71-0.4,943 SEILER, Lauren Harold, 1943SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND ANOMIE: SOCIAL ISOLATION AS "RETREATISM". U n i v e r s i t y of I l l i n o i s a t Urbana-Champaign, P h . D .

, 1970 Sociology, general

University Microfilms, A X E R O X Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan

THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND ANOMIE: SOCIAL ISOLATION AS "RETREATISM"

BY
LAUREN HAROLD SEILER B.S., University of New Mexico, 196f> A.M., University of Illinois, 1968

THESIS Submitted in p a r t i a l fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i n Sociology in the Graduate College of the University of I l l i n o i s a t Urbana-Champaign, 1970

Urbana, I l l i n o i s

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN THE GRADUATE COLLEGE

August, 1970

I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION RV ENTITLED. LAUREN HAROLD SEILER SOCIAL ISOLATION AS "RETREATISM"

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND ANOMIE:

BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF_ DOCTOR OF

/O i

f\ /I

AJ^^

jj I" Charge of Thesis Head of Department

Recommendation concurred-^nf

2i
& ^ ho nc',G,_
W^d-"

BS^\^

Committee C QrJ2s^ne

tiuM^

on Final Examinationf

t Required for doctor's degree but not for master's.

D517

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1. THEORY AND REVIEW OF PREVIOUS LITERATURE Introduction The Five Types of Adaptation Retreatism as a Mode of Adaptation Review of the Literature The Problems to Be Addressed The Nature of Theory Testing 2. METHODS AND PROCEDURES The Research Setting The Sample The Operationalization of Concepts Anomie Anomia: Psychological Frustration Anomia: The 22 Item Psychological Impairment Scale Retreatism 3. FINDINGS Statistics Appropriate for Testing Merton's Theory The Relation of Social Position to Psychological Impairment Psychological Frustration as an Intervening Variable The Relationship of Psychological Impairment to Social Isolation Identificational Social Isolation Behavioral Social Isolation Review of Findings Multivariate Analysis It. SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION Summary. Discussion Implications Page 1 1 2 k 7 11 13 l 1$ 16 18 18 20 21 31 33 33 35 kL h \\6 k& 52 $6 $9 59 6l 63

iv Page REFERENCES VITA 68 71

CHAPTER 1

THEORY AND REVIEW OF PREVIOUS LITERATURE

Introduction Sociologists have long recognized the relationship between the organization of society and individual behavior. Early descriptions of society delineated its integrative effects on the individual as well as coercive and destructive ones. Along these lines, Merton (1938) proposed his theory of social structure and anomie. In this theory, Merton suggests the malmtegration of culture and society is the cause of deviant and conforming behavior. He suggests l) society may provide rewards for conformity to both culturally defined ends and societally institutionalized meansj 2) society may legitimate the goals with little institutionalization of legitimized meansj or 3) society may only legitimate the meansj this happens when "activities originally conceived as instrumental are transmuted into ends in themselves" (1957:133-1310 In the broadest perspective, Merton's theory is of interest because it deals with the relation of man to society. The question of how man becomes integrated with society through needs of his which are harmonious with those of society and in spite of his needs which conflict with society is a major question for present-day social scientists. With social turmoil at its highest level in decades and with sizeable numbers of individuals advocating the revolutionary overthrow of the federal government, the answer to this question is of more than academic interest. Under such circumstances

2
the implications of theoretical sociology become of considerable practical concern. For example, it is immediately useful to discover whether current social unrest is the product of the structural malmtegration of culture and society. Although the data analyzed in this dissertation are not drawn from the political situation of American society, they do serve to indicate the degree of utility of Merton's theory. To this end, they may serve a

greater sociological understanding of the society around us.

The Five Types of Adaptation Merton's theory hypothesizes the malmtegration of societally sanctioned means and culturally specified ends (which is defined as anomie) leads to a psychologically frustrated state in the individual (anomia). In re-

action to anomia, the individual responds through one of five modes of adaptation: conformity, innovation, ritualism, rebellion, and retreatism. See Table 1.1. The adaptations are described as: l) "Conformity"the most typical adaptation for any given role in stable societies (e.g., America). means and ends are accepted by most individuals in most situations. Both 2) i

"Innovation"the individual internalizes societally defined goals without a similar internalization of legitimate means. Merton exemplifies this In an attempt to modify this assertion, Merton (1957:190-192) provides confusion rather than enlightenment. He suggests socio-cultural malmtegration is a source of anomie, not a definition of it. Thereafter, Merton never redefines anomie so one may know what it is, nor does he indicate what are the other sources of anomie m theoretical terms. McClosky and Schaar (1965) found evidence that personality factors were more important than anomie in producing anomia.

3 Table 1.1 Merton's (l957sll|0) Typology of Individual "Adaptation" Culture Goals 1. 2. 3. k' $. Conformity Innovation Ritualism Retreatism Rebellion + + + + + Institutionalized Means +

"where (+) signifies 'acceptance', (-) signifies 'elimination' and (+) signifies 'rejection and substitution of new goals and standards.'"

adaptation with early American "robber barons" or Al Capone. 3) "Ritualism'1-although not purely a case of deviant behavior (1957:150) it is typified by those who ritualistically accept the means for obtaining societally defined goals while not effectively employing them toward those goals. This adaptation is exemplified by the lower-class American who abides by the moral mandates of society but does not effectively translate this behavior into successful goal attainment, h) "Rebellion"the rejection of both societally approved means and ends in favor of new ones. This adaptation is exemplified by the rebel or revolutionary. least common adaptation (1957:153). 5) "Retreatism"probably the

Individuals who adapt in this manner

are "in society but not of it." At one time they accepted both means and ends as legitimate but no longer accept either. This adaptation is exemplified by Charlie Chaplin's bum, vagrants or chronic drunkards.

h
To summarize, Merton suggested that socio-cultural structures are typically malintegrated in the correspondence of culturally defined goals to societally institutionalized means. In the American economic sphere which Merton used to demonstrate this theory, such malmtegration approximates the polar extreme in which goals are well specified but means are poorly institutionalized. Therefore, individuals are placed in an anomie

situation. They ultimately respond to anomie through conformity, innovation, ritualism, rebellion or retreatism.

Retreatism as a Mode of Adaptation The major theoretical concern of this dissertation is the process of "retreatism"the individual's rejection of both cultural ends and social means. Merton characterized this ideal type in the following manner: From the standpoint of its source in the social structure, this mode of adaptation is most likely to occur when both the culture goals and the institutional practices have been thoroughly assimilated by the individual and imbued with affect and high value, but accessible institutional avenues are not productive of success. There results a twofold conflict: the internalized moral obligation for adopting institutional means conflicts with pressures to resort to illicit means (which may attain the goal) and the individual is shut off from means which are both legitimate and effective. The competitive order is maintained but the frustrated and handicapped individual who cannot cope with this order drops out. Defeatism, quietism, and resignation are manifested in escape mechanisms which ultimately lead him to 'escape' from the requirements of society (1957:153). Thus, retreatism is characterized by individuals who once accepted both culture goals and societal means but now reject them. They manifest

rejection through non-social behavior such as adopting the role of Charlie

5
Chaplin's bum, the vagrant or the drunkard. Each of these stereotypes has

in common a behavioral and emotional ( i d e n t i f i c a t i o n a l ) withdrawal from s o c i e t y ' s mainstream. R e t r e a t i s t s are characterized by a non-competitive In

existence having minimal concern for self-enhancement or future plans. t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n i s used to i n d i c a t e r e t r e a t i s m .

Cloward

(1959) expanded Merton's conceptualization of r e t r e a t i s m to include those who have access to n e i t h e r legitimate nor i l l e g i t i m a t e means t o acquire desirable ends. Merton (1957:160) notes h i s theory gives l i t t l e a t t e n t i o n to mechanisms causing a d i f f e r e n t i a l s e l e c t i o n of p a r t i c u l a r adaptations among groups. For example, i f some individuals m anomie s i t u a t i o n s adapt through innovation, why do others adapt through retreatism? Although the s e l e c t i o n

mechanism i s poorly described, Merton (1957:188) suggests " r e t r e a t i s m seems t o be marked among those m the lower-lower s o c i a l stratum." And (1957:153)

t h a t r e t r e a t i s t s are too f r u s t r a t e d and handicapped t o cope with the s o c i a l order. Perhaps Merton i s suggesting t h a t r e t r e a t i s m i s the adaptation

"selected" by those who are unusually psychologically impaired by t h e i r frustration. Therefore, in f i t t i n g the analysis t o Merton's theory, anomia The f i r s t s t e p i s anomie

w i l l be examined m terms of a two step process. leading to psychological f r u s t r a t i o n . leading to psychological impairment.

The second, psychological f r u s t r a t i o n

Figure 1.1 diagramatically represents Merton's theory of social s t r u c t u r e and anomie. I t a l s o includes the empirical points of attachment The casual chain begins with This causes

t o the theory analyzed i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n .

anomie i n the s t r u c t u r a l r e l a t i o n of culture to s o c i e t y .

Anomie: Malmtegration of culture goals and social means

Anomia

Five modes of "Adaptation"

Certain individuals have limited Psychological access to both - means and ends frustration due to social positions

Psychological impairment

"Retreatism"

Empirical indicators

Empirical indicators

Empirical indicators

Empirical indicators

Figure 1.1. Diagramatic representation of Merton's theoretical modelhow social structure leads to retreatism.

7
anomia in individuals. In turn, anomia leads to retreatismthe eventual

withdrawal of the individual from social interaction.

Review of the Literature Merton's theory of social structure and anomie is incompletely tested to date, especially with respect to retreatism. In reviewing empirical

treatments of the theory, Cole and Zuckerman (I96I4) differentiated explicit from implicit tests. Their inventory and review showed no explicit tests which explored the relationship of social structure to any form of psychological aberrationonly two implicit ones. test considered social isolation. Furthermore, neither implicit

The first theoretical test, Tuckman and

Kleiner (1962), related aspirations and achievement to the incidence of schizophrenics in Philadelphia mental hospitals. The second, an unpublished study by Murphy (1962), examined the relationship of socio-economic status, occupational values, and hospitalization to mental illness. However, if the segments of Merton's theory concerning retreatism have not been tested per se, a number of studies and findings directly relate structural variables to various psychological aberrations. For example, Dohrenwend (1966:15) comments that: The most consistent demographic finding reported in social psychiatric field studies is an inverse relationship between social class and psychological disorder. Hollingshead and Redlich's (1958) study, Social Class and Mental Illness, exemplifies this relationship. However, more important than strictly empirical research, are other theoretical approaches used to explain the etiology of psychological strain. Muller (1966) suggested community structure and type in terms of the

8
Gemeinschaftlich-Gesellschaftliche continuum are so related. And Dunham (l96l) suggested a theoretical model later employed by Langner and Michael (1963)) and Lowenthal et al., (1967). ' model as follows: The physical analogy of stress and strain captures the essence of this relationship for us. As the number of environmental stresses increases, the average amount of strain (psychiatric impairment or disorder) also increases (1963:7). They refer to this as the life stress model. Indicators of life stress include, among others, parent's poor physical health and mental health, childhood broken home, parent's quarrels, work worries, socio-economic status worries, poor interpersonal relations, and marital worries. Langner and Michael (1963:7) report that "the number of stress factors people reported was the best predictor of their mental health rating. The more stresses they reported, the greater the probability of their exhibiting psychiatric impairment." Lowenthal et al. (1967) used five indicators of life stress: socioeconomic status, physical health, social interaction, self-image and complaints about living arrangements. Unlike Langner and Michael, they did not find a simple additive effect. Considering these five stress indicators Lowenthal et al. report: they are additive with respect to the likelihood of psychiatric impairment u p _ to an incidence level iBHtWhile Dunham (1961:230) suggested the "multiple stress" hypothesis before the Midtown Manhattan Study's major publications were issued, Langner and Michael may well have thought to use the life stress hypothesis independently of Dunham. On the other hand, Lowenthal et al. mention (1967:510 that they specifically modified Dunham's hypothesis for their use. Langner and Michael describe the

9
of three j that is, individuals with any three of the deprivation factors are more likely to be psychiatrically impaired than those with any two, and so forth down to comparisons between those with any one of the factors and those with none. At the three factor level, however, the particular combination of factors becomes important in that a deprivation index composed of poor physical health, low social activity, and complaints about living arrangements produces a greater range of psychiatricimpairment predictability than any other threefactor combination; moreover, such predictability does not improve with the addition of either or both of the other two deprivation factors . . . (1967:79). In attempting to explain the dissimilar results, Lowenthal et al. suggest differences in indicators of life stress and differences in respondents' age as causesLangner and Michael sampled an age group of 20-59 whereas Lowenthal et al. sampled respondents 60 years of age and older. One finding consistent with both Merton's theory and the life stress theory is that social isolation varies directly with psychological strain: Jaco (19510, Kohn and Clausen (1955), Weinberg (1955) and Gill (1963). How-

ever, Lowenthal et al. (1967:103) note the problem of time order stating: We have reason to believe . . . that isolation may be more of a consequence than a cause of mental illness in old age. Lowenthal (1961;, 19^5), considering the issue more fully, noted that empirical sociological and clinical studies have explored the relationship of social isolation to mental illness but have not answered the question "does social isolation lead to mental illness," or "does mental illness lead to social isolation." After analyzing the data for a 1967 study she concluded: lifelong isolation (or alienation) is not necessarily conducive to the development of

10
the kinds of mental disorder that bring persons to the psychiatric ward in their old agej lifelong marginal social adjustment may be conducive to the development of such disorder; late-developing isolation is apparently linked with mental disorder but is of no greater significance among those with psychogenic disorders than among those with organic disorders; and may be more of a consequence than a cause of mental illness in the elderly; finally, physical illness may be the critical antecedent to both the isolation and the mental illness (1965:70). This is consistent with Kohn and Clausen (1955:272) who suggested that their data do not support the hypothesis that social isolation in adolescence is a predisposing factor in either schizophrenia or manicdepressive psychosis. These observations raise three questions. First, does social isolation precede and contribute to psychological impairment or does the process of becoming socially isolated derive from psychological impairment? A test

of Merton's theory of social structure and anomie may be able to bring empirical evidence directly to bear on this question. Second, if psycho-

logical impairment varies directly with social isolation, regardless of the exact time order, can this process be described with precision? Finally,

what advantages does the Mertonian theory have over the life stress theory if both consider many of the same variables? Merton's theory of social structure and anomie is superior to the life stress model in that: l) The theory encompasses man's social behavior the context of

in the broad context of culture and society, not only m

stress and strain; 2) it attempts to explain not only deviance from social norms but conformity to them as well. As such Merton's theory (if it

11
explains the data as well) is more general and therefore more parsimonious; 3) it attempts to explain numerous forms of deviant behavior; not only retreatist behavior and, 10 it utilizes a higher-level conceptual framework. The concepts are analytically derived and of a higher order. Therefore, the utility of an empirical inquiry of Merton's theory is considerable. Previous literature does not describe how the process of retreatism occurs in the individual, nor does Merton give many suggestions. He suggests social isolation is correlated with anomia but the process of how social isolation operates in relation to anomia is not elaborated. Without theoretical guidance, it is simply suggested that isolation may be divided into behavioral isolation and identificational isolation. One may feel apart from others quite separately from behaviorally being isolated from them and vice versa. The order of occurrence is not predicted.

The Problems to Be Addressed First, education, occupational prestige, and income are all indicators of structural differences in a given population. Not all can be rich and powerful, yet mosteven if only m their dreamswould like to be.

However, to limit competition for these rewards, social structures composed of rules and requirements are established. Thus, society acts to restrict

man's pursuit of his wants. Those who are structurally facilitated in possessing these rewards should evidence little psychological frustration. Those who are structurally blocked from their wants should manifest psychological frustration directly proportional to their lack of structural opportunity. Therefore, education, occupational prestige, and income should

vary inversely with psychological frustration.

12 Second, age a l s o may act as an indicator of socio-cultural malintegration. I t i s universally the case that in a given society those of

different ages are d i f f e r e n t i a l l y allowed to pursue desirable culture goals. The r e s t r i c t i o n to pursue culture goals may or may not be linked To the extent t h a t social

to capacities t h a t are biologically inherent.

norms d i f f e r from biological c a p a c i t i e s , age may be considered an indicator of socio-cultural malintegration. In a society, such as American society,

that emphasizes a preference for youth, old age may be a reasonably good indication of anomie. Therefore, age i s expected t o vary d i r e c t l y with

psychological f r u s t r a t i o n . Third, psychological f r u s t r a t i o n i s expected to vary d i r e c t l y with psychological impairment. F i n a l l y , s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n i s one indication of the adaptation termed retreatism. All " r e t r e a t i s t s " are characterized by Merton as withdrawing Therefore, i t i s expected t h a t those

from the web of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n .

who manifest symptoms of psychological impairment w i l l have few i n t e r a c t i o n a l contacts with those around them. That i s , as psychological impairment

increases, social i s o l a t i o n will increase. The problems t h a t this d i s s e r t a t i o n addresses are summarized in the following hypotheses. 1. The l e s s access an individual has t o societal means, the more

l i k e l y t h a t he w i l l manifest psychological f r u s t r a t i o n . 2. Those persons who manifest psychological f r u s t r a t i o n will be

more l i k e l y to develop psychological impairment. 3. Those persons who manifest psychological impairment w i l l be

more l i k e l y to have low levels of s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n .

13 I j . . Behavioral social isolation and identificational social isolation will vary directly with psychological impairment in some step-wise pattern.

The Nature of Theory Testing To test the above hypotheses and Merton's theory it is necessary to establish procedures for the task. The typical procedure followed in sociological hypothesis testing is to analyze the data so that the null hypothesis may be either accepted or rejected. This either-or process

works well in research which may be judged by the cirterion of a measure of significance such as chi-square. Despite protests to the contrary, the point-zero-five level of significance has become the sacred dividing line between significance and non-significance making significance an eitheror process, too. As such, testing the null hypothesis using measures of significance fits into a compatible either-or framework. Unfortunately, measures of significance are too often misinterpreted, e.g., Duggan and Dean (1968). Furthermore, they are directly affected by sample size such that with a very large sample, a very small value becomes significant. This problem in turn leads to the difference between statistical significance and theoretical significance. Theoretical significance asks the question "what do the numbers really mean." It asks for an interpretation of numbers using criteria above and beyond artificial "rules of thumb." The purpose of a theory is not to be either right or wrong. Rather a theory is judged by its ability to explain the data at hand. The more data the theory explains, the greater the utility of the theory. Thus, theory testing doesn't conform to the either-or framework

lU
more amenably used in hypothesis testing. Therefore, in testing Merton's theory, criteria must be established that conform to the logical requirements of theory testing in general. In Chapter Three the utility of measures of significance, measures of association and the percent of variance explained will be reviewed as criteria for judging sociological theory.

15

CHAPTER 2

METHODS AND PROCEDURES The Research Setting Data for this analysis were taken from the Rural Industrial Development Project, a five-year, longitudinal study specifically designed to measure the impact of a new, highly capitalized steel mill on a rural area of Illinois. In 1965, Jones and Laughlin Steel Company, now a Ling-TemcoVought subsidiary, began phase one construction of a $150,000,000 steel plant near Hennepin, Illinois, a town of fewer than 500 people. Hennepin is located in Putnam County, I960 population1|,500. Such a setting presents an ideal opportunity for studying sudden community change and development. For a description of the area and steel mill, see Chicago Sun-Times (1967), Business Week (1967), and Wall Street Journal (1970) . A research design was employed m which both a "test" region where

the steel mill was erected and a "control" region were studied. This represents a quasi-experimental design in that the stimulus for community change was "introduced" in the test region while no similar stimulus occurred m the control region. The test region consisted of all four townships in

Putnam County, four townships in Bureau County, one township in Marshall County and the town of Oglesby in LaSalle County, approximately a 315 square mile area. The control region consisted of six townships m Iroquois County, approximately a 222 square mile area. The two regions were closely

16
matched, e.g., economically, both were primarily agricultural; neither had a city of over 6,000 inhabitants; and both are located in Illinois and are approximately equidistant from Chicago.

The Sample The data were collected in a second-wave interview of heads of households. All interviews were conducted by people living in or near the areas under study, by interviewers of both sexes. The universe sampled for first-wave interviews consisted of all heads of households in both test and control regions. A multi-stage, area-probability sample drawn in 1966 was estimated to yield 1,035 interviews. To insure adequate representation of rural heads of households, the sample was stratified. In rural areas and towns under

5,000, a sampling ratio of 1/7 was used m both test and control regions. In the test region, in towns of over 5,000, the sampling ratio was 1/21; in the control region, in towns over 5,000, this ratio was l/lU. Demographic

characteristics of the sample were compared to i960 U. S. Census Bureau figures for both regions. Sample bias was minimal. The actual number of interviews obtained in 1966 was IO96 (see Table 2.1), (weighted N = 1600). In 1967 an effort was made to re-interview

the original respondents. This second wave yielded 1,003 interviews (weighted N = ll;56). One hundred and eight non-contacts from 1966 were interviewed in 1967. The fact that some 1967 respondents were interviewed only once presents no practical problem since all data are taken from the 1967 survey.

17
Table 2.1 The Sample of Heads of Households from Sample Estimation to Number of Respondents Included in the Analysis Year 1966 Sample Characteristic Estimated total number of household units Estimated number of interviews for sample Actual number of interviews (1966) Actual number of interviews (1967) Respondents interviewed in both 1966 and I967 Respondents interviewed in 1967 but not in 1966 Total male sample (1967) Total female sample (1967) Total males dropped from analysis for non-response of specific questions Total males used in analysis Total Non-Weighted Sample Sample 1967 Total Non-Weighted Sample Sample

111, 579 1,035

1,600

--

1,096

1,1*56 1,301

1,003

895 108 835 168

155
1,185

271

--

229 956

161 67U

18
Of the l l j . 5 6 (weighted) respondents, lOljO were interviewed in the test region and l | l 6 in the control region. In that data gathered one year

prior to the baseline study are utilized, few, if any differential effects from the quasi-experimental stimulus are expected. Therefore, data from the test and control regions are pooled. Of the 1,003 heads of households interviewed in 1967, 835 were male and 168 female. Females tended to be substantially older than males; they more often lived alone; and were largely widows. Because few females were interviewed, and those who were interviewed were dissimilar to their male counterparts, all females were excluded from analysis. Although most respondents completed the schedule, one question appears to have aroused some respondent sensitivity. More refusals were encountered on the "significant other" question than on any other. Because this question was essential, respondents who refused to answer it were dropped, reducing the sample to 67I1 (weighted N = 956). Respondents who

were dropped due to refusal had slightly less education and slightly lower incomes than respondents who were included. It is evident from the above description that the sample is not representative of American society. findings to nonsimilar populations. It is impossible to generalize these

The Operationalization of Concepts Anomie A number of social positions have been identified as potential indicators of socio-cultural malmtegration. Those used in this disser-

tation are age, occupational prestige, income and education. The person

19 who holds a position of little influence or prestige is presumed to have diminished access to societally rewarded ends, and therefore a greater potential for incurring anomia. These indicators are sensitive to different levels and degrees of possessing structural access to cultural goals. However, they do not demonstrate that the malintegration of those who structurally may be permitted to possess such means, and those who are denied possession of them cause stress in the individual or motivation to perform deviantly. Therefore, they are not direct measures of anomie. Nevertheless, it does seem reasonable to assume social position reflects sociocultural malintegration. 1. AgeThe age of the respondent at his last birthday. 2. Occupational prestigeThe current or last full-time job (or if no full time job was listed, the current or last part-time job) was categorized according to the Occupational Classification Code of the U. S. Census Bureau (i960). A crude indication of the relative prestige of job categories in decreasing order is: 9) Professional, Technical and Kindred Workers 8) Farmers and Farm Managers 7) Managers, Officials and Proprieters, except Farm 6) Clerical and Kindred Workers 5) Sales Workers k) Craftsmen, Foremen and Kindred Workers

3) Operatives and Kindred Workers 2) Service Workers, including Private Household 1) Laborers, including Farm and Mine Laborers and Foremen Retired workers were categorized in terms of their last job.

20
3. EducationThe number of years of schooling completed, where

a grammar school education constituted 8 years, a high school education 12 years, a college education 16 years and a doctoral degree 20 years. Both academic and professional schooling is included. k' IncomeIncome was operationalized by summing the responses to "What was your earned income last year?," and "What

two questions:

additional income did you have from savings bonds, stock, property rented out, or other investments?"

Anomia: Psychological Frustration One might infer that if an anomia scale indicates a high level of anomia in the respondents interviewed, there is a high level of anomie in the society. However, McClosky and Schaar (1965:18) note: the logic of psychological scale construction . . . will not support inferences from scale scores to the state of society because the distribution of scores is a function of the difficulty of the scale items themselves. Therefore, no inference to the absolute level of either anomie or anomia is possible from the anomia indicators used m this dissertation.

To measure psychological frustration in the broadest possible manner, each respondent was asked l) "Taking things all together, how would

you say things are these dayswould you say you're very happy, pretty happy, or not too happy these days"; 2) "Compared with your life today, how were things four or five years agowere things happier for you then, not quite as happy, or what?" Respondents could answer the first question "Very happy," "pretty happy," or "not too happy now," and the second "happier before," "happier now," or "about equally happy" at both points in time.

21
Anomia: The 22 Item Psychological Impairment Scale The 22 item scale is used to operationalize psychological impairment. It was first reported by Langner (1962:269) as an empirical indicator

of "psychiatric symptoms indicating impairment." This survey research instrument consists of 22 closed-end, structured questions. It was developed for use in the Midtown Manhattan Study of the epidemiology of mental illness (Srole, 1962, and Langner and Michael, 1963). The actual content of the

scale was heavily influenced by the content of the Army Neuropsychiatric Screening Adjunct, (Star, 1950), and the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) (Dahlstrom and Welsh, i960). Table 2.2 presents the 22

scale items. The scale asks the respondent to self-report psychological and physiological complaints. Certain responses to each item were designated "pathognomonic" (distinctively characteristic of a particular disease). The degree of psychological impairment is simply the summation of pathognomonic responses. The 22 item scale was developed to "provide a rough indication of where people lie on a continuum of impairment in life functioning due to very common types of psychiatric symptoms" (Langner, 1962:269). Langner goes on to say: This does not imply, however, that the short screening instrument which was constructed is meant to be a substitute for such a judgment a psychiatrist's of an individual patient. It simply means that in mass surveys of large populations this and other symptom lists may be used to advantage in culling potential candidates for further examination on an individual basis. Another use for such devices is to guage the gross symptomatology of various sub-groups. The demographic location

22

Table 2.2 Number and Percentage of Respondents Giving Pathognomonic Responses to 22 Item Scale; and Items to Total Correlations (Item Removed) Number of Respondents Giving Pathognomonic Response Item Response Percentage of Respondents Giving Pathognomonic Response Item to Total CorrelationSubsample used for Dissertation (N - 956) Item to Total Correlation Entire Sample (N - U|6)

1. "I feel weak all over much of the time." -xYes No DK* NA b 2. "I have had periods #Yes of days, weeks, or No months when I couldn't DK take care of things NA because I couldn't 'get going.'"

66

6.90

.1*23

.1*2

63

6.59

U58

.1*7

3. "In general, would High you say that most of Good the time you are m #Low high (very good) -H-Very spirits, good spirits, low low, or very low DK spirits?" NA 1*. "Every so often I suddenly feel-hot all over." 5. "Have you ever been bothered by your heart beating hard? Would you say: often, sometimes, or never?" #Yes No DK NA -KOften Sometimes Never DK NA HPoor Fair Qood Too good DK NA

27

2.82

.1*31

.1*7

1 * 3

l*.50

.298

.37

15

1.57

.21*8

.22

6.

"Would you say your appetite is poor, fair, good, or too good?"

1 1 *

1.1*6

.303

.32

23

Table 2.2 (Continued) Number of Respondents Giving Pathognomonic Response Item Response Percentage of Respondents Giving Pathognomonic Response Item to Item to Total CorTotal Correlationrelation Subsample Entire used for Sample Dissertation (N - 11*56) (N - 956) .310

7. "I have periods of *Yes such great restless- No ness that I cannot DK sit long in a chair NA (cannot sit still very long." 8. "Are you the worry*Yes ing type (a worrier)?" No DK NA soften 9. "Have you ever been Somebothered by shorttimes ness of breath when Never you were NOT exerDK cising or working hard? Would you say: NA often, sometimes, or never?" 10. "Are you ever HOften bothered by nervousSomeness (irritable, times fidgety, tense)? Never Would you say: often DK sometimes, or never?" NA 11. "Have you ever had any fainting spells (lost consciousness)? Would you say: never, a few times, or more than a few times?" Never A few times M-More than a few times DK NA

187

19.6

.38

322

33.7

.256

.30

28

2.93

,1*22

37

h$

1*.71

.380

kk

0.1*1

.065

.11

12. "Do you ever have HOften any trouble in getSometing to sleep or times staying asleep? Never Would you say: often DK sometimes, or never?" NA

l * o

1 * . 1 8

. 1 * 1 5

. 1 * 1

2 1 *

Table 2.2 (Continued) Number of Respondents Giving Pathognomonic Response Item Response HYes No DK NA Yes #No DK NA Often Sometimes Never DK NA soften Sometimes Never DK NA 11*6 15.3 Percentage of Respondents Giving Pathognomonic Response Item to Total CorrelationSubsample used for Dissertation (N - 956) .203 Item to Total Correlation Entire Sample (H - 11*56)

13. "I am bothered by

acid (sour) stomach several times a week."

.19

H*. "K(y memory seems to

be all right (good)"

32

3.35

.261*

.21*

15. "Have you ever been

bothered by the 'cold sweats'? Would you say: often, sometimes, or never?"

0.52

.019

.10

16. "Do your hands ever

tremble enough to bother you? Would you say: often, sometimes, or never?"

0.81+

151*

.27

17.

"There seems to be *Yes a fullness (clogging) NO in my head or nose DK much of the time." NA #Yes No DK NA

150

15.7

.281

.30

18. "I have personal worries that get me down physically (make me physically ill)." 19. "Do you feel somewhat apart even among friends (apart, isolated, alone)?"

1 * 5

1*.71

.1*53

.1*8

*Yes No DK NA

78

8.16

.272

. 3 1 *

25

Table 2.2 (Continued) Percentage Item to Number of of ResponRespondents Total CorGiving Path- dents relationGiving Path- Subsample ognomonic ognomonic Response used for Response Dissertation (N = 956) Item to Total Correlation Entire Sample (N = 11*56)

Item

Response sYes No DK NA

20. "Nothing ever turns

out for me the way I want it to (turns out, happens, comes about, i.e., my wishes aren't fulfilled)."

109

11.1*

.162

.17

21. "Are you ever

soften Sometroubled with times headaches or pains Never in the head? Would DK you say: often, sometimes, or never?" NA

13

1.36

.068

.21

22. "You sometimes can't sYes help wondering if any- No thing is worthwhile DK any more." NA

11*6

15.3

.326

.36

sPathognomonic Response
a

Don't Know

TJo Answer

26
of high and low levels of psychiatric symptomatology gives us initial clues to the origins of disorder. The index is limited in that probably it does not screen persons with organic brain damage, the mentally retarded, and the sociopaths. It also makes no attempt to classify people according to type of psychiatric disorder" (1962:270). The limited screening ability of the instrument presents no formidable problem since respondents excluded are those with physical damage to the brain, limited intelligence, and sociopaths, i.e., people who deviate from cultural expectations through behavior such as immorality, theft, violence, and drug addiction. Nevertheless, certain questions remain concerning the scoring, validity, and reliability of the scale. As described before, scoring is a simple matter of summation. Haese and Meile (1967) proposed a "conditional method" of scoring, but they concluded that their method did not prove superior to the summation method. Past usage of the 22 item scale has often used scores of 0 to 3 pathognomonic responses to indicate no impairment; k to 6 as some impairment; 7 to 9 as moderate impairment and 10 and over as severe impairment in life functioning. The most pressing question relates to the validity of the scale. Langner (1962) reports several indications of its validity. First, using the known group techniques, it was constructed to hold "false values to a minimum," (1962:273). A psychiatrist conducted interviews with 72 "known

well" respondents. Interviews were also conducted with 139 "known ill" respondents who were hospitalized or out-patient psychiatric patients. All respondents were asked to admit to 120 symptom items. Twenty-two items from this item pool were each found to differentiate the two groups at

27 the .01 level of confidence or better (using a "t" test of significance) and were retained to form the scale. Strictly speaking, however, this ex post facto analysis is not a test of validity. Langner also reports that the Midtown sample was divided into current out-patients, N = 1*0; ex-patients, N = 182; and non-patients, N = 11*38 (no in-patients were sampled). The average number of pathognomonic responses given by each group was I4.78, i*.20, and 2.60 respectively,, indicating that more pathognomonic responses were given by those currently receiving outpatient treatment than those who once received treatment or who never received treatment. This is an indication of criterion validity. As a second indicator of criterion validity, two psychiatrists independently evaluated the mental healthillness dimension of all 1660 respondents. They categorized respondents on this dimension using their responses to the survey instrument as a whole. Therefore, the psychiatrists' judgments are not independent of the scale items. Langner reports that the range of tetrachoric correlations between the individual 22 items and the psychiatrists' evaluation range from . 1 * 1 to .76 with a median value of ,6l5. This suggests a "high reliance by the psychiatrists on these particular items symptoms out of a total groups of 120 symptoms in making their judgments" (1962:273). Manis, et al. (1963) attempted to assess the validity of the 22 item scale by administering it to five populations: l) "101 patients from the

receiving wards of a state mental hospital; 2) 105 patients from the predischarge wards of the same hospital; 3) 126 college students . . .; 1 * ) 81| residents in a small community . . .; 5) 1>183 residents from the same county as the hospital and university" (1963:109). Performing a known-groups

28
analysis, they found the mean number of pathognomonic responses for each group was: receiving ward patients6.1; predischarge ward patients 2.8; college students3-6; small community residents2.8; and county residents3.2. These firdings conform to expectations except that predischarge ward patients admit surprisingly few symptoms. They conclude

that "there is little reason to believe that the mental health of these predischarge patients is equal to or better than the non-hospitalized populations; therefore, their low mean score must be interpreted as a failure of the scale to differentiate them accurately" (1963:111). Another interpretation is that hospitalization socializes mental patients to be non-complamers. They also found that more than a third of the receiving ward patients gave fewer than four pathognomonic responses, and over 60 percent of the predischarge ward patients gave fewer than four such responses. In another analysis Mams, et al. (1963) assessed the criterion validity of the 22 item scale. For hospitalized patients the mean number of pathognomonic responses varied directly with the following criteria: attendant rating, participation in work and recreational therapy, possession of grounds permits, number of previous admissions, and length of hospitalization. Finally, Mains, et al. wanted to "determine whether the mental health scale could accurately measure the relative positions of individuals on a continuum from good (low scores) to poor (high scores) (1963:116). They conclude that except for individuals scoring 10 and more pathognomonic responses, the 22 item scale fails to determine the mental health of individuals. However, they note that as a measure of groups differences, the scale has more utility.

29
The utility of the scale would best be indicated by a demonstration of predictive ability. However, no empirical studies address this problem. While indications of the concurrent validity of the 22 item scale, as reviewed above, seem acceptable for comparing groups to one another, demonstrations of construct validity remain unconvincing. Dohrenwend (1966) reports various ethnic groups found admitting pathognomonic responses differentially socially desirable. Although the sample is small (total N = 68) and the mean educational levels diverse (range 6.6 years to 11.2 years), Dohrenwend reports Jewish, Irish, Negro and Puerto Rican respondents regard the 22 item index quite differently. Only one item received a neutral socially desirable response; all others were rated undesirable. However, Puerto Ricans and Negroes tended to view the items as very socially undesirable relative to Irish and Jewish respondents. Furthermore, ethnic and educational groups manifested different response-set biases. For example, lowly educated Negroes tended to "yeasay" more than other groups. In the same cautionary vein Langner (1965: 370) noted the madvisability of comparing the absolute number of pathognomonic responses for urban women living in Mexico City to rural women living in a Mexican Indian village. Fortunately, subpopulation problems are minimal for the proposed use of the scale since the sample is largely homogeneous. However, conclusions drawn from this sample perhaps are not generalizeable to more heterogeneous populations, unless subpopulations are treated separately. Previously published literature provides no report of internal consistency for the scale. For these data internal consistency was calculated using Cronbach's alpha, (Cronbach, 195l) The actual computation

30 was done by Bohrnstedt's method (1969)= The resulting coefficient for

alpha was .70. This is considered adequate for this type of test. Several researchers used test-retest procedures with the 22 item scale. Dohrenwend (1966) remterviewed l5l respondents after a period of two years and found that although the rates of pathognomonic responses were relatively stable for the group, individual changes were high. Even more importantly, if individuals experienced favorable events between interviews, pathognomonic responses tended to decrease and if they experienced unfavorable events, responses increased. This suggests the scale is related to temporary stress factors, rather than long term personality disorders. Over a three year period, Haberman (1965:259) found the test-retest coefficient was Pearson r equals 5 1 * Phillips and Segal (1969) report higher test-retest coefficients, however, over a one year period. Using a sample of 278, more than 80 percent of their respondents had the same score at both interviews. And this finding might underestimate the testretest coefficient, because in the second interview, the response categories were changed on some items. In unchanged items, only 10 percent of the respondents changed responses. There is some difficulty in interpreting these coefficients as an indication of instrument test-retest reliability because such an interpretation assumes the personality trait remains constant between test administrations (Cattell, 1967:36). It is likely that over the period of a year or more, the trait characteristics changed within the respondent. Thus, although test-retest coefficient does include the reliability of the instrument, it is more influenced by the stablity of the trait.

31
Exploring the relationship of the 22 item scale to positive and negative experiences more fully, Phillips (1968) concluded that a preponderance of positive experiences over negative experiences was more important than the social class variable. Those with more positive than negative experiences were particularly resistant to scoring high on the scale. However, lower-class respondents tended to have many fewer positive experiences to offset negative ones. From the discussion, it is obvious that the 22 item scale has shortcomings including: limited screening ability, failure to differentiate

individuals as to level of psychological impairment, no demonstration of predictive validity and differential rates of admitted pathognomonic responses across ethnic and cross-cultural populations. However, in spite of these shortcomings, the 22 item scale is the best indicator of impairment currently available for survey research.

Retreatism Several questions were designed to elicit responses on the social isolation-participation dimension. Indicators of both the identification of the respondent with other social entities (starred ioral tendencies are used. 1. Church attendanceRespondents were asked, "How often do you below), and behav-

attend religious services?" and "Are you a church member?" 2. Interaction with friendsA series of questions was designed to "Do you have any especially

tap this dimension of isolation-participation:

good friends that you get together with often?," "How many of these especially good friends do you have?," and "Would you mind telling me

32

their names?" The variable termed "number of good friends" is the number of people the respondent actually named. 3. Interaction with significant othersRespondents were asked,

"Would you please give me the names of the people whose opinion of you as a person concerns you the most. These persons don't need to be members of the family or even people you see every few days. Please try to name them in order of their importance to you." After the interviewer listed the names of the significant others, he asked the respondent what relation the significant others had to him (i.e., mother, friend, neighbor), and the frequency of interaction. From the significant other question two indices were constructed. s "Number of significant others" was the number of names listed. "Total

interaction" with significant others was the summation of the interactions with all significant others. Frequency of interaction was computed to a yearly base where maximum interaction per significant other was limited to one per day, i.e., %$ interactions per significant other per year was the greatest number possible. All data in the dissertation were edited for non-response. No variable was edited m as many as 5 percent of the cases. As such, no data are "missing." Although some data used for analysis possess only ordinal characteristics of measurement, they are treated with interval level statistics. Blalock (1961:119-21*), Nunnally (l967:2l*-30), Borgatta (1968), and Labovitz (1970) each give support to this procedure.

33

CHAPTER 3 FINDINGS In Chapter t h r e e , data analysis i n the form of cross-tabular t a b l e s , chi-square, Gamma, Pearson product-moment correlations, multiple c o r r e l a t i o n s , p a r t i a l c o r r e l a t i o n s , and percent variance explained i s used t o t e s t hypotheses suggested by Merton's theory of s o c i a l structure and anomie. To

judge the theory, c r i t e r i a p o t e n t i a l l y useful for assessment are considered below. S t a t i s t i c s Appropriate for Testing Merton's Theory Previous studies in r e l a t e d areas often evaluated r e s u l t s with s i g nificance t e s t s such as chi-square. If chi-square could be i n t e r p r e t e d to

indicate a dependence between v a r i a b l e s , the data t h a t follow suggest a great deal of support for Merton's theory. However, such i s not the case.

As Duggan and Dean (1968) point out, chi-square i s often misinterpreted i n just such a manner. Problems of interpretation a r i s e l ) in believing an

inverse relationship exists between l e v e l of probability as described by chi-square and strength of association between variables and 2) in believing chi-square i s sensitive t o the form of the relationship among v a r i a b l e s . They point out that a chi-square s t a t i s t i c significant a t .001 does not imply ''All s t a t i s t i c a l manipulations in t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n were calculated using the University of I l l i n o i s ' SOUPAC computer package program.
H

3k any (absolute value ) ,00; association between variables; and that a chisquare s t a t i s t i c significant a t -001 does not imply t h a t the data conform to t h e o r e t i c a l predictions (regardless of degree of a s s o c i a t i o n ) . Rather

the data in the table must be inspected visually to determine t h e i r direction and ordering. As such chi-square, i n and of i t s e l f , i s not sufficient to

demonstrate the u t i l i t y of the theory. This cautionary note is included because previous analysis of the variables under consideration (especially psychological impairment as operational!zed by the 22 item scale) often employed the chi-square s t a t i s t i c alone, that i s , not in conjunction with a measure of association. The

unfortunate implication i s that f a l s e relationships may have been accepted as t r u e through incorrect i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of chi-square. Therefore, while

relationships explored i n t h i s d i s s e r t a t i o n were considered previously, they are interpreted differently, both t h e o r e t i c a l l y and methodologically. The Gamma s t a t i s t i c i s computed because the data do not always meet the assumptions of i n t e r v a l level s t a t i s t i c s . i n t e r v a l data and l i n e a r i t y , Gamma does not. Whereas Pearson's r assumes Therefore, the effect of non-

m t e r v a l and/or non-linear data i s assessed by comparing Gamma to Pearson's r. Pearson r ' s are calculated as a foundation for multivariate analysis. To determine the effect of multiple, independent variables, multiple correlations are calculated. The l a t t e r i s useful for theoretical evaluation The same type of

in t h a t i t can simultaneously handle numerous variables. evaluative u t i l i t y i s found in p a r t i a l correlations.

To interpret the

importance of the magnitude of both Pearson r ' s and multiple correlations "percent variance explained" i s calculated. This coefficient enables

determination of the amount of variation in the dependent variables

35
attributable to variation in the independent variable(s). Thus, a first indication of theoretical significance is given. Percent of variance explained is employed as the single most important criterion for evaluating the theory.

The Relation of Social Position to Psychological Impairment From Merton's theory it is expected that individuals who possess few means to achieve culturally defined goals will be in a relatively anomie structural situation and, therefore, will experience more psychological frustration and impairment. As noted before, social position is consistently related to psychological impairment. (Tables 3.1 - 3.1*). The analysis will begin by examining this relationship Social position is operationalized by age, education,

occupation, and income. Psychological impairment is operationalized by the 22 item scale. Table 3.1 presents the relationship of age to percentage psychologically impaired. Impairment ranges from a low of 8.5 percent in the 20-

29 age group to a high of 23.8 percent in the 70 and over age group. Except for those 30-39* individuals (on the average) consistently experience more impairment with increasing age. However, the relationship does not appear linear. The difference in impairment rates between those 20-29 and those

60-69 is less than the difference between those 6O-69 and those 70 and over. Thus, the effect of age on impairment is minimal until around the age of normal, occupational retirement at which point a substantial increase appears.

36
Table 3 . 1 Percent "Psychologically Impaired" by 10-year Age Category
Impaired

Age

(1* symptoms or more)

%

N
118 I69 251 217 100 101

20-29 30-39 1*0-1*9 50-59 60-69 70 and over Total

8.5
10.7

8.8
13.1* ll*. 0 23.8 12.2

956
G = .23 r = .12 r 2 = .01

Age:

x = 1*8.2 s = 15.1

x df P

17-8

5
< .01

As measured by chi-square, these findings are s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g nificant beyond the .01 level. variables i s small. However, the amount of association between The amount of

Gamma equals .23 and r equals .12.

variance i n psychological impairment explained by age i s only .01 percent. However, the relationship i s in the direction predicted by the theory. Table 3.2 presents the relationship of occupational prestige t o percentage psychologically impaired. Impairment ranges from a low of 7.9 Note the

percent i n managers to a high of 15.5 percent in laborers.

37
Table 3.2 Percent "Psychologically Impaired" by Occupational Prestige Categories Impaired Occupational Prestige Category (1* symptoms or more)

%
Professional, Technical and Kindred Farmers and Farm Managers Managers Clerical and Kindred Sales Crafts, Foremen and Kindred Operatives and Kindred Service Laborers Total 13.3 15.3

98
121+ 111*

7.9 9.6 9.1

10.5 ll*.0 15.0

52

1 * 1 *
219 207 1 * 0
58

15.5
12.2

956

Occupational Prestige: x = 1*.59

x 2 = 6.3 df = 9 P = n.s.

G = -.03 r = -.ol* r 2 = < . 01 Except for

s = 2.1+5

relationship is somewhat curvilinear although not monotonic.

the two highest prestige categories (professions and farmers) there is a nearly continual increase in the impairment rate as prestige declines. Although the farmer, farm-manager category may have a too prestigious placement, professional workers still manifest an unexpected amount of

38
impairment. Therefore, the curvilinearity of the data is not explained by the misplacement of the U. S. Census categoryfarmer. On the whole, little relationship is evidenced among variables. As measured by chi-square, these findings are not significant at the .05 level. Gamma and r are -.03 and -.01+ respectively. Occupational prestige explains less than one percent of the variance in psychological impairment. The relationship is generally in the direction predicted by the theory. However, the curvilinear form of the relationship is contrary to theoretical predictions . Table 3.3 presents the relationship of education to percentage psychologically impaired. The highest rate of impairment, 19-7 percent, is

found among those who have completed no high school education. Thereafter, increasing education seems to make little, if any, difference. Those with some high school education have an impairment rate of 9.0 percent, while those who went beyond high school have a rate of 9.7 percent. The difference between those with no high school education and those with at least some high school education is striking; the former group has over twice the impairment rate of the latter. As measured by chi-square, these findings are statistically significant beyond the .001 level. However, the amount of association between variables is only moderate. Gamma equals -.31 and r equals -.17. The amount of explained variation in psychological impairment explained by education is .03 percent. The relationship is in the direction predicted by the theory. Table 3.1+ presents the relationship of income to percentage psychologically impaired. Impairment ranges from a low of 6.1 percent in the

39
Table 3.3 Percent "Psychologically Impaired" by Educational Categories Impaired Education ( 1 + symptoms or more)
%

Grammar School (0-8 years) High School (9-12 years) Some College (13 years or more) Total

19.7

279
1*91

9.0 9.7
17.2 y? = 20.6 df = 2

186 956
G = -.31 r = -.17 r2= .03

Education: x = 10.9 s = 3.2

p =<.001

highest income category to a high of 19.1 percent in the lowest income category. A continual decrease in the impairment rate is found with increasing income. As measured by chi-square, these findings are significant beyond the .001 level. The amount of association between variables is only moderate. Gamma equals -.33 and r equals -.17. The amount of variance in psychological impairment explained by income is 3 percent. The relationship is in the direction predicted by the theory. To briefly summarize, each of the indicators of social position (anomie) is related to psychological impairment in the direction predicted

1 * 0 Table 3.k
Percent "Psychologically Impaired" by Quartile Income Categories Impaired Income ( 1 + symptoms or more)
%

Low $0-k999 per year

Low-Moderate $5000-6999 per year High-Moderate $7000-10,999 per year High $11,000 and over per year Total x 13.9 19.1

225

280

8.9

271

6.1
12.2 = 19.8

180 956 G = -.33

r = -.17 r*= .03

Income: x = $7998

s = $531+3

df = 3 p = <.001

by the theory. However, the amount of association between variables and the amount of variance explained by the independent variables is small. The independent variable most related to the 22 item scale is income followed by education, age and finally occupational prestige. Multivariate relationships will be presented after a full presentation of univariate relationships.

1*1
Psychological Frustration as an Intervening Variable To establish psychological frustration as an intervening variable between anomie and psychological impairment, three conditions must be satisfied (Rosenberg, 1968:68-9). First, the independent, intervening and dependent variables must be interrelated. Second, when the independent

variable is controlled, the relationship between the intervening and dependent variable should not vanish. Third, when the intervening variable is controlled, the relationship between the independent and dependent variable should disappear. To satisfy the first condition, position in the social structure must be related to psychological impairment. This was indicated in Tables 3.1 through 3.k, although the relationship was either moderate or weak.

Social position must also be related to psychological frustration (present and past happiness). And present and past happiness must be related to psychological impairment. To satisfy the second and third requirements of condition one using tabular analysis would result in an unwieldy number of tables. Therefore, only Pearson product-moment correlations are reported. Table 3.5 presents correlations relating the four status variables to psychological impairment; the four status variables to the two happiness scores; and the two happiness scores to psychological impairment. Although the magnitude of the correlations is small, the median, absolute magnitude between status and happiness is .ll+, and between happiness and psychological impairment, the median is .235* These are approximately equal to, or

greater than the median correlation between status variables and psychological impairment ( r = .11*5). Granting Tables 3.1 through 3.1+ showed a

1 * 2
Table 3-5 Pearson Product Moment Inter-correlations for Selected Variables Variable 1. Age 2. Education 1 2 3 1 * 5 6 7

3. Occupational Prestige 1 * . Income 5. Degree of Present Happiness 6. 7. Relative Past Happiness 22 Item Symptom Summary Score -.13 .19 .12 .15 -.18 . 0 1 + .19 --

-.01+ -.12 -.21+ .23

-.17 -.01+ -.17

relationship between status variables and psychological impairment, these correlation coefficients indicated that equally impressive results would be found using tabular analysis relating social status and psychological impairment to happiness variables. Therefore, independent, intervening and dependent variables are all related, albeit modestly. The combined effect of the two indicators of happiness (psychological frustration) on the percentage psychologically impaired is of interest (Table 3.6). Both happiness now and happiness before are separately related to

psychological impairment. The greater the present happiness, the less often psychological impairment is present. On the other hand, the more happy the past was relative to the present, the more often psychological impairment is present. Furthermore, when the conditions of present unhappiness and past happiness are both encountered, over 60 percent of the respondents are psychologically impaired! This combination of events occurs

1 * 3
Table 3.6
Percent "Psychologically Impaired" in Nine Categories of Happiness Happiness Before Happiness Now
%

More
N %

Same
N %

Less
N %

Total
N

Very Happy Pretty Happy Not Too Happy Total

15.1* 22.8 61.0 32.9

(13) (92)

6.8 9.1

(11*6) (1*62) (10) (618)

2.7
12.1*

(73) (113)

6.0

(232) (667)

11.5

(1*1) 10.0 (11*6) 8.6

0.0 8.3

(6)
(192)

1*5.6

(57)

in only 1+.3 percent of the respondents; however, they account for 21.1* percent of all those psychologically impaired. To satisfy Rosenberg's second condition, when controlling the independent variable, the relationship between intervening and dependent variables should not vanish. Partial correlations were calculated correlating the two happiness scores to psychological impairment controlling for age separately and age, education, occupational prestige and income jointly. The former partial correlation is R = -.23 for present happiness and R = .22 for past happiness. The latter partial correlation is R = -.20 for present happiness and R = .20 for past happiness. While these correlations are small they do demonstrate a stable or increasing relationship between intervening and dependent variable when controlling for the independent variable.

1 * 1 *
To satisfy Rosenberg's third condition, when controlling the intervening variable, the relationship between independent and the dependent variables should disappear. Partial correlations were calculated relating age, education, occupational prestige and income to the 22 item scale while controlling for present and past happiness. Table 3.7 presents these findings and

Table 3.7

Pearson Product-Moment and P a r t i a l Correlations Relating Selected Variables Partial Correlation (controlling for happiness now and before) .07 -.12 .02 -.12

22 Item Scale by:

Pearson r

Age Education Occupational Prestige Income

.12 -.17 -.01+ -.17

compares them to the zero order c o r r e l a t i o n s . r e l a t i o n s h i p i s reduced.

In a l l cases the o r i g i n a l

The r e l a t i o n s h i p of occupational p r e s t i g e t o the

22 item scale changes d i r e c t i o n (-.01+ t o .02) as well as diminishing in magnitude. The r e l a t i o n s h i p of the 22 item scale t o : l ) age drops from

.12 to .07; 2) education drops from -.17 to - . 1 2 ; and, 3) income drops from - . 1 7 to - . 1 2 . While none of the o r i g i n a l relationships e n t i r e l y disappear, Therefore, the t h i r d condition i s somewhat

they a l l decrease as predicted. satisfied.

k5
To summarize, the three conditions necessary to e s t a b l i s h a variable as intervening were considered. some extent. All three conditions were s a t i s f i e d to

Therefore, in proceeding with analysis, psychological

f r u s t r a t i o n i s considered to intervene between anomie and psychological impairment. The i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s of anomie, psychological f r u s t r a t i o n , and psychological impairment were explored. The i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the data i s In terms of the o r i g i n a l

dependent upon the c r i t e r i a used in evaluation. hypotheses, i t was found that

1) the more disadvantaged a person i s due

to s o c i a l p o s i t i o n , the more l i k e l y he i s t o manifest psychological f r u s t r a t i o n and, 2) those who manifest psychological f r u s t r a t i o n a r e more l i k e l y t o be psychologically impaired. There r e l a t i o n s h i p s were a l l sigOn the other hand,

n i f i c a n t beyond the .05 level of using chi-square.

t h e o r e t i c a l support i s indicated by the amount of variance in the dependent variables explained by the independent v a r i a b l e s . Because the explained

variance of dependent variables never exceeded three percent, v i r t u a l l y no t h e o r e t i c a l support i s indicated. The Relationship of Psychological Impairment t o Social I s o l a t i o n Social i s o l a t i o n i s operationalized by five i n d i c a t o r s . The f i r s t

twochurch membership and number of s i g n i f i c a n t othersindicate respondents i d e n t i f i c a t i o n with other social e n t i t i e s . The remaining three

r e l i g i o u s service attendance; number of good friends i n t e r a c t e d with frequently; and t o t a l number of i n t e r a c t i o n s with s i g n i f i c a n t others per yearindicate behavioral i s o l a t i o n .

h6
Identificational Social Isolation Identificational indicators of social isolation are considered first. Table 3.8 presents the relationship of psychological impairment to church membership. It is noted that the majority of both unimpaired (81.8 percent) and impaired (78.6 percent) are church members, a difference of 3-2 percent Table 3.8 Percentage of Respondents in Increasing Categories of Social Isolation as Measured by Church Membership by Psychological Impairment Psychological Impairment Church Membership Yes No (2) (1) Total Unimpaired (0-3 symptoms) % 81.8 18.2 100.0 (n) (686) (153) 839 Impaired x = I.79 s = .1+1 x = .66 df = 1 p = n.s. G = -.10 r = -.05 r2= <.01 Impaired (k symptoms or more) % 78.6 21.1+ 100.0 (n) (92) (25) 117 % Difference -3.2 +3.2

Unimpaired Church Membership: x = 1.82 s = .39

in the predicted direction. Chi-square indicates these findings could be expected by chance alone more than 5 times in 100. Gamma equals -.10 and r equals -.05. The amount of variance in church membership explained by psychological impairment is less than one percent.

1 * 7
Table 3.9 presents the relationship of psychological impairment to number of significant others. The unimpaired have a greater mean number of

Table 3.9 Percentage of Respondents in Increasing Categories of Social Isolation as Measured by Number of Significant Others by Psychological Impairment Psychological Impairment Number of Significant Others 5-8 3-1* 2 1 0 Total Unimpaired (0-3 symptoms) % 11*. 8 37.5 21+.6 ll+.l* 8.7 100.0 (n) (121+) (315) (206) (121) (73) 839 Impaired (1+ symptoms or more)
%

(n) (17) (32) (32) (29) (7) 117

% Difference -0.6 -10.1 2.8 10.1+ -2.7

11+.2 27.1+ 27.1* 21*.8 6.0 99.8 Impaired x = 2.68 s = 1.95

Number of Unimpaired Significant Others: x = 2.81 s = 1.81

yr = 11.20 df - 1 * P = < .05

G = -.12 r = -.02 r2= <.01

significant others (2.8l to 2.68). However, they more often have no significant others (8.7 percent to 6.0 percent). Except for the unimpaired having a greater percent with no significant others, the data lie in the direction predicted by the theory. Chi-square is significant beyond the

1 * 8

.05 level. Gamma equals -.12 and r equals -.02. Psychological impairment explains less than one percent of the variance in number of significant others. From these data, it is evident that psychological impairment is only minimally related to identificational social isolation.

Behavioral Social Isolation Table 3.10 presents the relationship of psychological impairment to religious service attendance. Although the modal category of attendance for both unimpaired and impaired is "once a week or more," the mean attendance of the unimpaired is greater. The direction of the data supports theoretical predictions? the unimpaired consistently attend more religious

services than the impaired. The most striking difference is that the impaired are almost twice as likely to never attend religious services. Using chi-square these findings are significant beyond the .05 level. Gamma equals -.17 and r equals -.15. Psychological impairment explains two percent of the variance in religious service attendance. While the magnitude of explained variance is small, compared to all other indicators of social isolation, religious service attendance is most related to psychological impairment. Table 3.11 presents the relationship of psychological impairment to having good friends with whom high rates of interaction are maintained. The unimpaired have a greater mean number of good friends than the impaired; however, the relationship is not linear. Impaired respondents are more

likely to have three or four friends than are the unimpaired and the impaired are less likely to have one or two friends than unimpaired

1 * 9
Table 3.10 Percentage of Respondents in Increasing Categories of Social Isolation as Measured by Religious Service Attendance by Psychological Impairment Psychol or,"1 ral Imp,-1i nnrj u Religious Service Attendance Unimpaired (0-3 symptoms)
%

Impaired (1+ symptoms or more)

%

(n)
(360)

(n)

% Difference

Once a week and more Less than once a week to once in three months Irregularly and infrequently Never Total Religious Service Attendance s

1*2.9

37-6

(1*1*)

-5.3

22.0

(185) (231) (63)

11*. 5 31*. 2 13.7 100.0

(17) (1*0) (16)

-7.5
+6.7 +6.2

27.5

7-5

99.9
Unimpaired x * = J+.71 s = 3 .11

839

117

Impaired x = 5.51 s = 3.1*3 x 2 = 9.76 df = 3 P = <.05 G = -.17 1 * = -.15 r2= .02

K-Means are calculated from an eleven point ordinal scale in which a low score represents high attendance.

respondents. One possible explanation is that the marginal number of cases in the "one or two good friends" category is small. Except for this category, the relationship between the two variables is in the form predicted by the theory.

5o
Table 3.11 Percentage of Respondents in Increasing Categories of Social Isolation as Measured by the Number of Good Friends with "High" Rates of Interaction by Psychological Impairment Psychological Impairment Number of Good Friends Unimpaired (0-3 symptoms)
%

Impaired (1+ symptoms or more)

%

(n) (11*0) (253) (202) (81*) (170) 839

(n) (19) (23) (32) (7) (36) 117

% Difference -0.5 -10.1+ +3.3 -1*.0 +10.5

9 and over

16.7 30.1 21*.1 10.0 20.3 100.2 Unimpaired

16.2 19.7 27-1* 6.0 30.8 100.1 Impaired x = 1+.39 s = J+.63

5-8
3-1* 1-2 0 Total

Number of Good Friends:

x = 5-02 s = i*.20

x 2 = 10.67 df = 1 *

G = -.11+

r = -.05
r2= <.01

P = < .05

Using chi-square, these findings are significant beyond the .05 level. Gamma equals -.11+ and r equals -.05. The amount of variance in

number of good friends with whom the respondent has high rates of interaction explained by psychological impairment is less than one percent. Table 3.12 presents the relationship of psychological impairment to the total number of interactions with all significant others per year.

51
Table 3.12 Percentage of Respondents in Increasing Categories of Social Isolation as Measured by the Total Number of Interactions with all Significant Others Per Year by Psychological Impairment Psychological Impairment Total Interaction with all Significant Others, Per Year Unimpaired (0-3 symptoms) % 1001-3000 551-1000 371-550 176-370 1*1-175 0-1+0 Total <n) Impaired ( 1 + symptoms or more) % (n) % Difference

15.1 19.8 17.5 18.7 16.1 12.8 100.0

(127) (166) (11*7) (157) (135) (107)

15-1* 17.1 13.7 17-9 17-9 17-9

(18) (20) (16) (21) (21) (21)

+0.3 +2.7 +3.8 +0.8 -1.8 -5.1

839

99.9

117

Total SignificantOther Interaction:

Unimpaired x = 502
s = 1*20

Impaired x = 1+76
s = k96 x 2 = 3.60 df = 5 p = n.s. G = -.08 r = -.02 r2= <.01

The unimpaired have a greater mean number of interactions. Although the percentage difference is small, the impaired have greater rates of isolation as evidenced in the two categories of greatest social isolation. Using chi-square, these findings are not significant at the .05 level. Gamma equals -.08 and r equals -.02. The amount of variance in total interaction with significant others per year is less than .01 percent.

52
Five indicators of social isolation were analyzed to determine their relationship to psychological impairment. These indicators were designed

to indicate the nature of retreatism along behavioral-identificational dimensions. Three of the five indicators were significant as judged by chi-square. However, psychological impairment explained no more than 2 percent of the variance in any indicator. The form of patterning among

social isolation indicators is considered below.

Review of Findings Table 3-13 presents a review of statistical findings including chi-square, Gamma, r, and amount variance explained. In all cases position

in the social structure is related to both indicators of happiness at the .01 level of significance or greater, using chi-square. The same is found for relationships between the two indicators of happiness and psychological impairment. Using Gamma, small and moderate amounts of association are

indicated among variables. However, using r, the degree of association most often diminishes somewhat. In no case do Gamma and r disagree in Of interest is the patterning of signs

the direction of the relationship.

among relationships over types of happiness. Those who tend to be presently happy tend to be the young, well-educated with good income and occupation. They tend not to manifest psychological impairment. Those who tend to be happier in the past are the old, less-educated with low income and occupational prestige. They tend to manifest psychological impairment. Psychological impairment is related to social isolation using five indicators. Three of the five indicators are significant beyond the .05 However, none are significant at the .01 level.

level, using chi-square.

53
Table 3.13 Summary of Chi-Square, Gamma, Pearson's r , and Amount of Explained Variance for Selected Variables Pearson Product J Moment Correlation Amount of (conputed on Explained raw data) Variance
-2

Degrees Chi of Square Freedom Happiness Now by: 1) Age 2) 3) Education Occupation 28.98 26.88
1*6.1*0 38.23 67-72

Gamma (computed on chi-square tables in Chapter 3)

10 1 * 16 6 2

< .01 <.001 <.001 <.001 <\001

-.15
.27 .01* .28

-.13

.02 ,02 <.01 .01* .06

.15
.01* .19 -.21+

1 * ) Income 5) Psychological Impairment

-.55

Happiness Before by: 1) Age 2) 3) Education Occupation 1*8.65 19.17 33.22 21.60 68.31* 10 1 * 16 6 2 <.001 <.001 <.01 <.01 <\001 .26 -.22 -.02 -.11* .1*8 19 -.18 -.01+ -.12 .23
.01+

.03 <.01 .01 .05

1 * ) Income 5) Psychological Impairment

Psychological Impairment by: l)*Church Membership 2)*Number of Significant Others 3) Religious Service Attendance .66 11.20 9.76 10.67 1 1 * 3 1 * n.s. -.10 -.12 -.17 -.11+ -.05 -.02 -.15 -.05 /.01 <?.01 ,02 < .01

<.o5 <.o5
.0$

1+) Number of Good Friends 5) Total Interaction w1th Significant Others Per Year

3.60

n.s.

-.08

'

-.02

C .01

5k
As indicated by chi-square, the relationship between psychological impairment and social isolation seems less significant than the previous relationships considered. This is borne out by Gamma and r, which also tend to be of lesser magnitude when relating psychological impairment to social isolation than when relating social position, anomia and psychological impairment. All of the r coefficients are in the predicted direction, however, their small magnitude indicates social isolation has little association with psychological impairment. Therefore, in terms of the original hypothesis, it is found that psychological impairment and social isolation are directly related. Nevertheless, limited theoretical support can be claimed because the independent variables explain such small amounts of variance in the dependent variables. In considering patterning of relationships of social isolation, the identificational measures (starred) and the behavioral measures are approximately equally related to psychological impairment. The median r is -.11 and -.11*, respectively. Table 3.ll* presents the complete Pearson product-moment correlation matrix. If more theoretical support had been evidenced, the relationship of social position (Table 3.ll*: E) and psychological frustration (Table 3.11*: F) to social isolation would be of considerable interest. Lacking theoretical support, it suffices to point out neither social position nor psychological frustration is strongly related to social isolation. However, both social position and psychological frustration are more related to social isolation than is psychological impairment.

Table 3.Hi Complete Matrix of Pearson Product-Moment Correlations (n - 956) 8 10

11

12

1) Age
2) Education 3) Occupation -.1*1 07 -.20 -.13 .19 .12 -.06 -.02 .36 -1*8 15 -.18 -.17 25 .13 .13 .09

k) Income
5) Happy Now 6) Happy Before 7) Psychological Impairment 8) Church Membership 9) Religious -Service Attendance

.27
.01* -.Oli -.Oli .15 .12 .15 .10 .19 A __ -.12 -.17 .16 .08 .11 .05 -.29 -.22* .12 .16 .11 .13 .23 -.05 -.05 -.06 -.05 B -.05 -.15 -.05 -.02 .li6 .08 .09 .09 .07

10) Number of Good Friends -.01 11) Number of Significant Others -.01

.27

12) Total Interaction w5 * h All Significant Others Per Year -.11* E A - anomie to anomia B - anomia to mental illness

.07

-.02

.02 F

.11* - . 0 5

-.02

.05

.07

.10

.68

C - mental illness to social isolation D - social position to mental illness

E - social position to social isolation F - anomia to social isolation

56
Multivariate Analysis To further search for theoretical support, multivariate analysis was undertaken. cients. Table 3.15 presents a number of multiple correlation coeffi-

They were computed to determine if several variables acting jointly

could better predict the dependent variables than could a single independent variable. In column I the four status variables are used to predict, the two happiness variables, psychological impairment, and the five indicators of social isolation. The coefficients are small ranging from .11 to .26. Of

theoretical interest are the coefficients predicting happiness from position in the social structure (.22 and .22). Neither is of great magnitude.

Furthermore, neither represents much increase over the zero order correlations, where for age by past happiness, r equals .19, and for income by 2 present happiness, r equals .19. The amount of explained variation (R 05$) is also small. In column II the four status variables and psychological impairment are used to predict the five indicators of social isolation. The data indicate that psychological impairment, when added to the four status variables, makes little if any contribution to the prediction of social isolation. The multiple correlation predicting church membership rises from .16 to .20, while in no other cases does R rise more than .01. Therefore, psychological impairment adds little to social position m predicting social isolation. Column III is similar to column II. In place of psychological impairment, the two happiness variables are combined with the four status

57

Table 3.15 Multiple Correlation Coefficients Predicing Selected Variables (n 956)

II

III

IV

Age, Education, Occupation, Income, Predicting: 1. Happy Now 2. Happy Before 3. Psychological Impairment .22 .22 .21

Age, Education, Occupation, Income, Psychological Impairment, Predicting:

Age, Education, Age, Occupation, Education, Income, Occupation, Psychological Income, Impairment, Happy Now, Happy Now, Happy Before, Happy Before Predicting: Predicting:

.32 .20 .26 .21 .28 .23 .28

1*. Religious Service Attendance .16 5. 6. Church Membership Number of Significant Others .26

.11 .18

.11 .19

.16 .20

.17 .20

7. Number of Good Friends 8. Total Interaction with All Significant Others Per Year

.ll*

.11*

.19

19

58
variables to predict social isolation (and psychological impairment). In general, the R's are small, although they are larger than those found in column II. The amount of variation m psychological impairment explained by social position and happiness is 10.21+$. The addition of the two happiness variables (psychological frustration) to the four status variables makes a relatively sizable difference in the ability to predict psychological impairment, .21 to .32. This is further evidence that happiness intervenes between anomie and psychological impairment. In all cases the variables in column III better predict social isolation than the variables in column II. This suggests that level of psychological frustration is more important for predicting social isolation than is degree of psychological impairment. In column IV the 1 + status variables, two happiness variables, and psychological impairment are used to predict the five indicators of social isolation. Column IV indicates psychological impairment contributes little

extra explained variation to predicting social isolation over using happiness (and status variables) alone. It becomes obvious from the above discussion that multivariate analysis does not provide any substantially different interpretation of the data than did univariate analysis. Little support is found for the Mertonian theory of social structure and anomie.

59

CHAPTER 1 +

SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION

Summary If these data were assessed using chi-square, the findings are consistent with previous research which deals with similar variables. That is, position in the social structure is related to psychological impairment, and happiness concerning life situation intervenes between position in the social structure and psychological impairment. Furthermore, social isolation is related to psychological impairment. The strongest relationships appeared between social position, happiness and psychological impairment. A weaker relationship is present between psychological impairment and social isolation. Most tables presented were significant beyond the .05 level using chi-square. However, the shortcomings of the statistic were noted and it was rejected as an adequate criterion by which to judge the theory. To evaluate Merton's theory of social structure and anomie,

more stringent criteria were used. Gamma and r coefficients were calculated to determine the amount of dependence between variables. In general, G and r were similar, however, for these data, r is somewhat more conservative. The relative degree of relationship among variables remained unchanged using tabular analysis, chi-square or measures of association. The strongest relationship was among happiness and psychological impairment, followed by position in the

60
social structure to happiness, followed by psychological impairment to social isolation. The amount of association between variables, however, was small. The Pearson r's ranged from .01 to .21* (absolute magnitude). Multiple correlations were calculated to determine if a combination of independent variables could substantially increase the predictive ability of the variables under consideration. The multiple correlations were larger, ranging from .06 to .32, however, the predictive ability remained small. These data, therefore, provide little support for Merton's theory. The final criterion used to judge Merton's theory was the amount of explained variance. The data substantiate the theory very little using this criterion. The greatest amount of explained variance was 10.21* percent encountered when position in the social structure and happiness were used to predict psychological impairment., of explained variance was smaller. In all other cases the amount

Therefore, it is concluded that Merton's

theory fails to explain these data with precision. One purpose of this analysis was to provide a description of the process of social isolation m the face of rising anomia. It was hypothesized that a step-wise process of social isolation might be found along the behavioral-identificational dimension. not indicated. In fact, little concomitant variation was found between psychological impairment and any indicator of social isolation. These findings strongly deny the theoretical contention that as anomia increases, the individual tends to retreat from social interaction. However, such a process was

61
Discussion Rather than merely asking whether relationships postulated by theory existed at less than the .05 level of probability, we asked to what degree the theoretically posited dependent or criterion variable could be explained by the proposed causal variables. Strikingly different interpretations are derived from the two procedures. Whereas most hypothesized relationships were confirmed, little predictive power was evident. This difference in interpretation is directly attributable to differences in criteria appropriate to the separate tasks. In testing hypotheses, it is common practice to determine whether chance alone could account for the findings. In theory testing, analysis is directed to determining how well

the independent variables predict the dependent variables suggested by the theory. Thus methodology and theory are intrinsically linked. Without the application of appropriate methodologies, a theoretical sociology may be allowed to develop which has limited predictive power and thus arrest the progress of sociology as an empirically based science. Utilization of Merton's theory has pointed out a number of weaknesses m it beyond its inability to explain the data at hand. Merton's

original statement of the theory of social structure and anomie was placed in a "strictly sociological" context with assumptions very similar to those made by Durkheim. As such the theory possessed certain weaknesses inherent in the Durkheimian assumptions. For example, in Suicide, (1897) Durkheim was never able to explain why certain individuals committed suicide while other individuals similar to the suicidal in all respects considered by Durkheim did not. Merton originally asserted that his theory need not

62
explain the incidence of deviant behavior (origin in individuals). In time, Merton was impressed by the inability of his theory to handle problems of subpopulations within society. He came to view society as less monolithic

than he originally conceived it. Thereafter, he expanded the original theory (1957:161-91+) in an attempt to cope with shortcomings in its original statement. This expansion came very close to dealing with the incidence of deviance. Unfortunately, the expansion was done in patch-work rather than systematic fashion. Some shortcomings were noted before in previous chapters. In addition to these shortcomings another is outstanding. Macrosociology is hampered in its ability to measure variables; for examplehow are cultural goals measurable. The problem is compounded if discrepancies between culture goals and societal means are both to be measured and then the difference between them calculated. Merton attempts to solve this problem by citing vignettes. However, it is a difficult task to quantify such procedures. This problem is exacerbated when subpopulations in a society must be contrasted one to another and even more when subpopulations must be compared to the society as a whole. Merton never successfully indicates how subpopulation means and goals are to be measured. In this way, Merton's By

expansion of his theory does little to clarify how it is to be tested. expanding the theory Merton has broadened it, but the price is a lack of theoretical integration and precision.

The data in this analysis indicate that those who adapt to anomia through "retreatism" do not "retreat" from social interaction to any large degree. While all indicators were in the direction predicted by the theory,

63
very l i t t l e of the variance i n social i s o l a t i o n was explained by degree of psychological impairment. F i n a l l y , these d i f f i c u l t i e s exemplify the r e l a t i o n s h i p of sociological theory to empirical research. The l i f e s t r e s s and Mertonian models each have And

been operationalized with v i r t u a l l y the same empirical i n d i c a t o r s . n e i t h e r produce strong supportive evidence.

However, to improve the

explanatory power of the models, different improvements in empirical i n d i cators and research designs a r e suggested by the theory that guides them. For example, Merton's theory might be comparatively tested by observing two s o c i a l systems; one i n which there i s g r e a t s i m i l a r i t y of access to s o c i e t a l means and another, such as o u r s , where there e x i s t s s u b s t a n t i a l i n e q u a l i t i e s of access to means. From Merton's theory, i t would be expected that even

in the face of g r e a t poverty, there would be few manifestations of "adaptations" if c u l t u r e e t h i c s stressed equality of achievement while most c i t i z e n s were poor. On the other hand, the l i f e s t r e s s model would suggest

t h a t poverty, m and of i t s e l f , would produce deviance such as mental i l l ness. Thus, whether or not the individual expected poverty or d i d n ' t would

make r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e difference. Implications In determining which factors were most r e l a t e d to psychological impairment, several surprising i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s were made. Position m the

s o c i a l structure including both age and social c l a s s was found to be l i t t l e r e l a t e d to psychological impairment; s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n was found to be even less related. These findings are surprising because they run counter to These d a t a indicate that while impairment

much sociological "knowledge."

6k
may often reside among those of the lower class and the old, class and age are not of themselves causes. Furthermore, the data indicate that employing these variables as causal agents provides little predictive ability. Also, these findings imply that it is not social position which in and of itself provides meaningful attachments of the individual to the social order. Indeed, the individual may have youth, an enviable social position and many social contacts and still not meaningfully be attached to societythe individual may still exhibit retreatism. answer the question: These data don't

"What is it that meaningfully attaches the individual In analyz-

to the social order?" However, some clues may have been given.

ing which conditions of happiness were most related to psychological impairment it was found that of all variables considered, previous happiness coupled with present unhappiness was most related. This suggests changes

in life situation are more stressful than life situations that are unpleasant but constant. It also suggests that increasing unhappiness is a more stressful condition than increasing happiness. It appears that those individuals

who are least happy presently compared to the past are those who are most impaired. The implications of the assertion that the individual's psychological well being resides in his perception of his life experience are manifold. To the American society at this particular time the following seems relevant. In a heterogeneous population, life situations are very different However, as a society becomes more homogeneous, life Furthermore, in-

among individuals.

situations of individuals become increasingly similar.

creasing technological development increases the number of common factors

65
pertaining to individual's life situations. Thus, when a fruit pickers' strike occurs, all go without tomatoes, not just the few who refuse to pick and the few who refuse to pay. In mass society individuals are becoming more homogeneous, more factors commonly influence them, and more people are constantly affected due to population growth. The possibility of cyclical changes in societal emotions becomes increasingly probable. That is, the happiness of individuals concerning their life situations is becoming increasingly integrated with events happening throughout the society as a whole. Thus, technological interdependence may be directly related to the emotional interdependence of the citizenry. The data indicate that structural position in society and interactional roles are little related to psychological frustration or impairment. Therefore, these attachments of the individual to the social structure have little ability to shield him from the faction with the current life situation. consequences of declining satis-

Such an assertion runs counter to

structural-functional theory which holds that the m a m attachment of the individual to society is through his role positions m society which bind

him to it through rights and obligations. Rather, it is suggested in mass society the individual becomes increasingly affected by society due to its increasing pervasiveness while at the same time he becumes increasingly unattached to social groups of which he is a physical participant. Therefore, in mass society the possibility of widespread emotional deterioration induced from sources outside the individual's control or immediate perception becomes more likely. Declining happiness may occur

66
to great numbers of people simultaneously. At worst, such a reaction could produce a vicious-circle type of chain reaction. These implications do not conform to either the life stress model or Merton's theory. It is not suggested, as the life stress model would,

that psychological impairment is a product of widespread deprivation of the individual. In American society the absolute level of deprivation is

relatively low by global standards. Even so, psychological impairment is claimed to be widespread in this society and is found throughout the class structure. Frustration alone seems insufficient to explain the phenomenon. Furthermore, these implications differ from Merton's theory in that the source of deviance is not hypothesized as lying outside the individual, that is, in the malmtegration of the culture and the society. Rather it is perhaps attributable to an unrewarding relationship of man to his social environment. The existentialist philosophy m which man walks to his grave alone yields the insight that man and society are imperfectly integrated. It is in this bondthe bond of the individual man to Happiness

the society around himthat the incidence of retreatism lies.

with the life situation provides a myth to the individual that he is integrated with society. However, this perception is a fiction. Man is hardly integrated into society to the extent he feels himself integrated m times of personal happiness. In times of crisis, he reacts by question-

ing the extent of his attachment with society and those persons around him. It is in times of malcontent with the life situation that man tends to question his own naive belief m his attachment to the social order. Some

find that the bond of the individual to society is without personal meaning.

67
These individuals drop out of society. They no longer conform to social expectations. They manifest deviant behavior such as retreatism. Ultimately man walks to his grave alone. Ultimately there is no reconciliation between the man as an individual and the society that endures beyond him. The paradox is that it is only this mistaken belief

in the integration of man and society that allows both man and society to endure.

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Langner, Thomas S. and Stanley T. Michael. 1963. Life Stress and Mental Health: The Midtown Manhattan Study, Vol. 2. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe. Lowenthal, Marjorie Fiske,. 1961*. "Social Isolation and Mental Illness." American Sociological Review, 29 (February): 51*-70. . 1965. "Antecedents of Isolation and Mental Illness in Old Age." Archives of General Psychiatry, 12 (March): 21+5-251*.

Lowenthal, Marjorie Fiske and Paul L. Berkman and Associates. 1967. Aging and Mental Disorder in San Francisco. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

70
Manis, Gerome G., Milton J. Brawer, Chester L. Hunt and Leonard C. Kercher. 1963. "Validating a Mental Health Scale." American Sociological Review, 28 (February): 108-116. McClosky, Herbert and John H. Schaar. 1965. "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy." American Sociological Review, 30 (February): 11+-1+0. Merton, Robert. 1957- Social Theory and Social Structure (revised and enlarged edition). New York: The Free Press of Glencoe. Muller, Robert Scott. 1966. "A Comparison of Gemeinschaftliche and Gesellschaftliche Communities and Their Levels of Mental Health." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. Tallahassee: Florida State University. Murphy. H. B. M. 1962. "The Association Between Social Class, Occupation and the Incidence of Mental Hospitalization." (Unpublished). Nunnally, Jum C. 1967. Psychometric Theory. New York: McGraw-Hill.

Phillips, Derek L 1968. "Social Class and Psychological Disturbance: The Influence of Positive and Negative Experiences." Social Psychiatry, 3 (April): 1*1-1+6. Phillips, Derek L. and Bernard F. Segal. 1969. "Sexual Status and Psychiatric Symptoms." American Sociological Review, 31* (February): 58-72. Srole, L., T. S. Langner, S. T. Michael, M. K Opler, and T. A. C. Rennie. 1962. Mental Health in Metropoliss The Midtown Study, Vol. 1. New York: McGraw-Hill. Star, S. A. 1950. "The Screening of Psychoneurotics m the Army: Technical Development of Tests." Pp. 1*86-51+7 in Stouffer, S. A.; Guttman, L.j Suchman, E. A.j Lazarsfeld, P. F.j Star, S. A., and Clausen, J. A. (Eds), Measurement and Prediction. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press. Tuckman, Jacob and Robert J. Kleiner. 1962. "Discrepancy Between Aspiration and Achievement as a Predictor of Schizophrenia." Behavioral Science, 2 s 1 * 1 * 3 1 * 1 * 7 . U. S. Bureau of the Census, i960. Census of Population, Alphabetical Index of Occupations and Industries (revised edition). Washington, D. C.s U. S. Government Printing Office. Wall Street Journal. 1970. "J and L Steel Yields Little but Grief for Ling Conglomerate." (January 5)< 1 Weinberg, S. Kirson. 1955. "A Sociological Analysis of a Schizophrenic Type." Pp. 21+0-257 m Arnold M. Rose (Ed.), Mental Health and Mental Disorder. New York: W. Norton.

VITA NAME: Lauren Harold Seiler

PERSONAL INFORMATION: Sex Date of Birth Place of Birth Marital Status Male May 10, 191*3 Chicago, Illinois Married: one child

EDUCATION:

June, 1965* University of New Mexico, in Albuquerque. A.M.: June, 1968, University of Illinois in Urbana, Department of Sociology. Ph.D.: October, 1970, University of Illinois in Urbana-Champaign, Department of Sociology. National Institute of Mental Health, "Predoctoral Research Fellowship." 1968 - 1970. A.M.: "Some Role Components of Sponsors Conducting Foster Homes for Mental Patients."

B.S.:

SCHOLARSHIPS:

THESIS TOPICS:

PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS:

American Sociological Association Society for the Study of Social Problems Midwest Sociological Society Southern Sociological Society Illinois Sociological Association

TEACHING EXPERIENCE:

September, 1967 - June, 1968: Laboratory Instructor September, 1969 - June, 1970: Part-time Instructor, University of Illinois

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RESEARCH POSITIONS AND EXPERIENCE:

June, 1966s Conducted interviews with foster home sponsors for mental patients, (for A.M. thesis) June, 1967 - September, 1968: Research Assistant, Rural Industrial Development Project, University of Illinois (multi-disciplinary research project analyzing the longitudinal response of rural communities to sudden industrialization)

PUBLICATIONS AND PAPERS READ AT CONVENTIONS:

^Summer, Gene F,; Seller, Lauren H.; and Wiley, Glenn E. "A Note on the Validation of Reputational Leadership by the Multitriat - Multimethod Matrix." In E. F. Borgatta and G. W. Bohrnstedt (Eds.) Sociological Methodology. In Press, 1970, JosseyBass. ^Seller, Lauren H. and Hough, Richard L. "Empirical Comparisons Between the Thurstone and Likert Methods of Attitude Scale Construction." Chapter 8 of Summers, Gene F. (Ed.), Attitude Measurement, 1970, Rand McNally. ^Summers, Gene F . j Seller, Lauren H.j and Wiley, Glenn E. "On the Validity and Utility of the Reputational Method for Identifying Community Leadership Structures." Read at the Midwest Sociological Society Meetings, Indianapolis, 1969). ^Summers, Gene F.j Seller, Lauren H.; and Hough, Richard L. "Psychiatric Symptoms and the Use of Rehabilitative Facilities." Read at the Rural Sociological Society Meetings, San Francisco, 1969. ^Summers, Gene F,; Clark, John Pj and Seiler, Lauren H. "Toward the Development of a Sociology of Community." Read at the Midwest Sociological Society Meetings, Omaha, Nebraska, I968.