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The Kaliga Temple Form Author(s): Mary F. Linda Source: Ars Orientalis, Vol. 20 (1990), pp. 87-111 Published by: Freer Gallery of Art, The Smithsonian Institution and Department of the History of Art, University of Michigan Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4629402 . Accessed: 10/04/2011 10:43
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THE KALINGATEMPLEFORM BYMARYF. LINDA


ALONG WITH OTHER MAJOR FORMS OF INDIAN TEMPLES SUCH

as Nagara, Dravida, Bhiimija, and Vesara, the Kaliriga temple form is noted in an inscription on a temple in Karrdtal and in textual sources from west, east, and south India.2 Although mention of this form with the better known temple forms suggests its significance, the KaliAiga temple has rarely been discussed in scholarly literature and has been identified only hesitantly. The twelfth-centurysouth Indian Sivagama,the K-amika, presents a brief description of the forms of this temple type, but little is discernible from the corrupt Sanskrit text.3 This dearth of description has not been the only obstacle to identifying this form: Kaliriga, as coastal Orissa was known in the third century B.C., is consistently, and incorrectly, assumed to have been centered in Orissa throughout the last two millenia-an assumption that disregards changing political history. As a consequence, the medieval Kaliriga temples that remain in present-day northern Andhra Pradesh have not been analyzed in light of the available information. In 1934 Stella Kramrisch, although aware of the inscriptional references to Kaliriga as a distinctive type, identified it as the eastern variety of Nagara (northern) temples; the monuments of Orissa, which she assumed were Kaliriga,did not confirm separation of the two styles.4 More recently, after analyzing the inscriptions, texts, and reliefs of the major temple types represented by artisans on temples in Karnata (modern Mysore State, south India), M. A. Dhaky concluded that temples in Orissamost closely matched the Nagaraform as described in the Kamikiigama.5 After comparing descriptions in texts with reliefs of the Nagara, Dravida, Bhuimija, and Vesara temples, he tentatively suggested that the only reliefs remaining uncategorized-those with tiered pyramidal roofs (phansana)-might represent Kaliriga temples.6 According to Dhaky, this attribution must remain tentative until the form can be found in Kaliriga,which for him, as for Kramrisch, is Orissa. Several of the reliefs of the Kaliriga form that he illustrates depict tall towers of simple horizontal courses that consistently decrease in width to the apex of the tower; this creates a straightedged tower profile, typical of temples in southern India (Fig. 1; Fig. 2, the center and two outer reliefs; and Fig. 3, the second, fourth, and sixth reliefs from the left). The four towers of the twelfth-century LaksmidevT temple at Dodda Gaddavalli, Mysore, are presented as structural counterparts to these reliefs (Fig. 4).

Dhaky correctly asserts that in Orissa, from the tenth century onwards, structures with pyramidal roofs were halls of temples, not the temples themselves (Fig. 25). His observations of the monuments are corroborated by information in the Bhubanapradipa,a 'silpa sastra specific to Orissa: a temple with a square ground plan and a tower (gan4i) composed of horizontal courses (pidhas in the vernacular) "piled up in the form of a pyramid" is known as the bhadra type; the bhadra temple is specifically called a hall rather than a structure housing a deity.7In no instance does the height of these halls approach either the height of the temples to which they are attached or the soaring height depicted in the reliefs; the structures remain squat in proportion to the width of the square base. As Dhaky points out, the one temple in Orissa that does have a tower of phanisana (pz4has) is the twelfthcentury Baskaresvara temple in Bhubanesvar (Fig. 5), but the tower is curvilinear (typical of temples in northern India), in contrast both to the straightedged profile of the Laksml devTtemple at Dodda Gaddavalli (Fig. 4) and to the roofs of halls in Orissa (Fig. 25). Another relief in Karnata that Dhaky identifies as the Kalirigaform does present a curvilinear tower of plain courses with prominent projections on four sides and is similar in conception to the Baskare'svaratemple (Fig. 6, center). Despite his reservations, Dhaky had isolated the Kalirigastyle: it is in fact a curved tower of simple pi4has, although usually comparable in height to that ofNagara temples, that distinguishes the Kaliriga from the Nagara temple and from temples with phamAsana roofs in other parts of India. This temple form can be identified more precisely by determining exactly where Kaliriga was located during the medieval period. This can be ascertained by the find-spots of the copper plate grants of kings who claimed to rule Kaliniga.Conversely, the grants by rulers of principalities in Orissa make no mention of Kaliriga during this period. This analysis establishes that Kalirigawascentered in the Srikakulam District of Andhra Pradesh from the late fourth through at least the eleventh century, during the period of style formation. Twelve temples that remain in this area were constructed from the seventh through the tenth century, and although many characteristics of these temples are shared with traditions north in Orissa, five of the twelve have curvilinear towers (gandi) of simple pzdha courses. Four were built in the late seventh/early eighth century, and the form was repeated on one

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tenth-century temple. With some modifications, the tower type was used on the Baskaresvara temple in Bhubanesvar, Orissa, outside Kaliriga, after the early twelfth-century conquest of that northern area by the Later Ganga king Anantavarman Chodagariga, king of KaliAiga.The repetition of so unusual a form over centuries suggests that it was known as a distinctive style; its use outside KaliAgaafter political conquest by a Kalirigan king reiterates its origin in, and association with, northern Andhra Pradesh. The other seven ninth/tenth-century temples in Kaliriga differ slightly from Nagara temples in Orissa-the result of modifications inspired by the pi4ha roof form of the early Kaliriga temples.

Kalifiga
The first inscriptional reference to Kaliriga was in A'soka'sRock Edict XIII, which describes his devastating conquest of Kaliniga in 261 B.C. This edict is not included, however, in the rock edicts carved at Dhauli near Bhubanesvar and atJaugada near Berhampur in Ganjam District, southern Orissa (Fig. 7).8 The administrative unitwithin Kalirigaseems to have been called Tosall. The first reference to Kalirigain Orissa proper was in the first century B.C. Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela of the Cedi dynasty, at Udayagiri, near Bhubanesvar.9 In this inscription, he is referred to as king of Kaliriga; his capital has been identified with the ruins of Sisupalgarh, also near Bhubanesvar.10 From the first century B.C. until the late fourth- or early fifth-century copper plate grants of the Mathara hula, there are no references to Kaliriga. Engraved copper plates were documents of land transfer containing information such as the name and title of the ruler (who is most often the donor), the name of the dynasty, the date of the grant, the donee's name, and the name and location of the land granted. Since the plates verify legal ownership of land, the places where they are found are assumed to be close to the original land donated. Find-spots of the grants clarify more accurately than verbal assertions in the grants the approximate boundaries of a territory. Fifteen grants, all found within sixty miles of ;rlkakulam City in northern Andhra Pradesh, are attributed to the Mathara dynasty by S. N. Rajaguru, who on paleographic grounds assigns most of the grants to the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. (Fig. 7).11 Initially, the Mathara rulers were only called Maharaja, or great king, so they must have controlled a limited area; by the time of the last two kings, the title had aggrandized to Sakala-kaliriga-adhipati,"supreme ruler of all Kaliriga."Atthis time, one grant specifically

states that Sakalakaliriga was the land between the Mahanadi and Krsia rivers.12It is important to note that even though these sovereigns claimed to "rule" this extensive area, their grants have been found exclusively in northern Andhra Pradesh and Parlakhemundi taluk, Orissa (Fig. 8). 3 In reality, they probably only controlled the area in which they made land grants. Any political incursions into territory beyond this area were probably for the appropriation of portable wealth. Epigraphical records from the second half of the sixth and the early seventh centuries are rare, and the political history of Kalinigaremains relatively obscure until the grants of the Early Gariga dynasty in the second quarter of the seventh century.'4 Fifty grants, mainly issued from Kaliriganagara and dated in the Gariga era (from A.D. 626 to A.D. 1023), and fifteen grants issued from Svetaka by a collateral group, dated initially in the Gariga era (A.D. 726) and then in an unknown sanivat (probably up to about A.D. 921), are attributed to the Eastern or Early Gariga dynasty.'5 Grants of the collateral Ganiga branch have been found in Svetaka, located in Ganjam District, south Orissa, but it is questionable whether Svetaka was part of Kaliriga (Fig. 8). Although the Svetaka Gariga rulers claimed the title "king of Kaliriga," as did the Kaliriganagara branch, there are several reasons to conclude that they were relatively independent and that the territory they ruled was not part of Kaliniga. The first grant was issued by a Ranaka (a high feudatory, often a relative) one hundred years after the beginning of the Gariga era; this may be an instance of a ruling family establishing a relative elsewhere to maintain a buffer zone between a core area and that of a formidable foe, in this case the Bhauma Karas of central Orissa. This same donor in another grant requested permission from a Bhauma Kara king to donate land in Korigoda which included Ganjam District (formerly under, or during the twilight of, Sailodbhava rule).'6 Although this seems to be the only record of such a request, it establishes that the SvetakaGarigasmust have been subordinate, even if minimally, to the Bhauma Kara rather than Kaliriganagara Gariga rulers. Lastly, by the end of the ninth century, one king of the collateral group titled himself "lord of Svetaka," which suggests independence from all external political powers. Whatever the political status of the Svetaka Garigas, no extant temples within their territory can be attributed to their time period.'7 Of greater import for this discussion are the Early who issuedgrantsfrom Kaliriganagara. Garigas Controversysurrounds the location of this capital: early references link it with the present-day Kalirigapatnam on the

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coast at the mouth of the Varm'sadhara River;18later evidence suggests that Mukhalirigam, inland on the Vamsiadhara River, was the capital, but this may actually refer solely to the capital of the same name, Kaliriganagara, of the Later Garigas."9 The origins of the Early Garigas remain obscure. The first two rulers called themselves Trikalinigadhipati, which probably meant "lord of Trikaliriga,"the highland west of the Mahendra hills of Ganjam District,20 rather than "lord of the three Kalirigas" (Kaliriga, Korigoda, and Utkala).21 By the second decade of the eighth century, however, the tide had been elevated to Sakalakalirigadhipati (ruler of all Kaliriga), an epithet that became conventionalized in all subsequent Early Gariga dynastic eulogies. Mahendra Mountain on the Orissa-Andhra border may have been the northern limit of their territory since they claimed to have worshipped Gokarnesvara on that mountain; the extent of territory controlled to the south is not clear, but it probably included much of modern Visakhapatnam District. The core area of Kaliriga was the same during the rule of the Early Garigasas during the earlier Mathara period: the delta between the Nagavall andVarrisadhara rivers. Other grants have been found to the north and to the south in a distribution pattern similar to that of earlier centuries (Fig. 8). There can be no doubt that Kaliriga was located in northern Visakhapatnam and grTkakulam District, Andhra Pradesh, and in very southern Ganjam District, Orissa, from the late fourth century onwards. The last known Early Garigagrant is dated A.D. 1023. In A.D. 1030, the first ruler of the line thatbecame known as the Later Ganigaswas declared Trikalirigadhipati, suggesting that before that time the Early Ganigashad been forced back into the western Orissan hills. The third king in this lineage, Anantavarman Codagariga, became one of the greatest rulers in eastern India, eventually unifying central and southern Orissa with Kalirigain the twelfth century. His territory was called Sakalotkala (all Utkala) Samrajya, and the capital was moved from Mukhalirigam tojagati on the Mahanadi River in central Orissa. Brief examination of the land grants found in Orissa from the fifth through the early eleventh century will reveal that most of Orissa was divided into small principalities with very specific names, although not always with exact boundaries or of determinable time periods (Fig. 9). This survey will suffice to indicate that the name Kalirigawas never associated with any medieval political unit other than the one in northern Andhra Pradesh. After the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela at Udayagiri near Bhubanesvar in the first century B.C.,

there are no surviving epigraphical records that reveal political history in Orissa until the last half of the sixth century. From then until around A.D. 620, assorted grants by feudatories of gasarika, minor rulers, and military personnel indicate that the northernmost part of Orissa, into the Midnapur District of Bengal, was called Utkala; land close to the coast, north of the Mahanadi River (Balesore and part of Cuttack District), was known as Uttara Tosall; and land south of the Mahanadi (part of Cuttack, Puri, and probably north Ganjam District), Daksina Tosall (Fig. 9).22 There are no historical records for the area north of the Mahanadi River from the early seventh century until the rise of the Bhauma Kara dynasty in A.D. 736. But approximately from A.D. 620 until 736, the Sailodhava dynasty ruled Korigoda, which included Ganjam and most of Puri District, the former Daksina Tosall, from their capital west of Cilka Lake.23During the second quarter of the eighth century, the Bhauma Karas eclipsed gailodbhava sovereignty: their grants record donations of land in Korigoda, which was then part of Daksina Tosali. Bhauma Kara hegemony in Ganjam District is also confirmed by the SvetakaGariga grant requesting permission to donate land in Kongoda, mentioned above. Other Bhauma Kara grants have been found north of the Mahanadi River up toJajpur, near their capital, in the area that was still called Uttara Tosali. This dynasty clearly controlled coastal Orissa from Ganjam to Cuttack District, if not further north, and probablywest along the Mahanadi, as indicated by grants found in Baud, Phulbani District.24When the Somavamrisis of Daksina Kosala in western Orissa advanced east to central Orissa in the late tenth century, they obliterated the Bhauma Kara dynasty. Prior to their invasion of central Orissa, the Somavarrisiscontrolled Sambalpur, Sundargarh, and part of Balangir District. Three other ruling families coexisted, probably as nominal feudatories, with the Bhauma Karas for part of their rule: the Sulkis of Kodalaka, the Tuiigas of Yamagartta Mandala, and the Bhanijas of Khinjali. Kodalaka Mandala of the Sulki rulers seems to have encompassed Talcher and Dhenkanal, both in central Dhenkanal District, north of the Mahanadi River. Grants of the Turiga rulers have also been found in Dhenkanal District but south of Talcher.2' During the ninth and tenth centuries, the Khinjali Bhafijas controlled Phulbani District and the Sonepur subdivision of Balangir District.26They were driven into Ganjam District, probably by the Somavamnsis, sometime during the tenth century. In the first half of the tenth century, the Somavarnsi kings managed to combine their territory in western Orissa, Daksina Kosala,with DaksinaTosali in southern

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Orissa; a century later, Uttara Tosalli, then known as Utkala, was also annexed. This vast area was administratively divided into Kosala and Utkala. In the twelfth century, the western portion, Kosala, was taken by the KYlacuris,and by about A.D. 11 10 Utkala was lost to the great military king of the Later Garigas of Kaliriga, Anantavarman C6dagariga. He claimed to rule all the territory from the Ganges to the Godavari rivers and to be the sovereign of Sakalotkala Samrajya.27Kaliriga was one of the divisions within this imperial realm which the Later Ganrgascontinued to rule until the mid fifteenth century. Again, as in earlier periods, the extent of territory actually controlled may be determined by the location of inscriptions. During Later Gariga rule, most donations were recorded in stone on temple walls although copper plates were intermittently issued. Inscriptions of this period remain from the East Godavari District, Andhra Pradesh, north to the Cuttack District of Orissa; the overwhelming majority of these appear in Andhra Pradesh, from grikakulam District, the Kaliriga core area, down to the Godavari River. Few are found north of the Mahanadi River in Cuttack District; the Later Ganigaclaim to control land up to the Ganges is unsupported.

Seventh-and Eighth-Century Kalinga Tenmples


Four of the twelve temples that remain in Kaliriga were constructed between the mid seventh and very early eighth centuries: the Yuddhistira (Fig. 10) and Bhima temples on Mahendra Mountain (mid to late seventh century), on the border between Orissa and Andhra Pradesh; and the Madhukesvara (Fig. 12) and Bhimesvara (Fig. 15) temples at Mukhalirigam (ca. 700), inland on the Varri'sadhara River (Fig. 17). The Bhima temple on Mahendra Mountain is only roughly blocked out but enough so to indicate that it would have resembled a smaller version of the nearby Yuddhistiratemple. The MukhalirigamBhlimesvara temple was built in at least two, possibly three, stages. The deul (temple) is contemporaneous with the nearby Madhukesvara temple, but the jaqamohana (hall) and antarala were added later, probably in the eleventh century. Either at or after this time, the three images on the deul and the two on the antariilawere inserted in niches carved into the previously flat walls. These five sculptures vary in size and style, suggesting they were not originally intended as a set for this temple. All four temples are square in plan. Their walls and towers (gan4i) are triratha;that is, they are divided vertically into three parts, with the central third (raha) projecting slightly from the surface of the

temple. No niches were originally provided for images on the walls of the deuls. The gandi of the Yuddhistira, Madhukesvara, and Bhimesvara temples consist of horizontal courses (pidhas), continuous through the central raha and interrupted only by candrasalamotifs at the base of the raha (Figs. 11, 12, and 16). On the two Mukhalirigam temples, these candras'alsare filled with figural imagery (Figs. 12 and 16); it is impossible to know what would have been carved on the rahas of the Yuddhistira temple. Above the pI4ha of the tower are the top stone (skandha),the circular beki,an amlaika (two on the Madhukesvara), a stone over the amliaka(khapuri),and a kalasa. Each pi4ha of the Madhukesvara and Bhimesvara gandis is unembellished except for a continuous plain band at the bottom of each course (Figs. 12 and 16). On the Yuddhiqtira tower, however, a series of semicircular forms extends from the top of the band on each piitha, creating avertical series from the base to the top of the tower (Fig. 11). Had the tower been completed, it is possible that each of these semicircles would have been carved into a small candrasila-a motif found on the top base molding and on the lowest course of the Madhukesvara corner shrine towers (Fig. 13). Yet, since all the motifs on the Yuddhistira are at the same stage, it is equally possible that this semicircular motif, in a slightly more polished form, could have been the intended decoration on the tower. In either case, each pidha would have remained discrete from the ones above and below, as do the pidhas of the Mukhalinigam temples. In contrast to the simplicity of the Pi4ha gan4i of the three temples discussed above, the towers of the shrines situated at the four corners of the Madhukesvara hall (jagamohana, Fig. 13), and those of the compound corner shrines (Fig. 14), are more similar in detail to rekha temples, such as the Parasuramesvara temple (ca. A.D. 600, Fig. 24) in Bhubanesvar, north in Orissa, than to the temples with P/4ha towers. The walls of the Madhukesvara corner shrines and those of the Parasuramesvara temple are still triratha,but now they have niches for a main and two subsidiary images. The towers are paficaratha (five vertical divisions) and are divided into bhiimis (stories) by amlakas in the outer divisions (kanikas). The central raha projecting from the tower maintains the double candrasalamotif at the base; above this is a network of smaller candraail&s. Courses in the second and fourth vertical divisions (anaratha)are embellished with triple candrasalas,and the outer divisions consist of bhu2mis of four courses each, the top two joined by a candrasalamotif. There are two significant differences, however, between the towers of the corner shrines of the Madhukesvara temple (Fig. 14) and that of the

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Parasuramesvara (Fig. 24). On the Madhukesvara towers, the second and fourth divisions are separated from the outer divisions only by a narrow recess, while on the Parasurame'vara, small shrines have been inin the deep recess between the cluded in each bhi2mi outer and inner divisions. Inclusion of the small shrines lends a more sculptural effect to the Parasuramesvara tower, but the absence of miniature shrines on the Kaliriga temple towers sustains an emphasis on horizontality, evident in the Pieha towers. Additionally, except for the images in the double candrasalas at the base of the raha, rarely do the Mukhalingam towers have figural imagery; that of the Parasuramesvara is replete with images in the candrasiiliisof the two outer divisions, in the recesses that separate them from the two inner divisions, and above the two candrasalaison the central projection (rahii). Despite these differences, it is only during this period that such a close comparison is possible. After the Madhukesvara temple was built in about A.D. 700, the Kaliriga temple form was modified to accommodate characteristics of both pi4ha and rekhatemples. As will be evident from the following discussion, the architectural tradition in Kalirigadeveloped slowly, with essentially little innovation through the early tenth century. By the tenth century in Bhubanesvar and contiguous areas, rekha temples had developed a complexity of form and achieved a sculptural quality unrealized in Kaliriga.

Ninth- and Tenth-Centuly Kalinzga Temples


Eight temples are extant in Kalinga from the late ninth and early tenth centuries: the Dibbesvara at Sarapalli (Fig. 18), the Rajarajesvaraand Agnesvara at Jayati (Figs. 19 and 20; fragments of a third temple still exist here), the Somesvara temple at Mukhalirigam (Fig. 21), and four temples at Narayanapuram (Figs. 17 and 22). Of the four Narayar)apuram temples, one is a pi4ha deul (Fig. 23), two have towers marked by amlakain the outer divisions (rekha),and the fourth is khakhara,a temple with a rectangular floor plan and a barrel vaulted roof. All these late ninth-/early tenthcentury temples are unfinished, all have tnratha walls (three vertical divisions) with niches for images, and, except for the pihdha deul at Narayanapuram, all have paficarathatowers (five vertical divisions). The panicarathatowers possess characteristics that indicate rrmodificationof the typical (Orissan) rekha tower with pi4ha gandi features: the courses in each bhfsmi continue on most of the towers even through the central riiha, particularly above the double

candrasalas (square and candrasalai on the Somesvara temple); the bhismisthat are indicated by amlakas in the two outer divisions are reiterated byanother amlaka (Fig. 18) or by courses of upturned lotus petals (Fig. 21) on the two inner divisions and next to the central projection, emphasizing horizontality. The separation of the five vertical divisions is only faintly marked by narrow, shallow recesses. In addition, the triple candrasalamotif repeated on the Madhukesvara corner shrines in the central ra2ha above the double candrasalas,and on each course in the second and fourth divisions (Fig. 14), has been replaced by no more than a single line of candras&las on the Sarapalli (Fig. 18), the twoJayati temples (Figs. 19 and 20), and the small rekha and khiakhara shrines at Narayanapuram. Embellishment of the outer kanika divisions is consistent with that on the Madhukesvara corner shrines: the two top courses in each bhuimi are but the third course is decoratjoined by a candrasaila, ed separately. On the Nilakanthesvara temple at Narayanapuram (Fig. 22), and on the Somesvara temple at Mukhalirigam (Fig. 21), both the outer and inner divisions are embellished in the same way: one motifjoins two courses and the third is separate. Even if all ornamentation had been completed, the architectonic character of the towers would have been preserved: sculpture or reliefs were always diminutive in comparison to the structure itself. The one exception to this late ninth-/early tenthcentury form is the tower of the small south temple at Narayanapuram (Fig. 23). Similar to the late seven th/early eighth-century temples, the curvilinear gan(i is trirathaand consists of pi4has. As on the Yuddhistira temple on Mahendra Mountain (Fig. 11), each pi1ha is embellished with a series of geometric forms, here triangles rather than semicircles. The triangular forms do not extend from one Pi4ha to another, so each course remains discrete, as on the earlier temple. In contrast to those early temples, however, the top element of the tower is an akiisaliniga instead of a kalasa, and the temple walls have niches for images, consistent with the other late ninth-/early tenth-century temples. The reappearance after at least two centuries of the tniratha pi 4ha gan4i, even with modifications, demonstratesthatartisans distinguished the pi4hagand1i from other temple forms. While the architectural tradition in Kalinigaevolved conservatively, the parallel tradition in Bhubanesvar, exemplified by the Muktesvara temple (Fig. 26), developed more dynamically. By the mid tenth century, the five vertical divisions of the tower were coordinated with five wall divisions, the central image niches projected prominently from the temple wall, and a latticelike network of candrasaliascovered the second and

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fourth tower divisions, the central raha, and the gandi of the wall niches. Almost the entire surface of the temple was embellished with figural, floral, or geometric decoration. Also, the small shrines in each bhiimiof the tower between the inner and outer divisions were maintained. Through the tenth and in the following centuries, this attention to decorative detail and a dramatic increase in height continued to characterize towers in Bhubanesvar. The Baskaresvara temple, designated by Dhaky as the Kaliriga temple form, was certainly an anomaly within the tradition developing in Bhubanesvar and can only be understood in relation to the earlier temple tower form of Kaliriga (Fig. 5). In contrast to the soaring compact towers of the rekha temples in Orissa, this curvilinear panicaratha gandi is squat and composed of Pi1has. Each /4ha is embellished by triangular motifs, similar to the unfinished forms on Kaliriga temple towers (Figs. 18 and 23). Above the gan4i are the familiar circular beki,the amlaIka, and the kalasa. Other characteristics of this temple are typical of temples attributable to the twelfth century: the prominent projection of the central rahas (more pronounced over the west entrance), the base moldings, double tiered niches on paficaratha walls, and the sculptural style of the two remaining central images.28 As mentioned in the discussion of Kalinga history, the Later Gariga king of Kaliriga, Anantavarman Codagauiga,controlledUtkalabyA.D. 11 1 0; in all likelihood, this temple was constructed after that with reference to the most significant characteristic of temples in a curvilinear tower of pi4has. The squatness of Kaliniga: the tower, however, suggests that local artisans had no firsthand knowledge of the Kaliriga tower form and adapted the Baskaresvaratower from the roofs of halls, which were familiar to them (Fig. 25).

Knowledge of the KalingaFormin Karndta


The question that remains is whether the Karnata artisans understood this to be the Kaliriga style. Very likely. Certainly, Kalinigawas a political entity recognized in other parts of India from at least the seventh century for it was mentioned in the A.D. 634 Meguti temple inscription at Aihole;29 it was invaded in the tenth century by the Eastern Calukyas ofVengT, and in the eleventh century by Rajaraja C6la of Tanjavur, Tamil Nadu, and by a general of Rajaraja's son Rajendra Cdla.30Despite this, by the twelfth century, the Later Gariga kings had become powerful military figures controlling extensive territory in eastern India. By historical analogy with other areas of India, it is possible to surmise that their reputations spread

beyond this territory and that the temple form most important to them, at least during the first two centuries of their sovereignty, was also known. One hundred twenty-nine donatory inscriptions dating to the period of Later Gariga supremacy are carved on the walls and pillars of the Madhukesvara temple hall in Mukhalinigam (Fig. 12).31 The vast majority of these inscriptions, which belong to the twelfth century, reveal that Madhukesvara was the state deity of the Later Gangas, and the temple was a "kind of legal archive of the state," since the inscriptions record gifts to other temples, to private individuals, and to the god Madhukesvara." As mentioned in the political history above, Mukhalirigamwas the capital of the Later Garigasduring this period. But rather than commissioning a new state temple to serve as a focus for unification-as the Cala king Rajaraja did in Tanjavur, Tamil Nadu, and his son Rajendra I did at Garigaikondac6lapuram33Later Gariga kings and their subjects in the eleventh and twelfth centuries patronized already existing temples of local religious significance. Because Madhukegvara was the state deity and heavily patronized during Later Gariga residence there, it is reasonable to conclude that the temple, with its distinctive tower form, was known beyond the boundaries of Kaliriga. The existence of the temple at the Later Gariga capital may have encouraged specific association of the pidha tower temple form with the political entity of Kaliriga. While it is very likely that the Kaliriga temple form was known outside Kaliriga, there are ambiguities in the reliefs on Karn.ta temples. Only one, the relief on the Kattesvara temple in Hirehadagali, Mysore, is clearly close in form to the Kalirigatemple as interpreted by artisans in Bhubanesvar: it represents a squat, curvilinear tower of pi4has with prominent central projections, embellished with a series of triangular forms on each pi4ha and topped by an amalaka and kalasa (Figs. 5 and 6, center). The artisans of the Kattesvara temple either were familiar with texts that described this temple form in more detail than any of the known surviving texts or had visual knowledge of the form. In either case, the relief is interpretative because the Katteivara temple was constructed earlier (ca. A.D. 1057) than the Baskaresvara temple (early twelfth century) and the details do not precisely correspond. More problematic to explain are reliefs of tall towers of Pi1has with a straightedged profile (Figs. 1 and 2, the center and two outer reliefs). The height of the early Kaliriga temples is understood, but one of the other salient characteristics, the curve of the tower, is absent. If in fact these reliefs represent the Kaliriga

THE KALINGATEMPLE FORM

93

form, and I think some of them do, artisans must have relied solely on textual descriptions of the form, which they freely interpreted with a prominent southern characteristic, a straightedged tower profile. The reliefs on the Cennakesava temple in Marale and on the Magesvara temple at Mosale probably do depict the Kaliriga temple form, however schematically. The Marale reliefs (Fig. 2, center and two outer reliefs) present paficaratha towers with aml&kas and kalasa on top of the tower-typical of a northern temple and of the temples in Kaliriga. The Magesvara relief tower (Fig. 1) is saptaratha (seven vertical divisions), but each ratha appears to be on a different was not continplane, suggesting that each phamisana uous across the face of the tower. The tower, topped by a large kalasa, is, however, similar in overall conception to that of the Marale reliefs and more similar to the Kaliriga temple form than to the other temple forms depicted in relief. Reliefs on the Trikutesvara temple in Gadag (Fig. 3, reliefs two, four, and six from the left, and probably the others, but in more compressed form), however, may not be depictions of the Kaliriga temple form. Admittedly, they faithfully represent the top phanisana course and bell-shaped sikhara of the Laksmidevil temple type (Fig. 4), and Dhaky tentatively suggested that the four towers of the LaksmidevT temple at Dodda Gaddavalli in Mysore were examples of the Kaliriga temple in southern idiom.34 Moreover, both the Baskaresvara and LaksmidevT towers are composed of pidhas. Yet the Baskaresvaratower is curved and topped by a beki, amalaka, and kalasa, while the

Dodda Gaddavalli towers are straightedged and topped above the phalmisanaby a bell-shaped sikharaand welldeveloped kalasa. Although artisans were probably aware of temple forms outside their own area-whether through texts, verbal descriptions, or visual observation-there is no reason to believe that a structural temple as large as the multi-shrined Laksmidevi temple would have been constructed in a form (even if translated into southern idiom) associated with an area so distant from Karnata. Temples with towers of pi4.has (or phamisana)are found in Karnata and throughout India. Therefore, not all temples with phanisanatowers need be Kalirigatemples, nor do all the representations of ph&amsanatowers on Karnata temples necessarily depict the Kaliriga tower. An inscription on the Laksmidevi temple states that the temple was built by the merchant Kullchana-Rahuta and his wife Sahajadevi in A.D. 1113, during the reign of the Hoysala king Visnu.35They founded a village to support the temple, and the merchant later gave a monetary donation for the goddess. There is no indication in this inscription, nor any other evidence, of prolonged or significant political or cultural intercourse between Kaliriga on the central east coast and Karnata in south India. It would in fact be extraordinary for an architect working in a local or regional tradition consciously to construct a temple close in form to another tradition. Artisans of the Trikultesvara temple in Gadag (Fig. 9) were probably depicting a local temple form, typified by the Laksmldevi temple, that developed in Karnata independently from the Kaliriga temple form.

94

MARYF. LINDA 15. For the Kalinganagara branch, see Rajaguru, Inscriptions,v.2, pp. 1-232, and S. N. Rajaguru, History of the Gangas, pt. 1, Bhubanesvar, 1968, pp. 71-152; for the Svetaka branch, Inscriptions, v. 2, pp. 243-312, and History,pp. 156-76. 16. Rajaguru, Inscriptions,v. 2, pp. 258-63. 17. There are temples at Punjiyama and Borogaon, but I would assign them to the period of Sailodbhava hegemony. 18. B. C. Bhattacharya, "Kaliriganagara and Excavation at Its Present Site,"Journal ofBihar and OrissaResearchSociety,v. 15, 1929, pp. 623-34. 19. G. V. Ramamurti, "Nadgam Plates of Vajrahasta:Saka Samvat 979," EpigraphiaIndica,v. 4,1896-97, p. 192, and B. V. Krishna Rao, "On the Identification of Kaliriganagara,"JBORS,v. 15, 1929, pp. 105-15. 20. G. Ramdas, "Tri-KalirigaCountry,"JBORS,v. 14, pt. 4, 1928, pp. 539-47, and G. Ramdas, 'Tri-Kaliriga Country,"JBORS,v. 15, 1929, pp. 635-42. Binayak Misra, "The TriKaliriga Country,"JBORS,v. 14, pt. 1, 1928, p. 145.

Notes
I would like to thank the Archaeological Survey of India for permission to photograph the monuments included in this article as well as the American Institute of Indian Studies for graciously providing several photographs. All figures are by the author unless otherwise indicated. 1. M. A. Dhaky, The Indian TempleFormsin Karnata Insciptions and Architecture, New Delhi, 1977, p. 1. The twelfth-century Aparajitaprcchaof Bhuvandeva, western India; the LaA,anasamuccayaofVairocani,an eleventh-through thirteenth-century eastern India agama;,and the twelfth-century south Indian agama, the Kamika. Cited by Dhaky, Indian Temple,p. 36. Dhaky, Indian Temple,p. 50, n. 66. Stella Kramrisch, "Kalinga Temples," Journal of the Indian Societyof OrientalArt,v. 2, no. 1, 1934, pp. 43-44 and p. 43, n. 3.

2.

3. 4.

21. 5. 6. 7. Dhaky, Indian Temple,p. 9. Dhaky, Indian Temple,pp. 36-37. Nirmal Kumar Bose, Canons ofOvissanArchitecture, New Delhi, 1982, pp. 78-79 and sections XVI and XVII. Radhagovinda Basak, Alokan Inscriptions,Calcutta, 1959, pp. xi-xii and 63-76. K. G. Sankara Aiyar, 'The Hathigumpha Cave Inscription of Kharavela," Indian Antiquary,v. 49, 1920, pp. 43-52.

22. Rajaguru, Inscriptions,v. 1, pt. ii, pp. 113-56. 23. For Sailodbhava inscriptions, see Rajaguru, Inscriptions,v. 1, pt. ii, pp. 157-252. 24. The Bhauma Kara grants have yet to be catalogued in any single place. A list is provided in Thomas Donaldson, Hindu TempleArtofOrissa,v. 1, Leiden, 1985, p. 1198. 25. K. C. Panigrahi, History of Orissa, Cuttack, 1981, pp. 144-45. 26. Snigdha Tripathy, Inscriptions,v. 6, Bhubanesvar, 1974, pp. 51-258. 27. Nabin Kumar Sahu, "Historical Geography," in History and CultureofOrissa,ed. M. N. Das, Cuttack, 1977, p. 40; andJames Fleet, "VizagapatnamGrant ofAnantavarman C6dagarigadeva, Saka 1040," Indian Antiquary, 1889, pp. 165-72. 28. Donaldson, Hindu, pp. 400-1, dates this temple to the twelfth century. 29. EpigraphicaIndica, v. 6, 1896, p. 1 1. 30. Rajaguru, Histor, pt. I, pp. 129-34, and S. N. Rajaguru, "Two Copper Plate Inscriptions of the Early GarigaKingsof Kaliriga," JBORS, v. 35, pts. I and II, 1949, pp. 1-27. For the Cola invasionsofKalirigaseeRajaguru, Inscviptions,v.2, p.358,and B. Masthanaiah, The Temples of Mukhalingam, New Delhi, 1978, pp. 16-17. 31. Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, South Indian Inscriptions,v. 5, nos. 1005-1134. Most are also catalogued by Rajaguru, Inscriptions, v. 3, pts. i and ii, Bhubanesvar, 1960-61. 32. H. v. Stietencron, 'The Advent of Visnuism in Orissa," in The Cult ofJagannath and the Rgional Tradition of Orissa, ed. A. Eschmann, H. Kulke, and G. C. Tripathi, New Delhi,

8.

9.

10. Debala Mitra, Bhubanesvar,New Delhi, 1978, pp. 4-6. 11. S. N. Rajaguru, Inscriptionsof Orissa,v. 1, pt. ii, Bhubanesvar, 1958, pp. 1-82. 12. Rajaguru, Insatiptiorns, p. 46. 13. A more extended discussion of settlement patterns in Kaliriga may be found in M. F. Linda, 'Temples of Stone, Centers of Culture: Sacred Space in Medieval Kaliriga," in Studies in the Histor ofArt, v. 31: UrbanFormand Meaning inSouthAsia, ed. Howard Spodek and Doris Srinivasan, Washington, D.C., forthcoming 1991. 14. The Matharas seem to have been overshadowed by rulers of the tri Kasyapa gotra, who had no major or lasting impact on Kalinga history. Their grants may be found in Rajaguru, Inscriptions, pp. 48 and 63. There are also two ambiguous references to Kalinga between MAthara and Early Ganga hegemony. Kaliriga-ra,rtraisreferred to in one grant of southern Orissa, but it is not clear whether this is the Kalirigaof the Matharas or another smaller territorial unit. See D. C. Sircar, "Sumaq,dala Plates of the Time of Prthivivigrahabhattaraka: GuptaYear 250,nEpigraphicaIndica,v. 28, n.d., pp. 79-85. One tailodbhava ruler of southern Orissa claims to be SakalaKaliriga-adhipati, which may indicate a temporary intrusion into Kaliriga from Orissa. See Rajaguru, Inscriptions, pp. 157-61.

THE KALINGATEMPLE FORM 1978, p. 23. South India, Lower 33. Encyclopediaof Indian TempleArchitecture, Dravidesa, v. 1, pt. I, ed. Michael W. Meister, New Delhi, 1983, p. 234-47, and H. Kulke, "Royal Temple Policy and the Structure of Medieval Hindu Kingdoms," in Cult,pp. 135-37. 34. Dhaky, Indian Temple,p. 55, n. 46. 35.

95

TempleatDodda-Gaddavalli, R Narasimhachar, TheLakshmidevi and Sculpturein Mysore, Seies, Architecture Mys reArchaeological v. 3, Bangalore, 1919, pp. 1 and 5.

FIG. 2. North wall, Cennakesvara temple, Marale, Chikmagal

Courtesy of the American Institute of Ind

FIG. 1. North wall, Magesvara temple, Mosale, Hassan District, Mysore, ca. A.D. 1250. Courtesy of the American Institute of Indian Studies.

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FIG.

3. North wall, TrikilteWara temple, Gadag, Dharwar District, Mysore, eleventh century. Courtesy of the American Institute of Indian Studies.

FIG.

4. Bhairava or Visnu s

Hassan Dodda Gaddavalli,


Courtesy of the American

PuriDistrict,Orissa,ca. FIG. 5. Baskaresvaratemple,from the south, Bhubanesvar,


Courtesy of the American Institute of Indian Studies.

earlytwelfthcentury.
FIG.

.-

6. South wall, Kattesvara temple, H late eleventh century. Courtesy of the

THE KALINGATEMPLE FORM

99

MADHYA
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FIG 7.Ma ofmodrnOrisaandnorhen

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FIG. 8.Copper late fid-spots

THE KALINGATEMPLE FORM

101

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iahnadI

River

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Lake a~~~~~,,kuy River

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vNaga~~~dqvall River

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River

Krsna

River

FIG. 9. Medieval principalities.

102

MARYF. LINDA

..

Fic. 10. Yuddhigira temple, Mahendra Mountain, Ganjam District, Orissa, late sixth century.
_V

,.

1G. FI Deal0fg.

d Yuddhistira temple, Mahendra Mountain,

THE KALINGA TEMPLE FORM

103

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FIG. 13. Facade of jagamohana corner shrine, Madhukesvara temple, Mukhalinigam.

FIG.

14. Northeast compound corner shrine, M

FiG.15. Deu4 Bh-imegvar-a temple, Mukhalirigam, ~rikakulam District, Andhra Pradesh, ca. A.D. 700.

FiG. 16. Detail of gandi, Bhime6vara

KALAHAND I

I ~PHULBAN

KALAHAN rI

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ar

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FIG.

17. Temple sites in Kaliriga.

.i

4-

FIG.

18. South side, Dihbb6varatemple, Sarapalli, ViBakhapatnamDistrict, Andhra Pr-adesh,mid ninth century.

FIG.

19. East side, RZAjar-ayegvara temple, ja Andhra Pradesh, late ni

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FIG. 21. Detail of gan4i, Some6vara te Sfrkakulam District, Andhra Pradesh

FIG

20. South side, Agnevara temple,Jayati, Vigakhapatnam District, Andhra Pradesh, late ninth century.

THE KALINGA TEMPLE FORM

109

..L
RMAm
io:

if

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~~~~"~V

Fic. 22. South side,

Ni1akar4hesvaratemple, Narayanapuram,

Visakhapatnam

District, Andhra Pradesh, early tenth century

FIG.

23. West side, South temple, Narayanapuram.

FIG.

24. East side, Parasuramesva Puri District, Orissa,

THE KAIJ&GA TEMPLE FORM111

FIG. 25. Muktesvar-a temple from the southwest, Bhubanesvar, Puri District, Ofissa, ca. mid tenth century.

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