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FAM5042H: Theory of Screenwriting

South African National Television and Cultural Identity: Donkerlands Afrikaner Nostalgia

Essay: South African TV

Carla Inez Espost ESPCAR002

Contact Number: 084 240 0874 Email: cespost@gmail.com

Declaration I know that plagiarism is wrong. Plagiarism is to use anothers work and pretend it is ones own. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in this essay/ report/ project/ assignment that I have taken from the work(s) of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced. I have used the author-date system for citation and referencing. This essay/report/project/assignment is my own work. I have not allowed, and will not allow, anyone to copy my work with the intention of passing it off as his or her own work. Signed:!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!Date: 31 October 2013

South African National Television and Cultural Identity: Donkerlands Afrikaner Nostalgia Radio, television, film and the other products of media culture provide materials out of which we forge our very identities; our sense of selfhood; our notion of what it means to be male or female; our sense of class, of ethnicity and race, of nationality, of sexuality; and of us and them (Kellner, 2002: 9). Benedict Anderson suggests that one can think of the nation as an imagined political community (Saks, 2010:2) relying on the producing and maintaining [of] new forms of identity thus rests on the medium and its dissemination (Saks, 2010:2). In this case the medium is a television series and the dissemination that Saks talks of can be considered in terms of the production. Thus if television is the subject it implies that broadcasting is the concern. Post Apartheid South African Television Culture: Consider the TRC show as the original foundation of and introduction to Post- Apartheid South African broadcasting. The end of Apartheid in the 1990s was celebrated by weekly broadcasts of the Truth and Reconciliation Commissions investigations on public television (Krabill, 2010). The irony lies in comparing the honest, exposed and naked truth of National television then to what it has become today. Where the TRC aimed reconciliation, the current state of South African television seems no longer concerned with its role as reconciler, and the alienation of racial groups from each other through subject matter has become a serious issue. In my opinion the TRC television show (if we can call it that) can be seen to have forecasted the lingering depth of local fragmentation (Saks, 2010: 1) in the new South African television industry. In 1995 Botha wrote: Film and video are regarded as vital in South Africa's transition. Amongst others, film and video can foster a stable, democratic and united society. However, the South African film industry cannot fulfil this role at present due to fragmentation and consequently an identity crisis. The industry therefore needs to change. Up to the present moment this concern has been re-

accentuated numerous times. As I am writing this article on par with this appeal for the industry to change, it then seems obvious that the problem has inevitably not been solved and the concern remains: The South African film and hence also television industry still needs dire attention, especially concerning its impact and engagement with society as a whole. In mapping the wider socio-economic context within which storylines are produced, we can address the often implicit relationship between the values presented in the story, those involved in making the story and those in the wider society (Henderson, 2007: 170). My primary aim within this essay is to explore the fragmentation of South African national television within the context of the New South Africa. I will investigate Deon Oppermans Donkerland1 (2013), an Afrikaans Television series, about Afrikaner history, broadcasted on an exclusively Afrikaans network by focusing on the implications this series has on the identity of Afrikaners. Donkerland (2013) is a thirteen-hour Afrikaans drama series that was broadcast weekly on Kyknet, the Afrikaans pay-TV (satellite subscription) channel. This Afrikaans multi-plot serial fiction is based on the stage play of the same name, also written by Deon Opperman. With regards to the television production and the context in which the series is released, I will not discuss the element of adaptation (whether the series is faithful to the initial text or not) mainly because the context in which the stage play and the series were released bears no relation to one another. My concern is whether this re-visioning of South African history from an Afrikaner perspective contributes to the national television culture or a national identity. Hence I am going to discuss Donkerland in terms of its medium and its dissemination (Saks, 2010:2) and whether or not it produces and maintains new forms of identity (Saks, 2010:2) for the imagined political community (Saks, 2010: 2).

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translated as dark land.! megacorporation from the Netherlands that monopolized Indian spice trade (Grove, 1996: 138).! %!The NP came and went with Apartheid.! &!"The origins of Afrikaner Nationalism and its associated racial ideologies and, thus, of the apartheid order imposed by the Nationalist party [NP] governments on South African society [my emphasis] have been ascribed to an obdulate strain of

Donkerland and the Afrikaner TV audience Our encounters with a variety of historicized images and narratives from a variety of textual sources both layer themselves and sit beside each other as the historical field-and none of them can be completely erased (Sobchack, 1997: 44). In this analysis of Donkerland my concern lies in the allusions that Donkerlands representation of the Afrikaners creates. I will hence discuss the audiences reception of Donkerland. Donkerland viewing context is situated within the framework of the Afrikaans pay-TV channel Kyknet. Donkerland can thus be seen as exclusive media for the niche market of Afrikaners. It is also in this context that the Donkerland production budget was able estimate to the worth of 10 million Rand (http://www.tvsa.co.za/showinfo.asp?showid=7018). Taking into consideration that if a production is given such a big budget, the technical standards is due to be of a better quality than a production with a lower budget. My concern is that this guaranteed better standard on the technical level of the show is due to win over audiences who might not have watched the story otherwise. The issue at large here is the amount of viewers that have been watching Donkerland. Just by Monitoring social media feeds of this series, from when it started at the 13th of August 2013 it is clear to see that the series is immensely popular within the Afrikaner community also including a few English speaking South Africans. Donkerland has 2000 plus followers on the series Facebook page solely. This of course does not give an accurate rating of the viewership, but what is of importance here is whether it is popular or not. Taking only the Facebook popularity into account; it is clear to see that this following attests to the affective influence the series has had on the Afrikaner community. My concern then is whether Donkerland carries this burden correctly. Afrikaner Identity: History happened! People now look to this refashioned memories [by historians, ordinary citizens and institutions] especially in its collective forms, to give themselves a

coherent identity, a national narrative, a place in the world, though! the processes of memory are frequently! manipulated and intervened in for sometimes urgent purposes in the present (Said, 2005: 259). Whether an individual of any culture and within any country accepts it or not, a countrys political system will surely affect a great deal of their personal and private lives (mostly without them knowing it). The image and portrayal of someone that is in any way similar to you will inevitably affect your sense of self. If in our experience of visual media, it is the image of things that first occupies the centre of our consciousness, that mediates between the world and our understanding of it, (Sobchack, 1997: 5). Media representations, however accurate they are, affect those that it tries to represent. And cultural representation in turn creates the mould by which people from other cultures will judge you and this determines how they will treat you in ordinary life. Over the last ten years, as a result of the effort to transform South Africa into a democratic and non-racial society, the premises for being an Afrikaner a white Afrikaans-speaker have changed dramatically (Vestergaard, 2001: 19). The assumption of a stereotypical Afrikanerdom is what I would like to discuss here. The Afrikaners' forefathers, the Europeans, came to South Africa with conservative seventeenth century Calvinist mindsets. However not all Afrikaners were from pure European descent, like Simon van der Stel who arrived in South Africa as a commander for the Dutch East India Company2. He was from Dutch and Indian slave descent. But then came the Nationalist Party3 (NP) government's utterly propagandistic Afrikaner Nationalist project4. The Nationalist Party, founded in 1915, was the governing party of South Africa from 4 June 1948 until 9 May 1994. "Entrusted with both the practical justifications of apartheid and promoting Afrikaner interests, this increasingly unwieldy mix of organizations sank its tentacles into every aspect of Afrikaner !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
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megacorporation from the Netherlands that monopolized Indian spice trade (Grove, 1996: 138).! %!The NP came and went with Apartheid.! &!"The origins of Afrikaner Nationalism and its associated racial ideologies and, thus, of the apartheid order imposed by the Nationalist party [NP] governments on South African society [my emphasis] have been ascribed to an obdulate strain of "Calvinism"" (Du Toit, 1983: 920).!

existence" (Davies, 2009: 29). During their rule they imposed religious, cultural and political ideology on the Afrikaner as well as all other cultures within South Africa. The alternative Afrikaner voices that were lost during the NP governments rule of mass persuasion might attest to the resurgence of inconsistencies among Afrikaans speakers in South Africa today (Degenaar, 1983:40). This is where my interest in Oppermans Donkerland comes in. Whether this is what Oppermans intention was or not, the reception of Donkerlands revision of the Afrikaners history can be seen to have brought these inconsistencies to light5. From Deadwood to Donkerland: Afrikaans Serials Nostalgia [Cultural identity] is not something which already exists!far from being fixed in some essentialized past, [cultural identities] are subject to the continual play of history, culture and power. Far from being grounded in a mere recovery of the past, which is waiting to be found, and which, when found, will secure our sense of ourselves into eternity, identities are the names we give to the different ways we are positioned by, and positioned within, the narratives of the past [own emphasis] (Hall, 1997: 193). In a press clipping on Screen Africa, Donkerland is said to reference films such as Legends of the Fall, Braveheart, The Assassination of Jesse James by the Coward Robert Ford, True Grit, Once Upon a Time in America and Once Upon a Time in the West (Bester, 2013). In terms of the global context of television serial fiction, I can even say that Donkerland also references the HBO series Deadwood by David Milch. The significance of these references to substantiate my argument is the fact that Donkerlands creators selfconsciously and publicly place the series within the Epic as well as the Western genres. Just like the American western is rooted in the history of the American nation which it exalts directly or indirectly, Donkerland is thus rooted in the history of the South African nation. Donkerlands 150-year timeline stretches from 1838, depicting the time right after the Great Trek, the !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
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reminiscent perhaps of the new SAs first TV show, the TRC

Boer War, the years following the Boer War and then specifically 1929, 1948, 1976 and 1996, which represent important milestones in South African history (Bester, 2013). This interest in important milestones in South African history can be seen to display a little known aspect of the western: its faithfulness to history (Bazin, 1971: 141). In my estimation of Donkerland as part of the American western genre, I will discuss various themes that support my argument and reinforces Donkerlands position within the genre. If narrative can serve as a form of societal self-expression, then I will henceforth look at what this use of the western and epic genres says about the current Afrikaner society. The series starts with the Afrikaner forefather Pieter de Witts first occupied farmland, which he named Donkerland. From here the long-arching plot follows the trials and tribulations of the De Witt descendants as it takes place on the farm. Donkerlands themed centrality created by using one place as the point of departure and within which most of the story takes place, can in this case be likened to the western frontier town. The continuous movement of the characters is inseparable from its geographical setting and one might just as well define the western by its set the frontier town and its landscape (Bazin, 1971: 141). The frontier towns were the first established colonial centers within what we know today as The United States of America. Americas Westerly landscape, very much like South Africas lowlands, seemed to be unoccupied in the eyes of the settlers. As a result there then poured a stream of settlers from Europe and [in Americas case] the East, attracted by the hope of betterment or the chance for adventure (Allen, 2001: 2). This was exactly the case with the European settlers from which the Afrikaners descend. Like in the American West, these South African frontiersmen thought of themselves as conquerers of a new world (Bazin, 1971: 145). The settler, Fanon writes, makes history; his life is an epoch, an Odyssey (Stam, 1983: 881). This settler identity is clearly portrayed in the first episode of Donkerland, Die Pad Na Kanaan (The road to Canaan)6. In !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
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title can also be seen as a substantiation of Fanons Odysseus-like settler as Canaan is a Biblical reference to a city of abundance and prosperity.!

this episode set in 1838 the forefather Pieter de Witt battles with both English authorities and local Zulu people to eventually claim the land that he then names Donkerland. This portrayed of the forefather of Afrikaners as Pieter who remains in the story up to episode 5 n Merk Vir Die Eeue (A Mark for the Eras), which is set in the year 1902, by the end of the second Anglo-Boer war. In this episode Donkerlands land is burnt to the ground, Pieter the once mighty settler is taken to Ceylon as a prisoner. This is also where he eventually dies. A grandson of Pieters Klein Piet and his head-assistant Bongani return to Donkerland after the war. They set out on what looks like a hopeless endeavour to restore the farm to its former glory. Pieter's grandsons restoration of the farm marks the moment in the story where yet another Westerner embarks on yet another Odyssey. These conquests recur with the end of each of the farm owners lives. Although Pieters grandson Klein Piets journey ends by episode 7, the start of episode 8, set in 1948, shows Ouboet, the new owner of Donkerland as he struggles to carry forth the survival of the settler. This episode is set during the time where the Afrikaner was striving to establish South Africa as a republic free from British rule, and initiate a national identity. Here Ouboet is the only De Witt male descendant left on Donkerland. Although his eldest son is deceased, Ouboet takes his sister Theas son under his wing with the intent to leave the farm in his hands if he should die. The fact that Ouboet still manages to find a male heir to the farm means that the Afrikaners odyssey continues once again. The story continues in this fashion, and the series concludes with South Africa's democratic rebirth. Indeed, we come upon him [the Westerner] in just that situation, as the reign of law settles over the West and he is forced to see that is day is over; those are the pictures which end with his death or with his departure for some more remote frontier (Warshow, 2001: 706). Pieter's grandsons restoration of the farm marks the moment in the story where yet another Westerner embarks on yet another Odyssey. These conquests recur with the end of each of the farm owners lives. Although Pieters grandson Klein Piets journey ends by episode 7, the start of episode 8, set in 1948, shows Ouboet, the new owner of Donkerland as he struggles to carry forth the survival of the settler. This

episode is set during the time where the Afrikaner was striving to establish South Africa as a republic free from British rule, and initiate a national identity. Here Ouboet is the only De Witt male descendant left on Donkerland. Although his eldest son is deceased, Ouboet takes his sister Theas son under his wing with the intent to leave the farm in his hands if he should die. The fact that Ouboet still manages to find a male heir to the farm means that the Afrikaners odyssey continues once again. The story continues in this fashion, and the series concludes with South Africa's democratic rebirth. And so it goes until the by the end of the series South Africa moves into democracy. Donkerland, which portrays the De Witt familys story is ultimately an allegory of The Afrikaners survival and ultimate adaptation into the donker land7 that is Africa. This Afrikaner odyssey can thus be seen as the march of civilization that forces the Westerner to move on (Warshow, 2001: 707). However by the series last two episodes 12 and 13 a clear anxiety over whether the Afrikaner will continue this quest is displayed. What is significant about the last two episodes is that it is set in 1996 and not in 1994, which would seem more probable as a milestone in South African history. However 1996 was not a totally insignificant year; it was the year in which F.W. de Klerk resigned as Deputy President. De Klerks resignation marked the official end of Afrikaner political rule. The significance of this event in terms of the Afrikaner volks (meaning nation) survival is acute: With the move of South Africa into a democracy and the prompt resignation of De Klerks the once sound link between an Afrikaner nationalist identity, regime and state which characterised the years of apartheid government, and that sustained a delicate balance of ethnic, racial and class forces, has been irretrievably broken (Adam, Van Zyl Slabbert & Moodley, 1997:58). If we then consider that we it becomes clear that the series concern is not that of the history of the whole South Africa but rather the Afrikaner nation.

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It might even be a reference to Joseph Conrads Heart of Darkness)!

History and Mythmaking Historical narrative is seen as a performative discourse, a product of the same kinds of actions that produce historical events; the investing of the world with symbolic meaning (Nichols, 1996: 58). Donkerlands interest in the history of the Afrikaner displays a very significant trait: memory and its representations touch very significantly upon questions of identity, of nationalism, of power, of authority (Said, 2005: 257). The Westerns centrality of the land as the place of conflict, similar to Donkerlands emphasis on the centrality of the farm beckons towards the fight over land throughout history. In South Africas context, land has always been the primary cause of conflict between cultures8. This fixation over land possession in the western as well as in this case, Donkerland can be seen as a inherent longing for home a place to belong. This longing, together with the series retrospective look at the past in turn leans towards the nostalgia to go back to some golden age when supposedly things were good (Leistyna, 2005: 279). In the context of Afrikaans television there were many series that also portrayed the past as the setting, for example Verspeelde Lente (1984), Koperasie stories (19821987) and Manakwalannners (1993). Perhaps this obsession with the past confirms a sense of an overall feeling of displacement, which has hogged the Afrikaner for years. Nostalgia! is essentially history without guilt. Heritage is something that suffuses us with pride rather than with shame, writes (Kamen, 2001: 15). Looking at the Afrikaner as a newly disempowered minority, and Donkerland as a narrative that reflects on the Afrikaners heritage, this nostalgia can be understood as amnesia of the present, which in turn signifies reluctance to deal with the present. We can also say that, if a text avoids a subject we can assume that the text wants to avoid that which it leaves out which it does not address. However it can be said that the fact that Donkerland storys portrays the complex play of relationships between generations of Afrikaners as well as between the family and the black workers on the farm this portrayal of !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
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politics of land reaches to the heart of the struggle for coexistence and identity in South Africa (Mulder, 2012: 89)!

history might be more frank and honest than previous portrayals of Afrikaner history at least. Therefore Donkerland can be seen as dealing with the real past. As the critic of Rapport at the time, Barrie Hough put it: This drama! is a collective truth commission, a catharsis for an Afrikaans audience!. The inhumanity of the Afrikaner towards his fellow man has seldom, if ever, been presented in such a shocking manner on the Afrikaans stage. (https://www.facebook.com/DonkerlandkykNET/info). Donkerland therefore can be praised for not drifting towards ahistoricism like earlier accounts of Afrikaner history in South African historiography where it is contended that Afrikaners points of reference entered a virtuous circle, propagating ideas of community and a collective identity that were perpetuated by their very rise to power (Butler, 1998: 37). The individual in the rhetoric of the medium: Afrikaans television in the new South Africa The existence of non-white or 'brown Afrikaners' remains controversial and the three-fold definition of the term Afrikaner introduced below acknowledges the importance of race. The historical relationship between the coloured and white Afrikaans speaking communities has been beset by contradictions, ranging from inclusion to discrimination and racial classification, to partial political and economic integration. Today the position of the four million-strong Afrikaans speaking coloureds within any wider Afrikaner community remains one of considerable ambiguity (Cornelissen & Horstmeier, 2002: 79), with contemporary tensions extending to land claims amongst other issues. (Davies: 2007: 357) Within South Africa we have many different cultures, yet in Post Apartheid South Africa they remain strongly divided. The New South Africa is comprised of an open field of varied forces who now (at least legally) enjoy the same rights and privileges. However, it is still a place of enormous tension, of struggles that happen on a daily basis between individuals fighting for their economic and social livelihoods (Lewis). This is mostly a result of the unfortunate success of the previous fascist NP governments effort in

segregating the various cultures according to race. But what is at least more hopeful now is the fact that South Africans are at least more integrated in terms law. The goal then is to forge better and more successful integration. What history teaches us however, is that when a group of people perceives themselves to be under threat they tend to coalesce and some among them find a sense of cohesion around the very forces that others find reprehensible. Some become aggressive, some romanticise the past and others exaggerate the sense of threat under which they find themselves. There is, at the same time, a common thread that unites most self-conscious Afrikaners and that is a desire to be accepted as a legitimate part of post-apartheid society (Mulder, 2012: 91). To establish successful transformation of South Africas segregated and divided nation into an integrated society requires an act of immense imagination (Saks, 2010: 2). For such an act to be effective then; old and recalcitrant forms of belonging, group identity and of course entrenched hatreds must give way to new forms of national understanding and tolerance (Saks, 2010: 2). This act needs to be something far softer and more subjective than institutions and laws (Saks, 2010: 2). Popular texts! are not simply expressive or reflective of social reality, but also formative in that they can influence how we see ourselves, others, and the world around us (Leistyna, 2005: 275). The major influence that media portrayals have over different cultural groups in our country is quite formidable. Realizing the power that media representations have over defining my identity and thus influencing how people might treat me in everyday life, I as an Afrikaner become quite anxious realizing that the popular representation of Afrikaners depict us as conservative, leaning towards old Nationalist Partys Calvinist Right wings. In Post Apartheid South Africa and at present with the recent #RedOctober9 protest this Afrikaner conservatism

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#RedOctober was one of the top trending topics in South Africa on Thursday [10 October 2013] as activists staged protests in Cape Town, Pretoria and other cities, according to the Red October website. The events organisers believe that whites are being targeted in hate crimes in South Africa (Hess).

prevails. However these representations that they have perpetuated of them might as well be the reason for many of the violence against them. Consider this short description of a visit the journalist made to the small town of Hope Town: Oom Ben, eyes bloodshot from the drink, levels the challenge at us! As much as we study him, inwardly becoming convinced that he is a relic of an age gone by, a dinosaur incapable of surviving in the modern world we etch a portrait of much more than a man, but of the whole old order honest and rough, bitter and cautious, resolute and foolish, good people too deep in their own shit to ever climb out! Now they [the Afrikaners] are shielding themselves not against Zulus, but the intrusion of the New South Africa!. The town has no future, doomed to die out within a generation, remaining but a skeleton to service the needs of the surrounding farms. Here the new South Africa is an ugly truth to be faced either get out and accept it, or waste away in the apartheid bubble (Barashenkov: 27 35). let alone get a chance to challenge these monolithic representations of Afrikaner Identity within the media, these conservative depictions has formed a stronghold from which the more progressive Afrikaners cannot escape. If representations create the circumstances under what people will be treated as in ordinary life; it can be said that if what Afrikaners are representing themselves as and how they or otherly represented in the media they ultimately represent a hesitation to assimilate into the bigger national identity of South Africans. With Donkerlands attempt to represent different cultures history, one can say that it at least attempts to show the penetration, expansion, skirmishing, coupling, mixing, separation, regrouping of peoples and cultures (Breytenbach, 1998). But I cannot but linger on the unfortunate reception of the series by the Afrikaner viewership: Rather than realizing and declaring like Breytenbach, that this to and fro of power and blood represents a journey of the glorious bastardisation of men and women mutually shaped by sky and rain and wind and soil (Breytenbach, 1998), the reception of the series clearly shows that this is not some contemporary Afrikaners think. After the episode

that one of the characters found out that his blood is not racially pure, words like beswadder (smeared) were mentioned with regards to the contamination of whiteness. Donkerlands exclusivity on Kyknet merely continues to confirm an Afrikaner Identity that sees itself separate from the rest of South Africans. This exclusivity is a result of the creators interest to keep to themselves which means they are not helping in integrating the diversity of SA society. This is highly unwanted for a sense of nation building to succeed. Conclusion Groups of people can be brought together in a television drama who would never have shared screen space! which may be absent from other media (Henderson, 2007: 174). After investigating the new Kyknet produced series Donkerland, I argue for the necessity of a responsible and progressive use of television as mainstream distribution. In this case mainstream distribution is exactly what is needed to build a National South African Identity. What we need is a national television culture deprived of exclusivity. My main concern is that Donkerland, besides its somewhat progressive revision of Afrikaner history, nevertheless confirms the orthodoxy of Afrikanerdom in terms of the national South African identity. By only being broadcasted on the niche Afrikaner pay-TV channel Kyknet; Donkerland substantiates the current divided condition in South African social life. Cultures stay divided mostly because the media that represents each separate cultures views remains wholly divided as well. This then is where the importance of filmic representation comes in and also where the interest of my research investigation ends. An extension of this essay can thus be focused on the concern over how to effectively define our national identity in addition to the role that television series can and must play in this redefining of the South African identity. If we say that perhaps Donkerlands best asset and most beneficial contribution to the national South African identity is the fact that they have challenge[d] and undermine[d] the myth of a monolithic Afrikanerdom, highlighting the existence of various interest groups within Afrikanerdom and showing the ways in which these

groups strove to impose their views and ideals on each other (Duffy, 2005: 181) is not a given. If only we can realize that, like Breyten Breytenbach, talks about this mixing of peoples; The old ground disappears, expropriated by blood as new conflicting patterns emerge. (1998). If only Afrikaners realize that sustaining an out-dated identity might just exactly cause oppression that the Red Octoberians protested against. If people only see Afrikaners that are still hanging onto racist and conservative beliefs, i.e. not supporting the plural society that the new South Africa can become other people might begin acting upon their non-commitance to the new national identity. It is time to acknowledge both the achievements and the failures of Afrikaners as well as others in South Africa to move on! Acknowledging that not all Afrikaners are committed to post-1994 inclusivity, he [Pieter Mulder] argues, More and more of us realise that our own destiny is inextricably tied up with the destiny of all South Africans... Those who hanker back to the privileges of the past are doing themselves a grave disfavour (Mulder, 2012: 91).

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