,oe of lesidenc!- Desoent, succession, and inhorita,noe are pstriliaeal, end a
ms,n tu thercforo atrongly bound to his fath!r's
yillage
by ties of bbthight. In it
a]one can h!intrerit house and cultjyation rigtrts ftom his her. On ihe other hamd,
the conrrenience of csrryiDg out his oblig&tions, he n!,tulally rsnts to heve his Aol1,
zaDz kinsfo& grouped closely axound h'lm.
Ma,rliage being patriloaal, this coDtri of intoro!ts has led in ms,ny la,xgevillagoB
io ondogamy Fithin the
yi
commurity. No strici rule of endoga,my pfeyaili;
is a defnit! tendency in the diroction of hs,rryiDg within the vil e vhen possible, so
as to achieve this coDvenieno!in &tt!nding to Linshi? rsoiplocities. On!of the out-
ltanding fer,tureE in Chin life iE the id! choice
lermittsd
in selocting e wife. This
pFbsbly rosult!d from ih! extEme interEixtu! of p!opl!of difierolt clr,Ds in ths da,y6
of prc-elmoxs,tion
strifs.
If, by rcason of maxrying e women ftom a distaot villago or tbmugh migla,r1on,
otc., B,ma fnds himsolfBo far &lll&y from his Bal& IolatiyeE thai thsy oannot deliyer
tho b!er vhich they should, he has perforc!to edopt other loesl men etrd rgomon as his
AlpeNI\{v
26 E. N. C. SrEyetwor.--8q,stthg and Mcrlt
" Yaat!pu " (Lii. Little-btud pr) or
/ar%a
a,s ihe ca,se may be, as it is quite imloRlible
for a Chin to hold
q,ny
of ttre ls,Ig!r cor!monies without the as6iste,nc'e of theB!relativeB.
Such adopted relatives would rcc!iTe some, but not all, oftho du!s paya,ble to tho porsons
fox vhom they a,r!Bubstituted.
Of ooEm, iD Bollie ca,s!6 a man Drey qusE!I with hiB rea,l lela,tives ood sever oon-
neotior h thom by the o!rsmony known as frftat, iB whioh ces!any person!he adopted
in thoir pls,oe would rcc!ive the full dueB
l)rys,ble.
lt
js
to bo noied tLat s, maa ca,Dnot
sever conneotions fiith hi.s mother's hother or hjs wife's brothol; if the recipxocal pay-
ments b!tweon him a,nd th6s!two bre&k dovll th6 oftended paxty haE the right to su!
the delitrqueni for comp!Dlr,tion, a,nd thore is now a, recogtri!!d scrJe ofmoDetory equiva-
Ietrts for a,[ qmntitie! itr kind whicL
!a6B
]etween them-
Another
lrobeble
lesult of this duaJity of iniex!st itr R!idedia,l mott!rs is to iDci:e!!e
mi$atiou, of whioh there ia s trotsbl! fteqrcncy iq the cenfnal Ctin EillB. It iB not
tho only fa corcerned s.ith this m&tter, but it undoubt!dly ha.s a bea,ring oD it.
If s man qus,lleh with his
?etrilinesl
kin, nothirg i6 ier for hiln t[an to migr&t!to a
Belected
yillsge
will traosllolt his hoDsehold goodE ohattels, alrd ]ri[ build him a
ne1' house in thejr nidat. Eis ftLeiive! form a roady-made ctucle df aa$1DiDta,nces,
aBd the headmen is bound to fnd him lamd to cultiyaie. If his kin axe in-fluetrtial they
may b!able to get hjln
iust
as good fields a"s he ga,ve rp itr his old
yilla,ge,
and na,ybe
bette! ones. e can buy hirns!lf into the lwam pnwt of the new village 6t the lev!l
attained in his old one by a droalers,t!pa,ymert to the
yill&g!
fuDd a,nd the holding of
an inerpensive ooremotry. In t, only bjE pahilinesl relatives ere subjeoted to
Borrov &t his depaxturc.
Of the economio edva,nt s of fesst-givjng the tutule inoome of meat ae iazsa sz
is by far the most impo*a,nt in the eyes of the Ctin. I'he Chin liteBlly loyes m6at.
Ee will devour an a,lnllost unbeliov4ble
$nntity
vhen Lo gets the olporhrniiy, a,nd by
giying the feast that giveB him ih! enh6e io the solect ctuole of ,la{rJa pout !ld!rs, hi!
opportudties of gorging himEeff on la,xge quantities incease itr dircct
Foportion
to the
encoul others to alo the same.
h&Ba paul iE Eo gtsa+, thet the Za,hou hsve evolved e tem whereby s den can gei trhe
" n&me " of heving giyen a, oomplet!feast witlout actua,lly doing Eo in one fell swoo!.
It tu a form of hire-purchaao of economic bercfrts, ond iE cullad " knul. tlek". Th6
anr&tgelrlent wo rr Ea followE. Whoxe a ma,n gets the rcquisite numbor of mitha,n for a
foadt tbrough bdde-Fice, eto., at a time when he or his rsla,tiyes er6 too poor to Erpply
a,nimalB, and ther!by let himself into tle next higher ca,t of luusa gnul,. Dlfo)g
rklrEt>x
v
Diilirion amory the Zaha Chins ol Bwtut.
tbe time s'hich ela,pses between thB sla,ughtor of the animelB end the BuI,p of the
qrstorn&rJ
qua,ntity of zu fot Lhe e tainment of the village, the fe{at-giver haE to pay a
sort of annual interest to the viUage fund. This usualy takes the form of a smell numbe]
of pots of b!er subBoribed to the enierta,iment of importani ril e gu!BtB.
In additiorl to thiE s,nd other obyious &nd stEightforward advent es Euch a6 the
itrcreasod bride-prico pey&ble for ihe htels of a nran who bas giveD feastB (which
ma,y b!txeble ot qua.druple that of s,n oldinaxJ' man's daught!rs), th!re i6 the economio
espect of promotiotr to the Villege Coutrcil,
AE a, member of oounoil a, men is !ntitlod to
!$ts.js.e
of t}a Khaal, zu s d rtrc KhMl
ra?r&, or vjsitor's b!!r end pork, which me&rls tha,t every time a guest of any imloEta,nce
is ent!rbined by th!
yillage
he is one of the pivileged fer invited io
t'oin
the fea^atirg
party, Similaxly, oourcil rDembenhip aJlowe a nran to paxiioipate in the fea.sts held
out of tho
Foc!eds
of fines inflict!il on ofi6nd6rs for breachea of customary lew, so that
the repercussiois of f!a,st!iying &nd mest diyision l]lsy be !aid to invade eyen the sph$e
of judioi&l
adminiriration.
In a.ddiiion to those alaesdy mentioned, fe
-givin8
has ma,ny other a.dvantsgs
in non-economic aspects.
As shovn in the synoptic di am, the completion ofthe
yanious
stages in the sedes
is Bocia,lly recogni!!d by th!.ight r,o wean distinotiye blsDL!t!, d in design from
those wom by ordinary Bort&ls, by the right to ma,Le windovs in the side well of tho
houxe, a,nd by the permiesion to build o small ennrJ:lel-noDtlo (Zau kklann) on the plaiform
of th! courtya,rd.
These a,rc no idlo honours, When a man who has elreedy held several feaets loeea
his wife a,Dd has io ma,rry a,nother, it is $oognis!d thot this s,oma,n will sufter shane
beca,Ise she har not completed with her rcw huBba,nd alt the stages of feasting though
whicb he has pa^ss!d. In order to bdng ler up to hiE ori.n le.rel in the social scale the
husband mu-st go thongh a a,hole series of fest,vala called m-Ian (1,11 eomen's ita,nce)
which difter ftom ih! real serieB or y in the,t no invoostions to tho spirits s,re made beforo
sleughter of the anima,ls. The sol!object of lhese nu Uun iE to raia!the preBtig!of the
now wife o,nd to gr,in her tho dght to wear Nha uri pnn bls,nket, etc., sinco eE there
is no inyocation of the spirits the hurba,nd goiDs no spiritua,l oredit from them, and they
do not count towaxds seniority aJnor\g l"le futasa 1.
AB s, 6nal inoentiye there is the belief tha,thnly by Eompleltlr,g lhe Khkt tg ts@th can
s Dnan olen for his soul t}'ercadto Pid ndn4,lhe upp!mo!t Heoven of the Chin, in which
slon!there is etemal glory etrd immortalii,y.
I oan now summarise the furction of th!E!fes"sts as it a,Eects the iDdiyidual!
ooncerned, before making a, survey of wjd!r issues connect!d llljth them, I hsvo 6hown
that the
letrilinea.l
reletives and tlle afr]la,l mlations (theBe la,st in a, trofold ti6) are
boutrd with a closely knit syst!m of rcciprooitios to the feast-
,
end that in sdalitio!,
t
AtPe*irt<
ri
28 F. N. C- S|rrrvrrc8oN.-Ienahng and, Matt
the hesdma,n, ihe blacksmith, a,nd other peNons render serviceE of some kind or
another ere included ia a wider cjrcl! of mutDal a,tiom vhich envelop!s ihe whole
communiiy. In a,ll these reoiprocitieE the ing of m!Dt is aD integal part. It figllr!s
in the kinBhip, the sooia,l, the politica,l, and even in the religiouE obligations, sinc6 tho
villag! priest (or magician, if you will) rcoeiyes, as one of the foms of reoompense for
dutied undertoken, certain
liece!
of nesb ftom !,nima,ls saarifced on beha,]f of th! vjllage.
We ca,n completo the chcle by rel1otiDg the foct that tbe custom of adolting $L&tives
to ca,rrJ' out these obligations under particula,r circunntances is pmof that the feasts
could not $adily be given without their aid.
So fa,x
q'e
h-ave not yet considered the !,ttitude of the communiiy a"t a, vhole toy,ards
this feasi-giying. Xwen here we fnd sev!ral aspects. trlom an economic
yievpoint
I oannot iSnore the existeno!ol rnihlw sa (Lit. tue*moke neat), a collection of small
Pieces
cut ofi a,ll joints
for distribution among th! widorts and destitut!, so thot svery
houso iha,t has smote in itE ea.r6B receives its Ehare. I haye not yot gone fully into the
question
a.s to what efiect this whole rJst!m of feasting, ina.Emuch s,s it i! a, oontinu&l
difiurion a,nd redistribution of w!ellh that h&d concentDted &loDg normEl ecoromio
ohannels upon one mon, has on the habitB oflife in genelsl. There is obviously scope for
Fofitable
Etudy h!re.
As a rneans of rcoe!,tion and amus!ment th!/{l'uarg rsarri series stancls pre-!mine[t
in Zaheu life-iherc is no quicker way of attaining postige a,od populaxiry than byholding
"
thoBe feests-and, Einc!a, man iB dependent upon bis neighbous as well as his relatiyes
;
for aBsistancs in c!rteia ectiviiies such as houBeburl
,
thiE
$reEtion
of populaxity is of
i
somemoment,
I
as a, potenti&l gi\r'er of fiirther feasts in the future (id th! invooation in each stol) of lhe
series a promiBo to the spirits is msde to take the n6rt step), he is & s!lcome immi$a,nt
to any community, who world bo onJy too willing to tra,nsfel his gooda ftee of charge.
Fina,lly, th6re is orc oth!tr syst!m whioh is iniimaiely conr!oted with this ceremordsl
division of m!s,t, whioh in its tErn has e wideipre!,il !fest on the life of the people.
this is a foitn of adoption knovn to local ofrcels a{ the tqfa system, through whioh
a ma,n in ne6d of matdial wea,lth for puq)osee of ma,rriage, etc., ca,n bo]Iow it fiom s
rich man if his osrr rel&tives ano ioo poor or uneilling to giye him o he\ting hsrd. tr'or
m8,ny year3 this fo of adoption wa!regarded as a type of slavory,
Frrely
b!csuse
et that time nothing va6 kno.lrn of the LinBIdp recipmcities.
The prirciple i! that th!beDefa,ctor i!co-olned into the pe,trilineal line ofthe bonower
becau8e he ha6 firlffll!d an obligation (that of mat!lislly asBiBting their kinBma.n) vbich
would normally have fallen uponthem. Her!o!iyes the 6eBh du!s at fea,sts which woold
ordimxily have been poid io the fathd or elder b$ther of the borrover, anal a share
of the maxliage
lric!
of daughforB, &nd of the prcl!rtJr left by the borros'eT on hi8 death,
$tErsi <v
Dbisiok a,ntng the Zatuu China oJ Bwnn 2s
Were it not for ihe fact that there is s col*inuity of peyment of theBe du!s ftom
generation to generation e:ractly as if they were
I)a,yoble
to
latdlineel
kin, so that the
sorE end gra,ndsons of a p$son thus borrorsing have to carly on paJrment to descendants
of the lend!r, it vould be oxtrcmely difficdt for tho aver&g!poor pemon to borloll' any
loe,n ofda,terial woalth other than grain. This is partly b!cause the old rateE ofint st
for a,n ordina,ry loan were Bo high-the priDcipal incloasing by geomehica,l
lxogreB6ion
armually-and partly because it wad higliy unlikely that the borrower would be a,ble to
lehebilitat! hfu fortunes if his actual day to clay r!oeilts were subjecteal to a, deductjon
for repayment of tho loan.
Th!
?&ym!nt
of meat dues is s p&iDJess extraction of htarost b!cous!, in the fust
pla{!, it oan only tsks
llaoe
when s, ma,n i6 rich !no to be able io efiod fea,6t-givitrg,
and seconauy beoause tbe benefsctor's due is part of and lrot &n addition to the smouDt
payable in any cose to th! pstrilin!el kin&sd. In other rflods, i]'e debtor's heirs pay
back his debts at tle e4rense ofth6ir patrilinesl r!lstiyes, irho desexve ihis beoaus!
of th6ir inability or disinclination to assist their kiasmen at the time of hie distles!.
lVith this fairly deteiled piotrue of the firnotions of f!!sting and mest iliyisron
in mind, it tu e!,sy to a,pF!oiat!the
I,Ioblems
rhioh a,re a,rising a,s e, reBult of tLe coDtact
of w!Bt!In cultEre with these institutions,
X'tust &nd forcmost must com!the efteot of Mission ectivitieB, bec.ause they mak!
a direct frcntal ett on the oxjsting order.
In my arce the adyent of Cbdstia,tr MisFions ha!hsd one uDforeseen efiect wh.ioh
demonstls,t!s that in thiB respect s,t least the Chill can ad&pt a, new oonc!ption to the
conditions oxistiDg ir looel society. I refer to ihe rapid splead of the priyate fa,ith of the
Clur e1t ist. Pau Chin Hau.
When the plovince of Burma was disided into spher!E of innuence for
yaxious
Mis6ioll!, the centlal ChiB Hills were a,llotted to the Americ.an Baptjsts, a, body who have
resolutely s6t theix fa,oe against the production or oonsumltiotr of alcohol in form
or cfuoumsta,nc!whetsoever. Tm$ediately ihele arose the paxadorjo&l situs,tion of o
glow of prohilitionist Christi&ns tryirg to conlr'ert a p!oplo vrho v!lcome Chistianity
but c!,nnot stoms,ch prohibition bocause thetu ontir! sFtem of recipocitieE i! built up on
insep&rable ps,xt.
I nse the exIEe!sion
"
weloome Chistianity " in the setrse tha,t the Chin sees much
that is good in the ChrtutiaB religion, ir paftioDler that th! norship of eod does nor
enta,il the heevy eqrenso of spirit worBhip. Sac fices to tho sl,irits itryolve a considerable
annual e4)enditue, not bytbe iDdividual for biE onn pelsors,l End houEehold rites,
but also by the community for the jo;nt
megico{eligious ccrcmonies con]locted with
agricultur!. These particulsi: ss,crfices are not connect!d with the kjnship &nd poliris&I
reciprocities, and therefore their diso?trrera,nc!would lrot ruptuo the ciyil lif6 of tbo
D!oDle.
Atleerlix
v
30 t. N. C. StE!'ENBoN.-lerr anA Mcat
A6 th sta,nd at the moment,
.rheo
a man becomeg a Baptiet he is cut out of hi6
kinship goup a,s if with a loife. Being una,blo to brew liquor to give to his rcletiom
on the occasions of their feests, let a,lone give any on hjr own, he iB Eocia[y a]rnffit a dead
IosB to the cornmunity. In this fact alono iios moBt of the xesjitanoe to Cbristia,n MisBion
efiort in the central hills.
It was a, noftbern Chin, one Pau Chin Hou, who solved this problem for hie
people. IIe inyented e form of worship of God whioh did not interfere tnit} feastiog and
fiquornrin]ing, clothing his theory with sanciity by giviDg it the supem&tural Banotion
of his slleged dtuect inBtruction fmm thc All-Higlcst in a d&am.
Eis fa,ith ha,s been an enorrrow suocess in my ares con?a.ed with Mission work.
Ir a relatively elort time 27 pex c!nt. of the popula,tion heve become convcxtod to his
nutnb!r only 3 per oent. of the p!ople. This state of etrail! iB obviously not th! feult
o{ the locs,l reprss!ntatiye!of the Missiolr
;
it indicate3 a fiDdameDtel di enc!in social
vaJuoe.
It i6 bragioe[y a,mming to reoord tbet in the paBt 6svera,1 hly rscpeotablo adminis-
hative officers have lived under & oloud of Buspicion a,s followen of s,n snti-Christ b!oause
thoy ll'!re obseryed olenly to imbibe whbkey &nd soda, in the ev!ning. thejr moden
spco!sBors, thanks to the ingenuity of Pau Chin Ha,u, a,Ie rfeal as Christians of a moxe
theD ordinerily !nlighten!al ord!r I
Apa,rt ftom MtuBion octivitieB, however, oduca,tion is cha,Dging the socia.l valu!s of
thc Chin n'itb
$eat
rspidity. Akeerly som! Zehs,u vho havs migated a,Ird UTed
of
'what
tbey bsve becn taught to regaxd es the ryest!involved b tbe old customs of
fsa!ting, and this school of thought k not ullcommon among tho tcochere on our side of
the Border.
There tu talk of soqing more gr&iD for eat in the last montb! b!fore ha,n'e6t instead
ofusi.Dg moat ofit uI) for z1L. Poople axe b!tumiDg to s![ thejr mithsn t,o bny galva,niled
sheEt8 nhercwith to roof their houses end save theDrelv!E ihe l,abour of ooll!otitrg gra!!
thatching. Al the vhil! little store-clords ga,tho! in th6 villeges. the hesdmen
complain of tleir onorous dutieB, which increaBe with eyery t!sL complioa,tioa of modem
administxation, a,nd of a steatlily decreasiag inoom!of meat fiom the feasts
;
blaaksmiths
refils! to c!rxy out thejr clients' ordem or trJ' to incloes!theit income irt other weys
;
poverty-Btricken people fnd it idpossible to ral3e money b!asuse of tho impendilg
demise of tbe &la s}!tem.
It i!obvious that nauch of this disturbarce oooJd be prevented if a, conoerted efiolt
r!r! mede to guide ci e along chennels which n'ould caus!the minimum of uFooting
of the old order.
Atrersi:4
v
Ilbi*ion. anang ttz Zdwt. Chlna oJ Bu,raa.
Certaitr reoiFocities must alv,ays reEa,in in any sooiety. I heye shown that soch
funda,meDtal reoiprociti!s do exist
jn
the social system of the Chinr in hy area. Eyen
ir our orar hkhly ciqilised Eociety, cotrv!ntion bjnd! the inlividuol to os,rrjr out oertair
obligatioD! to his kindred, htu " God-children
",
tris frierds and neighbours, etc., snd
to Foog[iEe tha,t tLis faot applies to Chin sooioiy tu to be half-vay to pre8erving a gle"t
de&l that is good in it.
Th!inc!ntiyos strd revand6 which uged tle Z of olden day6 to do hi!utmost
a,t work, va,x, or play laust be chang!d as time a,nd tle contect of vestem crdtures a,lt!rE
his estimatas of
yalue,
but if his exist!Dc!iE to b!proseryed therc must alweys be inc!n-
tiyos of Eome khd, end the more pot!nt the!!axe the bott!r.
Il!sdhunting is no longer possible. Bett!! anmr have
Facticaly
extermineted ihe
foasts, and Irow ey6n these a,te tbrea,t!nod by sn a,li!n religion end 0,sBeiled by an &lien
eduooiion.
I foar that unl!Es some older is pr!!o$'ed in the small snd ineeulax
iolliffcaiioru
th&t are begi to take tJl!plsc!of the oeremonial fe8sts in sodo vjllages, th! Zaha,u
wiU ffnd thet they wiU not b!eble to organise distribution of th! A{rzae sa, a']ld thus wil
b!lost one of the last rsma,ining incentiyes to he$vy production.
Experi!nc! in maJly other pants of the world, indeed owsn in sl1ch olos!distriots
s!the Lushai and Nogo Eills of ArearD (s!e Pa.Ey's "Lakhera," p.t8, and MiIs' "Lhota
Naga"s," p.xi-xii, and "Ao a6," p.410-424) ha.s shorE that tuterlexonc! with tho
inoentivos to good work, superabuddant production, a,nd the like, ha,s had e deleterious
effeot ulon the p!od! It thercforc seems lik!ly thst only ihe clos!Et &trd moBt pein!-
tak !o-opfletion b!t\ro!n thoEe cotrnect!d with the welferc of th6 Chir6 lyill fnd e
sa,{e pa"88age though the dang6rou3 da,y8 of ch ahead.
I ofier this anticle as a plolimin0ry oontdbutioD to the founilation of empirioo,l
knowledge upon which such co-ope$tion must rcst if it is to b!seouro anal successitl.
BBuoorrlEi ox E! Klxr.CEn tuoE".
r84r, " Acout of A&!D," l,C. Pn6yE, J.A.S.B., 184r, No. ll7.
1E46. " Noi! or@Eo Hill Tribos on ti6 Kolodyne Bivd," Lt.Iaiter. J.A.8.8.,lE4{t, No. 169.
1863. " Noc$ on r,ho fiorEE or Stendnr, o llitE inlBbitiDg the [nb Dorth of,{Bkrn," Cspt.
TiolG.ll. J.A.S.B,.lE63. rol. si.
t860. "
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APPENDIX X
THE CHIN HILLS
A History of the People, our dealings with them, their Customs and Manners, and a Gazetteer of their Country
By
BERTRAM S. CAREY, C.I.E.,
Assistant Commissioner, Burma, and Political Officer, Chin Hills
AND
H. N. TUCK
Extra Assistant Commissioner, Burma, and Assistant Political Officer, Chin Hills
VOLUME I
i
CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE............................................................................................ 1
PART I
CHAPTER I.
The country and the people.................................................................. 1
CHAPTER II.
Geography, natural history, & c........................................................... 5
CHAPTER III.
Early dealings with the Chins and Lushais............................................ 12
CHAPTER IV.
The Chin Lushai Expedition, 1889-90.................................................. 32
CHAPTER V.
The events of 1890-91........................................................................ 42
CHAPTER VI.
The expeditions of 1891-92 including the Lushai relief march................ 54
CHAPTER VII.
The events of 1892-93 including the Siyin-Nwengal rebellion............... 80
CHAPTER VIII.
The events of 1893-94...................................................................... 99
CHAPTER IX.
The events of 1894-95...................................................................... 114
CHAPTER X.
The history of the Sokte tribe........................................................... 118
CHAPTER XI.
The history of the Siyin tribe............................................................ 127
CHAPTER XII.
The history of the Thados, Yos, and Nwites....................................... 135
CHAPTER XIII.
The Tashon tribe and its tributaries, the Yahows and Whenohs.......... 141
CHAPTER XIV.
History of the Lais, Hakas, Klangklangs, Yokwas, Kapis, and Thettas... 152
_________________________________
ii
PART II
CHAPTER XV.
Manners and Customs - The general characteristics of the people, their appearance,
clothing, ornaments, and coiffure...................................................................................... 165
CHAPTER XVI.
Manners and Customs - Villages and houses, domestic animals, food and cooking,
smoking, nicotine sipping, liquors, and diseases and their mode of treatment................ 174
CHAPTER XVII.
Manners and Customs - Feasts, marriages, births, deaths, funerals, and oaths............... 186
CHAPTER XVIII.
Manners and Customs - Superstitions and beliefs......................................................... 195
CHAPTER XIX.
Manners and Customs - The position of Chiefs in regard to the people, slaves,
and slavery.................................................................................................................... 200
CHAPTER XX.
Civil and criminal laws.................................................................................................. 205
CHAPTER XXI.
Crops, manufactures, and trade.................................................................................... 210
CHAPTER XXII.
Hunting and fishing...................................................................................................... 215
CHAPTER XXIII.
The arms of the Chins and the local manufacture of gunpowder and bullets............... 220
CHAPTER XXIV.
Raids and methods of warfare...................................................................................... 227
iii
LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS
Pages
1. HAKA COOLY CARRYING LOAD.......................................................................... 165
2. SOUTHERN WOMEN WEAVING............................................................................. 171
3. LALWE, THE KLANGKLANG CHIEF...................................................................... 51
4. SHWE HLYEN AND LYEN MO, HAKA CHIEFS...................................................... 34
5. CARVED ENTRANCE TO COMPOUND, SOUTH CHIN HILLS................................. 179
6. GRAIN-POUNDING............................................................................................. 210
7. POWDER HORNS............................................................................................... 224
8. ARMS................................................................................................................ 230
9. DRINKING ZU.................................................................................................... 187
10. CHIN GOAT....................................................................................................... 10
11. CHIN HOUSE, HAKA......................................................................................... 178
12. MITHUN........................................................................................................... 130
13. TYPICAL VIEW OF CHINLAND......................................................................... 5
14. HAKA WOMEN................................................................................................ 165
15. BAMBOO VILLAGE, LUSHAI BORDER.............................................................. 54
16. CARVED MEMORIAL POST, FALAM................................................................ 194
17. (a) FALAM VILLAGE......................................................................................... 32
17. (b) DITTO .......................................................................................... ibid
18. TYPE OF HAKA CHIN....................................................................................... Frontispiece
19. CHIN RAIN COAT............................................................................................. 214
20. WOMENS PIPES.............................................................................................. 183
21. TYPE OF SOUTHERN CHIN CHIEF.................................................................... 141
22. MANLON, THE SAGYILAIN CHIEF.................................................................... 38
23. SIYIN MODE OF COIFFURE.............................................................................. 81
24. SIYIN CHINS.................................................................................................... 127
25. (a) TASHON HOUSE.......................................................................................... 145
iv
PREFACE
THIS history of the Chin Hills and their inhabitants has been written in order that the informa-
tion and experience which we gained during the first years of the occupation of the tract should not
be lost, and with the hope that the book will be of assistance to Frontier Officers, both Civil and
Military.
It was commenced in the last week of October 1894 and finished in the following April, during
which time an expedition was undertaken in addition to current duties. Much of the work has, there-
fore, necessarily been done at odd times, in camp, by night, and in fact whenever we could snatch
spare moments.
In those chapters which deal with the ancient history of the Lushais and Chins, we have
borrowed from the pages of Sir Alexander Mackenzies work, The North-Eastern Frontier of
Bengal.
We desire to acknowledge the help which we have received in the matter of road reports from the
Intelligence Department, and also to thank Major Keary, D.S.O., Surgeon-Major Newland, I.M.S.,
and Mr. E.O. Fowler of the Burma Police, for assistance which they afforded us in our labours.
We likewise mention the names of Major Rundall, D.S.O., Captain D. J. C. Macnabb, and Mr. P.
F. Sherman, whose notes and reports have made use of, and also would place on record, in
connection with this book, the name of Myook Maung Tun Win, who took a prominent part in
gathering information concerning the Northern Chins and who lost his life at their hands in the per-
formance of his duties.
For the photographs which illustrate the book we are indebted to Surgeon-Major Newland and to
Sergeant Sinclair of the Queens Own Sappers and Miners.
FALAM, CHIN HILLS B. S. C
The 7th April 1895 H. N. T
(These 5 pages are prepared by myself from the 1976 Reprint published by FIRMA KLM PRIVATE LIMITED, Calcutta, India, on behalf of the
Tribal Research Institute, Aizawl, Mizoram. This is the book that Im now using mainly as my reference./Thang Za Dal. October 2009)
APPENDIX Y
SENIOR OFFICERS AND CIVIL ADMINISTRATORS OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT WHO HAD TAKEN PART
IN VAROUS MILITARY CAMPAIGNS AGAINST THE CHIN/ZO PEOPLE
(Because of space problem only those above the rank of major shall be included in this list from now on. 04.2012.)
British Light Infantry Regiments
Thursday, 24 November, 2005 19:20

INDIA GENERAL SERVICE MEDAL 1854 95
... The remaining clasps were issued for services during expeditions to nearby countries Persia,
Malaya and Burma... In addition, most of the expeditions were undertaken in very difficult terrain against
determined and often fanatical resistance from tribesmen. Whilst some of the clasps are quite common,
others are very scarce and some rare. The three rarest clasps in the series are "Kachin Hills 1892-93",
"Hunza 1891" and "Chin Hills 1892-93". The medals were issued in silver to British and Indian troops,
although from 1885 onwards bronze awards were issued to native transport personnel and followers.
Medals with three or more clasps are very scarce...
Source: http://www.lightinfantry.org.uk/graphix/medals/india_general_service_medal_1854-1895.htm
_______________________________________________________________________________
THE CHIN FIELD FORCE (1889-90) AND THE KARENNI EXPEDITION 1888-89
Following the British victory in the Third Anglo-Burmese war, many native Burmese refused to accept the authority
of the British army of occupation and resorted to guerrilla action. The guerrillas were mainly led by former officers
of the disbanded Burmese royal army, village headmen and even royal princes. To the British they were not patriots
but rebels and bandits, and the measures to suppress the rebels were severe and ruthless. Even those who aided
the rebels were punished and British troops were responsible for many actrociites, including mass executions. The
British adopted a punitive strategy; families of the village headmen were packed off to the secure territory of Lower
Burma and their villages were burned, then new villages, led by strangers loyal to the British cause, were
established. The guerrillas targeted these villages, and by 1890 more than 3000 British troops were involved in the
battle to maintain order and suppress the rebels activities...Action against the Chin rebels continued when 3500
men [ actually 7300 men -TZD ] were sent to avenge raids in the Chin and Lushai areas [beginning] on the 15th
November 1889, and eventually only the sheer weight of numbers brought the military struggle to an end. Two VCs
were awarded during this campaign. One of the recipients was Irish, this being Surgeon John Crimin.
http://www.irishregimentsandhistory.com/#/irish-vcs/4543061438
______________________________________________________________________

'PEGU' (28th Mar 1852 - 30th Jun 1853), 'PERSIA' (5th Dec 1856 - 8th Feb 1857), 'NORTH WEST FRONTIER' (3rd Dec 1849 - 22 Oct
1868), 'UMBELYA' (20th Oct - 23rd Dec 1863), 'BHOOTAN' (Dec 1863 - Feb 1864), 'LOOSHAI' (9th Dec 1871 - 20th Feb 1872),
'PERAK' (2nd Nov 1875 - 20th Mar 1876), 'JOWAKI 1877-8' (9th Nov 1877 - 19th Jan 1878), 'NAGA 1879-80' (Dec 1879 - Jan 1880),
'BURMA 1885-7' (14th Nov 1885 - 30th Apr 1887), 'SIKKIM 1888' (15th Mar - 27th Apr 1888), 'HAZARA 1888' (3rd Oct - 9th Nov 1888),
'BURMA 1887-89' (1st May 1887 - 31st March 1889), 'CHIN LUSHAI 1889-90' (15th Nov 1889 - 30th Apr 1890), 'SAMANA 1891'
(5th April -25th May 1891), 'HAZARA 1891' (12th Mar - 16th May 1891), 'N. E. FRONTIER 1891' (28th Mar - 7th May 1891),'
HUNZA 1891' (1st - 22nd Dec 1891), 'BURMA 1889-92' (11 expeditions of 1889-92)*, 'LUSHAI 1889-92'** (5expeditions of 1889-92)
'CHIN HILLS 1892-93 (19th Oct 1892 - 10th Mar 1893), 'KACHIN HILLS 1892-93' (3rd Dec 1892 - 3rd Mar 1893)
and 'WAZIRISTAN 1894-95'(22nd Oct 1894 - 13th Mar 1895).
http://www.acepilots.com/medals/brit-india-gs.html
_________________________________________________
BURMA, 1889-92*
During the years 1889-90-1-2 a series of expeditions was organised to put down disturbances in Burma and Lushai;
for the services rendered by the various forces the India Medal 1854, with bars for BURMA 1889-92 and LUSHAI
1889-92, were issued to the troops who took part in the following expeditions: The Pokhau expedition from April
16th to May 16th 1889; Touhon Expedition from Septem ber 17th 1889, to April 1890; Chinbok Column, January 1st
to 20th, 1890; Thetta Column, January 1st to 4th 1891; Moneik Column, January 27th to March 28th 1891; Wuntho
Field Force, February 18th to May 7th 1891; Tlang-Tlang[Klang-Klang] Column, March 29th to April 3rd 1891;
Baungshe Column, December 25th 1891, to February 29th 1892; Irrawaddy Column, December 15th 1891, to April
18th 1892; North-East Column, December 15th 1891, to April 7th 1892.
Source: WAR MEDALS AND THEIR HISTORY
by W. Augustins Steward
Stankey Paul & Co., London, Reprinted December 2009.(pp. 224-225)
* Note: Columns marked in blue were against the Chins. tzd
http://cgi.ebay.com/ws/eBayISAPI.dll?ViewItem&item=350244648956
______________________________________________________________
LUSHAI 1889-92 **
LUSHAI, 1889-92. - The medal with bar LUSHAI 1889-92 was awarded to the officers and men campaigning the
Lushai Expeditionary Force from January 11th to May 5th 1889; the relieving force under Lieutenants Swinton,
Cole, and Watson, which went to the assistance of the forts Ayal and Changsil when attacked by the Lushais,
September 9th to December 9th 1890; the expedition under Captain Hutchison against the Jacopa Village to
avenge the attack on Mr. Murray, February 20th to March 3rd, 1891; the expedition under Captain Lock from
March 1st to June 1892, necessitated by the general rising of the Eastern Lushais, and the attack at Lalbura upon
a force under Mr. M. Cabe; also the force under Captain Shakespear, which advanced into the South Lushai hills
between March 16th and May 13th, 1892. All dates are inclusive. Two divisions took part in this campaign, and
European troops participated only with the Burma section. 1st Kings Own Scottish Borderers, and detachments
of 1st Batt. Cheshire and Norfolk Regiments. The native troops were: 2nd Batt. 4th and the 42nd Goorkas;
twocompanies of the Queens Own Madras Sappers and Miners. The troops engaged with the Chittagong column
were: 2nd Goorkas, 3rd and 9th Bengal Infantry; 28th Bombay Pioneers, and a company of Bengal Sappers and
Miners.
(pp. 224-225)
WAR MEDALS AND THEIR HISTORY
by W. Augustins Steward
Stankey Paul & Co., London, Reprinted December 2009
____________________________________________________
The Distinguished Service Order (DSO) is a military decoration of the United Kingdom, and formerly of other
parts of the British Commonwealth and Empire, awarded for meritorious or distinguished service by officers
of the armed forces during wartime, typically in actual combat.
Instituted on 6 September 1886 by Queen Victoria in a Royal Warrant published in the London Gazette on 9
November,[3] the first DSOs awarded were dated 25 November 1886.[4] It is typically awarded to officers ranked
Major (or its equivalent) or higher, but the honour has sometimes been awarded to especially valorous junior
officers. 8,981 DSOs were awarded during the First World War, each award being announced in the London
Gazette.The order was established for rewarding individual instances of meritorious or distinguished service in war.
It was a military order, until recently for officers only, and normally given for service under fire or under conditions
equivalent to service in actual combat with the enemy, although it was awarded between 1914 and 1916 under
circumstances which could not be regarded as under fire (often to staff officers, which caused resentment among
front-line officers). After 1 January 1917, commanders in the field were instructed to recommend this award only for
those serving under fire. Prior to 1943, the order could be given only to someone Mentioned in Despatches. The
order is generally given to officers in command, above the rank of Captain. A number of more junior officers were
awarded the DSO, and this was often regarded as an acknowledgement that the officer had only just missed out
on the award of the Victoria Cross.[5] In 1942, the award of the DSO was extended to officers of the Merchant
Navy who had performed acts of gallantry while under enemy attack.[6]
Since 1993, its award has been restricted solely to distinguished service (i.e. leadership and command by any
rank), with the Conspicuous Gallantry Cross being introduced as the second highest award for gallantry. It has,
however, thus far only been awarded to senior officers as before.[7]
Recipients of the order are officially known as Companions of the Distinguished Service Order. They are entitled
to use the post-nominal letters "DSO". A gold bar ornamented by the Crown may be issued to DSO holders
performing a further act of such leadership which would have merited award of the DSO.[7]
( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Distinguished_Service_Order )
_______________________________________________________________
BRIGADIER-GENERAL ELLIOT PHILIPSE JOHNSON, C.B.
b. 21 November 1866, d. 26 November 1925
Elliot Philipse Johnson was born on 21 November 1866.1 He was the son of Charles Cooper Johnson and
Jemima Anne Frances Martin. He married Mary Inkson, daughter of Surgn-Maj-Gen James Inkson, on 4 July 1892.
He died on 26 November 1925 at age 59.
He was Companion, Order of the Bath (C.B.) in 1918.1 He was Colonel RE, Honour Brigadier-General (ret),
served in Chin-Lushai Expdn 188990 (medal), NW Frontier India 1897 (despatches twice, medal), Somaliland
190304 (medal), WW I 1914 on staff in Mesopotamia (despatches three times, Commander Star of Roman in
1920. ( http://thepeerage.com/p48883.htm )
____________________________________________________
THE COMMANDANT
COLONEL ARTHUR HENRY MORRIS C.M.G., D.S.O.
MORRIS, ARTHUR HENRY, Lieutenant, was born 3 January 1861, at Ryde, Isle of Wight, eldest son of Reverend
Henry Morris and Eliza Jemima Morris (nee Broughton). He was educated at Canterbury, and joined the Royal Irish
Regiment 27 January 1883, from the Yorkshire Artillery Militia; took part in the Soudan Expedition, 1884-85 (Medal
with clasp, and Bronze Star); served in the Burma Campaign and Expedition against the Red Karens, 1885-87
(Despatches; Medal with two clasps); was Chief Transport Officer to Chin-Lushai Expedition (Despatches; clasp;
thanked by the Government of India, and created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London
Gazette, 14 November 1890]: "Arthur Henry Morris, Lieutenant, The Royal Irish Regiment. In recognition of
services during the Chin-Lushai Expedition". He became Captain in 1891, commanded two expeditions against
tribes in the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast, 1900; (Despatches twice); West Africa, 1900; operations in
Ashanti, commanded column which forced its way into Kumasi from the north (severely wounded); defence of
Kumasi, commanded garrison, and later on commanded the column which cut its way out of Kumasi (Medal with
clasp; Brevet of Lieutenant Colonel; Despatches); commanded Expedition against the Tiansis, 1902 (Despatches);
Chief Commissioner, Northern Territories, Gold Coast, 1899-1904; created a CMG, 1904. Lieutenant Colonel Morris
married, in 1902, Dorothy Mary Wilkie, niece and adopted daughter of Walter Laverton, of Manchester, and they
had one son, John Henry Morris (born 4 October 1908). He commanded the Duke of York's Royal Military School,
1908-13; became Colonel, 23 November 1908, and retired in July 1913. He was Commandant of an internment
camp from 1915. His favourite recreations were hunting and shooting.
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book) Royal Irish Regiment
______________________________________________________________
COLONEL R.M.RAINEY-ROBINSON, C.B., WORC.R.
1914/15 Star
British War Medal COL. R.M.RAINEY-ROBINSON
Victory Medal MID COL. R.M.RAINEY-ROBINSON
Robert Maximilian Rainey was born 28 April 1861, son of Major-General A.M. Rainey. Commissioned 1881 in
the 24th Foot. To the Madras Staff Corps 1881. Served Zhob Valley Expedition 1884, Burma 1887 to 1889
(wounded, MID), Chin-Lushai 1889-90, Manipur 1891, Chin Hills 1892, Chin Hills 1894. Awarded India General
Service Medal with five clasps, his service records state with clasps Burma 1886-7, Burma 1887-9, Chin-Lushai
1889-90, NE Frontier, Burma 1889-92. Captain 1892. In 1897 he adopted the name Robinson. Major 1891.
1903 married Alice Hildebrand. CB 14 June 1912. Retired 14 February 1913. September 1914 he raised the
11th Worcesters. His Adjutant wrote, "Many years before the war he had raised two Indian units, we greatly
benefitted from his immense experience. He was an excellent instructor and his natural wit made him a popular
CO. Although well over 50 and on the retired list, he at once volunteered for active service." Arrived in France
22 September 1915 and at the end of the year took the battalion to Salonika. MID 6 December 1916, 11 July
1919. CMG 1917. 1928 appointed Colonel of 1/1st Punjab Regiment. He died 20 February 1932. Funeral took
place at Upwey, Weymouth.
http://www.qcmilitaria.com/medalsBritArmy1b.htm
______________________________________
COLONEL JOSHUA ARTHUR NUNN, D.S.O.
NUNN, JOSHUA ARTHUR, 1st Class Veterinary Surgeon, AVD, was born 10 May 1853, eldest son of Edward W
Nunn, JP, DL, of Hill Castle, County Wicklow, Ireland. He was educated at Wimbledon School, and at the Royal
Veterinary College, London, and became a Barrister-at-Law, Lincoln's Inn, and Advocate, Supreme Court, Trans-
vaal. He was a Fellow of the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons; an FRCS, FRS Edinburgh; passed through the
Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons with Honours; received the Royal Agricultural Society's Prize in 1876; was
Lieutenant, Royal Monmouthshire Engineer Militia, from 1871-77; Veterinary Surgeon, RA, 1877. He served with
the RA in the Afghan War, 1878-80 (Medal); was Veterinary Surgeon to the Punjab Government, 1880-85; on
special duty with the Natal and Cape Governments, investigating South African horse sickness, 1886-88. He
served in the Chin-Lushai Expedition, as Principal Veterinary Officer, 1889-90, on the Indian Frontier (Medal and
clasp; Despatches); served in the Zulu Rebellion in 1888; was present at the surrender of the chief Somkeli at St
Lucia Lagoon; was Principal, Punjab Veterinary College, 1890-96; Deputy Inspector-General, AVD, 1901-4; PVO,
Eastern Command, 1904-5; PVO, South Africa, 1905-6; Examiner in Hygiene, Royal College of Veterinary
Surgeons; and in Toxicology at Liverpool University. He was created a Companion of the Distinguished Service
Order [London Gazette, 12 December 1890]: "Joshua Arthur Nunn, Army Veterinary Department. In recognition of
services in the Chin-Lushai Expedition". He was created a CIE for services in Lahore Veterinary College. Colonel
Nunn married, in 1907, Gertrude Anne, widow of W Chamberlain, and widow of E Kellner, CIE. He wrote 'Stable
Management in India'; 'Lectures on Saddlery and Harness'; a 'Report on the South African Horse Sickness'; a
'Report on South African Horses'; 'Diseases of the Mammary Gland in Domestic Animals'; 'Veterinary Toxicology'
and many articles in the various professional publications on veterinary medicine and surgery. He was Editor of
the 'Veterinary Journal'. This distinguished officer died 23 February 1908.
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book) Army Veterinary Department
______________________________________________
COLONEL GEORGE JOHN SKINNER, DSO.
Colonel, was born 16 June 1841, son of James Skinner, JP, and of Mrs Skinner. He was educated at the
Scottish Naval and Military Academy, Edinburgh; entered the 100th Regiment 16 September 1859; 38th Regiment,
1860, and BSC, 1865; became Captain, 1871; Major, 1879, and Lieutenant Colonel, 1885. He served during the
Afghan Campaign of 1879-80 with 3rd Bengal Infantry (mentioned in Despatches; Medal). He became Colonel 16
September 1889. For his services in the Chin-Lushai Expedition, 1889 and 1890, he received the thanks of the
Government of India; the Medal with clasp; and was created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order
[London Gazette, 14 November 1890]: "George John Skinner, Lieutenant Colonel, and Colonel, Indian Army".
Colonel Skinner was placed on the Unemployed List 16 June 1908. He married (1) Robina Agnes (who died in
1876), daughter of Reverend W Asher, DD, and (2) Katherine Fox, daughter of Lieutenant Colonel A Baird.
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book)
__________________________________________
COLONEL CHARLES HERBERT SHEPHERD, D.S.O.
Major SHEPHERD, was horn 4 April 1846, second son of Thomas Shepherd, of Beverley, Yorkshire; was educated
at Rugby; gazetted Ensign, 9th Foot, 2 May 1865; Lieutenant 15 February 1871; served in the Afghan War, 1879-
80: as Transport Officer, Khyber Line, at Bosawal and Jellalabad (Medal); Captain, 1 September 1880; Adjutant,
Auxiliary Forces, 28 November 1881; Major, 10 January 1883; served in Burmese Expedition, 1887-89; operations
in the Chin Hills; officiated as Deputy Judge Advocate (Despatches, 22 June 1886, and 2 September 1887; Medal
with two clasps); created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette, 12 November 1889]:
"In recognition of services during the late operations in Burma. Charles Herbert Shepherd, Major, The Norfolk
Regiment". Insignia presented by the Queen 1 August 1890. He served in Chin-Lushai Expedition, 1889-90
(clasp); became Colonel 28 October 1898; retired 4 April 1903. Colonel Shepherd was married.
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book) Norfolk Regiment
_______________________________________
COLONEL GEORGE WILLIAM ROGERS, D.S.O.
Colonel ROGERS was born 11 September 1843. He became Lieutenant, RA, 1 September 1852: Lieutenant,
Bengal Staff Corps, 22 December 1868. He served in the Lushai Expedition, 1871-72 (Medal with clasp). He
again saw active service in the Afghan War, 1879-81), taking part in the action of Ali Khel; operations around
Kabul and Sherpur, March from Kabul to the Relief of Kandahar, and battle of 1 September (Despatches [London
Gazette, 4 May and 3 December 1880]; Medal with two clasps; Bronze Star; Brevet of Major, 1 September 1882).
He was DAAG (Musketry), Bengal, 24 July 1884 to 17 February 1886. He served in the Sikkim Expedition, 1888,
and was created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette, 12 April 1889|: "In recognition
of services during the operations at Sikkim. George William Rogers, Lieutenant Colonel, Bengal Staff Corps". He
became Lieutenant Colonel 1 September 188S; Brevet Colonel, 19 September 1902, and retired on 19 September
1902, with the rank of Colonel. Colonel Rogers married in 1892, Jane Isabella, daughter of Major General J S
Rawlins. He died 27 April 1917. Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book) Bengal Staff Corps
_______________________________________
COLONEL EDWARD ROBERT JOHN PRESGRAVE, D.S.O,
PRESGRAVE, EDWARD ROBERT JOHN, Captain, and Brevet Major, was born in London, 29 June 1855, only son
of Lieutenant Edward Presgrave, HEICS, and of Margaret Crane. He was educated at Wellington College, and
was gazetted to the 21st Regiment, the Royal Scots Fusiliers 11 February 1875, becoming Lieutenant 11
February 1875. On 19 December 1878, he was admitted to the Madras Staff Corps. He was employed in the
Rumpa Rebellion in 1879; served in the Afghan Campaign, 1879-80 (Medal); was Adjutant, 15th Madras Infantry,
1882-86; became Captain 11 February 1886; served in the Burma Campaign, 1886-7-9 (Medal and two clasps).
He was Second-in-Command, 12th Regiment 2nd Burma Battalion Mounted Infantry, 1890-93. He served in the
Expedition to Manipur, 1891 (Despatches [London Gazette, 14 August 1891], clasp). He again saw active service
in Burma, 1892-93-94, with the Tashon Column and in the operations in the Northern Chin Hills. He was mentioned
in Despatches, GGO 733 of 1893; was given the Brevet of Major 29 December 1893, received a clasp, and was
created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette, 12 February 1895]: "Edward Robert
John Presgrave, Captain and Brevet Major, Indian Staff Corps. In recognition of services during the operations
carried on in Burma and the Northern Chin Hills in 1892-93 and 1893-94". The Warrant, Statutes and Insignia were
sent to India 25 April 1895. He was Commandant, 10th Gurkha Rifles, 1893-1902; became Major and temporary
Lieutenant Colonel 11 February 1895. He was AAG India 20 July 1900 to 24 July 1901, and 3 January 1902 to 31
August 1906; was given the Brevet of Colonel in 1904, and became Colonel 11 February 1904. Colonel Presgrave
was put on the Unemployed Supernumerary List 29 June 1912. He was given a special appointment, Military
Intelligence, in 1914; became GSO, 2nd Grade, in 1917, and was mentioned for services rendered [London
Gazette, 13 March 1918]. Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book)
_____________________________________________
p. 602 PUBLIC HEALTH. [MARCH 9, 1907
COLONEL WiICKLOW, C.B., K.O.B.

February 18th.He joined the Madras Medical Department as an Assist,ant-Surgeon, July 3rd, 1856; became
Deputy-Surgeon-General, April 5th, 1885; and retired from the service in 1890. He had charge of the Medical
Department in the Burmese expedition in 1885-6, was twice mentioned in dispatches, and received the thanks
of the Government of India. He was also with the Chin-Lushai expedition in 1889-90, being again mentioned in
dispatches. Presumsbly he hiad received the Frontier medal with two clasps for these services, but the Army
Lists do not credit him with these honours. He was made C.B. in November, 1896, and K.O.B. in June, 1906.
( www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/.../pdf/brmedj08003-0062b.pdf )
_____________________________________________________________
THE DEATH OF COLONEL WRIGHT
It came as a shock to the foreign community to hear of the death on July 27 at Shanhaikuan, through drowning, of
Col. E.G. Wright, CO, of the Indian Infantry, says the P and T. Times. Colonel Wright came to Tientsin in command
of the above regiment and was very popular in this port. He leaves a widow and a son at home. Colonel Wright was
born on June 20, 1865, and received his first appointment as lieutenant in the Bedford Regiment in 1885, going to
the L.S.C next year. He received his captaincy in 1896, his majority in 1908, being made Lieut.- Colonel in 1911.
He saw service in the Burmese expedition of 1886-89, the Chin-Lushai expedition of 1889-90, and the Tibetan
expedition of 1908-04.
- The Straits Time, 18 August 1919, p. 10
___________________________________________________________
CIVILIAN AWARDS (John Tamplin Collection)
Collection: CIVILIAN AWARDS (John Tamplin Collection)
Category: SINGLE CAMPAIGN MEDALS
The Looshai campaign medal awarded to District Superintendent Jack Patch, Bengal Police
MR. JACK PATCH
India General Service 1854-95, 1 clasp, Looshai (J. Patch, Dist. Supt. Police)
Jack Patch joined the Bengal Police Department on 17 May 1863, as an Assistant Superintendent of Police. He
transferred to Assam in January 1869, was promoted to District Superintendent of Police in September 1870, and
took part in the Looshai expedition of 1871-72. He continued to serve in Assam until July 1884, when he returned
to Bengal, and subsequently served at Cuttack, Lohardugga, Hazaribagh, Hooghly, and finally at Hazaribagh
again, by which time he had risen to become a District Superintendent 1st Grade. Patch retired in April 1894 and
is last recorded in the India Office List of 1913.
.............................................................
MR. T.D. BERRINGTON
The Chin-Lushai campaign medal awarded to Mr T. D. Berrington, Assistant Superintendent, later Director-General,
in the Telegraph Department(India General Service 1854-95, 1 clasp, Chin-Lushai 1889-90 (Asst. Supdt. T. D.
Berrington, Tel. Dep)
Trevor Douglas Davies Berrington was born on 5 December 1856, and educated at Clifton College from 1867 to
1874. He then served in the Telegraph Department in India for many years, having received his training as a
student at the Royal Indian Engineering College for the Telegraph Department at Coopers Hill in 1878. He was
posted to the Burma Division and to Rangoon, and subsequently served at Rawulpindi, in the Punjab, in Assam,
and at Dacca. During 1889-90 he took part in the Chin-Lushai expedition for which he received the medal with
clasp. By 1894 he was Superintendent in charge of the Bellary Division at Belgaum, and was then employed in the
Director-Generals office. Around 1900 he became Chief Superintendent of the Postal Department in the Punjab,
and in August 1901 he was appointed Chief Superintendent in the Telegraph Department, of which he became
Deputy Director in March 1903. He was appointed Director of the Traffic branch in July 1904, and was a Member
of a deputation to China from February to July 1905, for the renewal of the Chinese Telegraph Convention of
1894/1904. He was finally appointed Director-General of the Telegraph Department in 1907, and continued as
such until he retired on 5 December 1911.
..................
MR. S.V. TAYLER
The Chin-Lushai campaign medal awarded to Mr S. V. Tayler, Assistant District Superintendent of Police in
Bengal India General Service 1854-95, 1 clasp, Chin-Lushai 1889-90 (Mr. S. V. Tayler, Asst. Dist. Supt. of Police)
Mr S. V. Tayler was appointed Assistant Superintendent, 3rd Grade, in the Bengal Police, sometime before
January 1886, when he is shown as serving at Burdwan. He later served at Backergunge and at Midnapore, and
by January 1889 had been appointed to the 2nd Grade, serving at Chittagong Hill Tracts. He took part in the Chin-
Lushai expedition of 1889-90, and after a period of furlough, then served in the South Lushai Hills. He is last
mentioned in the Indian Army List of July 1892.
.......................
MR. R.B. McCABE
The Lushai campaign medal awarded to Mr R. B. McCabe, Political Officer in the North Lushai Hills
India General Service 1854-95, 1 clasp, Lushai 1889-92 (Mr. R. B. McCabe, Pol. Officer North Lushai Hills)
Robert Blair McCabe was born in about 1854, and educated at Victoria College in Jersey. He entered the Indian
Civil Service after an open competitive examination in 1874, arrived in India in November 1876, and was posted to
Assam. He moved to the sudder station at Dibrugarh in December 1876, and was appointed Assistant
Commissioner, 3rd Grade, in January 1877, and as Sub-Registrar of the sudder Sub-Division of Lakhimpore in the
following June.
McCabe was in charge of the Sub-Division of Jaipore in Lakhimpore from March 1878, was shortly afterwards
appointed a J.P., and also officiated as an Assistant Commissioner, 2nd Grade. He became Assistant Inspector
of Immigrants at Lakhimpore in December 1878. In 1884 he was promoted Deputy Commissioner, 4th Grade; in
about 1891 he became 3rd Grade, and 2nd Grade a year later. Finally he was appointed Deputy Commissioner,
1st Grade, in 1896. Also in that year he became Inspector-General of the Police Department, Commissioner of
Excise, Superintendent of Stamps, and Inspector-General of Registration.
Shortly after his arrival in India, McCabe was sent to take charge of the savage tribes of the Naga Hills, and he
arrived in Kohima immediately after the murder of his predecessor. The Chief Commissioner, who visited the Naga
Hills some years later, said that the work which McCabe had done in civilising the Angami Nagas and spreading
among them a spirit of loyalty and content is unprecedented. On a number of occasions when an outbreak
occurred, McCabe was responsible for restoring order again; notably at the forts of Aijal and Changsil when they
were attacked by the Lushais, and the Political Officer, Captain Ulick Browne, was killed... In the difficulties with
the Lushais he showed great bravery and judgement. This was in connection with the expedition under Captain G.
H. Lock, from March to June 1892, necessitated by the general rising of the Eastern Lushais and the attack at
Lulbura upon a force under McCabe. For his services here, McCabe received the India medal with clasp Lushai
1889-92... Deputy Commissioner McCabe was killed in the earthquake at Shillong on 12 June 1897, when his
house collapsed. He was 43 years of age. In the London Gazette of 29 June 1897, the following notice appeared:
It had been the Queens intention to confer a Companionship of the Most Exalted Order of the Star of India on the
late Mr Robert Blair McCabe, Indian Civil Service, in recognition of his services in Assam, and of his work of
exceptional merit among the wild tribes of the North-East Frontier of India. Two memorials were raised to his
memory. One in Shillong Cemetery, and the other a memorial drinking fountain at Kohima.
(http://www.british-medals.co.uk/british-medals/campaign-medal-groups-pre-wwi/igs-1854-bar-chin-lushai-1889-1890-capt-kosb-qsa-3-bars )
____________________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL M.B. ROBERTS
- An Unusual Great War Civil O.B.E., Chin Hills 1892-93 Group of Three to Lieutenant-Colonel M.B.Roberts,
39th GarhwalRifles
a) The Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, 1st type, Civil Division, Officers (O.B.E.)
b) India General Service 1854-95, one clasp, Chin Hills 1892-93 (Lieutt. M.B. Roberts 39th Garhwalis), officially
renamed
c) India General Service 1895-1902, V.R., two clasps, Punjab Frontier 1897-98, Tirah 1897-98 (Captn.
M.B. Roberts 39th Bl. Infy.), light contact marks, otherwise very fine or better, scarce to European Officers,
mounted for wear (3)...
Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery Browne Roberts, O.B.E. (1863-1924); commissioned Lieutenant (from Militia)
Leinster Regiment, 1885; transferred Indian Army the following year and was posted to 2/3 Goorkhas (three
years later to become the 39th Garhwali Regiment of Bengal Infantry), 1887, towards the end of 1889 the
Battalion furnished a detachment, under Lieutenants A.H. Battye and M.B. Roberts, which took part in this
reconnaissance (also known as the Niti Expedition). The force was composed of 209 men of the two battalions
of the 3rd Gurkhas, with six British officers (Major C. Pulley in command), and had for its object the dislodging
of a party of Tibetans who had establis hed themselves within our frontier at Barahoti, and were levying tolls, etc.
At Tapuban the column was divided...The detachment of the Battalion returned to Kaludanda on December 21st,
after an absence of just under two months.
The troops engaged were accorded the approval of H.E. the Commander-in-Chief for hard work well carried
out (Regimental History refers); served with the regiment in the Northern Chin Hills during the Siyin -
Nwengal uprising, 1892-93...Thanked by the Lieutenant-Governor United States Provinces (as President of
the United Provinces War Board) for his services; in later life he provided the Introductory for the
Historical Record of the 39th Royal Garhwal Rifles; died in Malaga, Spain.
_________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL A.H. BATTYE
- A Fine Indian Campaigns Group of Three to Lieutenant-Colonel A.H. Battye, Part of the Famous Family of
Soldiers, After A Distinguished Career With the Gurkhas, He Raised and Commanded the 14th (Reserve).
Battalion Royal Scots During the Great War. India General Service 1854-95, three clasps, Burma 1885-7, Chin-
Lushai 1889-90, N.E. Frontier 1891 (Lieutt. A.H. Battye 2nd Bn. 3rd Gurkha Regt.), letter r of Regt officially
corrected; India General Service 1895-1902, V.R., three clasps, Relief of Chitral 1895, Punjab Frontier 1897-98,
Tirah 1897-98, with usual private clasp carriage fitment to accommodate later clasps awards (Lieutt A.H. Battye.
2nd Bn. 4th Gurkhas.); China 1900, no clasp (Captain A.H. Battye. 4th Gurkha Rif.), impressed, light contact
marks overall, therefore very fine or better, with an original calling card for Lt. Colonel & Mrs. Arthur
H. Battye (3)
_____________________________________
LIEUTENANT- COLONEL F.E. CARLETONi
The India General Service 1854-95 Medal to Lieutenant-Colonel F.E. Carleton, Kings Own Scottish Borderers,
who Commanded the 1st Battalion During the Chin-Lushai Expedition, 1889-90 India General Service 1854-95,
one clasp, Chin-Lushai 1889-90. (Lieutt. Coln. F.E. Carleton K.O. Sco. Bord.), suspension slack, partially
officially corrected, Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Edmund Carleton (1844-1900), commissioned Ensign 24th Foot,
1861; transferred Lieutenant Kings Own Scottish Borderers, 1864; served with the Regiment as part of the
Peshawar Valley Field Force during the Second Afghan War, 1878-80, and took part in the Lughman Valley
expedition, the expedition against the Wazir Kugianis, and the expedition into the Hissarak Valley (medal);
advanced Major 1881; Lieutenant-Colonel 1889; Officer Commanding 1st Battalion Kings Own Scottish Borderers
during the Chin-Lushai Expedition, 1889-90; during this campaign 21 men of the regiment died of sickness and
six officers and 273 men had to be invalided, this amounted to over half the battalion strength at the time;
Carleton, and his Second in Command Major G.O. Stoney, were both invalided home, with the latter dying that
year; Carleton was forced to retire due to poor health 1893; he lived for another eight years before dying in
Plymouth.
________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL H.Y. BEALE, D.S.O.
- The Rare Chin Hills India General Service Medal to Captain, Later Lieutenant-Colonel, H.Y. Beale[D.S.O.],
2nd Battalion Norfolk Regiment; He Commanded the 3rd Battalion of His Regiment, 1901-02 India General Service
1854-95, one clasp, Chin Hills 1892-93 (Capt. H.Y. Beale, 2d Bn. Norf. R.), D.S.O. London Gazette 31.10.1902
Henry Yelverton Beale, Captain and Adjutant Norfolk Regiment In recognition of services during the operations
in South Africa. Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Yelverton Beale, D.S.O. (1860-1939); educated as Wellington College
and Sandhurst; commissioned Second Lieutenant 9th Foot, 1881; Captain 2nd Battalion 9th Foot, 1888; served
attached 1st Battalion (as he appears on the medal roll) for the operations in the Northern Chin Hills, 1892-93
(Brevet Major; Mentioned in Despatches G.G.O. of 1893); Adjutant 3rd (Militia) Battalion, 1897; Major 1899;
served during the Boer War as a Station Staff Officer; Officer Commanding 3rd Battalion, 20.6.1901-20.3.1902
(D.S.O.; M.I.D. London Gazette 10.9.1901 and 29.7.1902); retired 15.8.1903; reengaged for service during the
Great War as Major, Depot, Norfolk Regiment, 5.8.1914; Temporary Lieutenant- Colonel, Officer Commanding,
Depot, Norfolk Regiment, December 1916-17.
__________________________________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JAMES KIERO WATSON, CMG, CVO, CBE, DSO, IGS
WATSON, JAMES KIERO, Captain, was born 19 June 1855, son of Major General James Watson (late 60th Rifles)
and Mrs James Watson. He was educated at Clifton College and Sandhurst, and was gazetted to the King's Royal
Rifle Corps 25 April 1885. In 1891 and 1892 he served in Burma, taking part in the operations in the Chin Hills. He
was attached to the Egyptian Army, 1894-99, and served in the Expedition to Dongola in 1896 as ADC to the
Sirdar, being present at the operations of 7 June and 19 September. He was mentioned in Despatches [London
Gazette, 3 November 1896], received the Egyptian Medal with clasp, and was created a Companion of the
Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette, 17 November 1896]: "James Kiero Watson, Captain, King's Royal
Rifle Corps. In recognition of services during the recent operations in the Sudan". ... Lieutenant Colonel J K
Watson served in the European War from 1914; was Military Attache, Egypt, from 1916; was mentioned in
Despatches, given the Legion of Honour, and created a CBE in 1919. He married, in 1902, Katherine Emelia,
daughter of H C Nisbet, of The Old House, Wimbledon, and they had one son. He died in 1942.
CMG, CVO, CBE, DSO, IGS 1854 (1) Burma 1889-92, Queen's Sudan, QSA (3) RofK Paar Joh, 1914-15 Star,
BWM, VM, 1911 Coronation, Turkey Order of Osmanieh, Turkey Order of Medjidie, France Legion of Honour 5th
Class, Romania Order of the Crown 1st type 5th Class with swords, Egypt Order of the Nile 4th Class, Belgium
Order of Leopold II 3rd Class with rosette on ribbon, Khedive's Sudan (7) Firket, Hafir, Sudan 1897, The Atbara,
Khartoum, Sudan 1899, Gedid. Miniatures only DNW Apr 03 650.
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book)
_________________________________
OCT. 8, I927 MEMORANDA The British Medical Journal 637
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL WILLIAM REED MURPHY, D.S.O.
Bengal Medical Service (ret.), died in London on August 7th, aged 77. He was educated at Clongoweswood
College, co. Kildare, at Trinity College, Dublin, and at the Meath Hospital, where he won many prizes. After taking
the L.R.C.S.I. in 1871, and the L.K.Q.C.P.I. in 1872, he entered the I.M.S. as assistant surgeon in March, 1872,
passing into the service second out of a very large batch (40). As the first man, the late Lieut.-Colonel Alexander
Crombie, C.B., had already gone through the Netley course as a candidate for the Army Medical Department, in
1871, he went straight out to India, and Murphy headed the Netley list and gained the Herbert prize. He attained
the rank of brigade surgeon lieutenant-colonel in October, 1896, and retired in July, 1899. His whole caireer was
passed in military employment, and he had a very fine war record...His first active service was in the secoild
Afghanwar of 1878-80, when he took part in the action at Saifudin, the occupation of Kandahar, the actions of
Ahmed Khel, Arzu, and Patkao Shama, was mentioned in dispatches in 1878, and received the Afghan medal with
a clasp. He subsequently served in many frontier campaigns; the Hazara expedition of 1888, was mentioned in
dispatches, and received the frontier medal with clasp; the Lushai campaign of 1889 (clasp); in the Chin-Lushai
campaign (1889-90) he was prinlcipal medical officer, was mentioned in dispatches, and was awarded the D.S.O.
and another clasp.- He was in the Chitral campaign of 1895, with the relief force (medal with clasp); the Tirah
campaign of 1897-98, with the Kurram-Kohat force, and as principal medical officer of theKurram movable column;
he was -twice mentioned in dispatches. Nearly twenty years after his retirement he was granted a good service
pension, on July 6th, 1918.
_____________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL W. J. LINGER LONG
A Great War C.M.G. group of eight awarded to Lieutenant-Colonel W. J. Linger Long, Kings Royal Rifle Corps
The Order of St. Michael and St. George, C.M.G., neck badge, silver-gilt and enamels; India General Service
1854-95, 1 clasp, Lushai 1889-92 (2d. Lieutt., 4th Bn. K.Rl. Rif. Corps); Queens South Africa 1899-1902, 6
clasps, Tugela Heights, Relief of Ladysmith, Laings Nek, Belfast, Orange Free State, Cape Colony (Captain,
K.R.R.C.) clasps mounted in order as listed; Kings South Africa, 2 clasps (Capt., K.R.R.C.); 1914-15 Star (Major,
K.R.Rif.C.); British War and Victory Medals, with M.I.D. oak leaf (Lt.Col.); Delhi Durbar 1911.
M.I.D. London Gazette 25 June 1915 and 1 January 1916.
Wilfred James Long was born in 1871, son of Rear-Admiral Samuel Long, and educated at Winchester College.
He was commissioned into the Kings Royal Rifle Corps in 1889 and served in the operations in the Chin Hills
1891-92, with the Lushai Column (Medal with clasp). As a Captain he served with the regiment throughout the
War in South Africa 1899-1902 (Queens medal with six clasps, Kings medal with two clasps). At the outbreak
of the Great War, Linger Long was serving with the 3rd Battalion in India until January 1915, when the battalion
went to France, with Long as second-in-command. In the autumn of 1915 when the 80th Brigade of Rifles left
France, Long took the 3rd battalion to Salonika where his wide experience on the inhospitable veldt of South
Africa stood the battalion in good stead. During the Great War he was wounded twice, Mentioned in Despatches
twice, awarded the C.M.G. and a Brevet Lieutenant-Colonelcy. Linger Long died on 24 May 1954, aged 82.
http://www.dnw.co.uk/medals/auctionarchive/searchcataloguearchive/itemdetail.lasso?itemid=18274
______________________________________________
258 JULY 29, 1939 OBITUARY - THE BRITISH MEDICAL JOURNAL DEATHS IN THE SERVICES
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL FREDERICK JOSEPH DEWES, I.M.S. (ret.),
Died in a nursing home at Blackheath on July 13, aged 78. He was born on January 3, 1%61, the son of
Mr. Henry Dewes, was 'educated.at St. Thomas's Hospital, and took the M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P. in 1886.
He entered the Indian Medical Service as surgeon on October 1, 1887, became lieutenant-colonel after twenty
years' service, and retired on September .12, 1921. He served in Burma in 1884-8, receiving the frontier medal
with a "clasp; in the Chin Lushai campaign on the North- East Frontier of India in 1889-90, clasp to the frontier
medal; in the campaign on the North-West "Frontier in 1897-8, -in the Mohmand expedition, receiving the medal
with a clasp; and in Tirah, another clasp.. He received the Kaisari-Hind Medal on January 1, 1909. He had been
a member of the British Medical Association for forty-nine years.
______________________________________________
1078 JUNE 7, 1930. MEDICAL NEWS)
HONORARY SURGEONS TO THE KING.
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ARTHUR JAMES STURMER, Madras Medical Service(ret.),
Died at Clifton on May 11th, aged 79. He was born on February 1st, 1851, the son of Arthur James Sturmer of the
Auiditor-General's Office, Calcutta, wvas educated at Bart's, and took the M.R.C.S.and L.R.C.P.Lond. in 1874.
Entering the I.M.S.as surgeon on MAarchl 31st, 1875, he became surgeon lieuttenant-colonel after twenty years'
service, was placed on the selected list for promotionl on March 3lst, 1901, and retired, with an extra compensation
pension, on April 12th, 1905. He served in the Afghan war of 1879--80, and received the medal; and on the
North-East -Frontier of India in the Chin-Hills expedition of 1892-93, gaining the frontier medal with a clasp. For
some years before hiis retirement he held the posts of suiperintendent of the Government Maternity Hospital,
Madras, anid professor of midwiferv in the Madras 'Medical College.
www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2313456/.../brmedj07495-0048.pdf
_____________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ROBERT HENRY GUNNING
(Commanding the 1st Battalion King's Royal Rifle Corps)
He was killed in action at the Battle of Talana Hill October 20th 1899. He was the eldest son of Sir George William
Gunning, 5th baronet, of Little Horton House, Northampton, was born in 1852, and educated at Eton. He entered
the 68th Foot in 1873, was transferred to the 60th Foot 1874, and was promoted Captain 1883, Major 1890, and
Lieutenant Colonel 1898. He served with the 60th Rifles in the Zulu War, 1879, was present at the action of
Ginginhlovo and Relief of Etshowe, and afterwards served as adjutant of the battalion throughout the operations
of "Clarke's Column", receiving the medal with clasp. In the Burmese Expedition1891-92, he was in command
of the Baungshe Column during the operations in the Chin Hills, receiving the medal with clasp. At Talana,
Lieutenant Colonel Gunning fell while leading his battalion in the attack. Sir A Conan Doyle in writing of this battle
states "It was here between the wall and the summit that Colonel Gunning of the Rifles and many other brave men
met their end, some by our own bullets and some by those of the enemy and again among the killed were many
that the army could ill spare. The gallant but optimistic Symons, Gunning of the Rifles, Sherston, Connor, Hambro,
and many other brave men died thatday". Lieutenant Colonel Gunning was mentioned in despatches by Lieutenant
General Sir G White, December 2nd, 1899 (LG February 8th 1901). He was buried in the cemetery just below
Talana Hill close to where he fell.
http://www.angloboerwar.com/Casualties/casualties_g.htm
______________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL E.M. JACKSON
A well travelled Indian Army Officers Chin Hills group of 4: Lieutenant Colonel E.M. Jackson, 28th Madras Infantry,
late 11th Sudanese Infantry Battalion Egyptian Army, 17th Madras Infantry and Royal Scots - IGS Medal 1854.
Burma 1887-89 Chin Hills 1892-93 (Ltt. E.M. Jackson, 17th Madras Infy) - Queens Sudan Medal1896-98 (Capt E.
M. Jackson, 11/Sud E.A.) - China Medal 1900. Silver issue no clasp (Captn E. M. Jackson, 28th Mad Infy) -
Khedives Sudan Medal 1896. With clasps Firket & Hafir (Capt. E.M. Jackson, 28th Mad Infy) Note: An extremely
rare combination of clasps to a British Officer of the Indian Army, and quite possibly unique, basis presence of the
Chin Hills clasp together with battle clasps on the Khedives Sudan Medal, this latter medal almost invariably a no-
clasp issue named to Indian units. Ernest Montague Jackson was born 3 November 1863. Commissioned Lieutenant
in the Royal Scots in August 1884, ad subsequently transferred to the Madras Staff Corps of the Indian Army in
January 1887 In January 1887 Jackson was posted as Wing Officer to the 28th Madras Infantry. Six months later
he had been posted to the 17th Madras Infantry and saw action during the Burma Campaign 1887-89. Returning to
his parent regiment, Jackson next saw service during the Chin Hills expedition of 1892-93. During the Dongola
Expedition of 1896, Jackson was seconded to the Egyptian Army and served with the 11th Sudanese Infantry
Battalion, taking part in the operations of 7th June and 19th September 1896, as a Special Service Officer for
which he was was Mentioned-in-Despatches in the London Gazette of 3 November 1896... However, his service in
India was short-lived as his regiment was detailed as one of 4 x Madras Infantry regiments to serve overseas in
the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion in China. He served in China as Second-in-Command of the 28th Madras
Infantry. He was promoted Lieutenant Colonel in August 1910 and assumed the command of the 88th Carnatic
Infantry (late 28th Madras Infantry) in the following month. Lieutenant Colonel Jackson retired from the Army in
October 1913, a month before his 50th Birthday Provenance:
http://www.aberdeenmedals.com/index2.php
____________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL FREDERICK ARTHUR ROGERS, D.S.O.
Surgeon ROGERS, FREDERICK ARTHUR, was born 7 September 1861, son of Moses Rogers, Deputy Inspector-
General of Hospitals, Madras, and Caroline Rogers. He entered the Indian Medical Service, and served in the
Burmese War of 1885-89 (twice mentioned in Despatches), and received the Medal with two clasps), and with the
Chin-Lushai Expedition, 1890 (Despatches, and created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London
Gazette, 14 November 1890]: "Frederick Arthur Rogers, Surgeon, Indian Medical Service". His DSO was awarded
"In recognition of services during Chin Lushai Expedition". The Letter and Insignia were handed to Mr Rogers by
Mr Hobert, Secretary and Registrar, 3 March 1891). He married, 1892, Janet Felicia, daughter of John Churchill,
of Wimbledon. Lieutenant Colonel Rogers retired in 1905, and died 2 November 1912.
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book)
__________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL ROBERT BALMAIN LOW, D.S.O.
LOW, ROBERT BALMAIN, Lieutenant, was born 7 October 1804, son of General Sir Robert Cunliffe Low, GCB,
and Constance (who died in 1900), daughter of Captain Taylor; became Lieutenant, Royal Irish Regiment, 7
February 1885; joined the Indian Staff Corps 12 October 1885; served in the Lushai Expedition, 1889 (clasp); in
the Hazara Expedition, 1891 (Medal and clasp). He was ADC to Major General, Bengal, 1 April 1892 to 2
November 1895; was ADC to the GOC, Chitral Relief Expedition, 24 March 1895 to 28 August 1895. For his
services in this campaign he was mentioned in Despatches 15 November 1895; received the Medal with clasp,
and was created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette, 21 January 1890]: "Robert
Balmain Low, Lieutenant, Indian Staff Corps, ADC to Major General Sir K C Low, KCB, Commanding a First-Class
District in India. In recognition of services during the operations of the Chitral Relief Force". The Insignia were
presented by Her Majesty 24 February 1890. He became Captain 19 February 1896; served in the Tirah
Expedition, 1897-98. taking part in the operations in the Bara Valley 7-14 December 1897 (two clasps); was
ADC to Lieutenant General, India, 29 October 1898 to 28 June 1905 Commandant, Headquarters Camp, and
Provost Marshal, China Expedition, 31 July 1900 to 30 June 1902, and was present at the relief of Pekin and
at the action of Peitsang and Yangtsun (Despatches [London Gazette, 14 May 1901]; Medal with clasp; Brevet
Majority, 29 November 1900). He became Major, Indian Army, 7 February 1903; was DAAG, India, 17 September
1905 to 16 September 1909; was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, Hodson's Horse, Indian Army, 7 February 1911.
On 18 May 1915, Lieutenant Colonel R B Low was given a special appointment (graded DAAG). He married, in
1899, Mabel Violet, daughter of Major General O'Grady Haly, CB
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book)
_________________________________________
INDIAN MEDICAL SERVICE.
SURGEON-LIEUTENANT-COLONEL W. M. COuRTNEY,
Bengal Establishment
He is permitted to retire from the service from December 7th. He was appointed Assistant-Surgeen, October 1st,
1889, and became Surgeon Lieutenant-Colonel, October 1st, 1889. He served with the Duffia expeditionin 1873-74;
with the Burmese expedition in 1886-87 in medical charge of No. 18 Field Hospital with the 4th Brigade Upper
Burmah Field Force(medal with clasp); and with the Chin-Lushai Force, under Brigadier-General Symons, in 1889-90
as Senior Medical Officer in charge of the General Hospital (clasp).
(Source: Nov. 9, 1895. NAVAL AND MILITARY. [The British Medical Journals, 1201])
_____________________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL HAMILTON GEORGE MAXWELL, INDIA ARMY
India General Service Medal 1854-1895, 2 clasps, Samana 1891, Chin Hills 1892-93 (Lt. 19th Bl. Lers.) clasps
soldered togethered; India General Service Medal 1895-1902, 1 clasp, Punjab Frontier 1897-98 (Lieutt., 16th Bl.
Cavy.); China War Medal 1900 no clasp, Captn., 16th Bl. Lers.); 1914-15 Star (Lt. Col., Remount Serv.); British
War Medal (Lt. Col.); Victory Medal (Lt. Col.); Delhi Durba Medal 1911 in silver (30, 000); Croix de Guerre 1914-
1915 with bronze palm; U.S. Military Order of the Dragon (Capt. Hamilton G. Maxwell, 16th Cavalry No. 167),
lacking pagoda top ribbon bar, first seven and last two medals mounted together court styles as worn(9)
Hamilton George Maxwell was born 7 July 1863, grandson of the late General Sir Abraham Roberts, G.C.B. of
the Palace Hampton Court and the son of Colonel Hamilton Maxwell, late Bengal Staff Corps. After serving briefly
in the ranks, he was commissioned a 2nd Lieutenant in the Connaught Rangers on 7 May 1887.
Dixon-Gazettewww.dixonsmedals.co.uk
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DEATHS IN THE SERVICES
LIEUTENANT.-COL. JOHN CHARLES LAMONT, C:I.E., I.M.S., died on June 19 in Edinburgh at the ripe age of 80.
He was educated at the Liverpool College and Edinburgh University, where he graduated M.B., C.M. in 1885 with
first class honours. In 1886-7 he was demonstrator of anatomy in the University, an appointment which determined
his lifes work. In 1887 he entered the Bengal Medical Service and saw active service with the Chin-Lushai
Expedition of 1889-90 and the Manipur Expedtion in 1891, receiving the Frontier medal with clasp. Three years later
he was appointed professor of anatomy in the Punjab University at Lahore, a post that he occupied with distinction
until 1906, when he went on leave preparatory to retiring in 1908 from the Indian Medical Service. He immediately
took
up the post of lecturer on anatomy, University College, Dundee, which he filled from 1906 to 1914, and for three
years he was examiner in anatomy at the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh. He published a number of
papers in the Journal of Anatomy, and was elected to F.R.S.Ed, in 1920. In 1914 he volunteered for military
service, was re-employed by the Government of India, and was awarded the C.I.E. in 1919. His recreations were
fishing and golf, and he was one of the five original members of council of the Clan Lamont Society, founded in
1895...
(Source: British Medical Journal, July 7, 1945, p. 32)
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LIEUTENANT-COLONEL W.B. PLGOTT
Commandant, 1st Battalion, Royal Warwickshire Regiment ; served in the Chin Lushai Expedition, 1889-90;
served with the Tirah Expeditionary Force, 1897-98 ; won a medal with 2 clasps, served
in the South African War and took part in the actions at...
http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Page:The_Indian_Biographical_Dictionary.djvu/366)
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OFFICERS DIED: SOUTH AFRICA 1899 - 1902
( http://glosters.tripod.com/BoerD.htm )
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL LOUIS EUGENE-Du MOULIN
Du MOULIN - Lieutenant-Colonel Louis Eugene - 1/Royal Sussex Regt.
Killed in action at Abraham's Kraal, near Koffyfontein. 28th Jan. 1902. Aged 42. Born October 1859. Served in
Hazara 1885 (medal & clasp, MID), Chin-Lushai 1889-90 (clasp, MID), Manipur 1891 (clasp), Tirah 1897-8 (medal
& 2 claps), and QSA (4 clasps).
.......................................................
_PREFACE._
_Louis Eugne du Moulin was of French descent. By birth he was a New Zealander. He passed through Sandhurst
and entered the army in 1879, joining the 107th Regimentnow the Second Battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment.
With this battalion all his service was spent, until his promotion in 1899 as second in command of the First
Battalion Royal Sussex Regiment (the old 35th)._
_He served in the Black Mountain Campaign of 1888, in the Chin-Lushai and Manipur expeditions of 1889-91, and
in the Tirah Campaign of 1897-98. Alike among the dark pine woods of the Himalayas, in the dense jungle of
Manipur, or on the bleak, stony ridges of the Hazara country the name of du Moulin became a byword in the
Regiment, and far beyond the Regiment, for restless energy, never-failing resource and cool daring. He became
known all over India as a musketry expert. Many of his ideas were adopted, and are in universal use by those who
may never have heard his name._
http://stubbsfamilyhistory.wordpress.com/2011/02/13/louis-eugene-du-moulin-our-great-grandfather-and-his-father-johan-pieter-du-mouli
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LIEUTENANT-COLONEL B. A. JOHNSTONE. O.B.E.
Family group: A Great War O.B.E. group of seven awarded to Lieutenant-Colonel B. A. Johnstone, West Riding
Regiment, late Indian Army
Medals ] Family group: A Great War O.B.E. group of seven awarded to Lieutenant-Colonel B. A. Johnstone, West
Riding Regiment, late Indian Army. The Most Excellent Order of the British Empire, O.B.E. ( Military) Officer's 1st
type, silver-gilt, hallmarks for London 1919; India General Service 1854-95, 1 clasp, Chin Hills 1892-93 (Captn.,
21st Madras Pioneers); China 1900, 1 clasp, Relief of Pekin (Major, 1st Mad. Pioneers); 1914-15 Star (Major, W.
Rid. R.); British War and Victory Medals, M.I.D. oak leaf (Lt. Col.); Delhi Durbar 1903, together with a set of related
miniature dress medals (7), these mounted as worn, the second with officially re-engraved naming and the sixth
officially re-impressed, contact marks and edge bruising, generally very fine Five: Captain R. A. Johnstone 1939-45
Star; Africa Star, clasp, 8th Army; Italy Star; Defence and War Medals, contained in original addressed card
forwarding box, extremely fine (19) E600- 700 O.B.E. London Gazette 3 June 1919. Beresford Assheton
Johnstone, who was born in March 1861, the eldest son of Captain (later Major- General) George Nassau
Johnstone, was originally commissioned into the Hampshire Regiment as a 2nd Lieutenant in April 1881. Advanced
to Lieutenant in April 1883, he was appointed to the Indian Army in the following year, when he joined the 21st
Madras Pioneers as a Wing Officer. Active service followed in the Chin Hills 1892-93, after which he transferred to
the 1st Madras Infantry as a Double Company Commander, and, in 1900, was present with the regiment at the
relief of Pekin. He was also present at the Delhi Durbar of 1903, when he acted as A.D.C. to General Wolfe Murray,
but in April 1905, as a result of contracting malaria, he was invalided out in the rank of Major. The outbreak of
hostilities in August 1914 found him quickly recalled to the British Army, when he was 'appointed second in
command of the 9th The Duke of Wellington's Regiment, which he eventually commanded in the Ypres salient,
being twice mentioned in despatches. He was invalided home with a strained heart, but without resting continued
to train troops' (Times obituary refers). Johnstone, who also commanded battalions of the York and Lancaster and
South Staffordshire Regiments, ended the War back in India, as a depot C.O. at Kirkee and Poona, and was
awarded the O.B.E. for this latter work in 1919. The Colonel, who retired to Tenterden in Kent, died in January
1930. Sold with a small quantity of original documentation, including M.I.D. certificate, dated 11 June 1920 and
original Indian Army Officer's Record of Services. Also see Lot 434 for further family awards.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/dna/mbhistory/html/NF2233810?thread=6507153
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LIEUTENANT-COLONEL J. M. CAMILLERI,
13th Bengal Infantry, late Royal Malta Fencible Artillery and East Yorkshire Regiment
INDIA GENERAL SERVICE 1854-95, 2 clasps, N.E. Frontier 1891, Chin Hills 1892-93 (Ltt. J. M. Camilleri, 13th
Bl. Infy.); INDIA GENERAL SERVICE 1895-1902, 2 clasps, Punjab Frontier 1897-98, Tirah 1897-98 (Captn. J. M.
Camilleri, 13th Bl. Infy.); QUEENS SOUTH AFRICA 1899-1902, 7 clasps, Relief of Kimberley, Paardeberg,
Driefontein, Johannesburg, Diamond Hill, Wittebergen, South Africa 1901 (Major J. M. Camilleri, I.S.C.) 547
Ex Arthur B. King Collection.
John Mary Camilleri was born on 26 June 1865, and was first commissioned on 14 January 1885, in the Royal Malta
Fencible Artillery. He was appointed Second Lieutenant in the East Yorkshire Regiment in July 1887 and transferred
to the Bengal Staff Corps in November 1888, being attached to the 13th (Shekhawati) Bengal Infantry. He took part
in the expedition to Manipur in 1891 (Medal with clasp); in Burma 1892-93, operations in the Northern Chin Hills
(Despatches G.G.O. 733 of 1893, clasp); on the N.E. Frontier of Assam in 1894, Abor Expedition; on the N.W.
Frontier of India in 1897-98, Malakand, as Brigade Transport Officer to 1st Brigade, 2 August-October 1897,
including the action at Landakai (Despatches London Gazette 5 November 1897); Operations to Bajaur and in
the Mamund country, Buner, including attack and capture of the Tanga Pass (Despatches London Gazette 22 April
1898, medal with clasp); in Tirah in 1897-98 (Clasp). Appointed Second in Command, 13th Rajputs, 8 June 1908, he
was promoted to Lieutenant-Colonel and Commandant of the regiment on 13 November 1910. Lieutenant-Colonel
Camilleri died in India on 20 September 1912.
www.dnw.co.uk
18 May 2011
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A RARE CHIN HILLS PAIR AWARDED TO LIEUTENANT-COLONEL A. B. DRUMMOND, 39TH GARHWALIS
INDIA GENERAL SERVICE 1854-95, 1 clasp, Chin Hills 1892-93 (Lieutt. A. B. Drummond, 39th Garhwalis) old
erasure between name and unit; Afghanistan, GOLD MEDAL OF THE ORDER OF IZZAT-I-AFGHANI,
dated AH 1320 [1901],
Arthur Berkeley Drummond was born on 27 November 1869, son of the Rev. Arthur Hislop Drummond. He was first
commissioned into the Northumberland Fusiliers on 18 June 1890, and shortly afterwards transferred to the Indian
Army. In June 1898 he was appointed Political Assistant in Baluchistan, later becoming assistant to the Resident
at Mewar in April 1900, and assistant to the Political Agent at Kalat in October 1903. Promoted to Political Agent
in Rajputana, March 1905, he later became Resident in Mewar, September 1906 and Political Agent at Haraoti and
Tonk, April 1908. In September 1912 he was appointed Boundary Commissioner in Bhopawar, moving shortly
afterwards to the Political Office, Deoli, in January 1913 and becoming Political Agent at Bundi, May 1913.
Drummond was the Assistant Agent to the Governor-General in Central India, October 1913, and in November
1914 was posted on special duties to the Governor-General in Rajputana. Assistant Resident at Mewar in
February 1915, his final posting was as Political Agent, Kotah and Jhalawar in March 1916. 548
www.dnw.co.uk
18 May 2011
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OFFICERS OF THE ROYAL ENGINEERS
(Listed Alphabetically)
Lieutenant Colonel Edward De Santis Edward Henry de Vere Atkinson. Lieutenant, 16-9-1885; Captain, 29-3-
1895. War Service: Lushai,1889; Chin-Lushai, 1889-90; Zhob Valley, 1890.
- Theodore Fraser. Lieutenant, 18-2-1886; Captain, 13-8-1896. War Service: Chin Lushai, 1889-90;
Hazara, 1891; North West Frontier, 1897-8; South Africa, 1900.
- William Albert Harrison. Regimental Ranks: 2nd Lieutenant, 16-3-1887; Lieutenant, 16-3-1890; Captain,
19-12-1897. War Service: Chin Lushai, 1889-1890; China, 1900-1901.
- Robert Maxwell Hyslop. Regimental Ranks: Lieutenant, 15-7-1868; Captain, 11-5-1881; Major, 1-10-1887;
Lieutenant Colonel, 7-7-1894. Army Ranks: Colonel, 7-7-1898. War Service: Looshai, 1871-2; Egypt, 1882.
- Edward Pemberton Leach, VC, CB. Regimental Rank: Lieutenant, 17-4-1866; Captain, 31-12-1878; Major,
17-4-1886; Lieutenant Colonel, 5-12-1892. Army Rank: Major, 22-11-1879; Lieutenant Colonel, 2-3-
1881; Colonel, 2-3-1885; Major General, 1-10-1897. War Service: Looshai, 1871-72; Afghanistan, 1879-
80; Sudan, 1885.
- Ricardo Dartnell Petrie. Lieutenant, 23-2-1881; Captain, 17-12-1889; Major, 10-5-1899. War Service:
Zhob Valley, 1884; Burma, 1886-8; Chin-Lushai, 1889-90; China, 1900-01.
- Walter Hungerford Pollen. Lieutenant, 6-4-1879. War Service: Egypt, 1882; Looshai, 1889. Died at
Chittagong, 26-3-1889.
REFERENCE:
1. CONNOLLY, T.W.J. Roll of Officers of the Corps of Royal Engineers From 1660 to 1898. Royal
Engineers Institute, Chatham, 1898.
2. The Royal Engineers Monthly List, April 1910.
_______________________________________
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL H. ROSS-JOHNSON
[ Medal ] Five: Lieutenant-Colonel H. Ross-Johnson, Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry, late Liverpool Regiment
India General Service 1854-95, 2 clasps, Burma 1885-7, Chin-Lushai 1889-90 (Lieutt. 2d L'pool. R.); 1914-15 Star
(Lt. Col., L'pool. R.); British War and Victory Medals (Lt. Col.); Khedive's Sudan 1896-1908, 1 clasp, Sudan 1899,
unnamed as issued, together with a mounted set of five miniature dress medals, very fine and better (10) E450-500
Hastings Ross- Johnson was commissioned into the King's Liverpool Regiment in May 1885 and served in the
Burma expedition of 1885-87 and in the Chin- Lushai Expeditionary Force in 1889-90. He was promoted Captain in
1891 and served in the Nile Expedition of 1899 and took part in the first advance against the Khalifa. In December
1900 he was promoted Major. During the Great War he was Major, Temporary Lieutenant-Colonel in command of the
7th (Service) Battalion of the Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry.
http://www.artfact.com/auction-lot/medal-five:-lieutenant-colonel-h.-ross-johnso-1-c-aaucmea7iy
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MAJOR/LIEUTENANT COLONEL ROSS ACHESON SMYTH
Major, 18th Royal Irish Regiment and Lieutenant Colonel, 10th Battalion Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers. Regimental
Number ---- Born: ---- Died: 1917-09-27 Aged: 55 Enlisted: ------
Name commemorated on Glendermott Parish Church World War 1 Memorial. Name also listed on the Diamond War
Memorial.
Husband of Mrs Smyth, Ardmore, Londonderry.
Major Smyth was born in 1862. He was the eldest son of Mr John Acheson Smyth, Larchmount, and grandson of
Mr Ross T. Smyth, well known in connection with the corn trade in Liverpool. He entered the Royal Irish Regiment
in 1885, retiring after eighteen years service with the rank of brevet major. He served in the Chin Lushai Expedition
in 1889-90, in India, and the Boer War, in which he was wounded and mentioned in despatches. He was married in
1892 to a daughter of Mr Thomas Malcolmson, of Minella, Clonmel, and they had two sons and a daughter. One of
his sons died in infancy, and the other son, Second Lieutenant John Ross Smyth, Royal Irish Regiment, was killed
in action early in the Great War. Major Ross Smyth was a Deputy Lieutenant for the county of Derry, a member of
Londonderry Board of Guardians and No. 1 District Council, and belonged to a family which had resided at Ardmore
for over five generations. After retiring from the Regular Army, he took an active part in the Unionist campaign
against Home Rule, and was greatly admired in political circles for his frankness and outspokenness. When the
Great War broke out, he placed his services at the disposal of the Army authorities, and to him in a great measure
was due the formation of the 10th Battalion of the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers (Derry Volunteers), Ulster Division,
his magnetic personality being responsible for drawing many recruits in this regiment. He had the honour of being
appointed commanding officer of the battalion, with the rank of lieutenant colonel. The battalion served under his
command at Finner, Randalstown, Bramshott, and Seaford from September 1914 to September 1915, when he
accompanied them to France... Messrs. Vincent Ward & Son, sculptors, John Street, Londonderry, erected the
tablet.( http://www.diamondwarmemorial.com/soldiers/view/1091 )
______________________________________________________
LIEUT. COLONEL EDWARD GYLES VAUGHAN, DSO served with the forces in Chin Lushi 1889-90, at
Malakand in 1897-8, Uganda 1898-9, the NW frontier of India 1908, Abor 1912 (DSO).
www.britishcolonialafrica.com/.
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SENIOR BRITISH OFFICERS AND MEDICAL STAFF OF THE CHITTAGONG COLUMN, CHIN-LUSHAI EXPEDTION
1889-90, UNDER THE COMMAND OF BRIGADIER-GENERAL V. W. TREGEAR
1. Colonel C. McD. Skene, D.S.O., commanding the 42nd Gurkha Light Infantry, the Chin Hills, and the Northern
Column, has well sustained a reputation previously gained for command.
2. Colonel J. K. Clubley, commanding the 42nd Madras Infantry and lines of communication.
3. Major G. O. Stoney, 1st Battalion Kings Own Scottish Borderers, who commanded the detachment of his
regiment, and was second -in-command of the Southern Column for some time before invalidated.
4. Major Gordon -Cumming, 1st Battalion Cheshiare Regiment, killed in action.
5. Major H. W. W. Burton, Royal Artillery, has been my senior Staff Officer. The ability with which he has
supported me has won my warm regard. His advancement would be a distinct gain to the service.
6. Major G. Henry, Royal Engineers. This officer, as my Commanding Royal Engineer, and for some time,
second-in-command, has rendered me most valuable assistance. I cannot speak too highly of the ability and
devotion with which he has thrown himself into his work. I commend his services for special recognition.
7. Brigade-Surgeon E. C. Markey, Medical Staff, as my Principal Medical Officer, has had responsible duties.
I commend him for his administrative abilities.
8. Surgeon Major G.D. Burke, Medical Staff.
9. Surgeon F. A. Rogers, 42nd Gurka Light Infantry, senior medical officer with the Northern Command.
10. Surgeon W. H. Bean, Medical Staff.
............................................................................................................................
- Source: THE LONDON GAZETTE, SEPTEMBER 12, 1890; See APPENDIX FF for more information.
(Note: Taken word-by-word directly from the Gazette. TZD)
________________________________________________________________
COLONEL E. P. MAINWARING
(a) India General Service 1854-94, 3 clasps, North West Frontier, Looshai, Burma 1889-92 (Captn. E. P.
Mainwaring, 4th Goorkha Regt.)
(b) Afghanistan 1878-80, 3 clasps, Ali Musjid, Kabul, Kandahar (Maj. E. P. Mainwaring, 4th Goorkha)
(c) Kabul to Kandahar Star 1880 (Major E. P. Mainwaring, 4th Goorkha Regt.) the reverse centre also faintly
scratched Won Sept 1880 - Recd Dec 1883
Footnote
... Between 1868 and 1887, he served with the 4th Gurkha Rifles, being made Captain on 29th June 1869. He took
part in the Hazara expedition of 1868 on the North West Frontier, and in the Looshai operations of 1871-72, on the
North East Frontier, for which he received the India medal and two clasps. In 1878 Mainwaring took part in the
capture of Ali Musjid. He rejoined the regiment from sick leave in January 1879 and served with it during the
remainder of the Second Afghan War, taking part in the advance to the Sherpore contonment at Kabul, the fighting
at Jagdalak, the action of Shekabad, the Kabul to Kandahar march under General Sir Frederick Roberts, the battle
of Kandahar, and the operations against the Maris under General Sir Charles MacGregor...
In 1885 he became Lieutenant-Colonel, the same year Roberts was appointed Commander-in-Chief in India and the
decision was taken to raise a second battalion to each of the first five Gurkha regiments..In 1891 his participation
in the operations in Burma that year gained him a third clasp to his Indian medal. Mainwaring retired to England in
1893 with his wife, whose own family, in the best traditions of the British ruling caste, had long associations with
the sub-contient. She was the granddaughter of none other than Florentia Sale. Colonel Mainwaring died in
Cheltenham on 13th July 1922.
- Ref: Burkes Landed Gentry; Particulars of the Life of Colonel Edward Mainwaring; A Journal of the Disasters in
Affghanistan, 1841-42 (Lady Sale); The Afhan Campaign of 1878-1880 (Shadbolt); History of the 3rd Queen
Alexandras Own Gurkha Rifles, 1815-1927 (Woodyatt).
http://www.dnw.co.uk/medals/auctionarchive/viewspecialcollections/itemdetail.lasso?itemid=42152
Dix Noonan Webb |
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LIEUTENANT-COLONEL W. H. HILDEBRAND
678. I.G.S. 1854 2 Bars Chin-Lushai 1899-90/Burma 1887-89. Lieut. W.H. Hildebrand. 44th Bl. Infy.
I.G.S. 1895 2 Bars Punjab Fr/Samana 1897. Captain W.H. Hildebrand. 27th Punjab Infy.
Born 6-7-1865. Lieu - 29-8-1885. Capt. - 29-8-1896. Major - 29-8-1903. Lt. Colonel - 29-8-1911. Retired
17-2-1912. War Service - Burma 1887-89 - Kalewa Column in the operations on the Western Frontier.
Chin-Lushai 1889-90 - Burma Column. - Mentioned in despatches per G.G.O. No. 677 of 1890.
N.W. Frontier of India 1897-98 - Operations during August and September 1897, operations of the Flying
Column in the Kurram Valley under Colonel Richardson 20th Aug to 1st Oct. 1897.
http://www.military-medals.co.uk/groups.html
____________________________________________________________________
MAJOR EDWARD JAMES LUGARD, D.S.O.
LUGARD, EDWARD JAMES, Lieutenant, was born at Worcester, 23 March 1865, youngest son of the Reverend
F G Lugard, MA, and Mary Jane, daughter of the Reverend Garton Howard. He passed first in the military
competitive examination from the Militia into the Line; was farming in Manitoba and NWT, Canada, 1883-84; joined
the 3rd Worcestershire Regiment, 1885; joined Northumberland Fusiliers 10 November 1886; was transferred to the
Bengal Staff Corps (now Indian Army), 1888; served in Burmese Expedition, 1888-89, under Brigadier General
Faunce (Medal with clasp); Chin-Lushai Expedition, 1889-90, with the 42nd Gurkha Light Infantry (Despatches;
clasp, and created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette, 14 November 1890]:
"Edward James Lugard, Lieutenant, Bengal Staff Corps. In recognition of services during Chin-Lushai Expedition".
Extract from Despatch of Brigadier General W P Symons, dated 1 May 1890: "I beg to submit the names of the
following officers, who have rendered specially valuable services: Lieutenant E J Lugard served with distinction in
the Chin Expedition of 1888-89, and has displayed conspicuous gallantry and intelligence in leading his men on
several occasions during the operations of this season" [London Gazette, 12 September 1890]. He served in the
Manipur Expedition, 1891 (slightly wounded; clasp). He served as Second-in-Command with the British West
Charterland Company's Expedition to Ngamiland, South Central Africa, and in command of the Expedition,
1897-99; served as a Special Service Officer in South African War, 1899-1900 (Medal with three clasps).
Promoted Major 10 November 1904; retired from the Army 10 November 1906; was Political Assistant to the High
Commissioner of Northern Nigeria, 1903-6; Secretary to Imperial Institute, 1908-12; Political Secretary to the
Governor of Northern and Southern Nigeria, 1912-13, and to the Governor-General of Nigeria, 1914-15; served
with Machine Gun Corps, 1915-16, and in Naval Intelligence Department, 1916-18; created OBE, 1918. Major
Lugard's favourite recreations were shooting and travel. He married, 1893, Charlotte Eleanor, elder daughter
of the Reverend G B Howard, and had one son.
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book) Bengal Staff Corps
____________________________________
SURGEON MAJOR WILLIAM REED MURPHY, D.S.O.
Surgeon Major Murphy was born 23 October 1849, son of John Doyle Murphy and Rebecca Reed; educated at
Clongowes Wood College, County Kildare; Trinity College, Dublin, and Royal College of Surgeons, Ireland. Took all
prizes there during student course, and all at Meath Hospital. Took first place and First Herbert Prize at Netley on
entering Indian Medical Service on 30 March 1872; served with the Indian Contingent, Malta and Cyprus 1878; in
the Afghanistan Campaign of 1878-80 (Despatches; Medal and clasp; received the 'Special thanks of the Brigadier
General Commanding the Cavalry Brigade', when with his regiment, 19th Bengal Lancers at the cavalry action of
Pat Kao Shana, for conduct in action "at great personal risk" [London Gazette, 22 October 1880]); Hazara
Campaign of 1888 (Despatches; Indian Medal and clasp); Lushai Campaign of 1888-89 (clasp). PMO Lushai
Column, Chin-Lushai Field Force, 1889-90 (Despatches; Mentioned by the Government of India; clasp). Created
Companion of the Distinguished Service Order [London Gazette, 14 November 1890]: "William Reed Murphy,
Surgeon Major, Indian Medical Service, Bengal". His DSO was awarded "In recognition of services during Chin-
Lushai Expedition". Chitral Relief Force, 1895 (Medal and clasp). PMO Kurram Kohat Force, 1897 (Despatches
an 1 two clasps). PMO Kurram Movable Column, Tirah Field Force, 1897-98 (Despatches and clasp). was a
Member of the Royal Institution of Great Britain. Promoted Surgeon Major in 1884, and Lieutenant Colonel in
1892. Retired in 1899.
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book) Indian Medical Service
_________________________________
MAJOR BEVERLY WILLIAM REID USSHER
b. 4 April 1853, d. 1916
(Last Edited=31 Jan 2009)
Major Beverly William Reid Ussher was born on 4 April 1853.1 He was the son of Maj.-Gen. John Theophilus
Ussher and Annabella Ross. 1 He married Eliza Mary D'Arcy, daughter of Matthew Peter D'Arcy and Christina
Margaret Daly, on 9 May 1887.1 He died in 1916.1 Major Beverly William Reid Ussher gained the rank of
Captain in the service of the 7th Dragoon Guards.1 He fought in the Ulundi Expedition in 1879.1 He gained the
rank of Lieutenant in 1879 in the service of the 80th (South Staffordshire) Regiment.1 He fought in the Sudan
Expedition between 1884 and 1885.1 He gained the rank of Lieutenant in 1890 in the service of the 7th Dragoon
Guards.1 He fought in the Chin-Lushai Expedition in 1890, where he was mentioned in despatches.
He gained the rank of Major in the service of the Durham Light Infantry.
http://thepeerage.com/p33276.htm#i332759
________________________________________
MAJOR R.W. JOHNSTON
I.G.S. 1854, bar Chin Lushai 1889- 1890, (Capt. K.O.S.B.), Q.S.A. 3 bars, Natal, Rhodesia, Belf. K.S.A. 2 bars
(both Capt. R. Innisk. Fus. to Major R.W. Johnston. Served with the Chin-Lushai expedition 1889-90, served in
the South African War 1899-1902, and took part in the operations in Rhodesia, 11th October 1899 to 25 May
1900; in Natal to June 1900, and in the Transvaal, east of Pretoria, including the actions of Lydenburg andBelfast,
and in the Transvaal and Orange River Colony (mentioned in despatches, promoted Major, medal and three
clasps). Mounted as originally worn. An exceptionally scarce combination of Natal & Rhodesia.
http://www.liverpoolmedals.com/I.G.S.-1854-R8363.html
___________________________________________
[ 956 THE BRITISH MEDICAL JOURNAL] : NAVAL AND MILITARY SERVICES [APRIL 21, 1906. ]
MAJOR DAVID SIMPTON
MAJOR DAVID SIMPSON, of the Indian Medical Service (Madras Establishment), Superintendent of the
Government Maternity Hospital, and Professor of Midwifery at the Medical College, died at Madras on March
19th, at the age of 46; of abscess of the liver. He entered the service as Surgeon on March 31st, 1887, and
attained the rank of Major on March 31st, 1899. He took part in the Chin Lushai Expedition, 1889-90 (medal with
clasp), and in that.to Manipur in 1891 (clasp).
__________________________________
SURGEON MAJOR S.F. BIGGER, M.B.,
INDIA GENERAL SERVICE 1854-95, one clasp, Waziristan 1894-5 (Surgeon Major S.F. Bigger, M.B., 3rd Punjab
Cavy.)
Lot Notes Surgeon Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Ferguson Bigger was born in October 1854 and completed his
education at University College, London. Awarded the Diploma of the Royal College of Surgeons in November 1875
and appointed a Licentiate of the Society of Apothecaries in November 1877, he joined the Indian Medical
Department as a Surgeon in the following year. A member of the Zaimukht Expedition in Afghanistan between 1879-
80, where he was present at the action of Zawa and won entitlement to the Afghanistan Medal, Bigger was also
present in the Chin-Lushai operations of 1889-90, being Mentioned in Despatches.
'Surgeon Major S.F. Bigger, at Medagiri, had the heaviest work of the Campaign in dealing with the sickness of the
followers, and ensuring their satisfactory transit when invalided to the base. His duties were discharged in a most
able and admirable manner, and reflect the highest credit on his judgment and ability' (Governor-General's Order
677 refers).
Promoted to Surgeon-Major in March 1890, he went on to witness further active service in the Waziristan operations
of 1894-95 and the Tirah operations of 1897-98, the latter including the action of Dargai and another Mention in
Despatches (Governor-General's Order 244 refers). Bigger was advanced to Lieutenant-Colonel in March 1898 and
placed on the Retired List in September 1903.
( http://www.christies.com/LotFinder/LotDetailsPrintable.aspx?intObjectID=1757270 )
________________________________________________________________
MAJOR ALGERNON M. CAULFE, D.S.O., D.C.M
D S O., D C M . Of the Morrings, Farnham, Surrey, 42 BurtonCourt, Chelsea, and 21 Cadogan Gardens, Chelsea.
Educated at the Royal Academy Gosport and Heidelberg College. Enlisted in the 66th Foot (Berkshire Regt.,
served in 2nd Afghan War from 1878 until wounded at the Battle of Maiwand in July 1880, in the retreat to and
defence of Kandahar, awarded DCM for helping to save two wounded officers, promoted to Sergeant, recommended
for the VC, commissioned as Lieutenant in the 5th Northumberland Fusiliers 1881, 2nd Batt 1886 in Delhi. Served in
the Burma Expedition 1886-88 (medal clasp), MID LG 2 Sept 1887, DSO LG 25 Nov 1887. Capt Border Regt 1889,
served in Chin-Lushai camping (clasp), in Egypt 1892-93. Major 1st Batt 23 Feb 1889, retired 27 Aug 1902. In the
1901 Census recorded at 24 Cliveden Place, London. Re-joined 6th Batt Border Regiment as Major in August 1914,
apparently giving a false date of birth. Second-in-Command at the Suvia Bay landings. Memorial window in the
church at St. Peters on the Green, Froxfield, Hampshire.
____________________________
MAJOR W. H. WARDELL, 39th Garhwal Rifles
Seven: Major W. H. Wardell, 39th Garhwal Rifles, a veteran of the Chin Hills 1892-93 expedition, for which he was
recommended for a D.S.O., subsequently killed in action at Festubert, 24 November 1914India General Service
1854-95, 1 clasp, Chin Hills 1892-93 (Lieutt., 39th Garhwalis) officially re-engraved naming, as often found with this
clasp; India General Service 1895-1902, 2 clasps, Punjab Frontier 1897-98, Tirah 1897-98 (Lieutt., 39th Bl. Infy.);
Queens South Africa 1899-1902, 2 clasps, Transvaal, South Africa 1902 (Capt., Garhwal Rif.); 1914 Star, with
clasp (Major, 1/39 Garhwal R.); British War and Victory Medals (Major); Delhi Durbar 1911 Major W. H. Wardell,
2/39th G.,
Footnote
Warren Henry Wardell was born on 30 August 1866, and educated at Kings School, Canterbury, Kent; and
Pembroke College, Oxford. He obtained his first commission through the Militia on 21 December 1889, in the Kings
Liverpool Regiment; before entering the Indian Army, being appointed to the 39th Garhwal Rifles in July 1891. Most
of his service was passed with the 1st Battalion, of which he was Adjutant. He was for nearly six and a half years
a Double-Company Commander in the 2nd Battalion, but returned to the 1st Battalion on 21 December 1912.
His first period of active service took him on the Chin Hills Expedition of 1892-93. Here he was recommended for
a D.S.O., and mentioned in despatches ... for his unceasing activity against some of the most troublesome of the
Syin tribe, which resulted in their being the first to surrender their firearms and submit to our terms. Afterwards
served with the Malakand Field Force in the operations in Bajaur, including the night attack by the enemy on the
perimeter camp at Nawagai, and subsequently with the Mohmand Field Force in the attack on the Bedmanai Pass,
and in the operations in the Mittaiand Suran Valleys, and on the line of communications Tirah Expeditionary Force.
He served in the South African War with the Mounted Infantry from December 1901 to August 1902, being one of
only fifteen Indian Army officers asked for by Lord Kitchener.
----------------------------
Dix Noonan Webb
16 Bolton St, Piccadilly, London, W1J 8BQ
Lot 1141, 27 Jun 02
Lot No. 1141
Collection: OFFICER CASUALTIES OF THE TWO WORLD WARS (27 June 2002)
Category: CAMPAIGN GROUPS AND PAIRS
Subcategory: India General Service 1854-95
Estimate: 1600-1800
_______________________________________________
MAJOR G. M. HUTTON, D.S.O., R.E.
The death is reported by cable of Major Gilbert Montgomerie Hutton, as the result of an accident. Major Hutton was
born in Dublin on June 18th, 1865, being the eldest son of the late Captain F. W. Hutton, F.R.S. He was educated
at the High School, Dunedin, and Christs College, graduated B.A. of New Zealand University, 1885, was nominated
for a commission and gazetted lieutenant in February, 1886. He served in the Chin-Lushai expedition, 1889-90, and
throughout General Bullers Natal campaign, being present at the Tugeln, Spionkop, and at all the actions previous
to the relief of Ladysmith. Ater the relief he was appointed Staff-Officer R.E. Natal Army, attached to Sir A. Bullers
Headquarters Staff, with his Colonel, C. K. Wood. When General Buller returned to England, deceased volunteered
for further active service, and commanded the 9th C.R.E. at Rustenurg, where they were virtually besieged for four
months...
( Press, Rrahi LXVII, Putanga 13180, 21 Whiringa-a-nuku 1911, page 9 )
http://www.angloboerwar.com/index.php?option=com_grid&gid=22_uw_0&p=53
__________________________________
SURGEON MAJOR I. P. DOYLE, I.M.S., Indian Medical Services
A rare Burma 1887-89 D.S.O. group of three to Major I. P. Doyle, Indian Medical Services
Distinguished Service Order, V.R., silver-gilt and enamel, complete with brooch bar; India General Service
1854-954 clasps, Burma 1887-89, Chin-Lushai 1889-90, Chin Hills 1892-93, Lushai 1889-92 (Surgeon, I.M.S.);
Africa General Service 1902-56, 1 clasp, Somaliland 1902-04 (Major, D.S.O., Somaliland F.F.).
D.S.O. London Gazette 12 November 1889; citation London Gazette 15 November 1889 Surgeon I. P. Doyle,
I.M.D. (Madras), distinguished himself much by personal courage and care of the sick. On the 9th December,
1888, he was twice wounded. On the 1st January, 1889, during the withdrawal from Kan to Gangaw, he again
distinguished himself; and it is greatly in consequence of his courage and bearing that the wounded got safely
into Gangaw. I commend this officer very specially to the consideration of His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief.
Ignatius Purcell Doyle was born in India on 1 June 1863, the son of Surgeon-Major William Doyle. Educated at
the French College, Blackrock, Co. Dublin and the School of Physic, Trinity College Dublin, he gained the L.R.C.S.I.
and L.K.Q.C.P. in 1884. He joined the Army as a Surgeon on 30 September 1886 and served in Burma, 1888-89,
was twice wounded, was mentioned in despatches (London Gazette 15 November 1889) and created a Companion
of the Distinguished Service Order. He then served in the Chin-Lushai expedition, 1889-90, in the Chin Hills, 1891-
93, the Lushai expedition, 1892 and in the Somaliland Field Force in 1903, having been promoted to Major
(Surgeon) in September 1898. Major Doyle retired on 31 December 1903 and died in Dublin on 22 October 1923.
http://www.dnw.co.uk/medals/auctionarchive/viewspecialcollections/itemdetail.lasso?itemid=54142
__________________________________
MAJOR ERNEST HENRY SAMUEL MTWYFORD, DSO
MTWYFORD, ERNEST HENRY SAMUEL, Major, was born 28 October 1863. He joined the Scottish Rifles 5
December 1883, as Lieutenant, from the Militia, and was Adjutant, Scottish Rifles, 20 November 1887 to 19
November 1891. He served in the Chin-Lushai Expedition in 1889, as Transport Officer. He became Captain,
Scottish Rifles, 7 March 1894, and Major 3 April 1899. Major Twyford served in the South African War, and was
created a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order, 29 November 1900, and the decoration was gazetted oil
19 April 1901: "Ernest Henry Samuel Twyford, Major, Scottish Rifles. In recognition of services during the recent
operations in South Africa". Major Twyford was killed 13 April 1901, in the Badfontein Valley, on his way to join the
Royal Scots, into which regiment he had been promoted to Second-in-Command for good service in Natal.
DSO, IGS 1854 Chin Lushai 1889-90 (Lt 2/Scot Rifles), QSA (6) CC T-H OFS RofL Trans SA 01 (Maj, DSO, Scot
Rifles).
Source: DSO recipients (VC and DSO Book) (Cameronians) Scottish Rifles
__________________________________
Note 1: K.P.M in APPENDIX W is an acronym or abbreviation for: The KINGS POLICE MEDAL FOR
GALLANTRY, and I.D.S.M stands for INDIAN DISTINGUISHED SERVICE MEDAL.
Note 2: Starting fron Update XIII only those with the rank of major upwards and civil administrators are listed here
for reason of space.
Note 3: This information is collected and prepared in this form by Thang Za Dal. November 2012.

APPENDIX Z

MAJOR GENERAL TUANG ZA KHAI (Retired)
(Naingant - Gon - Yee, Grade 1)
I. FAMILY
Born: July 1, 1927
Parents: Ex-Chief Khan Lian, Pi Lian Cingh(Khuasak)
Bros & Sis: Son Za Cin, Niang Pum, Tuang Kho Kam, Pau Kho Hau, Man Vung, Lian Za Cing, Tuang Za Cin
Marriage: Miss Tual Dim
Children: Kam Do Dal, Khan Lian Khup, Cingh Thian Uap
II. EDUCATION
He started his education at the Government Vernacular Primary School at Khuasak. After passing the
Primary the Primary classes he continued his study at the Government Anglo Vernacular Middle School
Tedim until the outbreak of the Second World War and the subsequent fall of Yangon to the Japanese
Imperial Army that resulted in closure of all schools throughout the country. He was then in the sixth
standard.
The Japanese Army, having no effective system of reinforcing its fighting men at the front and no
proper logistic support from the rear necessary to sustain the impetus of its operations, faced ignominious
defeat at the Imphal - Kohima front in the North Eastern Indian border area and fell back into Myanmar
through different routes. Avoiding major battles and maintaining stiff delaying actions only for their safe
retreat, they started to pull back from the front even some months earlier than the US Atomic bomb attack
on Hiroshima and Nagasaki which eventually caused the Japanese to surrender unconditionally that
ended the Second World War in Asian- Pacific regions.
When hostilities virtually ceased to exist and peace restored in the whole of Northern Chin State, elders
of the Siyin area, being mindful of the importance of new generation youths education with deep concern,
organized a group of qualified teachers and opened a private self - help Middle School at the premise of
Khuasak Primary School where he attended the seventh standard. When the school was shifted to
Thuklai village for easier access to other students from surrounding villages in the region, there he
attended the eighth and nineth standard.
In 1946, while studying in the nineth standard, he went down to Yangon together with four others,
namely - Pum Za Kam (Lieutenant, killed in action, Posthumous Thura recipient), Tuang Za Chin (his
brother - retired Middle School Head and Laboratory Technician), E. Ngaw Chin Pau (retired
Superintendent Geologist in the Ministry of Mines) and Kam Za Nang (retired captain), led by U Lun Pum
(B.A, B.Ed, retired Basic Education High School Headmaster and one time Minister for Land
Nationalization), who finished his first year Intermediate class before the war and was to go to Yangon to
persue his further studies at the University. It was through his advice and encouragement that they were
able to accompany him for their further studies for which they owe their great debt of gratitude.
In Yangon, he studied at Cushing High School (later named Union Christian High School ) and passed
both the school leaving Certificate Examination and Matriculation Examination in 1947. He then joined the
University and in March 1950, a few days before he was to sit for the Senior Intermediate Examination,
he was selected to attend the Burma Army Officers Training School Course No. 3 in Maymyo.
III. SERVICE IN THE ARMY
After six months of strenuous intensive training he was commissioned as second lieutenant in
September 1950, was promoted to lieutenant in 1951, Captain in 1953, Major in 1963, Lieutenant
Colonel in 1966, Colonel in 1973, Brigadier-General in 1980 and Major General in 1984.
In 1985, he was assigned to the Council of Peoples Inspectors and served as Member of the Council
until the Army took over the State responsibility in September 1988. He took his retirement from the Army
in January 1986 while serving in the office of the council of Peoples Inspectors.
During his 35 years of service in the Army, he served as
1) Platoon Commander
2) Unit Intelligence Officer
3) Company Commander
4) Adjutant, Staff Captain A/Q at Brigade HQs at Brigade HQs, Battalion Second - in -
Command,
5) Battalion Commander of Lght Infantry Division (also called Tactical Operation Commander)
6) Deputy Commander at Regional Command
7) Commander Light Infantry Division (assigned also the task of forming the Division)
8) Commander, Regional Command, and Quartermasters General at the office of the
Department of the Quartermasters General, Ministry of Defense.
IV. CAREER IN THE ARMY
Besides his career in the Army, he had Army - related services during the War. Early in 1942, when the
Japanese captured British positions in Kalay Valley and the likely push to Chin State was imminent, the
Assistant Superintendent in Tiddim, Mr. N. W. Kelly, organized a para - Military Battalion called The
Western Chin Levies from among the local populace. The aim was to defend their homeland by
themselves, to dominate no-mans- land by active patrolling, to fight a hit- and- run guerrilla warfare, to
infiltrate behind enemy lines to gather information about enemy strength, its intention, build-up and to
report back immediately to the nearest Army positions. He volunteered and joined the Levy Force in the
Siyin Company and served actively as a levy man. The Company was commanded by Jemadar Thuk On
and Subedar Thuam Chin, Veterans of Burma Frontier Force ( B. F.F.) as Company Commander and
Company-second-in-command respectively.
To carry out the assigned task, the Company HQ with one platoon was to take position at Mualpi, a
strategically vital hill dominating all surrounding areas, about 3 miles below Theizang village, one platoon
at No.2. Stockade (Tulsuk) area about 2 miles left of the Company HQ and the third platoon at Ngalzang
village area about 4 miles to the right flank. These places were all tactically important approaches to Chin
State. They were to be the guerrilla bases with no other regular troops between them and the enemy. He
was in the left flank platoon in No.2. Stockade (Tulsuk) area that manned the main highway from
Kalaymyo to the Chin State - the most likely enemy line of approach for the main thrust if ever it wished
to extend its offensive operations in Chin State.
One night in February 1943, the Japanese attacked the Company HQ. It was repulsed after fighting
for about an hour. Three days later, before dawn, they attacked again the second time putting more men
supported by heavy weapons. It was also repulsed inflicting heavy casualties . The Levy Company
suffered 2 killed and 2 wounded. Analyzing the latest enemy activities and developments, it was more
real than apparent that the enemys intention was to extend its campaign in Chin State. Based on this
appreciation, one of the deductions drawn was not to have the Levy Company ahead of Army forward
positions in no-mans-land for it could easily fall prey to the enemy in the event of a mass onslaught.
The Levy Company was therefore withdrawn, regrouped and reassigned to Tuizang village area,
another moun-tain range called Tolu that stretches to Khuikul, a vitally important hill on the Kalay-Tedim
highway. In May 1943, not long after the Levy Company was withdrawned from its Mualpi base, the
Japanese, avoiding Mualpi area, marched through thick forest and launched a surprise night attack on
Army positions in No.3 Stockade from the left flank and captured it. The retreating Indian troops took
positions on the Kalay-Fort White-Tedim highway. The enemy wasted no time in their pursuit and a week
later, attacked Leisan Mual and succeeded in capturing the most vital ground.
The Battalion was then relieved by a Gurkha Battalion, the best fighting men the British Army had.
Being proud of its courage and fighting ability, combined with a full sense of confidence, the Gurkha
Battalion counter attacked the lost vital point vigorously for about a week supported by heavy weapons
and recaptured, suffering considerable heavy casualties. There were general talks going round to the
effect that they even sought for support of their Army Rum which they gulped moments before leaving for
the final assault, but not to the point of complete blotto, as a supplement to invigorate their willingness to
fight more daringly and boldly. They stood firmly on the recaptured hill and repulsed all counter attacks
attempted by the enemy. It was said that no less than two Victoria Crosses (V C), the highest gallantry
medal in the British Army , and many other gallantry medals were awarded to personnel of the Gurkha
Battalion in a single battle at Leisan Mual.
Meanwhile at Tuizang village area, the Levy Company was busy patrolling no-mans-land. The
Japanese, unable to fight a decisive battle at Leisan Mual in its push through the main highway, began
to send small groups of recon-naissance to other fronts in broad day light one enemy was seen in the
vicinity of the Levy Company picket and a week later another two were spotted between the Levy
Company base and the Indian forward position on Tolu mount. These instances indicated that sooner or
later defence positions on Tolu range would surely be attacked. Having reached this conclusion, the Levy
Company was ordered to abandon its base immediately and take defence positions behind the Indian
forward Company so as to deter possible enemy cut off from the rear in the event of an attack.
The Levy Company then made haste for their move to the new position, dug individual trenches with
great urgency and day and night kept stand - to waiting for the enemy to come. But the enemy, instead
of a head on collision on Tolu ridge, force-marched along the Kuailui (Kuai Chaung) swerved to the left
and cut off the Kalay -Tedim highway at 54 Mile Stone area and with a left hand hook the main force
attacked Khuikul (52 Mile Stone) area defenses in force.
Judging from sounds of gun fire and movements of fighting going on at Khuikul area as dimly seen
with naked eyes direct from the Levy position, it seemed that forces on Tolu mountain range including the
Levy Company were automatically cut off. As the Levy Company was not equipped with communication
set they were in the dark about the probable outcome or true picture of the fighting. They therefore
dispatched two men to the Indian Company on Tolu mount to report the situation and to get instructions
on what the Levy Company should do in that prevailing condition.
The two runners came back with words to the effect that they (the Indian Company) were ready for
retreat waiting for final orders- that the Levy Company could start its withdrawal by way of retreat at the
discretion of the Levy Company Commander. Considering instances was seen with ambivalent attitude
and not encouraging. The Levy Company therefore decided not to withdraw towards Khuikul where
fighting was still in progress.The Indian force defending Khuikul area had to fight back two fronts - the
enemy main assault and the enemy out off party. As the fate of all forward troops depended upon how
successfully they could dislodge the cut off party, the task became a top most priority.
They had to fight at all cost, which they did, and fought a tooth and nail fight, dislodged them and
made the area safe again, atleast for sometime, for the forward troops to withdraw. It was apparent that
they withdrew from Khuikul defence before noon and joined with troops on the Kennedy Peak, the
highest peak in Northern Chin State, about five miles towards Tedim. Forces at the Fort White area, who
could not withdraw towards Khuikul, were seen shelling the deserted own troop withdrew, descending the
western slope of Letha range through the Siyin Valley to Suang Aak Tuam hill above Thuklai village.
Some withdrew towards Limkhai and Mualbeam villages and thence to Tedim area.
The Levy Company Commanders choice of not to withdraw along the Tolu mountain ridge towards
Khuikul proved to be a prudent decision for it was known that fighting ceased about noon which meant
Khuikul fell before noon the same day.
As for the Levy Company, they abandoned their position at 0900 hours, descended the precipitous
South West slope clinging past long cliffs with much difficulty and reached at a dry rivulet running down
from Khuikul hill - side in the afternoon. They ensconced themselves at the rivulet until late in the
evening. In the rivulet they saw three dead Indian soldiers with gun shot wounds presumably strayed
from the battle field wounded and unable to support themselves lost balance and fell down the cliff to the
ravine. About an hour before sun set they started to move again, climbed another hill that stretches to a
place halfway between Fortwhite and Khuikul on the Kalay-Tedim highway.
They moved with utmost caution looking vigilantly at the same time for enemy movements around.
About two hours after dusk they were half a mile away from the highway. They stopped, took position and
despatched two men to reconnoitre the most suitable point for crossing the highway and enemy activities
in the vicinity. They came back about an hour later and reported there were no signs of enemy activities
around the intended crossing area.
The Company then started moving again, approached the highway stealthily, crossed the road and the
Letha range ridge by platoons as fast as they could, descended the west slope and regrouped at
Nilum Mual rendezvous (RV). At the RV, platoon Commanders checked their men and reported to the
Company Commander that all were present. Everyone then mumbled a sigh of relief. Some even yelled
out We escaped from Hell which leaders offered to refrain from and keep calm until reaching Khuasak
village. The escape route seemed a rather devious course to their destination but it was safe. They shed
their sweat and saved their lives.
The Letha mountain range including Khuikul area was denuded of trees all around the windward side
and the line of retreat especially their climb for approach to the Kalay -Tedim highway was only about
1000 to 2000 yards away from Khuikul and could easily be seen without scanning with binoculars. But
fortunately, eddies of mist that rose from the valley slowly gathered on and around Khuikul and served as
cover from view. It was early summer time and no one expected neither mist nor clouds in that period of
the season. In winter months mist used to form in the early hours of the morning and quickly dissipated as
the sun rises. It was not a common occurrence nor a mere coincidence.
It was the work of God for which they thanked the Almighty God with all their hearts. At midnight they
were back at Khuasak village but there was not a soul to be seen. Villagers had abandoned their hearth
and home and fled to their respective taungya huts for fear of the Japanese. Men of the Levy Company
were than dispersed and went home to their respective villages. He also joined his parents at Khuaivun
taungya hut.
The enemy, instead of immediately exploiting their success to Siyin Valley, kept busy consolidating
their troops on and around Khuikul area. When it was known that some elements of Indian troops who
apparently withdrew from Fort White area were taking defense positions at Suang Aak Tuam hill above
Thuklai village, villagers of Thuklai, Lophei and Buanman villages that were not covered by the defence
line felt they were left behind at the mercy of the enemy. They therefore left their hearth and home and
fled to Pumva village, about five miles from Thuklai, within the protection area of the Indian force.
Khuasak people heard it and the next day they followed suit taking two days to move everything they
had including their domestic animals and left the houses empty. Pumva village virtually became a large
refugee camp of five villagers.
Two days later, the Levy Company Commander assisted by two others went to Tedim to report to
report to the Officer Commanding the Western Chin Levies and to get instructions for the future of the
Company. There was no word nor instructions for the future of the Company. There was no word nor
instructions coming back until the Levy Battalion was officially disbanded just before the fall of Tedim.
In March 1944, Tedim, HQs of the 17th Indian Division, was abandoned. The enemy, with their diabolic
military strategy, avoided all frontal assaults and marched on to the 17th Indian Divisions left flank
through thick stretches of jungles in long deep penetration by passing all British forward defense
positions including the Division HQs itself and with a left hand hook cut the main line of communication
from the rear between Tonzang and Cikha, a small town close to the Indian border.
Fortunately, the 17th Indian Division, acting on its own pre- planned strategy, had withdrawn the bulk
of its men and military hardwares a few weeks before the cut off. Whatever war materials and supplies
remained at Tedim, as a rear echelons for the forward troops, were hastily destroyed, set on fire and
abandoned or discarded and retreated halter-skelter through jungle lanes to India - the only courses
opened to do. The Western Chin Levies was also disbanded then and there.
Certificates were given to all Levy personnel. The Certificate he received reads -
This Certificate is presented to No. L. 119
RANK LEVY MAN
NAME TUANG ZA KHAI
ADDRESS KHUASAK, TIDDIM, CHIN HILLS
of Tiddim Chin Levies, Tiddim, S.E.A Command, in recognition of the meritorious service rendered by him
in the Chin Hills, Burma Operation Area from 15.5.1942 to 14.3.1944, during World War II.
He is entitled to the following Stars and decorations.
(1) Burma Star,
(2) 1939 - 45 Star,
(3) Victory Medal. His Character is good.

Tiddim S. E. A. C.
4. December, 1964.
T. T. West
Lieut - Colonel
for Officer Commanding
During the Japanese occupation he was called to serve as an Interpreter at the Japanese forward
welfare centre at No. 3 stockade (Na-tang) and later at Tedim until their forward troops began to fall back
from Imphal/Kohima front and the welfare centre ceased to function.
Late in 1944, when information was received about the Allied Military Supremacy and the regaining
of battle initiatives in the initial move for its reinvasion campaign, elders of the Siyin Chins instigated the
whole Siyin populace to rise up against the Japanese. They quietly organized a peoples mlitia force
called the Siyin Independence Army(SIA) in collaboration with the Sukte Independence Army(SIA).
He enlisted himself in the Siyin Independence Army.
In the Siyin Valley area there were two Japanese positions - good targets for attack. One at
Mawngpheang, a hill lock about two miles above Thuklai village and another at Sa Khiang, a hill lock
about 2 miles above Khuasak village. Enemy strength was estimated 150 at Mawngpheang at 120 at
Sa Khiang. Based on information received, attack plan was drawn. Men from Thuklai, Lophei, Pumva,
half of Limkhai and elements of Sukte Independence Army to attack Mawngpheang while Khuasak,
Buanman and another half of Limkhai to attack Sakhiang respectively. The Force was headed by retired
Subedars, Jemadars, Naiks and Lance Naiks of the Burma Frontier Force (BFF). The attack plan was
made known down to the lowest leaders and the next day at dawn attacked the two positions
simultaneously and captured inflicting heavy casualties. At Sa Khiang only 11 enemies were killed in the
Camp and another one who tried to escape met with the cut off group and killed making a total kill to 12
with no casualties on own side. Meanwhile at Mawngpheang Camp, enemies were dislodged.
They withdrew towards their main HQs on Letha range. The militia force exploited their success,
followed through the retreating enemy and at Tungvum, about three miles from Mawngpheang on the
Thuklai-Fort White road, fought a brief battle again, captured and took defence position. Two days later
the enemy counter attacked Tungvum and Sa Khiang positions simultaneously supported by mortar fires.
Three militia men were killed at Tungvum while one was wounded at Sa Khiang. The attacks were
repulsed with yet another heavy blow.
They never ventured another ground counter attack- instead they kept sporadic shelling with heavy
weapons from positions on the Letha range. The militia force stood firm on the captured grounds. Men of
old age took the responsibility of management while women folks did the cooking and lads who did not
take part in defence positions took the task of sending prepared food and water to the defence lines
under cover of darkness once before dawn once after dusk. They kept their defence positions well intact
until 9 November 1944 when the Allied Forces recaptured Khuikul and Fort White, the two main enemy
strongholds on Letha mountain range.
The Allied Forces had to fight Khuikul hard. Big tall trees with thick undergrowths on and the leeward
side of the hill were all razed to the ground by aircraft bombing, field artillery fire, tank fire and infantry
supporting mortar fires as if a city razed by an earthquake. Yet the enemy was not routed but stubbornly
stayed put as if nothing unusual happened. They dug narrow trenches so deep, about 30 feet with
overhead cover of about 15 to 20 feet thick (as seen personally after the war) that aircraft bombing,
artillery fires and tank fires had no direct effect whatsoever on them and took about three weeks to
dislodge them. After Khuikul and Forth White areas were cleared of the Japanese, the Siyin
Independence Army and the Sukte Independent Army were disbanded and men taking defence positions
on Tungvum and Sa Khiang returned to their respective villages.
He is married to Miss Tual Dim, youngest daughter of retired Captain Ngin Zam OB., BGM, and is
blessed with two sons and one daughter. He is serving as Secretary of Myanmar War Veterans
Organization Central Headquarters since 1988.
- Contributed by: Pa Kam Do Dal (Dalno), 2007
______________________________________
See also the following:
13. 3. ARMED RESISTANCE MOVEMENTS AGAINST THE JAPANANESE
21.1 TELEVISION AND RADIO BROADCASTING PROGRAMME
Authors (tzd) Note 1: This biography is included in this paper for the following reasons:
- To prove about the separate existence of and roles of the two armed units: Sukte Independent Army and Siyin Independence Army. Some
Suktes accused that the Sizangs had tried to replace the Sukte Independent Army with Siyin Independece Army. There has been a big
confusion about the two names. Originally - and officially - it was Sukte Independent Army, NOT Sukte Independence Army. It was formed up
in early 1944 whereas the Siyin Independence Army came into existence in mid 1944. At the beginning the short form of the Siyin Indepen-
dence Army was written as: SIA(Siyin) in order to avoid confusion between the two abbreviations. The misunderstanding of the Suktes
seems to originate in the usage of Sukte Independence Army in various articles and books, and especially that of Vum Ko Haus. What
is very interesting to note here is that all the leading personalities of both armed organisations were intimate friends, former classmates or
comrades and those who later fomed the Siyin Indpendence Army themselves had had actively participated in the Sukte Independent Army
earlier. There were always very close cooperations between them to the end.(Source: E. Pau Za Kam, B.A. Ed., B. Ed. of Khuasak village.
He himself was a founder of the Siyin Indepence Army, and later became Chin State Education Officer. He passed away in 2010 at the
age of 90.)
- The Sukte Independent Army was most active on the west bank of Manipur River since its founding. The information collected by both
armed organizations on the Japanese strength and movements in northern Chinland was extremely valuable for the Allied Forces.
- As an information for those who may probably be interested to know more about the first Chin/Zo general in Burma.
- He was well-qualified to be promoted to this rank on his own merits, and not because of his membership in the ruling Burma Socialist
Programme Party or his being a Sizang (a number of high ranking officials in various civilian sectors, and senior officers in the army were
Sizang for a number of years), as his detractors have alleged. In fact, he could have had even been promoted to a full general much
earlier if he were an ethnic Burman and a Buddhist.
Note 2: The battles that took place at the sites mentioned here are also described in DEFEAT INTO VICTORY
by Field Marshal Sir William Slim.
Note 3. Passages are highlighted in blue by myself.
______________________
Thang Za Dal. November 2012
APPENDIX AA
THE CHIN HILLS REGULATION - 1896
Introduction: The Chin Hills Regulation (Regulation IV) passed on August 13, 1896, had authorized the
Superintendent or Deputy Commissioner (of the Lushai Hills) to order an undesirable outsider to leave the area and to
tax the residents, permanent or temporary, clans and villages. On October 9, 1911, the Regulation was extended to the
North Cachar Hills, the Garo Hills, the Khasi and Jaintya Hills (excluding the Shillong municipal and cantonement
area where only the provision for taxation would apply), the Naga Hills and Mikir Hills.
CHAPTER I
PRELIMINARY
1. (1) This Regulation may be called the Chin Hills Regulation, 1896.
(2) It shall come into force on such date as the Local Government may, by notification in the Burma Gazette
appoint.
(3) It shall come into force on such date as the Local Government may, by notification in the Burma Gazette
appoint. The Section and Section 3 shall extend to the whole of the Chin Hills. The rest of this
Regulation shall extend only to such tracts in the Chin Hills as the Local Government, with the
previous sanction of the Governor General in Council, may by notification in the Burma Gazette, direct.
2. (1) In this Regulation, unless there is anything repugnant in the subject or context the expression
Superintendent includes any officer whom the Local Government may invest with the powers of a
Superintendent under this Regulation.
(2) Assistant Superintendent includes any officer whom the Local Government may invest with the powers
of an Assistant Superintendent under this Regulation.
(3) Chins includes (a) Lushais, (b) Kukis, (c) Burman domiciled in the Chin Hills; and (d) any person who
had adopted the customs and language of the Chins and are habitually resident in the Chin Hills;
(4) Clan means any sub-division or section of Chins, and includes a group of clans.
(5) Villages includes
(a) a village community.
(b) village lands,
(c) rivers passing through or by village land; and
(d) a group of villages; and
(6) Headman means the chief or head of any clan or village inhabited by Chins, and includes a council of
chiefs or elders.
CHAPTER II
LAW APPLICABLE IN THE CHIN HILLS
3. (1) This Regulation and the enactment in the schedule, to the extent and with the modifications there in set
forth, shall be deemed to be the only enactment which apply to any tract in the Chin Hills to which
Section 2 and Section 4 to 41 (both inclusive) may be extended by a notification under Section 1, sub-
section (3).
(2) No other enactment shall be deemed to apply to Chins in the Chin Hills:
Provided that the Local Government, (subject to the control) of the Governor General in Council, may by
notification in the Burma Gazette, declare any other enactment to be applicable wholly or to the extent or
with the modification which may be set forth in the notification.
4. (1) So far as regards persons other than Chins, the law in force in the Chin Hills shall subject to the
provision of sub-section (4) and (5), be the law for the time being in force in Upper Burma exclusive of
the town of Mandalay :
(2) For the purposes of any enactment in force in the Chin Hills in persuance of the provisions of sub-section
(1), the Superintendent shall be deemed to be the Deputy Commissioner or the District Magistrate and
Collector, and an Assistant Superintendent and Assistant Commissioner in charge of a sub-division or an
Assistant Collector of the first class, as the case may be.
(3) The Local Government shall exercise the powers of the Financial Commissioner and of a commissioner
under any such enactment as aforesaid.
(4) This section and section 9, 16, 22, 23, 33 and 34 shall apply to person within the Chin Hills.
(5) Section 12 shall apply to all parties to a suit or other proceeding of a civil nature in which any of the
parties in a Chin.
CHAPTER III
HEADMEN AND THEIR POWERS
5. (1) Subject to any general or special orders of the Local Government the Superintendent may appoint and
remove any headman, and may define the local limits of his jurisdiction and declare what clan, or
village, or both shall be subject to him.
(2) Where a headman is appointed for a group of villages or clans, the Superintendent may declare the extent
to, and the manner in, which the headman of the villages or clans composing such group shall be
subordinate to the headman of the group.
(3) In making a declaration under this section the Superintendent shall be guided as far as practicable by local
custom.
6. (1) Every headman shall within the local limits of his jurisdiction have general control, according to local
custom, over the clan, or village, or both , declared subject to him.
(2) He may levy from such clan or village any customary dues and may impose on them such punishments
as are authorised by local custom: Provided that no barbarous, excessive or unusual punishment shall be
imposed.
(3) He shall be bound to keep the peace within the tract under his general control; to comply with all lawful
orders, received from the Superintendent or Assistant Superintendent; and to furnish on the requisition of
the Superintendent or an Assistant Superintendent, on receipt of payment at rates to be fixed by the
Superintendent, supplies of food or labour required by any public servant.
7. (1) A headman may try, according to local custom, any person subject to his general control who may be
charged with any offence other than and offence punishable under section 121 to 130, section 302 to 308,
section 341 to 348, section 363 to 440 (all inclusive) of the Indian Penal Code or with abetment of, or
attempt to commit, any of these offences, and may punish with fine in money or goods any person found
guilty by him of any such offence as aforesaid.
(2) Nothing in the Indian Penal Code or in the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1882, shall apply to any
proceedings of a headman acting in exercise of the powers conferred by this section.
8. A headman may try and decide according to local custom any dispute of a civil nature between persons subject
to his general control, and may enforce his decision in accordance with such custom.
CHAPTER IV
JURISDICTION AND SPECIAL POWERS OF OFFICERS
9. (1) The Chin Hills shall constitute a sessions division and a district for criminal, civil, revenue and general
purposes, and the Superintendent shall be the Sessions Judge.
(2) As Sessions Judge the Superintendent may take cognizance of any offence as a court of original
jurisdiction without the accused being committed to him by a magistrate for trial, and, when so taking
cognizance shall follow the procedure prescribed by the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1882, for the trial of
warrant cases by Magistrate.
10. For the purpose of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1882, the Local Government shall exercise the powers of
a High Court.
11. The Local Government may, by notification in the Burma Gazette, invest any Assistant Superintendent with
all or any of the powers of a Superintendent under this Regulation, and define the local limits of his
jurisdiction.
12. (1) The Superintendent and every Assistant Superintendents exercising jurisdiction within the Chin Hills
may try any suit or other proceeding of a civil nature between parties, any one of whom is a Chin,
according to such procedure as the Local Government may, by notification in the Burma Gazette
prescribed; and
(2) In the trial of any such suit or proceeding, may exercise all or any of the powers which he might exercise
in a suit or proceeding in which none of the parties is a Chin, and
(3) In deciding any such suit or proceeding shall have regard to local custom and to justice, equity and good
conscience.
13. The Superintendent may withdraw any civil or criminal case pending before a headman or an Assistant
Superintendent and may other try if himself or refer it for trial to an Assistant Superintendent. Subject to the
control of the Local Government, the Superintendent may take hostages from, or impose fines in money or
goods on any clan or village or any part thereof, if after enquiry he find that any of the persons belonging to
such clan or village have
14. (1) Subject to the control of the Local Government, the Superintendent may take hostages from, or impose
fines in money or goods on any clan or village or any part thereof, if after enquiry he finds tha any of the
persons belonging to such clan or village have -
(a) colluded with, or harboured, or failed to take reasonable means to prevent the escape of any person
accused of, or under sentence of imprisonment for, an offence;
(b) suppressed or combined to suppress evidence in any criminal case:
(c) failed or neglected to restore stolen property tracked to their village or to take on the track beyond the
limits of their village;
(d) done any act hostile or unfriendly to the Government;
(e) disobeyed the lawful orders of the Superintendent or of an Assistant Superintendent;
(f) taken part in or abetted an attack on traders or other travellers, or the levy of or attempt to levy
unauthorized dues or tolls; or
(g) engaged in fighting with any other clan or village.
(2) The Superintendent may order the whole or any part of fine imposed under this section to be given as
compensation to any person to whom damage or injury has been caused, directly or indirectly, by the act
in respect of which the fine is imposed.
(3) When in pursuance of an order passed under this section a person has received compensation for injury
out of the proceeds of a fine, all right of such person to compensation based on the same injury shall be
barred.
15. When within the area occupied by any clan or village a person is dangerously or fatally wounded by unlawful
attack, or the body of a person reasonably believed to have been unlawfully killed is found, the members of
such clan or village shall be deemed to have committed an offence under the last foregoing section unless they
can show that
(a) had not any opportunity of preventing the offence or arresting zhe offender; or
(b) had used all reasonable means to bring to offender to justice.
16. In the event of any clan or village acting in a manner hostile or unfriendly to the Government, the
Superintendent may subject to the control of the Local Government, detain all or any members of such clan or
village, deport them from the Chin Hills for life or for any shorted term, detain or confiscate their property,
debar them from access into territory outside the Chin Hills and prohibit all or any other persons from
entering the area occupied by such clan or village.
17. Every Headman who abused any of the power conferred upon him by this Regulation, or neglect to obey any
reasonable order of the Superintendent, shall be liable by order of the Superintendent to pay a fine not
exceeding fifty rupees, or to be suspended or dismissed from office.
18. When the Superintendent is satisfied that a dispute likely to cause a feud, breach of the peace or any offence
affecting the human body or against property exists, he may enquire into the dispute and pass such order as
he may thick fit, having regard to local custom and to justice, equity and good conscience.
19. No new village shall be formed without the consent of the Superintendent, who may, for reasons to be
recorded in writing, prohibit the formation thereof.
20. Whenever it seems to the Superintendent to be expedient on military or other grounds, he may, by order in
writing, direct the removal of any village to any other site, and with the sanction of the Local Government,
may award to the inhabitants thereof such compensation for any loss which may have been occasioned to
them by such removal as in his opinion, shall be just.
21. (1) When any person is known or believed to have a feud, or has occasioned any cause of quarrel likely to
lead to bloodshed, dacoity or robbery, the Superintendent may require such person to reside beyond the limits
of the Chin Hills or within those limits at such place as the Superintendent may deem desirable.
(2) No order requiring a person to reside beyond the limits of the Chin Hills shall be made without the
previous sanction of the Local Government.
22. When the Superintendent is satisfied that the presence of any person (not being a public servant or a Chin) is
injurious to the peace or god administration of the Chin Hills, he may, for reason to be recorded in writing,
order such person to leave the Chin Hills within a given time.
23. Whenever contravenes the provisions of section 19, or disobeys an order under section 20 or a requisition
under section 21, or an order under section 22, may, on conviction by a Magistrate, be punished with
imprisonment for a term which may extend to six months, and shall also be liable to fine which may extend
to one thousand rupees.
24. When the Superintendent is of opinion that it is necessary for the purpose of the preventing culpable homicide
(whether a mounting to murder or not), grievous hurt, dacoity or robbery to require any person to execute a
bond, for his good behaviour, he may order such person to execute a bond with or without sureties, for his
good behaviour during such period not exceeding three years as the Superintendent may fix.
25. When a feud or other cause of quarrel likely to lead bloodshed or violence exists, or is, in the opinion of the
Superintendent likely to arise between two clans, villages or families of Chins, the Superintendent may order
all or any of the persons belonging to such clans, villages or families, or of either of such clans, villages or
families, to execute a bound, with or without sureties, for their good behaviour during such period not
exceeding three years as he may fix.
26. When an Assistant Superintendent duly authorised under Section 11 passes an order section 24 or section 25,
he shall at once submit a report of his proceedings to the Superintendent.
27. (1) The commission or attempted commission, or the abetment by a person who has executed a bond for his
good behaviour under section 24, of any offence affecting the human body or against property shall be deemed
to be a breach of such bond.
(2) If, while a bond executed under section 25 is in force, the life of any person belonging to any clan,
village or family concerned is unlawfully taken or attempted to be taken, or the property of any such person is
unlawfully taken or attempted to be taken, by or with the abetment of any person or persons belonging to the
other clan, village or family, and of their sureties (if any) to be forfeited.
28. (1) If any person ordered to execute a bond for his good behaviour under section 24 or section 25 does not
give the security required on or before the date on which the period for which the security to be given
begins, he shall be committed to prison, or, if he is already in prison, be detained there until such period
expires, or until within such period he gives the security to the officer who made the order requiring it, or to
the officer in charge of the jail in which he is detained, in which case he shall be forthwith discharged from
prison.
(2) Imprisonment for failure to give security under section 24, or section 25 may be rigorous or simple as the
officer requiring the security directs in each case.
29. When any person has suffered imprisonment for three years for failure to give security for his good behaviour
under section 24 or section 25 he shall be released and shall not again be required to give security unless a
fresh order is passed in accordance with the provisions of this Regulation.
30. (1) Any person who has, under the provisions of section 24 or section 25, given security, or been imprisoned
for failure to give security, may be brought before the Superintendent if, on the expiry of the period for which
security was required to be given, the Superintendent so directs.
(2) When the Superintendent thinks if necessary, for the purpose of preventing the commission of any offence
affecting the human body or against property, to require security for a further period form any person so
brought before him, he shall record a proceeding to that effect.
(3) The proceeding may be founded on the facts on which the original order to give security was founded,
and it shall not be necessary to prove any fresh facts to justify an order to give security for a further period;
under this section and such subsequent order, if passed, shall have the same effect be enforced in the same
manner as an order to give security under section 24 or section 25.
(4) Not withstanding anything in this section, no person shall suffer for failure to give security under this
chapter, imprisonment for more than six years or without the sanction of the Local Government, for more
than three years.
CHAPTER V
SPECIAL RULES AS TO ARMS, AMMUNITION, OPIUM AND FOREST
31. (1) The Superintendent may fix the number of firearms and the quantity and description of ammunition
which may be possessed by any clan or village, and may issue licenses, either to such clan or village
collectively, or to any of the persons belonging there to individually to possess the firearms and a
mmunitions specified in the licenses.
(2) All firearms for which licenses have been issued shall be stamped and entered in a register.
(3) The Superintendent may grant a license to any clan or village for the manufacture of gun powder.
(4) Any person who, not being licensed or not belonging to any clan or village licensed in that behalf,
possessed any firearms or ammunition, or who manufactures gun powder, shall be punished, on conviction
by a Magistrate, with imprisonment which may extend to three years, or with fine, or with both.
(5) With the previous sanction of the Local Government, the Superintendent may direct that the foregoing
sub-section shall not apply to any tract or part of the Chin Hills, and may with the like sanction cancel any
direction so made.
(6) The Superintendent may, by order in writing, prohibit all or any of the persons belonging to any clan or
village from carrying das, spears, and bows and arrows, or any of those weapons, in any tract, to be defined in
the order, if he is of opinion that such prohibition is necessary to the peace of such tract. Such order shall
specify the length of time during which it shall remain in force.
(7) Whoever disobeys a prohibition under sub-section (6) shall, on conviction by a Magistrate, be punished
with imprisonment which may extend to six months, or with fine, or with both.
32. No prosecution under the Upper Burma Forest Regulation, 1887, or any rule there under, under be instituted
against any Chin except with the sanction in writing of the Superintendent.
33. Whoever imports, cultivates, manufactures, possesses, sells or exports opium, ganja, bhang, or charas in the
Chin Hills shall be punished, on conviction by a Magistrate, with imprisonment which may extend to one
year, or with fine, or with both.
34. Whoever sells foreign fermented liquor or spirit to any Chin shall be punished on conviction by a Magistrate,
with imprisonment which may extend to three months, or fine, or with both.
CHAPTER VI
RULES REGARDING TAXES AND REALIZATION OF FINES, ETC.
35. Taxes shall be levied on all clans and villages at such rates and in such manner as the Local Government may
prescribe.
36. An order for the payment of any fine or tax or for the delivery of any property, or for the performance of any
act may be enforced
(1) by the seizure of any moveable property or of any standing crops of the person against whom such order
is made, or, when the order is made against a clan or village or family of Chins, of any person belonging
thereto, or
(2) with the sanction of the Superintendent or of an Assistant Superintendent, by the simple imprisonment,
for a term not exceeding one year, of the person against whom such an order is made.
CHAPTER VII
CONTROL
37. No appeal shall lie against any order passed by a headman or by an officer acting under this Regulation.
38. (1) All Headmen and all officers in the Chin Hills shall be sub-ordinate to the Superintendent, who may
revise any order passed by any such headman or officers, including an Assistant Superintendent specially
empowered under section 11.
(2) The Local Government may revise any order passed under this Regulation.
39. Subject to the control of the Governor General in Council, the Local Government may make rules consistent
with this Regulation
(a) to regulate the procedure to be observed by officers acting under this Regulation;
(b) to preserve the use of such forms, the submission of such reports and statements and the maintenance of
such records and registers as it may think necessary; and
(c) generally, to carry into effect the purposes of this Regulation.
40. Except as provided in this Regulation, a decision passed act done or order made under this Regulation shall
not be called in question in any Civil or Criminal Court.
41. (1) The Local Government may, by notification in the Burma Gazette, delegate to the Commissioner of any
Division in Upper Burma all or any of the power conferred upon the Local Government by this Regulation,
except the powers conferred by this section and by sections 1, 3, 5.11, 12, 31, 35 and 39, and may, from
time to time by a like notification, rescind or vary any such notification.
(2) When all or any of the powers of the Local Government have been delegated to the Commissioner of the
division, the Local Government may revise any order passed by such Commissioner except an orderpassed
under Section 10.
Note: This is an accurate reproduction of the original.
- Reproduced by Thang Za Dal, Hamburg, Germany. December 2010.
APPENDIX BB
Mizoram Accord, 1986
Memorandum of Settlement
Preamble
1. Government of India have all along been making earnest effort to bring about an end to the disturbed condition in
Mizoram and to restore peace and harmony.
Toward this end, initiative was taken by the late Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi on the acceptance by Shri
Laldenga on behalf of the Mizo National Front (MNF) of the two conditions, namely, cessation of violence by
MNF and to hold talks within the framework of the Constitution. A series of discussions were held with Shri
Laldenga. Settlement on various issues reached during the course of talks is incorporated in the following
paragraphs.
Restoratoin of Normalcy
1. With a view to restoring peace and normalcy in Mizoram, the MNF Party, in their part undertake within the
agreed time-frame, to bring out all underground personnel of the MNF with their arms, ammunitions, and
equipments, to ensure their return to civil life, to abjure violence and generally to help in the process of
restoration of normalcy. The modalities of bringing out all underground personnel and the deposit of arms,
ammunitions and equipments will be as worked out. The implementation of the foregoing will be under
the supervision of the Central Government.
2. The MNF party will take immediate steps to amend its articles of Association so as to make them conform
to the provision of Law.
3. The Central Government will take steps for the settlement and rehabilitation of underground after
considering the scheme proposed in this regard by the Government of Mizoram.
4. The MNF will not undertake to extend any support to the Tripura National Volunteer (TNV), Peoples
Liberation Army of Manipur (PLA) and any other such group by way of training, supply of arms of
providing protection or in any other matters.
Legal Administrative and Other Steps
1. With a view to satisfying the desires and aspirations of all sections of the people of Mizoram, the
Government will initiate measures to confer Statehood on the Union Territory of Mizoram subject to the
other stipulation contained in this Memorandum of Settlement.
2. To give effect to the above, the necessary legislative and administrative measures will be undertaken,
including those for the enactment of Bills for the amendment of the Constitution and other laws for the
conferment of Statehood as aforesaid, to come into effect on a date to be notified by the Central
Government.
3. The amendment aforesaid shall provide, among other things, for the following:
I. The territory of Mizoram shall consist of the territory specified in Section 6 of the North Eastern
Areas (Reorganization) Act, 1971.
II. Notwithstanding anything contained in the Constitution, no act of Parliament in respect of
(a) Religion or Social practices of the Mizos, (b) Mizo customary Law or procedure,
(c) Administration of Civil and Criminal Justice involving decisions according to Mizo customary
Law,
(d) Ownership and transfer of land, shall apply to the State of Mizoran unless the Legislative
Assembly of Mizoram by a resolution so decides.
Provided that nothing in this Clause shall apply to any Central Act in force in Mizoram
immediately before the appointed day.
III. Article 170 Clause (1) shall, in relation to Legislative Assembly of Mizoram, have effect as if for
the word sixty the word forty has been substituted.
1. Soon after the Bill of Conferment of Statehood becomes law, and when the President is satisfied that
normalcy has returned and that conditions are conducive to the holding of free and fair elections, elections
to the Legislative Assembly will be initiated.
2. (a) The centre will transfer resource to the new Government keeping in view the change in Status from a
Union Territory to a State and will include resources to cover the revenue gap for the year.
(b) Central assistance for Plan will be fixed taking note of any residuary gap in resources so as to sustain
the approved plan outlay and the pattern of assistance will be as in the case of Special category State.
3. Border trade in local produced or grown agriculture commodities could be allowed under a scheme to be
formulated by the Central Government, subject to international arrangement with neighbouring Countries.
4. The Innerline Regulatoin, as now in force in Mizoram, will not be amended or repealed without consulting
the State Government.
Other Matters
5. The rights and privileges of the minorities in Mizoram as envisaged in the constitution, shall continue to
be preserved and protected and their social and economic advancement shall be ensured.
6. Steps will be taken by the Government of Mizoram at the earliest to review and codify the existing
customs, pratices, law or other usages relating to the matters specified in Clauses (a) to (b) of para 4.3 (II)
of the memorandum, keeping in view that an individual Mizo may prefer to be governed by Acts of
Parliament dealing with such matters and which are of general application.
7. The question of Unification of Mizo inhabited areas of other States to form one administrative unit was
raised by the MNF delegation. It was pointed out to them, on behalf of the Government of India, that
Article 3 of the Constitution of India describes the procedure in this regard but that the Government cannot
make any commitment in this respect.
8. It was also pointed out on behalf of the Government that as soon as Mizoram becomes a State:
I. The Provisions of Part XVII of the Provision of the Constitution will apply and the State will be
liberty to adopt any one or more language to be used for all or any of the official purposes of the
State.
II. It is open to the State to move the establishment of the separate University in the State in
accordance with the prescribed procedure.
III. In the light of the Prime Ministers Statement at the Joint Conference of the Chief Justices, Chief
Minister and Law Ministers held at New Delhi on 31st August, 1985 Mizoram will be entitled
to have a High Court of its own if it so wishes.
1. (a) It was noted that there is already a scheme in force for payment of exgratia amount to heirs/dependants
of persons who were killed during disturbances in 1966 and thereafter in the Union Territory of Mizoram.
Arrangement will be made to expeditiously disburse payment to those eligible persons who have already
applied but who had not been made such payment so far.
a. It was noted that consequence on verification done by a joint team of officers, the Government of
India had already made arrangement for payment of compensation in respect of damage to crop:
building destroyed/damaged during the action in Mizoram, and rented charges of building and land
occupied by security force. There may, however, be some claim which were referred and verified by
the above team but is not yet settled expeditiously. Arrangement will also be made for payment of
pending claim of rented charges or land/building occupied by the security forces.

Sd/-
LALDENGA Sd/- R.D. PRADHAN
Home Secretar
On behalf of
Mizo National Front. Government of India.
Sd/-
LALKHAMA
Chief Secretary
Government of Mizoram
Dated: 30th June, 1986.
Place: New Delhi
____________________________________________________
Note: It is an accurate reproduction of the original text.
Reproduced by Thang Za Dal, Hamburg. December 2010.
APPENDIX CC
LIST I
Sizang Sial, Saai, Sahaang leh Ngaal Aai Teng(from Buanman, Dolluang, Khuasak, Lophei, Pumva and Theizang)
(Lists of those who had had celebrated the special feasts of Ngaal Aai, Saai Aai, Sial Aai and Sahaang Aai
among the Sizangs between about1920 and 1975. See 19.8 HEAD-HUNTING AND OTHER SPECIAL FEASTS
Note: Everyone of those who celebrated these feasts had killed at least one to several of the said animals. And
such feasts are made only for animals killed with a gun, and not for the trapped ones!
SAAI AAI TENG(Elephant)
(Those who had celebrated the Saai Aai feast)

1. Mang Pum(KS)
(Ngalphuak Pu)
2. Ngaw Kam(KS)
3. Pau Lian(KS)
4. Khan Mang(TL)
5. Vum Lam(TL)
6. Thuam Ngo(PV)
SIAL AAI TENG(Gaur)
(Those who had celebrated the Sial Aai feast)
01. Ngaw Khup(KS)
02. Pau Khup(KS)
03. Pau Khen(KS)
04. Son Kam(KS)
05. Pau Lian(KS)
06. Kham Thang(KS)
07. Tun Lam(KS)
08. Hau Zam(KS)
09. On Khaw Khai(KS)
10. Mang Zam(LP)
11. Za Thawng(LP)
12. Lian Cin(LP)
13. Za En(LP)
14. Khup Lian(LP)*
15. Kam Thawng(LP)
16. Kip Lian(LP)
17. Lian Ngin(PV)
18. Phut Suang(PV)
19. Han Khup(PV)
20. Hen Khup(BN)
21. Khan Pau(TL)
22. Kam Khaw Thang(TL)
23. On Thang(TL)
24. Son Thawng(TL)
--------------------------------------
* He is my paternal grandfather. tzd
25. Khai Khaw Thang(TL)
26. Khai Khup(TL)
27. Hau Mang(TL)
28. Suang Khaw Mang(TL)
29. Kai Suang(TL)
30. Pau Ngin(TL) *
31. Lam Za Pum(TL)
32. On Mang(TL)
33. Lian Cin(LP)
SAAI & SIAL AAI TENG (Elephant & Gaur)
(Those who had celebrated both of the Sial Aai and Saai Aaai feasts)
1. Khat Kam(TL)
2. Vum Thawng(KS)
3. Suang Thang(LP)**
4. Pau Suak(LP)
NGAAL AAI TENG(Enemy)
(Those who had celebrated the Ngaal Aai feast)
01. Suang Kho Lian(KS)
(Ngo Za Lian Pa)
02. Mang Zam(LP)
03. Lian Cin(LP)
04. Zam Khat Pau(LP)
05. Nang Khan Dal(LP)
06. Thang Hen Thawng(LP)
07. Thian Khan Khai(LP)
08. Zam Thian Mung(LP)
09. Ngo Lian Khup(LP)
10. Hau Do Kim(LP)
11. Ngin Za Pau(TL)
12. Tun Sing(TL)
13. Son Zam(TL)
14. Vum Suang(TL)
15. Kam Khan Thang(KS)
16. Tual Vum(KS)
17. Zam Dal(KS)
18. Thawng Khen Khup(KS)
19. Ngo Khaw Lian(KS)
20. Pau Khaw Kam(KS)
21. Suang Kho Pau(KS)
22. Lian Khaw Nang(KS)
--------------------------------------------
* He celebrated this feasts three times for killing seven great bull gaurs.
** He is my maternal grandfather. tzd
SAAI & SA HANG TENG (Elephant & Tiger)
1. En Khup(TL)
(He celebrated both of the Saai Aai and Sahang Aai feasts)
SA HAANG TENG(Tiger)
(Those who had celebrated the Sa Haang Aai feast)
1. Thuk Suang(LP)
2. Mang Pum(KS)
3. Ngaw Kam(KS)
4. Son Kam(KS)
5. Thuk Ngo(KS)
6. Tun Khai(KS)
7. Suan Khup(KS)
8. Kam Suan(KS)
9. Hang Sing(TZ)
11. S uan Vum(TZ)
12. Cin Ngo(TZ)
13. Thual Tual(DL)
------------------------------------------------------------
A TONG TENG
Pi Mang Ciang(TL), Saya Kham Thawng ih pii sia tong hii.
Note: The woman above celebrated the Tong ceremony. It is a festival celebrating ones remarkable wealth.
.....................
KHUA MIN AAT DAAN(Abbreviation of villages)
BN = Buanman
DL = Dolluang
KS = Khuasak
LP = Lophei
PV = Pumva
TZ = Theizang
................................
Note. Names on LIST I above were provided by the late Pu Lam Za Pum of Thuklai in 2004 at my request through a younger sister of mine, Pi
Vung Maan Cing, with the exception of No.s 2 to 13 under SA HAANG(Tiger). No.s 2 to 13 were provided by Pu Ngaw Khup of Khuasak in
November, 2010.
_________________________________________________________
LIST II
Sial Leh Saai Aai Ngei Teng(VokLaak leh LiimKhai( Bungh leh Zo Ngal)
(List of those who had made the said feasts from 3 other Sizang villages: Voklaak, Liimkhai Bungh and Liimkhai Zo-
Ngal)
VOKLAK KHUA SAAI AAI NGEI TENG(Elephant)
(Those who had celebrated the Saai Aai feast from VokLak village)
01. Pu Lam Hang(142/19)................................. Mang Thuam bawng
02. Pu Lam Thuam(142/20)................................ Mang Thuam bawng
03. Pu Kam Cin (143/20).................................... Mang Thuam bawng
04. Pu Thuam Khai(137/20)................................ That Khup bawng
05. Pu Mang Pum(143/21)................................. Mang Thuam bawng
06. Pu Thuam Kho Thang(142/21)..................... Mang Thuam bawng
07. Pu Suangh Thang(142/21)........................... Mang Thuam bawng
VOKLAK KHUA SIAL AAI NGEI TENG(Gaur)
(Those who had celebrated the Sial Aai feast from Voklaak)
01. Pu Mun Kam(131/21)................................... That Khup bawng
02. Pu Lam Suangh(243/21)............................... Hat Langh bawng
03. Pu Son Lian(243/21).................................... Hat Langh bawng
04. Pu Sum Kam................................................ Neizo bawng(Sam Te)
05. Pu Suak Kam............................................... Neizo bawng(Sam Te)
06. Pu Sum Mang.............................................. Neak Ngen bawng
07. Pu Lam Ngo(179/25).................................... Hual Nam bawng
08. Pu Suangh Vum(138/21).............................. Khiap Thuam bawng
09. Pu Lam Thuk(90/20)..................................... That Mun bawng
10. Pu Tun Vum(243/21).................................... Hat Langh bawng
11. Pu Son Ngo(135/20).................................... That Khup bawng
12. Pu Lam On(153/3)........................................ Vui Te bawng
13. Pu Son Sing(A)............................................ Nei Zo bawng(Sam Te)
14. Pu Suangh Thang(142/21)........................... Mang Thuam bawng
15. Pu Son Hang(86/21)..................................... That Mun bawng
16. Pu Tuang Thawng(129/22)............................ Lian Sung bawng
17. Pu Hang Ngo(129/22)................................... Lian Sung bawng
18. Pu Pau Do(130/22)....................................... That Khup bawng
19. Pu Sing Kho Thang(132/22)......................... That Khup bawng
20. Pu Kam Tun(129/22).................................... Lian Sung bawng(2 veih aai)*
21. Pu Thawng Ngin.......................................... Nei Zo bawng(Sam Te)
22. Pu Sawm Theau(154/3)............................... Mun Zo bawng
23. Pu Kham Kho Khai(179/26)......................... Hual Nam bawng
24. Pu Kham Za Nang(154/4)............................. Vui Te bawng
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
* He celebrated it twice.
- Extra Explanation for numbers in parentheses - Pu Kam Tun(129/22) as an example: The first number - 129 refers to the
page on which the name of this person can be found in the Genealogy of the Zo (Chin) Race of Burma. 1st Edition, 1974
by K.A. Khup Za Thang; 22 stands for the generation count from ZO in the genealogical tree. In my case, for instance,
it would look like this: Thang Za Dal(53/24).
- Lian Sung bawng means the Lian Sung Sub-clan
- The Sizangs have, for example, four terminologies for sub-clan alone: Bee, Bawng, Tee and Phuung
- For more explanation on genealogical terminologies, see 17.6 CLANS AND SUB-CLANS
LIMKHAI KHUA SAAI AAI NGEI TENG(Elephant)
(Those who had celebrated the Saai Aai feast)
1. Pu Mang Lun(Zo-Ngal)
2. Pu Tun Kham(Zo-Ngal)
3. Pu Lam Ngul(Zo-Ngal)
4. Pu Thang Hau(Bungh)
5. Pu Thuam Tun(Bungh)
LIIMKHAI KHUA SIAL AAI NGEI TENG(Gaur)
(Those who had celebrated the Sial Aai feast)
1. Pu Mang Lun(Zo-Ngal)
2. Pu Tun Kham(Zo-Ngal)
3. Pu Lam Ngul(Zo-Ngal)
4. Pu Kim Ngo(Zo-Ngal)
5. Pu Tun En(Zo-Ngal)
6. Pu Thang Hau(Bungh)
7. Pu Thuam Tun(Bungh)
8. Pu Hang Ngo(Bungh)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Note 1: The names on List II above from three villages had been collected and prepared especially for me by Pu Vungh Ko Khai of
Voklaak village at my request. The list was signed by him on 16.05.2004. And I received it on 14.06.2004 in Hamburg, from my
younger sister Vung Maan Cing of Kalaymyo.
Note 2. There were some more people among the Sizangs who had also made these feasts during the period given above and I am still
trying to get their names, So when and if I could find someone who still remembers these people, I would add their names later here.
There were also several people who had celebrated these feasts much, much earlier - that is, during the 19th century - but I could not find
their names anymore.
Note 3: The above lists are translated into English and prepared in this form by myself. Thang Za Dal. January, 2012. Hamburg. Germany.
...............................................................................................................................
THE BATTLE OF INSEIN NEVER REALLY ENDED
By AUNG ZAW
Monday, February 9, 2009
Captain Tun Tin and his fellow officers of the 5th Burma Rifles were taking a break from ongoing battles with
communists and Mujahedeen rebels in Arakan State. When off duty at their barracks, they usually tuned in to the
radio for news and light entertainment. An announcer suddenly broke into the broadcast with the dramatic words:
The Union of Burma is now facing a great danger. The message was repeated three times and then the radio went
off the air.
Multimedia (View)
Two radio operators, Karen officers named Arthur and George, approached hurriedly and handed an incoming
wireless message to Tun Tin. It read: Attention 5 Burif, repeat Attention 5 Burif. Abandon Arakan, Repeat Abandon
Arakan. Troops Dispatch Forthwith, Troops Dispatch Forthwith. Dakota Planes awaiting Akyab Airfield. Ack receipt,
repeat Ack receipt.
Then came the news that rebel soldiers of the Karen National Democratic Organization had seized the Rangoon
suburb of Insein. Tun Tin and soldiers immediately left for the Sittwe (Akyab) airfield and boarded the Dakotas,
planes of Indonesias recently launched Garuda airline, provided by the Indonesian government at the request of
the newly formed Burmese government led by President Sao Shwe Thaike and Prime Minister U Nu. Tun Tins
commanding officer, Col Saw Myint, later recalled that it was the first time Burmese soldiers were airlifted to a
battlefieldin this case, Rangoon. As soon as he landed at Rangoon airport, Tun Tin half-jokingly told senior
officers who briefed him on the Insein emergency: Well go shopping in Insein within four or five days.
It was January 1949, barely one year after Burma won independence from Britain.
Hostilities between the Karen and Burmans had been escalating since 1948 as Burmese troops tried to disarm
Karen soldiers who had fought alongside Britain against the Japanese in World War II. Karen and Burmans shared
a history of distrust and the Karen soldiers who had supported the British war effort feared they would be
vulnerable to attack by Burmese troops if they surrendered their weapons. When the Thirty Comrades led by Gen
Aung San entered Burma with Japanese troops to liberate Burma from British rule, many Karen continued to support
Britain, harassing the Japanese and providing intelligence to the British. In the Irrawaddy delta region, the Karen
population also resisted the new administration backed by the Burma Independence Army (BIA). A rebellion in the
delta was led by Shwe Htun Kya, whoaccording to Maj Kyaw Zaw, a member of the Thirty Comradescommanded
only about 100 armed men, who had refused to disarm and surrender their weapons. Retreating British officers left
Shwe Htun Kya with arms and ammunition and reportedly told him: We will be back soon. Keep up the resistance.
Col Suzuki (aka Bo Moe Gyoe), who helped train Aung San and the Thirty Comrades, traveled to Myaungmya to
investigate the Karen rebellion. A Japanese colonel was killed during the mission and Suzuki ordered revenge. In
Myaungmya alone, about 150 Karen, including former cabinet minister Saw Pe Tha, were executed by the BIA and
Japanese troops.
The Karen retaliated by killing many Burmans.
In his autobiography, Kyaw Zaw acknowledged responsibility for much of the killing in the delta. Entering one
town, Phyu, Kyaw Zaw found that 200 people had been killed by the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO).
The violence spread to Rangoon, where Insein was taken over by the KNDO. Ne Win, the countrys new army chief
of staff, removed senior Karen officers from the War Office and called in forces from the north and south. Kyaw
Zaw, a colonel and commander of the northern region, based in Maymyo, was among those recalled to the capital.
He recalled that as soon as he entered the War Office, Ne Win threw down a military map and thundered: You are
now in charge go and fight the Insein battle. Kya Zaw replaced Brig General Aung Thinn, who was permitted to
retire by Ne Win, who was suspicious of the southern commanders loyalty. Aung Tin fought with the British
General Orde Wingate and was a close friend of the charismatic Karen leader Saw Ba U Gyi.
The Battle of Insein began, with the War Office issuing the order: Not to retreat one inch from your position.
All roads into Rangoon were blocked by Karen soldiers and only the air route was open for government
reinforcements. The Karen rebels had earlier raided Mingaladon Air Force base and seized ammunition, although
they did not take over the airport. If Karen forces had taken the airport, govern-ment reinforcements from Arakan
would not have been able to land in Rangoon. They would have taken weeks to arrive by sea, and by then Rangoon
would have been under Karen control.
In their books, Tun Tin, Kyaw Zaw and Saw Myint maintained that if Rangoon had been taken by the rebels
Burma would again fall prey to imperialist slavery under colonialist rule. Kyaw Zaw and Tun Tin believed that Britain
bore part of the blame for the fighting between Karen and Burman. The irony was that Tun Tin and his officers later
traveled to London and studied there, learning the four cuts British warfare strategy which would later defeat
Burmas ethnic insurgents.
The Battle of Insein failed to have a serious effect on daily life in Rangoon. The citys cinemas were still showing
up to four programs a day and schools remained open. Movie stars and musicians performed for the troops on the
Insein front line, where soldiers requested encores with the plea: Before we die in the battle, could you please sing
one more song! Karen snipers commanding strategic positions gave government forces a hard time. Tun Tin
recalled telling his men in the face of a fierce Karan attack: We will never surrender, we will leave our bones here
but we will never surrender.
As Karen soldiers advanced and snipers took their toll, Tun Tin whipped up the morale of his men by climbing
from the trenches and urging them on. Ne Win, an army commander at the time, recalled in the book Burma and
General Ne Win, written by the scholar Dr Maung Maung, who was briefly president in 1988: Once, a troop of men
in front of Insein would not move on order to attack. They had grown weary and battle-shy. Tun Tin, their leader,
jumped up from the trench and walked up and down with a little swagger telling the men that death would not come
until ones time is up. Bullets whizzed round like him bees, but he remained untouched. The men then rose and
marched forward to attack with Tun Tin leading them.
Tun Tin was decorated and received the title of Thura for his bravery. Others who were awarded medals
included Aung San Thuriya and Thiha Thuriya. Kyaw Zaw, who had previously known only guerrilla warfare,
described the Battle of Insein as his first military academy. He lost many officers and men in the battle,
describing Insein as a graveyard littered with corpses. On the battlefield, he met Col Kyi Maung, who later became
a prominent leader of Aung San Suu Kyis National League for Democracy. Ceasefire talks between Karen leader
Saw Ba U Gyi and Burmese commanders were mediated by Indian diplomats, but the truce broke down after three
days. It was a surrealistic break in the fightingKaren soldiers were even allowed into Rangoon to watch movies.
The government used the pause to bring reinforcements from upper Burma aboard Garuda aircraft. The Karen
found themselves short of ammunition and with no open lines for supplies or reinforcements. The fighting resumed.
During breaks in the fighting, Tun Tin and his officers roamed Rangoon and spent time in a hotel in Fraser Street,
now renamed Anawrahta Street. The former colonial-era student prayed at Shwedagon Pagoda for victory, pledging
to save the union from disintegration and his motherlands fragile independence.
Although some foreign historians have depicted the Battle of Insein as a conflict between Burman troops and
Karen rebels, Tun Tin noted that soldiers from different regions of Burma helped to defend Rangoon. They included
Chin, Kayah, Shan, Gurkha and Kachin battalions (though some Kachin took up arms against the U Nu
government). The most decisive role in defending Insein was played by the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Chin Rifles, fighting
on what is regarded as the most strategic battle front of all. Some insurgents, including communists, reinforced
Burmese forces before going back to the jungle to repel Burmese troops.
The battle lasted 112 days, finally ending in May 1949. About 500 Karen soldiers and civilians died. Fifteen
major actions were fought before the Karen began to withdraw from Insein at the end of April. Tun Tin observed the
retreat through his binoculars and noted it was calm and impressive. He had to wait before fulfilling that ambition to
go shopping in Insein, however. In a visit to Insein hospital, he saw Karen nurses led by Dr Saw Marcus Paw
treating wounded Karen soldiers, singing as they worked. An Arakanese medic with the Burmese Army, Dr Htun
Aung Kyaw, offered to help the Karen medical team. Tun Tin saw tears in the eyes of Karen nurses, surprised at
the unexpected offer of aid from a former adversary.
The Battle of Insein was over, but the Karens fight for equal rights continuedand lingers on.
Karen soldiers were pushed through the Irrawaddy delta and later to the Thai-Burmese border. In 1950, Saw Ba
U Gyi and senior Karen leaders were killed at the Thai-Burmese border. Tun Tin served as a moderate force in the
Ne Win government, becoming deputy prime minister in the 1980s and frequently traveling abroad to seek
development aid for Burma from the West. He was briefly Prime Minister, but resigned at the time of the 1988
uprising. He lives quietly now in Rangoon, meditating and writing. A recent book describes his army experience and
contains a description of the Battle of Insein. Kyaw Zaw led a famous battle against invading Kuomintang forces in
northern Burma but was sacked in 1957, accused of leaking information to the Communist Party of Burma (CPB).
He and his family made clandestine journey to northern Burma and joined the CPB in 1976. In his book, Kyaw Zaw
admitted that he was a faithful party member of CPB and that he had long maintained a line of communication with
the party.
Karen soldiers and civilians recently celebrated in the jungle on the Thai-Burmese border the 60th anniversary of
the founding of the Karen National Union, whose aim of justice and peace in Burma remains a distant dream. The
Battle of Insein never truly ended.
Copyright 2008 Irrawaddy Publishing Group | www.irrawaddy.org
.........................................................................................
Readers Comments
Battle of Insein Revisited
Regarding the article, The Battle of Insein Never Really Ended [February 9, 2009; URL:
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15080]:
When Insein was occupied by the KNDO, they were confronted by: (1) hastily trained students from Myoma High
School, the University of Rangoon, Faculty of Medicine; (2) Communist and PVO troops; (3) Burmese navy,
Burmese Air Force with Oxford Trainers and fire extinguisher bombs. The Chin troops commanded by Brig Blake
arrived a few days later and started the offensive against the KNDO. The Burmese Navy also shelled Insein from
the Hlaing River. When the Burma Rifles arrived, the offensive was well on its way.
Pe Than Maung
....................................................
The Irrawaddys Burman Bias
Regarding the article, The Battle of Insein Never Really Ended [February 9, 2009; URL:
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=15080]:
The Irrawaddyboth in printed and electronic magazineshas been considered one of the best of the Burmese
publications, both by the people of Burma and the international community. But reading the above article we have
some reservations, not only for its journalistic ethics but also of the magazines mission. It chooses to highlight
only a fraction of the true story where it narrows in on the heroism and sacrifices of the Burman, even though
mention was made [about the Chin]: The most decisive role in defending Insein was played by the 1st, 2nd and
3rd Chin Rifles, fighting on what is regarded as the most strategic battle front of all.
It would be ridiculous to level the famed and honorable magazine, as harboring the Mahar Bamar attitude
even though it is dominated by Burmans and farang [Westerners]when it mentioned that Tun Tin noted that
soldiers from different regions of Burma such as Kayah, Kachin and Gurkha helped to defend Rangoon. But the
fact that most of the ethnic nationalities armies rally behind the Burmese army is because they loved and believed
in Pyidaungsu (the Union of Burma), the alternative being Communism or one major ethnic group lording over it.
Ethnic nationalities still cherished the dream of Bogyoke Aung San who initiated the union spirit. The supreme
sacrifices made by the Chin and the Kachin soldiers that fought tooth and nail in the Battle of Insein was so
intense that U Nus daughter, who fell in with a young Chin captain, was promised marriage if Rangoon was saved,
even though the promise was never kept.
Now all the ethnic armies are fighting against the Myanmar [Burman]-dominated tatmadaw [Burmese army].
Why? It was rather paradoxical to witness that the KNU was been belittled at its 60th anniversary. Instead we
should concentrate on a Federal Democratic Union of Burma, where all the ethnic nationalities, including the
Karen, have consented to live within the union since the 1970s. It would be more beneficial if one of The
Irrawaddy`s aims would be to close the gap between the ethnics and the pro-democracy fighters.
Kanbawza win
.......................
Note: Aung Zaw is from Myanmar/Burma and is the editor of The Irrawaddy, a magazine published in Chiang Mai,
Thailand. The Irrawaddy covers news and offers in-depth analysis of political and cultural affairs in Burma and
Asia generally.
Note 2: Passages are highted in blue and red colours by myself. Thang Za Dal. April 2012.
APPENDIX EE

SUBJECT: CORRECTION OF SOME MANIPULATED HISTORICAL FACTS
In the years of 2004 and 2008 two books on the Chin/Zo people were published, namely: TONZANG JUBILEE
LAIBU (ROYAL TOWN TONZANG JUBILEE BOOK - 2000)*, and ZO CHRONICLES: A Documentary Study of
History and Culture of the Kuki-Chin-Lushai Tribe respectively. A few important historical facts in these books
have, however, apparently been deliberately manipulated by the authors. So, as soon as I found these manipu-
lations out I immediately prepared a letter and distributed it through a number of Chin/Zo egroups on August 31,
2009, pointing out at these false information.
But, as I have not received even a single explanation from those who were responsible for the said facts in
question, I am preparing this slightly modified version based on my original letter to be used as an Item in my
paper: The Zo People of Bangladesh, Burma and India: An Introduction. My aim is to present the said facts as
they really were.
Since the Tonzang Jubilee Laibu was published in 2004, there are some complaints among the Sizangs about
the text concerning the visit of the Kam Hau & Sizang Chiefs to Rangoon. As this book was published by well-
educated people - and the members of the organizing committees of the Jubilee in Tedim, Tonzang and Kalaymyo
townships were also among the Whos Who of the Tedim and Tonzang communities - the ordinary people who do
not have access to the original English text referred to in it believe what is written to be absolutely true.
Thang Za Dal
Hamburg, Germany
(It was first officially released in this form on November 19, 2011, and last modified on April, 2012.)
...............................
* This Jubilee marked the 130th year of the founding of Tonzang, the seat of the Kam Hau chieftainship.
_______________________________________________________________________________
FIRST MANIPULATED FACTS (ZO CHRONICLES, p. 74)
............................
PART 4: ACTS AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF HAU CHIN KHUP, K.S.M., CHIEF OF THE KAMHAU CLAN,
CHIN HILLS, TIDDIM
Names in Bracket Show Modern Spellings
Howcinkoop*(Hau Cin Khup) Chief of the Kamhows(Kamhaus) rules the following villages:
Twittum(Tuitum) Salzang Haizan(Haizang)*
Numni(Gamngai)* Pitu(Phaitu)* Halkum(Holkom)*
Phaizan(Phaiza)* Ngingoon(Ngennung)* Kankeu(Hangken)*
Lontak(Lungtak)* Houpi(Haupi)* Balbil
Larmyang(Lamzang)* Lilo(Lailo)*
Tunzan(Tonzang) Shielsi(Sialsi)*
Puntong(Phuntong) Kunal(Khumnuai)*
Losow(Losau) Ngorn(Ngawn)*
Twilmu(Tualmu)* Lilui(Lailui)*
Lumyang(Lamzang)* Walawun(Valvum)*
Sevak(Sebaw)
Also
Haitsi(Haisi)
Lopa(Lophei) *
Fort White
....................................................................
- See scanned original text: APPENDIX EE - 1
________________________________________________________________________________
1/5
The following are what the British had recorded about the two villages: LOPA and LOPE(LOPHEI), and other Sizang villages. I
am enclosing the description of these villages as well, because events concerning Lophei cannot really be completely separated
from that of other Sizang villages, especially that of the Khuasaks in this case.
LOPA
Remarks. - People Yos, subordinate to Howchinkup. Elevation 2,000 feet. Village 5,600 feet above Tuilai river; village 20 miles
west of Yazagyo. Route from Tiddim to Tunzan, thence through Paitu, thence to a settlement called Kanzan, crosses Tang
range [Letha Range] and descends through jungle to Lopa; village disarmed; people grow rice and talk Burmese; a poor
unimportant village. Water at village in two streams at north and south of village. People originally migrated from
Kwungnung near Tiddim to Lumyang, thence to Lopa.(The Chin Hills, Vol. II, Part III, Gazetteer of Villages, p. xxv)
- See scanned original texts: APPENDICES EE - 6 & 7 and APPENDIX EE - 11 (MAPS 1 & 2)
.................................................................................
LOPE
Remarks. - Village is inhabited by the Kimlel [Kim Lel] family, an offshoot of the Twuntak [Thuan Tak/Suantak] clan of the
Siyin tribe (see chapter on the Siyin tribe). Kuplin [Khup Lian], the Chief, has visited Rangoon. There was no village at Lope
when we first occupied the hills, though the site had previously been occupied by the Kimlels. After the rebellion of 1892 the
Kimlels were disarmed and allowed to build a separate village so as to weaken the Twuntaks by splitting them into two
independent villages [Khuasak and Lophei]. The village is easily approached by following the excellent mule-road from Fort
White to within a mile and a half of old Fort White and then dropping down on to the village. Village is not stockaded and easily
attacked from all sides. Excellent camp some 250 yards south-west of village. Water is abundant in streams.
(The Chin Hills, Vol. II, Part III, Gazetteer of Villages, p. iv)
- See scanned original texts: APPENDICES EE - 2 & 3 and APPENDIX EE - 11(MAP 1)
.............................
KOSET
Remarks. - Village is inhabited by the Twuntak clan of the Siyin tribe. The past history of all the Siyin clans is found in the
chapter dealing with the history of the Siyins. Lyin Vum [Lian Vum] governs his own village only and has nothing to say to
other villages. Village was disarmed in 1891. Kuppow [Khup Pau], the ex-Chief, is in a jail in Burma and his son Kaikam
[Khai Kam] is deported to the Andamans [the notorious islands off Burmas coasts in the Indian Ocean on which both political
prisoners and criminals serving life-sentence were banished from the British colonial time up to the 1970s] and should never
be allowed to return to the hills. The present Chief spent some months in jail in Burma in 1894 for assisting his rebel
relatives. The Twuntaks fought stubbornly in 1888-89 and again in 1892-93. They should never be allowed to leave their
present village-site. Village was destroyed in 1889 and rebuilt in 1895; it has no stockades and is easily attacked from all
sides, except from the west. The notorious Aung Paw lives in this village and knows Burmese. Water is abundant in village
and below village and there are several campaign-grounds.(The Chin Hills, Vol. II, Part III, Gazetteer of Villages, p. iv).
- See scanned original texts: APPENDICES EE - 2 & 3 and APPENDIX EE - 11(MAP 1)
................................................................................................
SAGYILAIN OR LIMKAI [SAKHILING OR LIMKHAI]
Remarks. - Village inhabited by the Limkai or Sagyilain clan of Siyins. At our occupation of the hills the Sagyilains occupied
two villages [Limkhai Zo-ngal & Limkhai Bung]; these were both destroyed in 1889 and one was rebuilt in 1890 and the people
are collected into this. The Sagyilains were the first Siyin clan to submit in 1890 and the clan was loyal during the rebellion of
1892; consequently only 55 guns were withdrawn from the village, which now possibly possesses 40 guns. Man Lon [Mang
Lun]* is the Chief of the clan, although his father lives and he has a younger brother; the former is very old and the later in-
competent. Man Lon has visited Rangoon; he has done us most excellent service in capturing [Siyin] rebels and in helping
us to disarm the country, and he is therefore treated with more consideration by us than any other Siyin. Of all the thieves
in Chinland the Sagyilains are the worst. Sagyilain can be reached in 8 miles from Fort White without mule transport by dropping
down on to the spur between Koset [Khuasak] and old Tavak [Thavak] and following it till it dips down to the Nattan [Ngatan]
stream, and thence up the old mule road to Sagyilain. Water-supply at the village plentiful in the Tarmlui; also in streamlets. The
best camp lies above the village and west of the burial ground. (The Chin Hills, Vol. II, Part III, Gazetteer of Villages, p. v).
- * See scanned original texts: APPENDICES EE - 2, 4 and EE - 11(MAP 1)
..............................................................................
2/5
TOKLAING OR MWITUN [THUKLAI OR MUITUNG]
Remarks. - Village is inhabited by the Toklaing clan of Siyins. The village was destroyed in 1889 and the site confiscated for
a post; the people then settled down in Pomba [Pumva], Shark [Seak] and Yo [Zo] , all of which were destroyed in the expe-
dition of 1892-93. The people were disarmed and and settled down on their original site during the next year and Kamlung
[Kam Lam, Chief of Sumniang or Lower Thuklai], the Chief, was deported to Kindat jail, where he died. Nokotung [Ngo Kho
Thang] was appointed Chief and Kamlungs son was rejected on account of his fathers villainy. Nokotung has visited
Rangoon. The village is plain view from the ridge above Fort White; it is not stockaded and is easily attacked. Water is brought
into village by leads. Camping-grounds available either above village on the site of old Fort White near the water-supply or near
the village by the Mwilwum [Muiluam] and Ne kui [Nikui] streams. Toklaing is held responsible that the old Fort White
cemetery, which is close to the village, is not defaced. Besides some 12 soldiers of the Norfolk and Cheshire Regiments
who are buried here, there are the graves of Major Gordon-Cumming, Cheshire Regiment, Major Stevens, 42nd Gurka
Rifles, and Second Lieutenant Mitchell, Norfolk Regiment. (The Chin Hills, Vol. II, Part III, Gazetteer of Villages, p. v).
Having learnt from Major Raikes, C.I.E., that it had been determined to leave a post in these hills for the rest of the year, and having on consultation with
him come to the conclusion that our several reconnaissances north, south and west showed this to be the most central poisition, I select a site some 400
feet above and to the south-west of Tokhlaing(4,800 feet), which occupied not only so much ground as to make it necessary to have a large number of
men on duty, but was also commanded on three sides, notably from the site where the present post is, which with the permission of Major-General
Gordon, C.B., and the concurrence of the Chief Commissioner, I have called Fort White...-Brigadier-General E. Faunce, C.B., Commanding Officer,
Chin Field Force [First Chin Hills Expedition, 1888-89]. Source: Vum Ko Hau, p. x)
- See scanned original texts: APPENDICES EE - 2 & 4, and PHOTOS 14, 24 & 25
............................................................................

VOKLA [VOKLAAK]
Remarks. - Village inhabited by the Bwenman [Buanman] clan of Siyins. People formerly lived in Bwenman near Toklaing, but
when their village was burnt in 1889 they moved to Vokla and Narlpi [Ngalpi]. In 1893 Narlpi was demolished and all Bwenmans
collected into VoKla. The Chief Linkam [Lian Kam] was killed in the fight at Tartan [Taitan or Siallum]** in 1889 and the
people there elected Pow Kai [Pau Khai]*. The people were disarmed in 1893. Water plentiful at the village in the Haitsik [Haicik]
and Saimwell [Saimual] streams.(The Chin Hills, Vol. II, Part III, Gazetteer of Villages, vi).
- See scanned original text: APPENDICES EE - 2 & 5
____________________________________________
COMMENTS
Originally, the ZO CHRONICLES was first published as CHIN CHRONICLES in 1988 by the late Rev. Khup Za Go, with seven
Parts in it.(It was printed by the L & P Printing Press, Teddim Road, Chuarachanpur, Manipur State, India.) But when he
passed away in 2005, a group of young men published it again in 2008 with some new additions and rearrangements under
the present title. One among the new addtions in the current edition is Acts and Achievements of Hau Cin Khup, K.S.M.,
Chief of the Kamhau Clan, Chin Hills, Tiddim.
Judging by the way things are so arranged - by grouping Haitsi, Lopa and Fort White together under the word Also,
one can only conclude that the authors wanted to deliberately give the impression that Lophei and Fort White were
under the jurisdiction of the Kam Hau chieftainship. And the fact that Haitsi is also included here simply shows how
ignorant they are about history and geography.(See marked villages in red on p. 74, APPENDIX EE - 1)
Those who were responsible for these manipulations in question must have had used the single misspelling in The
Pacification of Burma for this purpose: The Haitsi Lope, who live on the eastern slope of the Letha Range bordering
the Kabaw Valley... See No. 6 on page 331, APPENDIX EE - 9.
In fact, LOPA can never be LOPHEI on the following reasons:
Haitsi and Lopa were two separate villages as it is clearly written in the list of Kam Hau villages.(Lopa is no more in
existence nowadays.) People of Haitsi(Haisi) were and still are Thados, whereas those who lived at LOPA were Yo/Zos.
(See APPENDICES EE - 7 & 8)
__________________________________________________________________________________________________________
* See photos of Chiefs Mang Lun of Limkhai and Pau Khai of Buanman in PHOTO 23 in my Paper. They were among the five Sizang Chiefs who
made peace with the British (see 9.10.3 Formal Submission of the Siyins in my Paper).
** It was here that Surgeon LeQuesne got his Victoria Cross on May 4, 1889. For more informationa on this event, see 9.6.11 Action at Tartan and
Footnote on the same page, and 9.10.2 The Battle of Tartan(Taitan/Siallum) in my Paper.
In all official books and documents published by Carey & Tuck at the turn of the 20th Century, LOPHEI has always been
written only as LOPE, never as LOPA.
There is no reason at all why Carey & Tuck should have put the names of the two villages (Haitsi and Lopa) and Fort
White together under the word: Also. Crostwaite, the author of The Pacification of Burma, himself had clearly suggested
that for accurate information one should see the book of Carey & Tuck: For accurate and most interesting information
regarding the Chins, their manners, customs, and history, I must refer the reader to the Chin Hills, by Bertrram S. Carey,
C.I.E., and H. N. Tuck (2 vols., RangoonGovernment Press, 1896.), which can be seen at the India Office Library.
(See Footnote on p. 331, APPENDIX EE - 9)
There were two Fort Whites. The old or first Fort White was located at Thuklai and it was later moved to a new site 9 km
away from the original site.The Siyins and Sagyilains who live in five villages, of which Koset, Sagyilaing, and Toklaing were
the chief. The first Fort White was built on the site of Toklaing, which was afterwards given back to them when the fort
was moved.(see No 1 on p. 331, APPENDIX EE - 9). However, whenever Fort White is mentioned in British documents, it is
meant only to be the later one. Fort White and Lophei are located in the heart of what the British called the Siyin Country
or Siyin Territory, not in the Kam Hau territory. And Fort White was always only a military garrison, never a village.
The document on page 74 is dated April 21, 1893. But The Gazetteer of Villages was published in 1896! So, had Lophei
and Fort White ever been under the jurisdiction of the Kam Hau chieftainship, it would have clearly been recorded
in this book.
In this book (The Gazetteer of Villages) a mention is made for every village to which chieftainship it was subordinated -
for examples, They are subordinate to Howchinkup, the Kamhow Chief. or The village is tributary to Howchinkup, the Kam-
how Chief. or Falam is the chief and dominant village, as well as the largest in the Falam jurisdiction. It rules all the other
villages, namely those of the Yahow[Zahau], Whenohs[Hualngo], Norn[Ngawn], Tawyan, Minledaung, Kweshin[Khuasim],
Kwungli[Khuangli], Rumklao, Minkin, and Laiyo[Laizo]. or Village subordinate and pays tribute to Falam., and so on.
But such a mention was not made for all the five Sizang villages, because they were self-ruled independent villages!
As it is also clearly written ...so as to include no Siyin villages in the Kamhow territory..., Lophei could never have
been under the jurisdiction of the Kam Hau Chiefs(see marked passages on p. 75, APPENDIX EE - 1).
The materials on both pages (see pp. 74 & 75 - APPENDIX EE - 1) are supposed to be genuine and thus stamped
True Copy, but the reader will notice that the spellings of the names of 20 out of 28 villages and that of Chief Hau Cin
Khup himsekf (marked with asterisk in red) on these two pages and the scanned original page (e.g. APPENDIX EE - 6)
are different. That means contents of these pages can never be true copy!
Concluding Remarks
I am sure that, if Rev. Khup Za Go, the original author, were still alive, this would have never happened at all in the first place for he was well-versed in
the ancient and modern histories of the Chin/Zo people as a whole. I knew him personally and his academic integrity was impeccable.
There had always been a very unique relationship between the Sizangs and the Suktes in the olden days. They were natural allies in times of war and
peace, even though they had fought against each other for a couple of times. And although the Suktes and Kam Haus later expanded their territory even
as far north as the Manipuri Kingdom they remained the allies of the Sizangs who live in their immediate neighbourhood. The Sizangs had fought together
with them as their ally against the Manipuri when the later invaded the Sokte and Kam Hau territory. Or they (the Suktes) remained mostly neutral during
the several tribal wars of the Sizangs and the Tashon/Tlaisuns, Hualngos, Zahaus and Khuanglis. (For more information on these subjects(see 9.10 THE
HISTORY OF THE SIYIN TRIBE, and 9.12 THE HISTORY OF THE SOKTE TRIBE.) And the Sizangs and Suktes were once again allies against the
British and later against the Japanese, too, during the Second World War The Sizangs were so fiersely independent-minded that they did not attempt
to expand their influence upon any other tribes, nor did they tolerate attempts by others to subordinate them either.
And, by the way, those who have seen the cover of ZO CHRONICLES would surely be surprised and wondering why photos of some people from the
Papua New Guinea are depicted on it: I was told that when the authors did not send their chosen photos within the deadline, those at the printing press lost
their patience and therefore simply used these pictures from their photo archieve. (See also SPECIAL EXPLANATION on page XVI concerning the
Sukte and Kam Hau tribes)
_______________________________________________________________________________________
SECOND MANIPULATED FACT
VISIT OF CHINS TO RANGOON
(See scanned original text: APPENDIX EE - 10/3)
_ In April[1891] Myook Maung Tun Win took down the Kanhow Chiefs who had been captured at Tunzan, and four other Siyins
to visit Rangoon and Mandalay. It was considered that the sight of our power and possessions would do much to convince the
Chiefs of the futility of resisting us, and would also tend to overcome their mistrust of our sentiments towards them. Except
that one Siyin died*, the trip was a great success in every way, and the Chins returned well pleased with all that they had seen
and the kind treatment which they had experienced throughout their travels.(The Chin Hills, Vol. 1, p. 54).
..............................................................................
Footnote 2. The Kanhows were Howchinkup, Ninzatang, and two women, and the Siyins were Kumlin, Ya Wum, Howsun, and
Kuplyin.
Footnote 3. Kumlin.
________________________________________________________________________________
Below is the above text translated into Tedim dialect which appeared in the Tonzang Jubilee Laibu, p.34
Mangkang Kumpiten Yangon ah puak
Mangkang Kumpiten a mat uh 11 teng pen, Tonzang panin Fort White phualpi a 31-3-1891 ni in puak suk uh hi. Tua lai panin
Kawlpi ah puak suk leu leu uh hi. Kawlpi ah Thang Za Vung, Zel Cing, Dim Ning, Thang Khaw Pau, Thang En, Ciin Luai te nusia
uh hi. Tua ciangin Pu Hau Cin Khup, Pu Gin Za Thang le a zi Pi Vung Mang, a tanu Niang Za Vung leh Pu Khup sawl-taak ding
Pu Thual Ngul leh Sihzang Hausa 4: Kum Lian, Za Vum, Hau Sum, Khup Lian, a kigawm mi 9, Yangon dong 1891 kum April kha
in puak suk leu leu uh hi. Lophei Hausa Khup Lian pen Yangon a taam sung un si a, tua lo teng hong ciah kik uh hi.(Chin Hills
Gazetteer, vol. 1, 1896). - See scanned original translation in Tedim dialect: APPENDIX EE - 10/2)
.............................................................................
The following English text is the Re-translation of the above Tedim text.
The British Government Sent Them To Rangoon
The British Government sent the 11 people, whom they had arrested, from Tonzang to Fort White on 31.3.1891. From there
further to Kawlpi[Kalaymyo]. Thang Za Vung, Zel Cing, Dim Ning, Thang Khaw Pau, Thang En, and Ciin Luai were left in
Kalaymyo. Then Pu Hau Cin Khup, Pu Gin Za Thang and his wife Pi Vung Mang and her daughter Niang Za Vung, and to serve
Pu Khup[Hau Cin Khup], Pu Thual Ngul and 4 Sizang Chiefs: Kum Lian, Za Vum, Hau Sum and Khup Lian - altogether 9 - were
sent to Rangoon in April 1891. Khup Lian, the Lophei Chief, died while he was in Rangoon. Except him the rest returned home.
...........................................................................
An honest and true translation of the original English text would read like this:
April, 1891 sung in Myo-ok Maung Tun Win in Tonzang khua a, a ki man Kamhau Hausa teng, leh Sihzang mi 4 teng zong Rangoon leh Mandalay ah a
hawh pih hi. A hang pen ih tha hat na leh ih neih ih lam te hong muh sak le uh ei (Mangkang kumpi) tung a hong muh khialh na te bek tham lo in hong
lang pan uh hang in bang mah khiat na neilo ding cih tel tak a, a theih nang uh deihna a hi hi. Hih hun sung in Sihzang te Kumlin [Kum Lian] a sih lo
ngal, khual zin na hang in phat tuam na tampi ki ngah hi. Tua Zomi te pen khual zin sung in a tuamtuam a muh na teng uh leh Mangkang kumpi te zindo
siamna te thei in lungkim tak in a ciah kik uh hi.
_______________________________________________________________________________________________
EXPLANATION ON FOOTNOTES FROM VISIT OF CHINS TO RANGOON
Kumlin, who died in Rangoon, was Khum Lian of Thuklai; Ya Wun was Za Vum of Khuasak; Howsun was Hau Suang, also
of Khuasak, and Kuplyin was Khup Lian of Lophei. He (Khup Lian) returned safely from Rangoon and even founded three
more villages, Tamdeang/Suangdaw (village of Dr. Vumson Suantak), Tuivial and Tuisau. He died on 3.12.1962 at Lophei
at the estimated age of 90. And the fact that the authors of the Tonzang Jubilee Book had mistaken Kumlin for Khup Lian
shows their lack of knowledge in local history.
Lophei had contained 100 houses in Chief Lua Thuams (Khup Lians paternal grandfather) time, when it was completely
destroyed by a combined force of Tlaisun/Tashons, Hualngos and Zahaus. Only Lua Thuam and seven couples survived the
raid. His pregnant wife, Pi Tong Dim, was taken away as captive and kept and treated as a family member at the house of
the Tashon/Tlaisun Chief. Later, she and her daughter, Za Ngiak, who was born in captivity, were freed after a very high
ransom had been paid. After the village was destroyed the survivors moved back to Khuasak, their mother village, until
they were allowed by the British to rebuild their village in order to weaken the Thuan Taks as the British called.
Lophei was founded by Kim Lel. So nearly all Lopheis residents were his direct descendants. Thats why the British had
written: Lophei is inhabited by the Kimlel family, an offshoot of the Twuntak clan of the Siyin tribe. The chieftainship of
Lophei began with him and the last ended with Suang Hau Thang, Khup Lians eldest son. Suang Hau Thang was the 12th
generation from Kim Lel. Traditionally, the chieftainship among the Sizangs, Kamhaus and Suktes was inherited by the
youngest son. But when Khup Lian decided to abdicate the chieftainship, his youngest son was still too young to take the
title over. So it was given to Suang Hau Thang. But when the rightful person was old enough to take the title over, Suang
Hau Thang refused to abdicate in favour of his youngest brother. For more information on these and other related issues,
see 9.10 The History of The Siyin Tribe; TABLES 2, 3, 5/A; APPENDIX F; PHOTO B and Footnote 2 on p. 137 of
Carey & Tuck, or under 10.3 Other Forms of Rulership.
9
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sawl-ta* ding Pu Thual Ngul lch Sihzee
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APPENDIX GG
CHIN FACIAL TATTOOS: Interview with Shwekey Hoipang
A collection of Chin women facial tattoos
(Source:http://www.bloodfaces.com)
_____________________
31 January 2011 [Note: Chin facial tattoo, mostly practiced among women in the southern parts of Chin State, has
now become one of the vanishing traditions in Burma. There are a variety of Chin facial tattoos in terms of forms
and styles. In this interview, Chin Christian pastor of Dai Chin ethnicity from southern parts of Chin State, Shwekey
Hoipang talks to Van Biak Thang of Chinland Guardian about different kinds of facial tattoos mostly being practised
in Dai areas of Chin State, how they are done and the materials used during the tattooing processes.]
Chinland Guardian: Facial tattoos among the Chin women have gained much attention from tourists around the
world. Why is it so special and why do you think people should be so interested?
Shwekey Hoipang: The practice of tattoo is a global cultural phenomenon. In the melting pot of history and myth, its
origins are impossible to trace with any certainty. The tattoo culture has been discovered in ancient Mesopotamian,
Egyptian and Roman times. Today the tattoo culture is still practised in every continent including the Arctic Circle. It
is practiced among celebrities, educated people, religious leaders and many tribal peoples. Many reasons can be
given as to why the tattoo culture has become so well established. Religions can create the need for a distinct
identity but many cultures are attracted to the simple belief that decorative tattoos create beauty. Many different
styles of tattoo exist and every part of the body, including the face, has been adopted by tattoo cultures.
Chin people are descended from the Mongoloid stock and the Tibeto-Burman family which has spread into Indo-
China. The oral traditions held by the Chin people believe they originated from China. Interestingly, the evidence of a
facial tattoo culture exists in China and some Indian states. For example, the Dulong tribe in Yunan Province in the
Republic of China practised facial tattoo until 1975. Likewise in India, the Desia Kondh tribe from Orissa, Srikakulam
and Andra Pradesh States also practise the facial tattoo. It may be significant to note that Indian and Chinese tribal
facial tattoo styles are similar to the Chins.
In Burma, it is mainly Shan, Bamar, Naga and Chin people groups which practise the tattoo. Most of the Shan
and Bamar tattoos are in connection with their Buddhist religious beliefs. Tattoos on thighs, especially by males, are
proof of heroism, manliness and religious belief. Shan men tattoo on their chest, spine, back and arms because
they believe the tattoo can protect them from harm and bad karma. They also believe their tattoos can have magical
power in their lives. Slight differences in style exist in the facial tattoos between the Chins and Nagas but they differ
greatly from that of the Bamar and Shans.
Today the facial tattoo culture of the Chin people attracts international tourists, photographers and
anthropologists, and it has become a subject of research by Burmese academics, historians and politicians. In my
opinion, there are commercial reasons for this interest but also, there is a recognition that the tattoo culture will one
day be extinct and the opportunity for research is disappearing.
Chinland Guardian: Even among the Chin people as a whole, those in the north do not seem to have tattoos on
their faces. What could be the reasons why only women in the south have tattoos on their faces?
Shwekey Hoipang: Yes, it is a good question. The Chins in the northern parts of Chin State do not practise tattoo
but those in the south and in the plain areas of Burma do. There is still no scientific explanation based on research.
And any attempt which relies on myth makes the answer very uncertain. My honest answer is to say that apart from
the mythology, I do not know why the Chins in the southern parts of Chin State, and in plain areas (myaypyant) of
Burma practise facial tattoos and those in the northern part of Chin State do not.
Chinland Guardian: So, tell us more about the Chin facial tattoos mainly practised among the Dai Chins?
Shwekey Hoipang: The word tattoo is mang in Dai-Chin. The word mang simply means dream. Once upon a time, a
Dai-Chin lady dreamed of having a tattooed face. God (Pangsim) gave her instructions on how to perform the tattoo
and its styles. There are several names for tattoos on cheek, forehead and so on; each area of the facial tattoos
carries its own meaning and blessing. The tattooist is called mangshun or makshun and, as I mentioned, the tattoo
itself is called mang. The Dai-Chin females practice facial-tattoo (hmai-mang) and calf-tattoo (kho-mang).
According to Chin myth, there are three theories or reasons for facial tattooing: firstly, to prevent Chin beautiful
girls from the Burmese King to be his concubines; secondly, to exercise faith in the traditional animistic beliefs of
Chin people in the need for a spiritual safeguard; and thirdly, to enhance beauty as a fashion.
The first theory is difficult to prove scientifically without documentary evidence. The oral tradition says Chin girls
were always more beautiful than any other neighbouring tribes. One Burmese King saw a beautiful young Chin girl
and asked her parents for permission to marry her. However, the Chin leaders did not want the Chin girl to marry the
Burmese King. The Chin leaders then decided to introduce facial tattoos to protect the Chin girls and prevent them
from marrying outsiders. I am not sure if this is the true origin of the facial tattoos.
The second theory may have a stronger basis in fact for explaining the origin of Chin facial tattoo. According to
my mothers lullaby and Dai-Chin oral history, the Dai-Chin tattoo is directly connected to animism - the traditional
primitive Chin religion. It was believed that a woman without a tattoo who passes away and enters the spiritual world
realm will have to stand in front of the judge (Monuoi - in Dai Chin dialect) at the entrance gate of Heaven (Mopi).
For human spirits, life after death involves entering one of the two different worlds, Heaven (Mopi) and Hell (Yapi).
The Monuoi gives the ones who have facial tattoo permission to enter Heaven. The Monuoi denies those without a
tattoo permission to enter heaven. Afterwards, the spirits of all abnormal and bad people will immediately be sent to
Hell (Yapi) by the heavenly judge (Monuoi). For the Chin men, the requirements to enter the Heaven depend upon
the correct celebration of feasts and practise of arts that will surely get a token to enter Heaven. A facial tattoo is
therefore a spiritual safeguard for Chin females.
The third and last theory is also a good reason for the Chin facial tattoo. Most Chin girls are willing to endure a
facial tattoo voluntarily because, despite the pain endured to receive it on their faces, it is believed a facial tattoo
makes them beautiful. The Chin facial tattoos are identical in colours despite slight differences in styles. A young
Chin lady with a beautiful green-blue colour facial tattoo can be the most attractive one in the community, and she
would receive attention from most of the young men. To grow up without having a facial tattoo was regarded as
being abnormal, as if resulting from a mental or physical disability. This is unfortunate but it would have been the
Chin cultural point of view.
Chinland Guardian: In a travel documentary to Chin State by Burmese actor Lwin Moe, a Chin lady with tattoos
on her face was seen in the interview saying that she thinks other women without facial tattoos are
unattractive. What is the meaning behind this?
Shwekey Hoipang: Yes, Burmese actor Lwin Moe did a great job in making a series of travel documentaries in
Burma. I really appreciated him for it. I do not know if it is a fair comparison to make but I still want to compare him
with Michael Palin, an English television presenter best known for his travel documentaries.
Lwin Moe was fascinated with facial tattoo culture and conducted interviews with Chin women from several tribes
about their facial tattoos. Before making his travel documentary to Chin State, I believe he had never met with Chin
ladies having tattoos on their faces. After watching a few times, I found it is a great documentary film, apart from
some errors in the interpretation. Lwin Moe met with Chin ladies from Mindat area who have facial tattoos and large
earrings. He also interviewed Mkang-Chin, Dai-Chin and Mn-Chin (Cho-Chin) ladies but unfortunately, he had no
opportunity to meet Umpu-Chin, NgYah-Chin, Chinpung and Plain-Chin ladies because some of them live in the
interior parts of southern Chin State where no access is possible due to remoteness and lack of transportation.
Yes, he interviewed the Mn-Chin lady and she was proud of the beauty of her facial tattoo. She believes it
represents the beauty of Chin ladies. Like make-up and other facial decorations, she is also pleased with the colour
of her facial tattoo. To Chin men, ladies without facial tattoos are unattractive and in the past, Chin men preferred
Chin girls with a facial tattoo. It created an attractive chemistry between young Chin men and girls.
Chinland Guardian: Are there still many women with facial tattoos in Chin State and is it still being practised
among the Chin women in the new generation?
Shwekey Hoipang: Yes, there are still many Chin ladies with facial tattoos. Mostly, they are in their 40s (the
younger ones). Apart from a few Chin girls in the jungle villages where traditional animism still exists, the younger
educated generation of Chin girls do not practise facial tattoos anymore. Nowadays, it is very rare to see a Chin
young girl who is willing to have a facial tattoo. After the popular 8888 nationwide pro-democracy uprising in Burma,
the then Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma led by General Ne Win was taken over and thereafter, there was
no proper government in Burma for several months. At that time the two Dai-Chin female tattooists wasted no time in
re-introducing the practice of facial tattoos among women in the Dai-Chin areas as they knew there was no authority
to arrest and punish them.
As a result in the end of 1988, a senior Dai-Chin female tattooist managed to have tattooed six young Dai-Chin
girls including her own daughter as she believed there was no government to ban facial-tattooing in Dailand. After
two months, the police in Mindat Town heard about her activities and travelled for three days to see her. But they
found that she was too old to appear before court and to be put to jail. Therefore, she was forgiven for her crime of
tattooing and given further warning not to do it again.
In early 1989, a junior Dai-Chin old female tattooist tattooed another eight Dai-Chin girls within a month and the
news got the attention of the authorities in Mindat. She was arrested, prosecuted and then sentenced to six-month
imprisonment. Whilst in prison, she composed some songs reflecting the pride and dignity of Dai-Chin tattoos. Some
people still sing her songs whenever they think of our culture and way of life.
There are no more tattooists and no more facial tattoo culture in Dailand with the advancing influence of
civilisation, religion and government policies. The 21st century civilisation reaches out to Dailand and thus, Dai-Chin
girls are now unwilling to have a facial tattoo. In the same way, Christianity has reached the people and almost all
the Dai people are Christians. The Dai-Chins no longer see facial tattoos as a beautiful fashion or as a spiritual
safeguard. Furthermore, the government does not encourage facial tattooing.
Chinland Guardian: Do you, as a Chin, fear this tradition will disappear in the future?
Shwekey Hoipang: Yes, it worries me that one day the Chin facial tattoo will totally disappear. Chin young ladies do
not want to get a facial tattoo anymore because of various reasons including the pain, the primitive tradition, cultural
changes, education, western and Burmese civilisation and religion. The Chin facial tattoo colour is permanent and
can never be changed until the tattooed person dies. Today, Chin girls like to decorate their faces with thanatkha,
make-up and lipstick. Contemporaneously, there are no more Chin facial tattooists.
In the 1960-70s in my region, there was a kind of cultural revolutionary movement happening under the leadership
of Pu Za Hoe (Za Hu), Myopaing Pu Thawng Mang and Myopaing Pu Aung Thang. They introduced new regional laws
to stop tattooing, animal sacrifices, retaliation and unwanted child disposal. In particular after imposing the new
regional laws, almost all the tattooists were arrested and fined if they performed tattoos. Both the tattooist and girls
with tattoos were arrested, fined or put to jail.
In addition in late 1960s and early 1970s, Christian missionaries reached the southern parts of Chin State. With
hard works and sacrifices by the faithful pioneer missionaries, the Dai-Chin people were converted to Christianity en
masse; within a decade, almost all the Dai-Chin became Christian. All the girls, who were born after the 1970s,
preferred not to be tattooed and enjoyed life without a tattoo. Today, some Chin ladies with tattoos feel shy to go
out to the city because of the uncomfortable attention made to them by the public and subsequently, their children
feel embarrassed and ashamed of their tattooed mothers.
As for me, I do not see the gradual extinction of Chin facial tattoos necessarily as a bad thing because the world
is changing; all cultures are changing and developing every day. Chin facial tattoo can also become a harmful form
of decoration which is hazardous to health because of its associated infection. Some Chin girls died during the
tattoo process in the past.
Chinland Guardian: Tell us more about what materials are used and how the tattoos are done.
Shwekey Hoipang: Before I can describe what and how materials are used to perform a tattoo, it is important to
know the fact that the Chin parents must go to the tattooist and ask politely for her kind help. The tattooist enjoys
the respect given to her and can feel proud of herself. If she is not happy with the family or clan, she can easily
say no. It is a difficult art and there are not many tattooists. Unless the village is too small, there is normally at
least one tattooist available. If the parent is refused by the tattooist from the village, or there is no tattooist in the
village, they must take their daughter to another village. The fee is always expensive and can also vary depending
upon the tattooists. The cost may range from a big male gayal or mithan (shuishe in Dai-Chin and sial in other Chin
dialects) to a big male pig, chickens, blanket and necklace.
After getting an agreement from a tattooist, the parents will go to see the shaman (Tay) in the village to foretell
the future, and get advice for guidance on the best way to perform the tattoo and on other issues including health
and safety. The shaman will predict the blessed date for tattooing and give advice on the need of performing all the
animistic religious rituals for the girl so that she may not be harmed and may become very beautiful when the tattoo
is successfully healed. It is believed all these traditional procedures be followed to ensure that she will be blessed
and become attractive to boys. Otherwise, she may end up with scars or a bad colour on her face if the tattoo is
not successful. The animistic religious rituals for a tattoo may include sacrificing animals to the guardian spirit of the
household. The meat is eaten together by a few family members and the shaman. Afterwards, the girl is brought to a
house on the outskirt of the village and stays there with her mother and her aunties for the night. Green leaves are
attached to the front gate to prevent strangers from entering the house. If, by accident, someone went into the
house, he or she must pay all the costs for the ritual and for the sacrificed animals.
Very early the next day, the tattooing must be started by the tattooist. Her parents and her female relatives must
be with her in the tattoo house to make sure that the girl does not run away as she is going to cry in pain. The
female relatives and her father (the only male) may need to hold the girl so that the tattooist is free to get on with
the tattooing. Some girls willingly endure the pain whilst others find it too much to bear. The process normally takes
one day but this can be extended to two days if the girl reacts in resistance a lot.
The recovery process may take at least two weeks. Her mother and her aunties have to stay with the girl during
the healing process. At this time, no strangers are allowed to visit or to pass the house. In order to reduce the
chance of getting infection, she has got to stay away from large fires which produce clouded smokes in the village
it is not allowed to make such fires in the village. After two weeks, the dead skins can be peeled off and the new
skin underneath would turn blue-green, black-green or black in colours. Gently, she can wash her face with warm
water for at least a month until the maturity of her new facial skins. At the end, people then praise her for the
beauty of her new facial tattooed skin.
The tattoo materials are very simple and locally available, namely:
1. Pong-hnah (very smooth grass leaves from the farm)
2. Mui-nghling (cane-thorns from deep forests)
3. Nghlo (colour leaves from the farm)
4. Sungkng (soot from the kitchen)
5. Umkoi (gourd, which is used as a water container) and
6. Am (clay pot).
Pong-hnah: It is a leaf of grass that grows up naturally after slashing and burning the bamboo forest to create new
fields for cultivation. The young shoots and leaves of the pong are very smooth, soft and clean. The dirt cannot
stay on it. It is best known for its cold sensation and gentleness. Locally, it is used as tissue papers or medical
cottons for wiping the blood from the face and covering the tattooed area until the dead skins come off and new
skins grow.
Mui-nghling: It is used for pricking and drawing all over the girls face along the blue-printed marks. Meanwhile, the
thorns of the cane have been prepared over one or two months by the parents or by the tattooist. Two or three or
up to seven thorns are tied together and dried in the heat of the sun so that they become sharper, stronger and free
of bacteria. There are several kinds of canes but the tattooists always prefer using the thorns of royal-cane
(Mkongmui-hling) because it is stronger and sharper than any other canes.
Nghlo: It is a very important material and is used for colouring cloths and for tattoo. The young shoots and leaves
of the Nghlo are squeezed and the juice is collected into a small clay pot and gently boiled before being allowed to
cool down. The colour of Nghlo is normally green-blue.
Sungkng: It is used for the purpose of killing bacteria, for healing the injured skins and helping dead skins to dry
out quickly. The tattooist collects the soot from the kitchen and then mixes with water. After all the dirt is removed,
it is kept inside a piece of gourd. The diluted sungkng liquid makes it more painful as it contains potash. However,
it protects the girl from getting infected by killing bacteria.
Umkoi: It is used as a container for keeping the nghlo and diluted sungkng. Mixing the two liquids produces either
dark-blue or green-blue ink.
Am: It is used for boiling the Nghlo juice. After being washed properly, the clay pot is used for keeping all the tattoo
materials including cane thorns and smooth leaves. It is washed properly and used as the container throughout the
tattooing processes.
Getting all the tattoo materials ready and upon completing all the required rituals for the girl, it is time for the
tattooist to start her parts. The girl may lie down upward and is covered with Yih (blanket) from her chest to toe and
held by her mother, aunts and women relatives. The tattooist will spread the mixed ink in squares evenly on the
girls face. The lines around the squares are tattooed first to create a framework or blueprint which is then filled up
with spots and dots until all the squares are carefully and evenly filled. The face is then ready to be applied with
mixed ink on every spot and dot. Tattooing simply means inserting mixed ink into the skin through using locally
prepared cane-thorns after the blood is wiped. The insertion of cane-thorns must not go too deep inside the skin.
The age of the expert tattooists is mostly between 50-60 years. The tattooing season is in winter from October till
February of the year.
Chinland Guardian: Is this practised only among women? At what age should a girl get a facial tattoo?
Shwekey Hoipang: The Chin facial tattoo is practised only by Chin females. When a Chin girl, aged between 12 and
14, reaches puberty, she is considered old enough to be tattooed and enter into an adult life. If the process of
tattooing is left too long, the facial skin matures and can become too hard for tattooing. It also makes it too painful
when tattooed.
Chinland Guardian: How many kinds of tattoos are there and do they have particular meanings?
Shwekey Hoipang: Chin facial tattoos involve various forms and styles. We can take an example from among the
Chins from the plain Chin (Asho) of Burma and southern parts of Chin State. The Plain Chin (Asho or Myaypyant
Chin) includes: Sumtu (Cumtu), Laitu (Laytu), Siptu (Sittu), Kawngtu, Khamaw and Asho. The Southern Chin
includes: Mn (Cho), Mkang (Kang), Dai, Chinpung, Hmoye, NgYah and Umpu (Uppu). The Matu Chin also once
practised facial tattoos but only on the forehead and chin with a few straight lines. The Khumi, Mara, Lautu and
Zotung have never practised tattoos.
Mainly, there are two kinds of facial tattoo styles. The Mn tattoo style involves straight lines from forehead to
neck with circles between the straight lines and small dots on the forehead and chin. The colour is mainly black and
lighter. The Dai, Mkang, NgYah, Umpu, Chinpung, and all the Plains Chin, have the same tattoo styles except for
slight differences in the density and lightness of the colours. They all tattoo on their faces but not on their necks;
several squares are drawn on the face and these are densely filled with dots. Colours can vary slightly but Dai
women favour dark-blue and green-blue colours.
German photographer Jens Uwe Parkitny made several visits to Chin villages and took photos of facial tattoos.
He also wrote a book on the Chin facial tattoo called Blood Faces Through the Lens: Chin Women of Myanmar.
It was published by Flame Of The Forest Publishing Pte Ltd in 2007. He praises Chin facial tattoos as beautiful art
and gives them special names to describe their particular appearances such as Lizard Geometry, Leopard Skin,
Spider Web, Spinsters, Pumpkin Skin, Tiger Eyes and Whiskers.
To summarise, it is true to say that Chin women practised facial tattoos because of religion, tradition, culture and
fashion. There is something ancient, unique and special about the Chin tattoo culture and, in some ways, the fact
that it is dying is a source of sadness. The governments regional laws, Christianity, intellectual modern civilisation,
development and fashion have all contributed to the vanishing colour behind the Chin facial tattoos.
Shwekey Hoipang, a pastor and evangelist, is currently studying Master of Arts in Theology Studies at University
of Wales Lampeter in UK. He has also been actively involved in Burmese political movements as well as raising
awareness of ethnic issues including religious persecution and human rights violations perpetrated by the ruling
military authorities in Burma. For further information about the Chin facial tattoos, he can be reached on 0044
(0)7828057040 and at hoipangs@yahoo.co.ukThis e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need
JavaScript enabled to view it .
Bibliography
Jens Uwe Parkitny, Blood Faces - Through the Lens: Chin Women of Myanmar. Singapore: Flame Of The Forest Publishing Pte Ltd, 2007.
Nicolas Thomas (Edits), Tattoo: Bodies, Art and Exchange in the Pacific and the West. London: Peaktion Books, 2005.
Jane Caplan (Edit), Written on the Body: Tha Tattoo in European and American History. London: Peaktion Books, 2000.
Richard Diran, The Vanishing Tribes of Burma. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson Publishing, 1997.
F. K. Lehman, Structure of Chin Society. Urbana: The University of Illinois Press, 1963.
Captain G. C. Rigby, History of Operations in Northern Arakan and the Yawdwin Chin Hills 1896-97 with A Description of the Country and Its
Resources, Notes on the Tribes, and Diary. Rangoon: Government Printing Press Burma, August 1897.
Newspaper & Helpful Websites
1. Xinhua News Agency August 16, 2002
2. http://www.henan.china.cn/english/2002/Aug/39799.htm#
3. http://www.chinesetattoos4u.com/Tattoos-in-Chinese.php
4. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2007-12/25/content_7314483.htm
5. http://www.indiasite.com/orissa/orissatribes.html
Interviews
1. Saya Ling Lwin Dattui - Dai-Chin Historian (Headmaster of State Primary School, Thingkong Village, Paletwa Township)
2. Pu Ling Hung Yongca (Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia) Dai-Chin Historian (Khengimnu Village, Mindat Township)
3. Pu Ling Kee Dai (Norway) Dai-Chin Historian (Originally from Shihyng Village, Mindat Township)
4. Saya Tam Ngai Kee Cho-Chin academic and historian (Private English Tutor Yangon)
5. Salai Cho Mana Kanpetlet-Chin Historian (Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia)
Source: http://www.chinlandguardian.com/interviews/interviews/1180...
(Re-arranged in this form by thangzadal. September 2011)

APPENDIX HH
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CHIEF KHAI KAM - A Brief Biographical Sketch ( See SPECIAL TABLES 2/A & 2/B for his Genealogical Tree)
He was one of the eleven children (4 sons and 7 daughters) of Chief Khup Pau and his wife Pii Cing Niang of Khuasak. When
he was young, he was known among his contemporaries as a brave and skilled hunter. He alone had had seven guns. Khai
Kam and Thuam Thawng, Chief of Kapteal, a cousin of the Kam Hau Chief, were mainly responsible for the preparation and
implementation of the Siyin-Gungal Rebellion of 1892-93. When the rebellion was suppressed by a 2550-man British force
under the command of Brigadier-General Palmer [later General Sir], C.B., and they had upper-hand in 1893, Khai Kam, his
brother Mang Pum and their father Chief Khup Pau went underground with hundreds of their followers and resorted to
guerrilla warfare.
... The four unsurrendered rebels included the two most important Chiefs Kuppow [Khup Pau], Chief of the
Siyins, and Kaikam [Khai Kam], his notorious son, and as it was all-important to secure these Captain Murray and
Lieutenant Sutton continued to search the country with unabated energy, while Mr. Fowler [Assistant Political
Officer] and I [Mr. Bertram Carey] continued to bring pressure on the Siyin villages to force the people into
handing them up...(The Events of 1893-94: (2) The Operations against the Siyin Rebels. Carey & Tuck, p. 105)
Later, the rebels had no other choices left except to give themselves up, because their relatives and other Chiefs and elders
not only in the Siyin tract, but also even in the Sokete tract as well, were arrested and cultivation was strictly forbidden. So,
Chief Khup Pau, his two sons and, Kam Suak, another hero of the rebellion, surrendered in May 1894. They were then brought
to central Burma. Khup Pau was imprisoned in Myingyan Jail for four years, Mang Pum was interned in Insein Jail for nearly
four years, but Khai Kam was banished for life on the Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean off Burma. As Mang Pum had
mastered Burmese while he was in prison, he was appointed when he was released in 1897 as First Interpreter by Mr. Fowler
at Tedim. He then enrolled in the Chin Hills Battalion, which was formed up on June 1, 1909. He finally rose to the rank of
Subedar (which was equivalent to lieutenant of British rank), and was made Station Officer. In 1910 he made an appeal to the
British Government for his brothers freedom. Thanks to his loyalty and good service the British released Khai Kam after
16 years of banishment. He was back at his native village on May 5, 2010. He was married to Pi Thuam Ciin and they had
only one son who rosed to the rank of captain in the army. He passed away in September 1919. (Excerpted from Subedar
Mang Pum (1880-1951) by David Hang Za Pome; Pu Khai Kam by Pa Ngin Do Pau (Port Township Law Office Rangon), 2007.
http://thangkhatpum.multiply.com/reviews/item/25
_____________________________________________
- Prepared and created in this form by Thang Za Dal. November 2012.
ABOUT ME(THE AUTHOR) AND MY FAMILY PHOTOS
First Family Photo
It was taken on May 12, 1949 at about 8 oclock
in the morning in front of our house at Lophei by
Edward Ngaw Cin Pau, the youngest of my mothers
3 younger brothers. He dropped by at ours house
to say goodbye on his way back to Rangoon,
where he was studying. He asked my elder brother
and me(we were playing on the terrace in front of
our house when he arrived) if we wanted to be
photographed and as we said yes, the photo
session was hastily arranged for he was in a hurry
to catch a car for Kalaymyo which is located some
30 km away in present-day Sagaing Division. He
still had to walk 9 km from our village to Fort White
to get a car which ran between Tiddim and
Kalaymyo.(See PHOTO 12 for Lophei and our
house in which we lived until I was 10 years old
and then we moved to Kalaymyo.)
On my leftside in the first photo was my elder
sister and on the lap of my mother was my
immediate younger sister. On my rightside was my
elder brother. My uncle made a notice on the back
of the photo and signed it. Taken on the 12th May
49. Printing, developing and enlargement with
different colours are made at Royal Photo Studio,
Rangoon. (Signed) 28.5.49. My father, chief of
the township police in Kalaymyo, was on duty in
that town at the time.
Second Family Photo
It was taken 15 years later on July 10, 1964, at the
Myoma Photo Studio in Rangoon. In the photo
were my mother, my brother, me and my younger
sister, who was on my mothers lap in the first
photo. My elder sister, who was on my leftside in
the first photo, had died a few days before on May
2, 1964, in Rangoon from stomach complications.
My mother also died in Rangoon on September 22,
1964(about 72 days after this photo was taken)
from blood and uterus cancer at the age of 49.(She
was born on 23rd June, 1915.). When this picture
was taken my three other younger sisters were in
Kalaymyo.
My Portrait
It was taken by a friend in Hamburg in 2005. I was
fully involved in political activities against the
Rangoon regimes from 1965 until I left the country
for Germany in mid 1978. l have been living in
Germany since then with my family. My wife is a
Shan national from Northeastern Shan State, Burma,
and weve got two daughters and three
grandchildren.
Hamburg
January 2012
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