Vol.

81

December 2012

No. 4

CHURCH HISTORY
Studies in Christianity & Culture

Published quarterly by THE AMERICAN SOCIETY OF CHURCH HISTORY

2012, The American Society of Church History

Studies in Christianity and Culture

CHURCH HISTORY
Editors
John Corrigan Amanda Porterfield

Senior Assistant to the Editors

Tammy Heise

Assistants to the Editors

Cara L. Burnidge Charles McCrary Emily Suzanne Clark

FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY

Associate Editors
Elizabeth A. Clark Thomas Noble Carlos Eire Hugh McLeod Dana Robert Enrique Dussel Duke University University of Notre Dame Yale University University of Birmingham Boston University Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico

CHURCH HISTORY (ISSN 0009-6407)

ARTICLES
765 Monastic Literacy in John Cassian: Toward a New Sublimity REBECCA KRAWIEC The Last Carolingian Exegete: Pope Urban II, the Weight of Tradition, and Christian Reconquest MATTHEW GABRIELE Where Two Crosses Met: Religious Accommodation between a Reformed Protestant Community and a Commandery of the Order of Malta (Loudun, circa 15601660) EDWIN BEZZINA Vital Nature and Vital Piety: Johann Arndt and the Evangelical Vitalism of Cotton Mather BRETT MALCOLM GRAINGER A Leavening Force: African American Women and Christian Mission in the Civil Rights Era MARY K. SCHUENEMAN The Origins of the Christmas Date: Some Recent Trends in Historical Research C. P. E. NOTHAFT

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815

852

873

903

BOOK REVIEW FORUM

The Unintended Reformation: How a Religious Revolution Secularized Society. Reviewed by Hans J. Hillerbrand, Robert A. Yelle, David M. Whitford, and Mark A. Noll with a reply by Brad S. Gregory

BOOK REVIEWS
943

AND

NOTES

Budde, Michael L. and Karen Scott, eds., Witness of the Body: The Past, Present, and Future of Martyrdom ............................... Jonathan L. Zecher

944

949 951 954 956 959 960 962 964 967

969 972 974 977 980 981 982 983 986 989 991 993

Freidenreich David, Foreigners and Their Food: Constructing Otherness in Jewish, Christian and Islamic Law and Alba, Ken and Trudy Eden, eds. Food and Faith in Christian Culture ...................................................................................... David Biale Jensen, Robin M., Living Water: Images, Symbols, and Settings of Early Christian Baptism ....................................................................Paul B. Duff BeDuhn, Jason David, Augustines Manichaean Dilemma, Vol. I: Conversion and Apostasy, 373388 C.E ........................................................Laura Holt Dykes, Anthony, Reading Sin in the World: The Hamartigenia of Prudentius and the Vocation of the Responsible Reader ................................. Dennis Trout Clarke, Peter, and Tony Claydon, eds., Saints and Sanctity ...... W. Trent Foley Smith, Katherine Allen, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture ............................................................................. Thomas J. Renna McAvoy, Liz Herbert, Medieval Anchoritisms: Gender, Space and the Solitary Life ............................................................................. John R. Sommerfeldt Deane, Jennifer Kolpacoff, A History of Medieval Heresy and Inquisition ......................................................................................... L. J. Sackville Krummel, Miriamne Ara, Crafting Jewishness in Medieval England: Legally Absent, Virtually Present..........................................................Nina Caputo MacGregor, Kirk R., A Comparative Study of Adjustments to Social Catastrophes in Christianity and Buddhism: The Black Death in Europe and the Kamakura Takeover in Japan as Causes of Religious Reform ...............................................................................................Takao Ab Reeve, Matthew M., Thirteenth-Century Wall Painting of Salisbury Cathedral: Art, Liturgy, and Reform ..............................................................Peter Low Smith, William Bradford, Reformation and the German Territorial State: Upper Franconia, 13001630................................................. Denise D. Kettering Crciun, Maria, and Elaine Fulton, eds., Communities of Devotion: Religious Orders and Society in East Central Europe, 14501800 ........................... ..............................................................................................Roy Hammerling Leibniz Institute for European History, European History Online. .................. ..............................................................................................Philip C. DiMare Finucane, Ronald, Contested Canonizations: The Last Medieval Saints, 1482 1523 ....................................................................................Joseph P. Byrne White, Micheline, ed., English Women, Religion, and Textual Production, 15001625 ....................................................................... Erica Longfellow Balserak, Jon, Establishing the Remnant Church in France: Calvins Lectures on the Minor Prophets, 15561559 ................................... Carolyn Corretti Lugioyo, Brian, Martin Bucer s Doctrine of Justification: Reformation Theology and Early Modern Irenicism .............................James M. Brandt Chung-Kim, Esther, Inventing Authority: The Use of the Church Fathers in Reformation Debates over the Eucharist..................... Michael L. Monheit Mentzer, Raymond A., Franoise Moriel, and Philippe Chareyre, eds., Dire linterdit: The Vocabulary of Censure and Exclusion in the Early Modern Reformed Tradition .............................................................. John B. Roney Winn, Christian T. Collins, Christopher Gehrz, G. William Carlson, and Eric Holst, eds., The Pietist Impulse in Christianity ............... Craig D. Atwood Dougall, Alistair, The Devils Book: Charles I, The Book of Sports and Puritanism in Tudor and Early Stuart England ................... David D. Hall

996 998 1000 1001 1003 1005 1007 1011 1013 1015 1018 1020 1023 1026 1028 1031 1033 1034 1037 1039 1042 1044

Johnston, Warren, Revelation Restored: The Apocalypse in Later SeventeenthCentury England ...................................................................Paul S. Seaver Smith, Gary Scott, Heaven in the American Imagination........... Peter Gardella Tennant, Bob, Conscience, Consciousness and Ethics in Joseph Butlers Philosophy and Ministry ................................................. James J. S. Foster Walsham, Alexandra, The Reformation of the Landscape: Religion, Identity, and Memory in Early Modern Britain and Ireland ............... Peter W. Williams Wright, Luke Savin Herrick, Samuel Taylor Coleridge and the Anglican Church ................................................................................. Paul H. Friesen Wergland, Glendyne R., Sisters in the Faith: Shaker Women and Equality of the Sexes ................................................................................... Martha L. Finch Howard, Thomas Albert, God and the Atlantic: America, Europe, and the Religious Divide .................................................................... Daniel L. Pals Sill, Ulrike, Encounters in Quest of Christian Womanhood: The Basel Mission in Pre- and Early Colonial Ghana .................................Andrew E. Barnes Robinson, James, Divine Healing: The Formative Years, 18301890: Theological Roots in the Transatlantic World.............................................Joseph Williams Cantor, Geoffrey, Religion and the Great Exhibition of 1851 ..........Anthony J. Steinhoff Harris, Susan K., Gods Arbiters: Americans and the Philippines, 1898 1902 ................................................................... Kathryn Hamilton Warren Young, Amos and Estrelda Y. Alexander, eds., Afro-Pentecostalism: Black Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in History and Culture ..................................................................................... Kathleen Hladky Robson, Laura, Colonialism and Christianity in Mandate Palestine ......................................................................................Brooke Sherrard Greene, Robert H., Bodies Like Bright Stars: Saints and Relics in Orthodox Russia .......................................................................... Scott M. Kenworthy Marty, Martin E., Dietrich Bonhoefferss Letters and Papers from Prison: A Biography ................................................................Kevin P. Spicer, C.S.C. Dormady, Jason, Primitive Revolution: Restorationist Religion and the Idea of the Mexican Revolution, 19401968 .............................. Michael P. Guno Schelkens, Karim, Catholic Theology of Revelation on the Eve of Vatican II: A Redaction History of the Schema De fontibus revelationis (19601962) .................................................................................. James P. McCartin Cleary, Edward L., The Rise of Charismatic Catholicism in Latin America ............................................................................ Kristy Nabhan-Warren Harline, Craig, Conversions: Two Family Stories from the Reformation and Modern America .............................................................. Heather R. White Gilmour, Michael J., The Gospel According to Bob Dylan: The Old, Old Story for Modern Times ...................................................... Theodore Louis Trost Stephens, Randall J. and Karl W. Giberson, The Anointed: Evangelical Truth in a Secular Age ..................................................................... Steven P. Miller Gardner, Christine J., Making Chastity Sexy: The Rhetoric of Evangelical Abstinence Campaigns ....................................................... Amy DeRogatis

1047 BOOKS RECEIVED 1056 INDEX

Church History 81:4 (December 2012), 796814. American Society of Church History, 2012 doi:10.1017/S0009640712001904

The Last Carolingian Exegete: Pope Urban II, the Weight of Tradition, and Christian Reconquest
MATTHEW GABRIELE
Pope Urban II (108899) was trained at Reims and Cluny before entering the orbit of the Gregorians around Rome. As such, Urban was first trained as an exegete. By considering how Urban used one particular verse (Daniel 2:21) and tracing that verses intellectual lineage forward from the Fathers, through the Carolingians, we get a clearer picture not just of the vibrancy of eleventh-century intellectual life but also, ultimately, of Urbans understanding of the arc of sacred history. As a trained Carolingian exegete, Urban continued the work of his ninth-century predecessors, calling the Christian people (populus christianus) to mend their ways and strike back against the pagans, so that God would return His hand and allow the Christians to reconquer the Mediterranean world.

N the late tenth century, Abbot Maiolus of Cluny (d. 994) asked one of his monks to copy Hrabanus Mauruss (d. 852) commentary on the Book of Jeremiah. Maiolus also asked the scribe for Hrabanuss original dedicatory letter to Lothar I (84055). The manuscript survives intact, complete with the scribes explanation of the request, Hrabanuss letter, and his commentary.1 Maioluss request for the commentary certainly was not odd; his was a standard kind of request, one made throughout the early Middle Ages. But why ask for the dedicatory letter as well? What could that have added to his understanding of the commentary? The answer is simple enough to miss. Maiolus wanted the codex he commissioned to be one that spoke to the sins of the Israelites and loss of Jerusalem (Jeremiah), the work of the Fathers (Jeromes commentary, which was the basis for Hrabanuss), and the tribulations of the New Israel as they echoed forward from the past, through the ninth century and into Maioluss own day (Hrabanus and his dedicatory

1 London, BL Add. 22820. On the scriptorium of Cluny under Maiolus, see Monique-Ccile Garand, Copistes de Cluny au temps de saint Maieul (948-994), Bibliothque de lcole des chartes 136 (1978): 536. On the circumstances of Hrabanus commentary, see Mayke De Jong, The Empire as Ecclesia: Hrabanus Maurus & Biblical Historia for Rulers, in The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Yitzhak Hen and Matthew Innes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 191226.

Matthew Gabriele is an Associate Professor of Religion and Culture at Virginia Tech.

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letter). Ninth-century churchmen sought the meaning of sacred history in exegesis, and Maiolus of Cluny was a product of that tradition. In order to understand a biblical book, in order to understand Gods will, even as early as the tenth century, one had to first consult the Carolingian masters on that subject, who would help the reader understand the Fathers. Only then could you approach the Bible, which would reveal Gods plan for the world.2 Biblical verses were never naked in the early Middle Ages. They were clothed in the heavy garments of tradition and weighed down with the burden of commentary. We have the tendency to see an eleventh-century monastic chronicler cite Jeremiah and think Jeremiah, when we should be thinking, with author and reader, Hrabanus, Haimo, Paschasius, and Jerome. Perhaps our modern approach has something to do with the way nineteenth-century historiography still constrains the questions we ask of texts, perhaps something to do with our relative unfamiliarity with medieval exegesis, perhaps something to do with what we (think we) do know about exegesis. But when we forget that men of the early Middle Ages, and the tenth and eleventh centuries especially, encountered the Bible through Carolingian and Patristic commentaries, we miss things. We could miss the fact that a citation from Psalms, for instance, could evoke not only its place in the liturgy but also the explications of Alcuin (d. 804), Smaragdus of St-Mihiel (d. ca. 840), Walahfrid Strabo (d. 849), Prudentius of Troyes (d. 861), and Remigius of Auxerre (d. 908), among others (to name only the Carolingians).3 A brief early eleventh-century annalistic reference to Ezekiel could conjure a host of associations in the mind of the reader and fundamentally recast the meaning of a passage.4 One of the first letters Pope Urban II (108899) wrote after ascending to the papacy in 1088 was directed to the people of Salzburg. Urban began by commending the faithful to act manfully and be consoled by the power of
2 Silvia Cantelli Berarducci, Lesegesi della Rinascita carolingia, in La Bibbia nel Medioevo, ed. G. Cremascoli and C. Leonardi (Bologna, Italy: Edizioni dehoniane, 1996), 198; Gilbert Dahan, Lire la Bible au Moyen ge (Geneva: Droz, 2009), 11, 16. Fundamental to the study of medieval exegesis are still Henri de Lubac, Exgse Mdivale: les quatre sens de lEcriture, 2 vols. (Paris: Aubier, 195464); and Jean Danielou, From Shadows to Reality: Studies in the Biblical Typology of the Fathers, trans. Wulstan Hibberd (Westminster, Md.: Newman Press, 1960). 3 See the example in Katherine Allen Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture (Rochester, N.Y.: Boydell & Brewer, 2011), 127. Other examples in Sumi Shimahara, Daniel et les visions politiques lpoque carolingienne, Mdivales 55 (2008): 21; and Carol Scheppard, Prophetic History: Tales of Righteousness and Calls to Action in the Ecologae Tractatorum in Psalterium, in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. Celia Chazelle and Burton van Name Edwards (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 6173. See also, more generally, on this process of associationthe catenaMary Carruthers, The Book of Memory: A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990). 4 Matthew Gabriele, An Empire of Memory: The Legend of Charlemagne, the Franks, and Jerusalem before the First Crusade (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 11719.

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God, so that they will rise up on behalf of the house of Israel against the enemy and be godly warriors (bellatores Domini) on the Day of the Lord (referencing Ezekiel 13:5). This was important because, citing 2 Timothy 3:1, Urban warned the faithful that they lived in a dangerous time (tempora periculosa). But, all was not lost. Urban reminded his audience that if we mended our ways, God would hear our prayers and the ecclesia would be restored to its pristine, uncorrupted state.5 On its surface, this appears to be a rather standard eleventh-century call to reform. But Urbans citation of the verse from Ezekieland how he modified it6placed him in a particular Carolingian (and Cluniac) exegetical tradition. Urban was thinking eschatologically, linking the actions of the faithful in this world to their future salvation. This interpretation is strengthened through the exegesis of another verse. At least since Alcuin in the late eighth century, exegetes had associated the dangerous times of 2 Timothy 3:1 to the depredations of the antichrist.7 These realizations recast our understanding of the letter, switching its tone from staid call to reform to furious call to arms. This is a realization that could have vast implications for how we understand Urban IIs papacy, especially as we approach 1095 and the call to holy war in the East.8 Exegetical tradition suggested to Urban a particular understanding of sacred history. There was optimism in his heart. He said that because of mans sins, the ecclesia was collectively punished with the pagan invasions of the seventh and
5 Nunc ergo precor et amplector fraternitatem vestram, ut agatis viriliter atque constanter, et confortemini in potentia virtutis Dei ascendentes ex adverso et opponentes murum pro domo Israel [Ezek. 13:5], ut strenuissimi Domini bellatores stetis in praelio in die ipsius. Vos ergo qui spiritualiter estis, eos qui instructi non sunt verbis et exemplis instruite, et exhortamini sicut scitis et necessitas exigit hujus periculosi temporis [2 Tim. 3:1]. . . Insuper apud omnipotentis Dei misericordiam continuas preces effundite, quatenus et Ecclesiam suam sanctam in gradum pristinum misericorditer restaurare dignetur (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:284). 6 Cf. the Vulgate: non ascendistis ex adverso neque opposuistis murum pro domo Israhel ut staretis in proelio in die Domini; and Urbans letter (note 5 above): ascendentes ex adverso et opponentes murum pro domo Israel, ut strenuissimi Domini bellatores stetis in praelio in die ipsius. Note how Urban has changed the temporal frame of the verse. Instead of saying what did not happen, Urban is using Ezekiel to show what is happening now. 7 On the use of 2 Timothy 3:1, see Wolfram Brandes, Tempora periculosa sunt. Eschatologisches im Vorfeld der Kaiserkrnung Karls des Grossen, in Das Frankfurter Konzil von 794: Kristallisationspunkt karolingischer Kultur, ed. Rainer Berndt, Jr. (Mainz, Germany: Selbstverl. der Gesellschaft fr mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1997), 4979; and on the tradition of Ezekiel 13:5, see Matthew Gabriele, Odo of Cluny, Adso of Montier-en-Der, and the Pincer of Past and Future, (unpublished manuscript). 8 H. E. J. Cowdrey has suggested that Cluny played an important, if indirect, role in shaping Urban IIs ideas but his focus was on the liturgy, rather than on Urbans intellectual formation. Philippe Buc and Jay Rubenstein have linked exegesis and the First Crusade, but not through Urban II. See H. E. J. Cowdrey, Pope Urban II and the Idea of Crusade, Studi Medievali 36 (1995): 72930; idem, Cluny and the First Crusade, Revue Bndictine 83 (1975): 285311; Philippe Buc, Exgse et violence dans la tradition occidentale, Annali di Storia moderna e contemporanea 16 (2010): 13144; and Jay Rubenstein, Armies of Heaven: The First Crusade and the Quest for the Apocalypse (New York: Basic Books, 2011).

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eighth centuries. Now, however, at the end of the eleventh, the time of reconquest was at hand.9 In this letter, the warriors of God (bellatores Domini), working with the clerics instructing them, have become the agents of change. Their actions would touch Gods mercy and the liberation of the Church and restoration of Christianity would soon come. This article will examine the exegetical tradition that gave weight to some of the biblical citations in Urban IIs letters. Urban drew primarily from a Frankish exegetical tradition that survived amidst, and indeed thrived because of, the political disorder of the late ninth and tenth centuries. As an heir to and participant in that tradition, Urban II brought exegesis out of the cloister, applying exegetical lessons to contemporary events.10 Ninth-century Frankish exegetes thought their world was crumbling around them but never gave up hope. They saw a way out, foretold for them in the pages of Scripture, and they used their commentaries to illuminate the way forward. Urban II continued their work and, throughout the 1090s, the Latin West rejoiced as the New Israel returned to its proper path, as prophecy began to come true when Christs enemies were pushed back in Iberia, Sicily, and Palestine.

I. A CHANGE OF TIMES AND AGES: HOW ODO OF LAGRY BECAME POPE URBAN II
A boy named Odo was born, likely to the lords of Lagry in the county of Champagne, circa 1035. He began his education nearby, at the cathedral school of Reims probably under Bruno of Cologne (d. 1101), who would later found Chartreuse. Odo remained at Reims from circa 105067 but then moved to Cluny and became prior under Abbot Hugh the Great of Smur (d. 1109). Around 1080, he went to Rome to pursue Clunys interests and his talents were spotted by Pope Gregory VII (107385), who elevated Odo to the cardinal-bishopric of Ostia shortly thereafter. After the death of Pope Victor III (108688), Odo became Pope Urban II.11
Alfons Becker, Papst Urban II (10881099), 2 vols. (Stuttgart, Germany: Hiersemann, 1964 88), 2:35258. 10 On the application of exegesis, the origins of a theology of politics, see the underutilized Gerard E. Caspary, Politics and Exegesis: Origen and the Two Swords, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), especially 810, 18991; and more recently Philippe Buc, Lambiguite du livre: Prince, pouvoir et peuple dans les commentaires de la Bible au Moyen ge (Paris: Beauchesne, 1994); idem, La vengeance de Dieu: De lexgse patristique la rforme ecclsiastique et la premire croisade, in La Vengeance, 4001200, ed. Dominique Barthlemy, Franois Bougard, and Rgine Le Jan (Rome: cole franaise de Rome, 2006), 45186. 11 Becker, Papst Urban II, 1:2490.
9

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We do not know much about Urbans education under Bruno at Reims. Most likely, the Carolingian educational program begun in the ninth century was carried into the tenth and eleventh. Hincmar of Reims (d. 882) began to expand the cathedral schools library and, in the 890s, schoolmasters Remigius of Auxerre and Hucbald of Saint-Amand (d. ca. 932) began to attract students from throughout Europe. Gerbert of Reims (later Pope Sylvester II [9981002]) continued this tradition in the tenth century. Carolingian exegesis featured prominently in that library, with extant commentaries by Haimo of Auxerre (d. ca. 875), Heiric of Auxerre, Remigius of Auxerre, Alcuin, Hrabanus Maurus, and Ansegisus of Reims (d. ca. 833), among others, so we can reasonably guess that they featured heavily in the educational program.12 We are on surer ground when it comes to Cluny. Most likely, both the school and library at Cluny were begun by Odo of Cluny, who was himself an exegete by training.13 This would make sense, as he studied under the prolific exegete Remigius of Auxerre in Paris, then became a monk at Baume as well as its schoolmaster. When Abbot Berno of Baume (d. 927) moved to Cluny, Odo went with him, bringing his volumes from Tours to start Clunys school and library.14 We are fortunate to have a catalog of Clunys library as it existed circa 1100, perhaps even from just the time Urban was using it as prior. The catalogue, printed by Lopold Delisle in the late nineteenth century and first thought to be from the mid twelfth-century, has now been shown to date to circa 1100 and reflect the interests of abbots Odo, Maiolus, Odilo, and Hugh.15 The collection contained over thirty different biblical commentaries from the ninth century. There are a few works by Paschasius, a number by
12 On Bruno at Reims, see Patrick Demouy, Bruno et la rforme de lglise de Reims, in Saint Bruno et sa posterit spirituelle: Actes du colloque international de 8 et 9 octobre 2001 a lInstitut catholique de Paris, ed. Alain Girard, Daniel le Blvec, and Nathalie Nabert (Salzburg, Austria: Institut fr Anglistik und Amerikanistik, 2003), 1320. On the educational tradition and manuscripts, see Jason Glenn, Politics and History in the Tenth Century: The Work and World of Richer of Reims (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 5464; Becker, Papst Urban II., 1: 3135; and Michel Sot, Un historien et son glise au Xe sicle: Flodoard de Reims (Paris: Fayard, 1993), 7274. On tenth-century education as a continuation of the ninth, see John J. Contreni, The Tenth Century: The Perspective from the Schools, in Haut Moyen-ge: Culture, education et socit: tudes offerts Pierre Rich, ed. Michel Sot, et al. (Paris: ditions europennes Erasme, 1990), 37987. 13 See below at note 27. 14 On Odos biography, now Isabelle Ros, Construire une socit seigneuriale: Itinraire et ecclsiologie de labb Odon de Cluny (fin du IXe - milieu du Xe sicle) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 35368. On his education, see See John of Salerno, Vita sancti Odonis, PL 133:45, 52. 15 Veronika von Bren, Le grand catalogue de la bibliothque de Cluny, in Le gouvernement dHugues de Semur Cluny: Actes du colloque scientifique international (Cluny, France: Muse Ochier, 1990), 25460; idem, Le catalogue de la bibliothque de Cluny du XIe sicle reconstitu, Scriptorium 46 (1992): 25667. The catalog itself can be found at Lopold Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits de la Bibliothque Nationale: Fonds de Cluni (Paris: Champion, 1884), 33773, online at http://tertullian.org/articles/delisle_cluny_catalogue.htm.

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Alcuin, and an entire section headed by Hrabanus.16 There are also commentaries by Haimo of Auxerre on the Minor Prophets, on Genesis, on the letters of Paul, on the Apocalypse, on Isaiah, on Ezekiel, on Jeremiah, and on Daniel.17 We even have evidence that these books were read. The Liber tramitis, a Cluniac customary (later copied at Farfa) originally dating to the 1040s and the abbacy of Odilo, lists the books that were distributed to the monks for reading during the Easter season. Of the sixty-four books distributed, twentynine are biblical exegesis (45%). Of those twenty-nine, sixteen of them are from the ninth century (25% overall, 55% of all exegesis). These works include Alcuin on the Trinity (and another perhaps on Ecclesiastes), Ambrose Autpert on Revelation, Hrabanus on Ecclesiastes, Jeremiah, Kings, and Maccabees, and finally Haimo of Auxerre on the Letters of Paul, Revelation, Isaiah, and Genesis (and perhaps two others by him on the Minor Prophets and Psalms).18 There is meaning in the books that Urban II saw on the shelves. Populating a library with these volumes was not an innocent choice. First, as anyone who has seen any tenth-, eleventh-, or twelfth-century codices of Carolingian exegesis can attest, these can be massive volumes, sometimes running into the hundreds of folios. A tenth-century copy of Haimos commentary on Revelation runs to 148 folios. An eleventh-century Italian copy of his commentary on some of Pauls letters comes in at 146 folios (this particular codex only contains Haimos work on Romans and some of 1 Corinthians). An early twelfth-century version of Haimos exegesis of Isaiah, from Bury St. Edmunds, is 125 folios.19 Sometimesthough not alwaysthese are prestige pieces, written on high quality vellum and filled with illustrations.20 Regardless, these codices, which almost always contain only one text,
16 Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits, nos. 234, 27172 (Paschasius), 8586, 242, 367, 375, 410, 521 (Alcuin), and 33891 (Hrabanus, though not all these are by him). 17 Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits, nos. 347, 427, 430, 431, 428, and 429, respectively. We should also note that there are a number of unattributed commentaries in the catalog, which could well be Carolingian in origin. For example, the catalog also lists (no. 557) Volumen in quo continetur tractatus de grammatica, habens in principio expositionem somniorum Nabuchodonosor. This text, specifically on Daniel 2, may well be another of Haimos, given the Auxerre connection to Clunys collection, Haimos interest in grammar, his status as a school master, and his interest in the Old Testament prophets. On Haimo as grammarian, see below. 18 Andr Wilmart, Le couvent et la bibliothque de Cluny vers le milieu du Xle sicle, Revue Mabillon 11 (1921): 9294, 1046. Text itself at Liber tramitis aevi Odilonis abbatis, ed. Peter Dinter, CCM 10 (Siegburg, Germany: Verlag Franz Schmitt, 1980), 26164. 19 See, respectively, London, BL Harley 3026; London, BL Harley 3102; and London, BL Egerton 2782. 20 See the description of an eleventh-century version of Haimo on Ezekiel in Patricia Stirnemann, Lillustration du commentaire dHaymon sur Ezchiel: Paris, B.N. latin 12302, in Lcole carolingienne dAuxerre: De Murethach Remi, 830-908, ed. Dominique Iogna-Prat, Colette Jeudy, and Guy Lobrichon (Paris: Beauchesne, 1991), 93117.

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intended as stand-alone additions to a cloister s library, would require a great deal of time and investment of resources. More important to our discussion here, the Carolingian commentaries that filled the library at Cluny, that were read by its monks, framed the way scripture was later understood and hence their readers understanding of the arc of sacred history. We have already seen how Maiolus of Cluny was interested in Hrabanuss commentary on Jeremiah but there is more evidence that Carolingian exegesis shaped his thinking. During his captivity in the Alps at the hands of some Islamic brigands, Maiolus of Cluny wrote to his congregation, referencing the hordes of Belial that surrounded him. In doing so, Maiolus was deliberately evoking Haimo of Auxerres commentary on 2 Thessalonians.21 The Cluniac manuscripts produced under Maioluss successor Odilo continued to evoke Carolingian precedents.22 Indeed, Haimos exegesis of Revelation was the pillar of later Cluniac tradition on that topic, perhaps even inspiring the image of the Last Judgment that overlooked the refectory in Cluny.23 Moreover, Odilos institution of the feast of All Souls may have been a manifestation of this legacy. Odilo seems to have taken at least some of these ideas from, again, Haimos commentary on Revelation, specifically in that the feast made clear that the monks too, like the Carolingians before them, were concerned with the whole Christian people ( populus christianus).24 Finally, we should not forget that because
21 Scott G. Bruce, An Abbot Between Two Cultures: Maiolus of Cluny Confronts the Muslims of La Garde-Freinet, Early Medieval Europe 15 (2007): 43739. Bruce erroneously follows the PLs attribution of the commentary to Haimo of Halberstadt. It is, however, indeed Haimo of Auxerres. See P. Riccardo Quadri, Aimone di Auxerre a la luce dei Collectanea di Heiric di Auxerre (Padua, Italy: Antenore, 1962), 718. 22 In the dedicatory verses of Odilos Bible (Paris BNF lat. 15176), the scribe stole a poem from Alcuin to Charlemagne, replacing Alcuins name with his and Charlemagnes with Odilos. Another compilation on Mary commissioned by Odilo in the early eleventh century included Haimos commentary on the Song of Songs. See, respectively, Neil Stratford, La Bible dite dOdilon, in Cluny 9102010: Onze Sicles De Rayonnement, ed. Neil Stratford (Paris: Editions du Patrimoine Centre des monuments nationaux, 2010), 92; and Monique-Ccile Garand, Une collection personelle de Saint Odilon de Cluny et ses complements, Scriptorium 33 (1979): 16380. 23 Dominique Iogna-Prat, Order & Exculsion: Cluny and Christendom Face Heresy, Judaism, and Islam (10001150), trans. Graham Robert Edwards (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2002), 106; Isabelle Cochelin, When Monks Were the Book: The Bible and Monasticism (6th11th Centuries), in The Practice of the Bible in the Middle Ages: Production, Reception, and Performance in Western Christianity, ed. Susan Boynton and Diane J. Reilly (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 64. See also Michael E. Hoenicke Moore, Demons and the Battle for Souls at Cluny, Studies in Religion/ Sciences Religieuses 32 (2003): 48891; who suggests that Odilos demonology was rooted in Carolingian thought. 24 Guy Lobrichon, Lordre de ce temps et les dsordres de la Fin: Apocalypse et socit, du XIe la fin du XIe sicle, in The Use and Abuse of Eschatology in the Middle Ages, ed. Werner Verbeke, Daniel Verhelst, and Andries Welkhenhuysen (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1988), 235; and Robert G. Heath, Crux Imperatorum Philosophia: Imperial Horizons of the Cluniac Confraternitas, 9641109 (Pittsburgh, Penn: Pickwick Press, 1976), 9394.

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Abbot Hugh was first educated in Auxerre before arriving at Cluny, he was likely exposed to the works of the Auxerrois exegetes as part of his formative training.25 Beryl Smalley famously suggested that the tenth century was a sort of black hole, with no exegesis produced between the death of Remigius of Auxerre and Fulbert of Chartres (d. 1028).26 But perhaps we should reconsider. The tenth century was actually a rich time for exegesis, with expositors of the sacred books offering their own glosses on sacred texts. We should remember that works like Odo of Clunys Collationum libri tres, written in the first half of the tenth century, were indeed exegesis; his hagiographer specifically referred to that text as Odos three books on Jeremiah.27 Moreover, ninth-century exegetes were read, copied, re-read, and re-copied throughout this period. For instance, Haimo of Auxerre was a prolific exegete, a man who wove his ideas throughout all of his sixteen commentaries, which were copied consistently into the sixteenth century. His commentary on Isaiah survives in twelve manuscripts that can be comfortably dated to before 1100 CE, his Homilies survive in seventeen manuscripts, his commentary on the Song of Songs in twenty-three manuscripts, on the Apocalypse in twenty-five, and on the letters of Paul in fifty. All before 1100.28 Many of these, as noted above, found their way into Clunys library and into the hands of their monks. Pope Urban II was an heir to this tradition, both Carolingian and Cluniac; he learned at Reims and Clunythe former founded by Remigius of Auxerre, the latter by one of his students.29 At both Reims and Cluny, ninth-century exegesis populated their libraries and, most likely formed the foundation of their educational programs. A key to understanding how this tradition manifested itself in Urbans thinking can be found in his use of a particular verse. In the Vulgate, Daniel 2:21 reads [Deus qui] mutat tempora, et tates: transfert
25 N. Bulst, Hugo I. v. Semur, hl., 6. Abt v. Cluny, in Lexikon des Mittelalters, 10 vols. (Stuttgart: Metzler, [1977]1999), vol. 5, cols 16566. 26 Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1964), 44. More recently echoed in Lobrichon, Lordre de ce temps et les dsordres de la Fin, 23637. 27 John of Salerno, Vita Odonis, PL 133:49, 60. Most likely, Odo is specifically commenting on what we know of as the Book of Lamentations, which Hrabanus Maurus and Paschasius Radbertus had both also commented on in three books. See E. Ann Matter, The Lamentations Commentaries of Hrabanus Maurus and Paschasius Radbertus, Traditio 38 (1982): 13763. See also Ros, Construire une socit seigneuriale, 132n365; and Barbara Rosenwein, Rhinocerous Bound: Cluny in the Tenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), 57, 6667, 72. 28 See the dated (but still impressive) list compiled by Burton van Name Edwards at http://www. tcnj.edu/~chazelle/carindex.htm. See also the case study in Dominique Iogna-Prat, Lieu de culte et exgse liturgique lpoque carolingienne, in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. Celia Chazelle and Burton van Name Edwards (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 24243. 29 In addition, Abbot Maiolus of Cluny reformed Saint-Germain in 980. See Rosenwein, Rhinoceros Bound, 54.

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regna, atque constituit.30 Urban directly referenced the verse three times in his extant letters. First, in a 1091 letter to Bishop Berengar of Vic, elevating him to the newly restored archbishopric of Tarragona, Urban wondered at the ineffability of Gods ability to transform kingdoms and change times (Daniel 2:21), having exalted the city in the past but then allowing the Saracens to punish Christians for their sins. The populus christianus had suffered for 390 years under the people of Hagar. Now, however, the city was being liberated and restored.31 In 1093, writing to Count Roger of Sicily (d. 1101), Urban noted that the all Christian people rejoiced that God was changing the time and transforming the kingdom (Daniel 2:21), in that men from Western parts had recaptured Sicily from the Saracens, ending 300 years of Christian servitude to the gentiles.32 Then, in 1098, Urban wrote to Bishop Gerland of Girgenti (in Sicily), echoing the same sentiments. Beginning this letter by again invoking Daniel 2:21, Urban gave thanks that, even though the pagans had once trampled Christian regions, Counts Robert and Roger had now expelled the pagan Saracens from Sicily and restored the Christian community (ecclesia) on that island.33
God changes times and ages; erects and transforms kingdoms. Justus autem Dominus in viis suis, et sanctus in omnibus operibus suis, qui, cum in plerisque judiciis incomprehensibilis habeatur, in nullo unquam valet reprehensibilis aestimari, ipse transfert regna et mutat tempora [Dan. 2:21]: ipsi visum est in eadem urbe olim Tarraconensis urbis gloriam exaltare; ipsi visum est in eadem urbe peccata populi sui visitare. Cum enim in ea Christianorum populus habitaret, visitavit in virga iniquitates eorum et in verberibus peccata eorum. Sed ecce jam transactis trecentis nonaginta annis, ex quo praefatam urbem Agarenorum gens prope solitariam fecerit, principum suorum cordibus inspirare dignatus est ut ejusdem urbis restitutioni, secundum praeceptum apostolicae sedis, cui auctoritate Dei, licet indigni, praesidemus, insisterent (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:33233). The best single account of Urbans interest in Tarragona remains unpublished, see Lawrence J. McCrank, Restoration and Reconquest in Medieval Catalonia: The Church and Principality of Tarragona, 9711177 (PhD Dissertation, History, University of Virginia, 1974). 32 Universis fere per orbem Christianorum populis notum esse credimus Siciliae insulam, multis quondam et nobilibus illustratam Ecclesiis, opibusque et populo copiosam, multorumque religione effulsisse virorum, et quarumdam sanctissimarum martyrum et virginum claruisse martyrio. . . . Dominator autem rerum omnium Deus, cujus sapientia et fortitudo, quando vult, regnum transfert, et mutat tempora [Dan. 2:21], quemadmodum ex occidentis partibus militem Rogerium, scilicet virum et consilio optimum, et bello strenuissimum, ad eamdem insulam transtulit, qui multo labore, frequentibus praeliis, et crebris suorum militum caede et sanguinis effusione regionem praedictam a servitute gentilium opitulante Domino liberavit (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:37071). 33 Omnipotentis Dei dispositione mutantur tempora, transferuntur regna [Dan. 2:21]; hinc est quod magni nominis nationes dirutas et depressas, viles vero atque exiguas nonnunquam legimus exaltatas; hinc est quod in quibusdam regionibus Christiani nominis potestatem paganorum feritas occupavit, in quibusdam iterum paganorum tyrannidem Christianae potentiae dignitas conculcavit. Sicut nostris temporibus gloriosissimorum principum Roberti ducis et Rogerii comitis fortitudine supremae dignationis miseratio omnem Saracenorum molestiam in Sicilia insula expugnavit, et antiquum Ecclesiae sanctae statum pro voluntatis suae beneplacito recuperavit (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:510). This particular letter bears a strong resemblance to a 1083 letter given by Gregory VII to Archbishop Alcherius of Palermo. See the discussion of
30 31

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In general, Urban seems to have been saying in these letters that the Christian people had suffered under the yoke of Gods enemies since the eighth and ninth centuries but God had changed the times, and Christians now led the reconquest.34 God alone, of course, could enact the change of times and ages but He did so specifically to protect His people. The pagan invasions were the beginning of a downward arc but not the end of sacred history. Time marched on and the Christian people still had a role to play.

II. THE WEIGHT OF TRADITION ON DANIEL 2:21

Pope Gregory I the Great (590-604) understood Daniel 2:21 to be an explanation of how God could work through the papacy in governing the conduct of kings.35 Perhaps unsurprisingly, this reasoning was well received during the Investiture Contest. Peter Damian (d. 1072) and Manegold of Lautenbach (d. before 1103), for example, deployed the phrase (often copied verbatim from Gregory the Great) to speak of the power God had, through the papacy, to shape the conduct of kingdoms.36 Jerome (d. 420), however, had understood the verse a bit differently and his commentaries loomed large on the mental map of medieval thought. His exegesis of Daniel 2:21 said that Gods will governed empires as well as men. For him, the verse pointed forward to the latter half of Daniel 2 (Nebuchadnezzars dream of the statue) and the decline of kingdoms. God allowed evil men to do evil things in order to punish the wicked, and so on

Gregorys letter in Brett Edward Whalen, Dominion of God: Christendom and Apocalypse in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009), 36. 34 Generally, see the discussion in Becker, Papst Urban II, 2: 35557. 35 GregoryI, Registrum, ed. P. Ewald and L. M. Hartmann, MGH Epist. 2 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1899), 397. This tradition has been traced back in Ingrid Heike Ringel, Ipse transfert regna et mutat tempora: Beobachtungen zur Herkunft von Dan. 2,21 bei Urban II, in Deus qui mutat tempora: Menschen und Institutionen im Wandel des Mittelalters, eds. Ernst-Dieter Hehl, Hubertus Seibert, and Franz Staab (Sigmaringen, Germany: J. Thorbecke, 1987), 13756. 36 For example, Manegold of Lautenbach, Ad Geberhardum, ed. K. Francke, MGH LdL 1 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1891), 362; and Peter Damian, Epistolae, ed. Kurt Reindel, MGH Epist. 4:1 (Mnich: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1983), 143. Daniel was referenced more generally by other authors involved in the conflict between king and pope but never specifically Daniel 2:21. For instance, see Anonymous of Hersfeld, De unitate ecclesiae conservanda, ed. W. Schweckenbecher, MGH LdL 2 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1892), 204, 231; and Bernold of Hildesheim, Liber canonum contra Heinricum IV, ed. F. Thaner, MGH LdL 1 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1891), 483, 502.

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until the tribulations described in Revelation.37 Jerome viewed Daniel as theodicy and an explanation of how providence governed politics. Mans actions only shaped the course of history insofar as his sins brought down Gods wrath. And Jeromes was the understanding of Daniel followed by the vast majority of early medieval authors, especially those active in the ninth and tenth centuries. For example, citations of Daniel can be found in the 829 Council of Paris, as well as in the work of Theodulf of Orlans (d. 821), Dhuoda (d. ca. 843), Sedulius Scotus (d. after 865), Heiric of Auxerre (d. ca. 875), John Scotus Eriugena (d. ca. 877), Christian of Stavelot (d. ca. 880), Notker the Stammerer (d. 912), and in the anonymous Vision of Charlemagne from circa 870.38 In the tenth century, Liudprand of Cremona (d. 970/ 972), Hrosvita of Gandersheim (d. ca. 975), Fulcuin of Lobbes (d. 990), Adso of Montier-en-Der (d. 992), and Heriger of Lobbes (d. 1007) would continue to use Daniel to illuminate their writings.39 In addition, and more importantly, at least five (and maybe as many as seven) new commentaries on Daniel arose out of Carolingian Francia. These were the first attempted since Jerome. Peter of Pisa (d. ca. 799) and an anonymous Gloss of St-Gall
37 Jerome, In Danielem, ed. Francisco Glorie, CCSL 75A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1964), 787. For more on Jeromes commentary, see Rgis Courtray, Prophte des temps derniers: Jrome commente Daniel (Paris: Beauchesne, 2009). 38 Concilium Parisiense, MGH Concilia 2.2 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1908), 541; Theodulf of Orlans, Carminae, MGH Poetae 1 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1881), 474, 475, 492; idem, Libri Carolini, ed. Ann Freeman and Paul Meyvaert (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1998), 154, 156, 306; Dhuoda, Liber Manualis, ed. and trans. Marcelle Thibaux (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 98, 142, 176; Sedulius Scottus, Collectaneum miscellaneum, ed. D. Simpson, CCCM 67 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1988), 81, 113, 159, 168, 182, 214; Heiric of Auxerre, Collecteana, ed. Riccardo Quadri, Spicilegium Friburgense 2 (Freiburg, Germany: Freiburg University Press, 1966), 115, 117, 120, 121, 12427, 130, 155; John Scotus Eriugena, Expositiones in hierarchiam coelestem, ed. J. Barbet, CCCM 31 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1975), 13132, 185, 191; Christian of Stavelot, Expositio super librum generationis, ed. R. B. C. Huygens, CCCM 224 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 436, 439; Notker the Stammerer, Gesta Karoli Magni imperatoris, ed. H. F. Haefele, MGH SRG n.s. 12 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1959), 1; and on the Visio Karoli Magni, see Paul Edward Dutton, The Politics of Dreaming in the Carolingian Empire (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), 2008. Ingrid Ringel has noted that Beatus of Libana (d. ca. 798) and Paulus Alvarus of Cordoba (d. after 860) referenced Daniel extensively in their writings and should be seen as having influenced Urban. Yet, neither specifically invoked Daniel 2:21 and neither were found in Clunys library. See Ringel, Ipse transfert regna, 13756; Beatus of Libana, Commentarius in Apocalypsin, ed. E. Romero-Pose, 2 vols. (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico, 1985); and Paulus Alvarus, Indiculus Luminosus, PL 121:51356. 39 Liudprand of Cremona, Relatio de legatione Constantinopolitana, ed. Joseph Becker, MGH SRG 41 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1915), 195; Hrosvita of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, ed. P. von Winterfeld, MGH SRG 34 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1902), 204; Fulcuin of Lobbes, Gesta abbatum Lobiensium, MGH SS 4: 55, 71; Adso of Montier-en-Der, De antichristo, ed. D. Verhelst, CCCM 45 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976), 25, and 122, 148; and Heriger of Lobbes, Epistolae, PL 159:1129.

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were produced during the eighth century, while Hrabanus Maurus, Angelomus of Luxeuil (d. ca. 855), Haimo of Auxerre, and two other anonymous authors wrote during the ninth.40 Two of the most influential Carolingian exegetes, both during the ninth century and afterwards, were Hrabanus and Haimo. Both wrote commentaries on Daniel in the 840s and both were part of a second stage in the development of Carolingian biblical interpretation, one that became almost an exegesis of exegesis, seeking to illuminate both the Bible and the Fathers at the same time. As such, both were still heavily dependent on Jeromes interpretation of Daniel.41 Indeed, Hrabanus, who was archbishop of Mainz at the time he wrote his commentary, mostly copied Jerome verbatim. For example, Hrabanuss exegesis of Daniel 2:21 changed nothing from Jeromes original interpretation.42 Haimo was a different kind of exegete. We know very little about his life but do know he was a monk at Saint-Germain of Auxerre and master of its school into the 860s, when he left to become abbot of Cessy-les-Bois. At that time, Haimos pupil Heiric of Auxerre returned to Saint-Germain in order to take Haimos place.43 Haimos commentary on Daniel reformulated Jeromes understanding of the text, adding other patristic interpretations of certain verses to his work and making comparisons across biblical books that Jerome did not. As Guy Lobrichon has noted, an exegete was not required to repeat all that his predecessors had said; he was, however, obliged to take
40 Shimahara, Daniel et les visions, 1921; idem, Le succs mdival de lAnnotation brve sur Daniel dHaymon dAuxerre, texte scolaire carolingien exhortant la rforme, in tudes dexgse carolingienne: Autour dHaymon dAuxerre, ed. Sumi Shimahara (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 12425; and Rgis Courtray, La rception du Commentaire sur Daniel de Jrme dans lOccident mdival chrtien (VIIe-XIIe sicle), Sacris Erudiri 44 (2005): 12741. 41 On the development of exegesis in the ninth century, see Celia Chazelle, and Burton van Name Edwards, Introduction: The Study of the Bible and Carolingian Culture, in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. Celia Chazelle and Burton van Name Edwards (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 1012; and especially Berarducci, Lesegesi della Rinascita carolingia, 16798. 42 Ipse mutat tempora et aetates, transfert regna atque constituit. Non ergo miremur siquando cernimus regibus reges et regnis regna succedere, quae dei gubernantur et mutantur arbitrio. Causasque singulorum nouit ille qui conditor est omnium, et saepe malos reges patitur suscitari ut mali malos puniant; simulque subostendit, et generali disputatione preparat auditorem, et somnium quod uidit esse de mutationem et succisionem regnorum (Hrbanus Maurus, In Danielem). Text courtesy of William Schipper, personal correspondance, 7 October 2009. Prof. Schipper is currently preparing an edition of the commentary for the CCCM. Hrabanus dedicatory epistle of the work (to Louis the German [84076]) is available at Hrabanus Maurus, Ad Ludowicum, ed. Ernest Dmmler, MGH Epist. Karol. 5 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1899), 46769. See also Courtray, La rception du Commentaire, 12730. 43 See Quadri, Aimone di Auxerre, 718; and John J. Contreni, Haimo of Auxerre, Abbot of Sasceium (Cessy-les-Bois), and a New Sermon on 1 John V, 410, Rvue Bndictine 85 (1975): 30320. Heiric, in turn, was succeeded at Saint-Germain by Remigius of Auxerre, who later moved north, first taking over the cathedral school at Reims in 893 at the request of Archbishop Fulco (d. 900), then moving to Paris after his patrons death. See Contreni, Haimo of Auxerre, 307.

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a position, even if only by his silence on some interpretations . . . up to that point. Haimo was not afraid to take a position, even changing the received meaning of particular verses from Jeromes original.44 This was true for Daniel 2:21. As Jerome had, Haimo still understood the verse to reference the succession of earthly kingdoms, in that it looked forward to vision of the statue that Nebuchadnezzar would have later in that chapter. But unlike Jerome and Hrabanus, Haimo saw Gods hand in the changing of kingdoms as not simply explaining why evil men rule, but also how good men profit. Good men are tested by evil and emerge as better men ( probatiores).45 Jerome thought that Daniel pointed downa descent in kingdoms towards the chaos of the End. Haimo agreed but then pointed back up. Good men, caught in an inferno of tyranny, could emerge steeled, ready to do Gods will. For Haimo, exegetes could read the signs for evidence of Gods plan for sacred history and suggest the proper course of action.46 Things, in other words, could change for the better. And Haimo wove this idea throughout all his exegesis. His commentary on Ezekiel 38:19 likened that verses description of the shaking in the land of Israel to the righteous anger of the Christian emperors against heretics. As Constantine (30637) raged against Arius, so did Charlemagne (768814) against Felix of Urgell. By their actions, Haimo said, these rulers did Gods work and added to the populus christianus.47 In Haimos eyes, the rulers of his time (particularly Charles the Bald [84077]) needed reformation; they needed to listen to the new prophets, who reminded these rulers of the examples of old.48 But these rulers were only archetypes; they could not do Gods work alone. The real actors in this story seem to have been the Franks/Israel as a wholethe populus christianus. Haimo on Isaiah 5:2630 signaled that God had moved His favor from the Jews to the men of Italy, Gaul, and Hispania (the men of Haimos own West Francia). These were the men who acted as agents of
44 Guy Lobrichon, Stalking the Signs: The Apocalyptic Commentaries, in The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950-1050, ed. Richard Landes, Andrew Gow, and David C. van Meter (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 69. On Haimos changes, see Courtray, La rception du Commentaire, 13339; and then, for specific instances, Shimahara, Succs mdival, 14346; idem, Daniel et les visions, 2427; and idem, Reprsentation du pouvoir, 8182, 89. 45 Ipse mutat tempora, id est sua prouidentia et dispositione facit reges regibus succedere, et regnis regna. Et interdum permittat malos regnare ut et mali malos puniant, et boni per eos probatiores fiant. Quarum rerum ideo meminit quia mutationem futuram in uisione cognouit (Haimo of Auxerre, In Danielem). Text courtesy of Sumi Shimahara, personal correspondance, 3 October 2009. Dr. Shimahara is currently preparing an edition of this commentary for the CCCM. 46 Contreni, Haimo of Auxerre, 234; and Shimahara, Le succs mdival, 15963. 47 John J. Contreni, Haimo of Auxerres Commentary on Ezekiel, in Lcole carolingienne dAuxerre: De Murethach Remi, 830908, ed. Dominique Iogna-Prat, Colette Jeudy, and Guy Lobrichon (Paris: Beauchesne, 1991), 235. 48 Shimahara, Le succs mdival, 163; and idem, Daniel et les visions, 2527.

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Gods will, punishing the Jews for their sins under Titus and Vespasian in 70 CE, then spreading the gospel to the all the worlds peoples.49 It is probably not a coincidence that the vast majority of the authors named above (17/21) who evoked or referenced Daniel did so after circa 830, amid the perceived political chaos of Charlemagnes descendents, when the old order seemed to be breaking down, when sons revolted against their father and Charlemagnes empire factionalized between East and West. It is also probably not a coincidence that about seventy-one percent of the above authors (15/21)including Hrabanus and Haimowrote after 840, when the new chosen people began to spill their brothers blood in civil war. In these circumstances, Old Testament prophets like Ezekiel, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Daniel, who cried out against Israels failure to keep its covenant with God, lamenting the loss of Jerusalem, ruing the breakup of Davids kingdom, seemed to be particularly relevant as churchmen looked on while their world seemed to crumble around them. In some instances, these exegetes saw themselves as the new prophets for the new Israel.50 They watched as the Franks descended into fratricidal war after a perceived Golden Age. They watched the New Israel splinter because of its sins, just as had the Israel of old. In his commentary on Ezekiel, Haimo referred to Charles specifically as Jeroboam, Solomons son who allowed the kingdom of Israel to splinter.51 The Carolingian educational program that emphasized the Franks as a new chosen people had begun under Charlemagne but ironically took hold in the Frankish imagination just as the empire was coming apart.52 As Alcuin, the Annales regni Francorum, Thegans Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, Nithards
49 Text reproduced in Haimo of Auxerre, In Isaiam 5,1-6,1, in C. Gabriel, Commentaires indits dHaymon dAuxerre sur Isae 5,1 - 6,1, Sacris Erudiri 35 (1995): 10910. This sentiment of collective responsibility was especially pronounced in one of Haimos contemporaries, Nithard, who saw greed driving the evil actions of his contemporaries. Nithard, Historiarum libri III, ed. E. Mller, MGH SRG 44 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1907), especially 3950. 50 Wala (d. 836), for example, could be seen as a new Jeremiah. Notker the Stammerer was a new Daniel. See Mayke de Jong, The Penitential State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814-840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 10211, 14647, 16669; and Dutton, Politics of Dreaming, 199200; respectively. More generally, see Sumi Shimahara, La Reprsentation du pouvoir sculier chez Haymon dAuxerre, in The Multiple Meanings of Scripture: The Role of Exegesis in Early-Christian and Medieval Culture, ed. Ineke vant Spijker (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2009), 7799; John J. Contreni, By Lions, Bishops are Meant; by Wolves, Priests: History, Exegesis, and the Carolingian Church in Haimo of Auxerres Commentary on Ezechiel, Francia 29 (2002): 3153; Dutton, Politics of Dreaming, 13840, 2045; and Pierre Rich, La Bible et la vie politique dans le haut Moyen ge, in Le Moyen Age et la Bible, ed. Pierre Rich and Guy Lobrichon (Paris: Beauchesne, 1984), 385400. 51 Contreni, History, Exegesis, 49. 52 See Mary Garrison, The Franks as the New Israel? Education for an Identity from Pippin to Charlemagne, in The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Yitzhak Hen and Matthew Innes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 11461; and Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 97106.

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Histories, the Annales of Saint-Vaast, the decrees of the councils of Anjou (850) and Quierzy (853), and Regino of Prms Chronicon (among others) all asserted, the Franks were the populus christianus.53 They protected the ecclesia, supported the Frankish ruler, and fought Gods enemies. As the new Israel, Frankish victory in battle depended on the actions of the community as a whole, exemplified through the righteousness of their ruler. Gods favor, however, was contingent and could be withdrawn if his people strayed from the true path.54 Notker the Stammerer, likely writing in the 880s for Charles the Fat (876 88), also linked Daniel 2:21 with Nebuchadnezzars vision of the statue.55 Notker explained that God had brought low the statue of the Romans, anchored by feet of clay, but had newly raised up the golden head of another statue among the FranksCharlemagnewho had begun something new, something great.56 For Notker, the arc of sacred history was like a parabola; it began with a descent of kingdoms but then, at its nadir, could rise again with the Franks. Notker hoped that his new Charles, who once again (briefly) united Charlemagnes empire, would inspire the Franks to emulate their ancestors and bring themselves back into Gods favor. Notker hoped that the Franks, even amid the political and social turmoil of the late ninth century, would eventually listen to the new prophets and purge themselves of sin, so that God would replace His beneficent hand upon them.
53 Alcuin, Epistolae, ed. Ernest Dmmler, MGH Epist. Karol 4 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1895), 25, 146, 259, 289, 292, and 295; Annales regni Francorum, ed. Friedrich Krauze, MGH SRG 6 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1895), 88; Thegan, Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Ernst Tremp, MGH SRG 64 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1995), 204, 208; Nithard, Historiarum, ed. Mller, 25, 28, 32, 3435, 40; Annales Vedastini, ed. B. de Simson, MGH SRG 12 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1909), 45, 48, 54, 57; Concilium Anjou, ed. Wilfried Hartmann, MGH Concilia 3 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1984), 205; Concilium Quierzy, ed. Wilfried Hartmann, MGH Concilia 3 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1984), 408, 41920, 423; and Regino of Prm, Chronicon, ed. Friedrich Kurze, MGH SRG 50 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1890), 119. More generally, see Ildar H. Garipzanov, The Symbolic Language of Authority in the Carolingian World (c. 751 877) (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2008), 28283, 3067. 54 de Jong, The Penitential State, especially chapters 46. See also Courtney M. Booker, Past Convictions: The Penance of Louis the Pious and the Decline of the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009). 55 On the composition of Notkers Gesta Karoli Magni, see Simon Maclean, Kingship and Politics in the Late Ninth Century: Charles the Fat and the End of the Carolingian Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 2014. 56 Notker, Gesta Karoli Magni, ed. Haefele, 1. On Notkers sources, see Hans-Werner Goetz, Strukturen der sptkarolinischen Epoche im Spiegel der Vorstellungen eines Zeitgenssischen Mnchs: Eine Interpretation der Gesta Karoli Notkers von Sankt Gallen (Bonn, Germany: Habelt, 1981), 7071. In another similar instance, Pope Sylvester II (999-1003) wrote to King Stephen of Hungary (9971038) in 1000 CE, invoking Daniel 2:21 to praise the ascent of Stephen to the throne, like a new David over Israel (the Hungarians). See discussion in Whalen, Dominion of God, 2021.

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The ecclesia, the community of all the faithful, laymen and clerics, over whom the Frankish king ruled,57 suffered from a surfeit of avarice: rulers fighting each other and oppressing the poor, clerics caring too much for this world, buying and selling their offices. God therefore withdrew his hand and the Franks were punished by pagan invasions. The New Israel needed restoration to return to Gods favor, to defeat Gods enemies and set the Christian world in order.58

III. CONCLUSION: URBAN II

AND THE

ASCENT OF SACRED HISTORY

Pope Gregory I and his late eleventh-century acolytes used Daniel 2:21 to speak of how God moved through the papacy to manifest His will. Jerome suggested that the movement of times and ages was one of decline, inevitably down, towards the End. Haimo of Auxerre blazed a somewhat new trail, suggesting that sacred history could rebound and that newly steeled better men ( probatiores) would bring the Franks back to God. Urban seems closest to this latter path, perhaps because he had read Haimos commentary on the Minor Prophets, or on Genesis, or the letters of Paul, or Revelation, or Isaiah, or Ezekiel, or Jeremiah, or Danielall of which sat on Clunys shelves.59 Urban II looked on hopefully. In the three instances in which Urban explicitly referenced Daniel 2:21, he gave agency to the Christian people.60 Only God could change times and ages but He responded, in a sense, to the actions of the populus christianus. Their sins had allowed the pagan conquests to occur but their later actions began the reconquest. Even when not specifically invoking that verse from Daniel, the belief that Gods hand was shielding the Christian advance against His enemies suffused Urbans letters. At the beginning of his pontificate (1088), Urban II wrote to Archbishop Bernard of Toledo. Bernard had been at Cluny with Urban and Toledo had just been retaken from the Muslims in 1085 by King Alfonso VI of Lon-Castille (10651109). Toledo, Urban began, had long had ecclesiastical authority in both Iberia and Gaul, but the sins of its people had caused it to be lost to the Saracens for nearly 370 years. Now, however, the city has been liberated by the populus christianus and restored to its former glory.61 The people of Christ provided a bulwark against the Saracens by retaking Tarragona, wrote Urban in 1089.62 In 1091, Urban wrote to the
For example, see Mayke De Jong, Charlemagnes Church, in Charlemagne: Empire and Society, ed. Joanna Story (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 2005), 10335. 58 Contreni, History, Exegesis, 3853. 59 See above at note 17. 60 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:33233, 37072, and 51011. 61 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:288. 62 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:303.
57

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abbot of St. Bartholomew in Lipari (Sicily) to explain how the Wests sins had caused them to lose Sicily to the Saracens. Now, however, the Christians were reclaiming what was rightfully theirs.63 Urban expressed similar thoughts in letters for St. Agatha in Catania (Sicily) in 1092 and the bishopric of Barbastro (in Iberia) around 1099.64 Writing to some Catalonian nobles in late 1095, Urban linked the struggles in Asia and Iberia. These counts were also fighting on behalf of the people of Christ, striking back against the Saracens.65 Similarly, in 1098 Urban would marvel to the bishop of Huesca how in the preceding years, the Christian people had exalted the faith by simultaneously fighting the Turks in Asia and the Moors in Spain, restoring cities in both places to their previous Christian worship.66 The populus christianus now opposed the Saracens. They had, according to Urban, liberated Toledo, Tarragona, all Sicily, and were progressing to the Holy Land. These were the agents of Urbans reconquest and restoration. This was a ninth-century promise come true. Urban read Daniel through Haimo of Auxerre and, as Haimo had assured his readers, the arc of sacred history began to bend back upwards. The new Israel now listened to their watchmen and God had now returned His hand. He was transforming kingdoms and changing times for the better. The wicked had tested the faithful and forged them into instruments of Gods will so that what had once been lost, was now being retaken. The particular vision of reconquest promoted by Pope Urban II bore its fullest fruit in 1095-96, when more than 100,000 people, from all levels of society, left hearth and home in order to rescue their eastern brothers, expel Christs enemies from the Holy Land, and reclaim Jerusalem. Those who have considered the sources of Urbans thinking (primarily scholars of the Crusades) are now generally in agreement that Urban was heavily influenced by the ideas of the reforming papacy, and Pope Gregory VII (107485) in particular.67 Indeed, Gregory VII and the reform papacy probably did play a role in shaping Urbans thinking. After all, Urban spent a good deal of time
Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:329. Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:33941, 539, respectively. Papsturkunden in Katalanien, ed. Paul Kehr, Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gttingen (Berlin: Weidmann, 1926), no. 23. 66 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:504. 67 See Carl Erdmann, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Stuttgart, Germany: W. Kohlhammer, 1935; English trans., Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1977). More recently, see H. E. J. Cowdrey, The Gregorian Papacy, Byzantium, and the First Crusade, Byzantinische Forschungen 13 (1988): 14569; Becker, Papst Urban II., 2:294300; Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, 1095-1131 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 4951; Jean Flori, La guerre sainte: La formation de lide de croisade dans lOccident chrtien (Paris: Picard, 2001); Thomas Asbridge, The First Crusade: A New History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 139; Christopher Tyerman, Gods War: A New History of the Crusades (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), 2757; and William J. Purkis, Crusading
64 65 63

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in and around Roman reforming circles after 1080.68 But Gregorys conception of Christian reconquest, while similar in its general outlines to Urbans, ultimately differs in specifics. Similar to his namesake who preceded him on the papal throne and other eleventh-century reformers, Gregory VII saw Gods hand working primarily through the papacy. For example, compare how each conceptualized their proposed expeditions to the East. Gregory VII, who followed his papal namesake, would lead the army himself and the papacy would literally transform kingdoms. At no point did Urban suggest anything similar.69 Gregory VII and Urban II belonged to similar, yet distinct, textual communities.70 Instead, Urbanin all his writingsfocused on the Christian people ( populus christianus). Even the different versions of his 1095 speech at Clermont, as problematic as we now realize them to be,71 strikingly corroborate the general outlines of this historical understanding. Here, group of pagans marauded into Christian territory, desecrating religious houses, tormenting and killing Christians. This all occurred as a punishment for their collective sins and fulfillment of events foretold in the books of Isaiah and Jeremiah (among others). The remedy? Purify the Christian community and have the Franks fight back. Only then, with the help of God, would Christs enemies be defeated. But, again, this narrative of sacred history can be traced back to the ninth century, as the arc of sin, punishment, purification, and redemption was laid out by ninth-century chroniclers and exegetes

Spirituality in the Holy Land and Iberia, c.1095-c.1187 (Rochester, N.Y.: Boydell & Brewer, 2008), 1822. 68 Urban may also have found some of Gregorys ideas appealing because, when Gregory himself was a monk, he may have imbibed some of the same Cluniac material Urban did. After his initial education, likely at the Lateran, Hildebrand spent time at the Cluniac house of St. Marys-on-theAventine in Rome (reformed by Odo of Cluny), then perhaps at one of the many monasteries around Cologne, and probably visited Cluny itself near the end of Odilos abbacy. See H. E. J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 2830. 69 On Gregorys proposed expedition, see H. E. J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VIIs Crusading Plans of 1074, in Outremer: Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem, ed. B. Z. Kedar, H. E. Mayer, and R. C. Smail (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Institute, 1982), 27 40; and more recently Paul Magdalino, Church, Empire and Christendom in c. 600 and c. 1075: The View from the Registers of Popes Gregory I and Gregory VII, in Cristianita dOccidente e cristianita dOriente (secoli VI-XI): 24-30 aprile 2003 (Spoleto, Italy: Presso la Sede della Fondazione, 2004), especially 2830. 70 Brian Stock, The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983), especially 88240; also Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 112. 71 For instance, see Marcus Bull, Views of Muslims and of Jerusalem in Miracle Stories, c. 1000c. 1200: Reflections on the Study of the First Crusaders Motivations, in The Experience of Crusading, ed. Marcus Bull and Norman Housley, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 1:22; and Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 14550.

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reacting to the arrival of the Northmen.72 This was a narrative that would have been familiar to speaker and audience alike. The story Urban told in 1095 took because it was one that both he and his aristocratic audience knew. He was retelling their shared history as Franks.73 Frankish exegesis gave Urban a language to understand the movement of sacred history and how Old Testament prophets spoke to events past and present. For Urban, the united Christian people of the eighth and ninth centuries were punished for their sins with the pagan invasions. But God could change times and ages, erect and transform kingdoms. What went down could come back up. Beginning in the ninth century, the new watchmen over the house of Israel had seen what was happening and had been crying out their warnings. No one, however, seemed to be listening and Christians throughout the Mediterranean world suffered Gods wrath because of their sins. Odo of Lagry, monk of Cluny then Pope Urban II, himself steeped in ninth-century exegesis, continued that call so that at the end of the eleventh century, the work that had begun centuries before could be completed. During the 1090s, Urban watched in wonder as the new chosen people finally listened to the new prophets, reclaimed Gods favor, fought back against His enemies, and began to restore the entire Mediterranean world to its ancient, rightful worship of the Lord.74

72 Simon Coupland, The Rod of Gods Wrath or the People of Gods Wrath? The Carolingian Theology of the Viking Invasions, The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42 (1991): 53554; and Anna Trumbore Jones, Pitying the Desolation of Such a Place: Rebuilding Religious Houses and Constructing Memory in Aquitaine in the Wake of the Viking Incursions, Viator 37 (2006): 85102. 73 See Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 14559, especially 15354. 74 In his account of the First Crusade, Baldric of Dol may have sensed, but certainly echoed, Urbans reliance on Daniel 2:21 in explaining the events he witnessed. See Baldric of Dol, Historia Jerosolimitana, RHC Occ. 4:9; and the discussion in Whalen, Dominion of God, 53.