Oriental Senators in the Service of Rome: A Study of Imperial Policy down to the Death of Marcus Aurelius Author(s): C. S.

Walton Source: The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 19 (1929), pp. 38-66 Published by: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/297315 . Accessed: 26/04/2011 09:09
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=sprs. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Roman Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME: A STUDY OF IMPERIAL POLICY DOWN TO THE DEATH OF MARCUS AURELIUS.
By C. S. WALTON.

The careers of Roman senators born in the Eastern half of the Empire' are interesting and worthy of study for several reasons. They include men who influenced affairs in such different ways as Herodes Atticus and Avidius Cassius, and the rarity of the honour, in the earlier cases at least, led to an unusually large output of inscriptions which form a good source of information as well as an attractive field for conjecture. Besides this, the purely prosopographical interest, it is possible by following up and seeking to account for the gradual increase of the number in connection with other evidence, to supplement our rather meagre knowledge of life in the Greek East, and also, in the period before the death of M. Aurelius, to watch the working of the diarchy at a time when the Senate's prestige was at its highest and the emperors were most concerned to maintain its efficiency. It will be necessary to establish with the greatest accuracy the claims of such senators to oriental birth,2 and the number will be found smaller than is usually supposed; but, to avoid the monotony of a detailed catalogue of mere names, it will perhaps be best if the claimants are introduced successively into an historical framework in which will be traced the growing tendency to improved relations between East and West, and the development of the emperors' policy towards the East, so far as it was definite enough to be called a policy at all. The two barriers to the ultimate inclusion of orientals in the Senate were, first, the mutual prejudice and dislike felt for each other by the Roman-Italian governing class and the inhabitants of the Greek East, and, second, the objection of this governing class to any widening of the circle from which the Senate could be recruited. The second was the less formidable and, as is well known, it gradually
1 The most recent comprehensive work is L. Hahn, Rdmische Beanete griechischer und orientalischer in der Kaiserzeit (Festgabe des alten Abstansnezsng See also Dessau's Gymnasiums, Niurnberg, i926). article in Hermnes xlv, I9IO. Stech, Senatores inde a Vespasiano usque ad Rosnani qui fuerunt Traiani exitum (Klio, Beiheft x, I9I2) gives an exhaustive list which it is a pity he did not carry on further, as G. Lully, De senatoruns Ronsanorssns patria (Rome, 1918), is not to be relied on in the case of

oriental senators. It will be apparent how much I owe to the prosopographical articles of E. Groag in Pauly-Wissowa and to A. Stein, Der r6mische RitterI wish also to express my stand (Munich, I927). thanks to Mr. H. M. Last, without whose encouragenot have been written. ment this would
2 Except where the context shows ' Greek' to mean a native of Greece proper, ' Greek' and 'Oriental ' are used throughout indifferently.

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

39

after the onslaught of Claudiushad opened the Senate disappeared1 to the most Romanised of the Gauls: moreover, the persecutions under Nero and Domitian, the Civil War of 68-69, and the reluctance of the old families to have children, made the recruiting of the Senate from wider sources a necessity. The first barrier was the more serious and the more lasting. On the Roman side there was contempt and distrust of the Greek character.2 It was bad enough when Greeks became part of the government under Claudius; orientals in the Senate would have been still more shocking. On the Greekside the prejudicewas as real, and perhapsmore reasonable. The Romans,with their passionfor orderand centralisedgovernment, had come and taken the fun out of Greek city-life3 and, worse, they always wanted money. And so in their eclipse the Greekslived on their past history. Those who could boastedof their connectionwith Athens and Sparta,4 and all dreamed of a return to the ' Great Age' of Greece, which some identified with the fifth century5 and some with the conquestsof Alexander. To this return the empire of Rome was a perpetual obstacle, and Plutarch6 constantly warns his how thingshave changedand how hopelessit is to attempt compatriots anything but resigned co-operation. Powerlessto revolt, they could, and did, jeer effectively; much of the praiseof Alexanderwas an indirect jibe at the Romansfor their defeat by the descendantsof those Easternpeoples that Alexanderhad mastered,and for their failureto avenge it by more than a paltry ' diplomatic success.'7 A most
See Stech, op. cit. 2 The locus classicsss is Cicero pro Flacco, passis', esp. ? 4, on their lack of religio. Those who are familiar with the inscriptions wvlil appreciate the remark, ? 13, that to be an Olympionices " est apud Graecos, quoniam de eorum gravitate dicimus, prope maius et gloriosius quam Romae triumphasse." He makes a distinction between the inhabitants of Greece Proper, Athens and Sparta, and those of Asia Minor, which was perhaps generally admitted, though here it suited his case to stress it. ? 25 shows thast one reason was the menmory of the barbarities committed in Asia on Roman citizens during the Mithridatic War. Chapot, Le s,sonde roinaui, E. T. I928, p. 173, thinks that part of the prejtudice was due to the Greeks having been forced by circumstances to piracy. Note that even Lachares, head of the Spartan family of the Euryclids ?vo-Teias aturtig Iep7reoW c7reXesKoOs7, I'lutarch Juvenal's. well-knowni remarks M. Antonius 67. about the Greeks, e.g. iii, 28, were by his time probably less representative of general feeling. ; Plutarch, Praecept. reip. ger. 805A. iii, 500, apxet roj -ye'vos ci7r6 Te 4I.G.R.R. KXE[dav6poV Kai 'Aju1KX6] I AaKEcatgcovt[Fw, and 7rowXLsd7rotKoS 497, X KI(a3upTWrC O.G.I., KailvU-yyyevig 'AO@vaiwv. [aKe[atc/ovr1WP in Dio, are frequent parallels, The historical invariably from the fifth century. It is interesting that Aristeides, in cns Pdi,u-v 69, p. I Io iK. tries to discredit it.
G Praecept.

reip. ger., passinl Csp. p. 813 E, 814

and c, 824 C. The emphasis which Augustus put on the recovery of the standards in the Res Gestae and, pictorially, on the statue from Prima Porta, would seem intended especially for the oriental mind, accustomed to symbolic actions. Livy feels, despite his determination to avoid digressions (ix, 17), " tameli tanti regis ac diicis mentio, quibus sacpc tacitis cogitationibus volutavi animum, eas evocat in medium, ut quaerere libeat quinam eventus Romanis rebus, si cum Alexandro foret bellatum, futurtis fuerit." He then maintains at length and with some have found his match heat that Alexander wvotuld in any of the great Romian generals of the period. Especially significant is his indignant cry (ix, i8, 6). "Id vero pericullur erat, quod levissimi ex Graecis qui quoque contrainomen Romanum gloriae Parthorumiifavent dictitare solent, ne maiestatem nominis Alexandri, qenem ne famna quidemn illis nottim arbitror fuisse, sustinere non potuerit populus R., etin nemo ex tot proceribtusRomanis et. . . a-dversus vocem liberam missurus fuerit ! " A new inscription from Ephesus (Keil, 7ahresh. I926, p. 263) shows there was there still in the time of Trajan a priesthood of Alexainder; the holder, a court physician c.alled T. Statilius Crito, being described as iepea 'AvaKropcWv KaL tAAc<,iv! pou /a^Xiews
Kai
ralou

Kca

AOVKLOV

rwv

eKyO6PWV

roi

lep3ao-roO.

40

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

amusing instance of the Greek contempt for the Romans is in Dio's Borysthenicus.1 Every one in the town, he says, wore long hair, except one ' the object of general derision and dislike. He was said to pursue this habit for no other reason than toadying to the Romans and making a show of friendliness to them.' Dio, indeed, at least under Traj'an, was a strong supporter of the Roman regime; but he knew that, in public, susceptibilities had to be respected-a curious example is his speech2 to the Rhodians, where he discourses at length though on a somewhat absurd subject, with nothing but the most casual reference to the existence of the Roman Empire. Sometimes feelings were too strong to be repressed. Cyzicus, for example, lost its libertas for ill-treatment of Roman citizens, 3 and the first of the recently-published edicts 4 from Cyrene shows that the Greeks there had reason to complain of the deliberate partiality of Roman jurymen. Perhaps that was also the case at Cnidus, 5 where Augustus intervened against misdirected severity in the treatment of two Greeks. In the light of this we may perhaps anticipate so far as to discuss a reason that has been given both for the small number of oriental senators 6 and for their employment for some time in Eastern commands alone. 7 The suggestion is that distinguished Greeks did not speak Latin. It has been thought, indeed, that some of the blu'ndersmade by Appian, who was apparently in the imperial service, are due to his mistranslating a Latin authority. The question of simple fact, to what extent Latin was spoken in the East, cannot be definitely answered for lack of evidence; not much can be inferred from bilingual inscriptions being common in cosmopolitan and business centres like Ephesus and Pisidian Antioch. 8 If these distinguished Greeks did not speak Latin, it must have been either because they could not or because they would not. It seems uncharitable to suppose that educated and wealthy Greeks could not speak Latin, when this was the only other world-wide language besides their own; not, as nowadays, when there are at least four. More probably, if the ignorance of Latin did exist, it was deliberate; and we can imagine that aristocratic families, like the Euryclids at Sparta, might disdain to learn a language which had comparatively little literature and culture behind it. But it is absurd to suppose that Greeks who really
1 Dio, p. 17).
2

Borysthenicus

xxxvi,

I7 (Bude

ed.,

ii,

3 Tac. lvii, 24.

Dio xxxi. Ann. iv, 36; Suet. Tih. 37;

Cass. Dio

4 Notiziario archeolooico iv.; 1.R.S. I927, p. 34, vide especially lines 17 ff. 5 I.G.R.R. iv, 1031. It looks, however, more like an outburst of their fellow townsmen. The stone was engraved with another inscription a century later at Astypalaea; so perhaps they were

ashamed of this permanent record of their remarkable behaviour, and got rid of it. 6 By Stein, op. cit., p. 397. I By Groag, in discussing Ti. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus, P.-W. x, 544 ff. 8 e.g. the inscription of the bibliotheca Celsiana at Ephesus. It is interesting, as Dessau (Hermes, loc. cit.) in trying to disprove an Ephesian origin for C. Vibius Salutaris points out, that his tribe, Oufentina, besides being uncommon there, is mis-spelt on the Latin side of the titulus (O.G.I. 48o) as Vof.

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

41

wanted to enter the imperial service, as we shall see they did, would be deterred from acquiring Latin by any such prejudice. If therewas anykindof ignorancethat disqualified them from a senatorial careerand one which was difficultfor them to remedy, it would have been their ignoranceof so much Romanlaw as was indispensable for a provincial governor,1 and this may partly explain what will be seen later, why most of the Greek senators known to us entered very young,2 and alsowhy, when a family became senatorial,it was usually not the member of it then old and past his prime who had made it distinguished,that first entered the Senate, but his son or grandson, who was still young enough to .acquireRomanways. By this practice the emperorsno doubt hoped to lessen the prejudice which their colleaguesin the Senate would feel against those who had not had a Roman upbringing.3 If this sketch of the feelingsof both sides has stressedthose of the Greeks, it is partly because they are less generally appreciated and less apparentin the literary evidence, and partly to show that, where the prejudice was reciprocated,it was naturallyleft to the Romans, as mastersof the situation, to make the first moves toward a better understandingby means of concessions. The situation at thle end of the civil wars was not one in which such moves could be made. While Octavianno doubt owed his successmainly to his seeming the most likely to establishsettled peace, he had called out to his support the latent anti-oriental feeling too strongly to avoid founding his position in peace-time on a Western and Latin basis, even if he had any personal desire to do otherwise. There were so many more urgent and seriousproblemsto settle that a merely sentimental one, as it seemed, of winning sincere loyalty to the Empire in the East, was bound to be left to more spacioustimes. Although, as in the case of Cyrene, when it was a question of mere justice, he was willing enough to help the Greeksat the expense of the Romans,there is no evidence that he encouragedthem otherwise. It might have been expected, for example, that the Mytilenaean Potamo,4 whose importance for his city can be judged from the inscription5 which couples him with Pompeius and the ' divine' Theophanes as w?-ocu and who had been a useful friend of JuliusCaesar,would be recognised in some way. Yet, so far from being made an eques like Theophanes, he was not even a Roman citizen. It was different with Pompeius
1 So Dessau, loc. cit. p. Z3. He couples the citizenship and a knowledge of Latin with " einige Kentniss des romischen Rechts" as essential to a candidate for honours. 2 This is also, surely, why Ti. Celsus Polemaeanus and C. Julius Severus were adlecti inter aedilicios and tribunicios respectively, and not as usual inter praetorios. They had not reached praetorian age: it was not done simply because they were orientals. The habitual preference for young men also explains, in part, why Augustus passed over Agrippa and Tiberius in favour of Marcellus and C. and L. Caesar.
3 This aspect of the prejudice was probably more real than that based on a consciousness of different nationality, which scarcely existed in any marked degree till recent times. 4 See P.I.R. s.v. 25. ,5I .G.R.R. iv ,55-

42

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

Macer, son of Theophanes and already of equestrian rank; but his appointment as pfocuratorl of Asia under Augustus seems likely to have been due to Tiberius, whose friend he remained at the time when Strabo wrote. The same influence is to be seen in the admission of his grandson, Q. Pompeius Macer, to the Senate in the first year in which Tiberius controlled the elections.2 But this innovation had disastrous results when in 33 A.D. 3 all were involved in a charge of conspiracy. Nevertheless Tiberius, as always, withoiut departing from the policy of Augustus, managed to acquire considerable popularity in the East, and mainly through his help at the time of the earthquakes was permanently remembered there with gratitude. He must also have conferred personally the citizenship on those oriental families whose descendants afterwards appear with the names Tiberius Julius, such as Ti. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus and Ti. Julius Alexander. The accession of Gaius was greeted with frenzied delight4 in certain parts of the East, but his reign was too short and the literary tradition is too unreliable to show how far his own ideas would have influenced relations with the Greeks. The attitude of Claudius is equally a matter for inference. He was severe with Greek citizens who could not speak Latin,5 but his historical studies led him to express open sympathy with the Greeks, at any rate of the mainland, 6 in terms that later became commonplaces ; but Greece had no longer any economic or strategic importance to interfere with historical sentiment in its treatment. Certainly he was free with the citizenship, which we know he gave to a batch of Spartan youths on his accession, a fact attested by the frequency of the name Ti. Claudius at Sparta. Yet, except where, as here and in Bithynia, 8 there is independent evidence to prove his interest, it would be a mistake to suppose that all bearers of the name owed their citizenship to Claudius: Nero was also Ti. Claudius in. law, and his beneficiaries would take the name. Apart from the Greek freedmen, Claudius employed for the first time a number of equestrian officials who were certainly or probably Greeks 9 ; this, however, was not because they
Strabo, p. 6I8 C. Praetor in A.D. I5; Trac. Alnn1. i, 72 and Dessau I.L.S. 9349. 3 Tac. Ann. vi, I8. 4 Philo, Leg. ad Gaiunz, p. 546 ai. fist. Cf. at Acraephii, Dessau I.L.S. 879z. The Assii (S.I.G. (3) 797) describe it as ?7 KaT' e6X)v 7ratsv dvOpcbrose eX7rtGfetoa 7yemovia and speak of -rov 2' 20aTov dtvOpc*7rotsalh'voIej Iv0v evo6i7Wro3. Also at Cyzicus (S.I.G.(3), 798). Here, as in their later erection of a triumphal arch to Claudius with his favourite title of " devictor xI regun," they were no doubt working with an eye on their lost libertas. Suet. Claud. s6, z and Dio LX7 17, 4. 6 Suet. ib. 42.
2

Dio LX, 7, z. For the name Ti. Claudius at Sparta see Kolbe in I.G. v., p. xvi. 8 Cf. Pliny, ad Traian. 70-71. The emperor who favoured the grandfather of Dio Chrysostom and gave him the citizenship (Dio xli, 6) would be Claudius (so von Arnim, Dio von Prusa, i898,
p. I23).

11 e.g. C. Stertinius Xenophon I.G.R.R. iv, io86, 4ir! 7c?v 'EXXfl[VLKDV acroKpt[lrwv. and his brother Ti. Claudius Cleonymus I.G.R.R. iv, io6o, trib. leg. Priniigen. both of Cos. Ti. Claudius Balbillus, later viceroy of Egypt (see Stuart Jones in I.R.S. xvi, 18-vo). C. Julius Aquila of Amastris (Dessau I.L.S. 5883, road-building " de sua pecunia in honorem Ti. Claudi Germanici ") received praetorian ornamenta; Tac. Ann. xii, i5 and zi.

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN TIHE SERVICE OF ROME.

43

were Greeks, but because they were efficient, and the home civil servicewas not yet sufficientlydistinct from the emperor'shousehold to appealto Italians and Westernersof equal ability. Fresh evidence, which is unfortunately rather perplexing, on the attitude of Claudius has been recently provided by two inscriptionsl of the Euryclid family discoveredat Corinth. Up till now, it has alwaysbeen supposed that this family, boasting its descent from the Castores, was the most obstinate in its anti-Romanand anti-imperialprejudice,and that every head of it knownto us was at loggerheadswith the government2 until the sympathetic attitude of Hadrian finally reconciled them. But now one of the new inscriptions speaks of C. Julius Laco as procuratorof Claudius,and the other of his son, C. Julius Spartiaticus, most oddly, as procuratorof Caesar(presumablyNero) and Agrippina Augusta3 and as having been tribunus militum and received the publicusfrom Claudius. The most obvious explanationwould be equus that the principate of the Euryclid family at Sparta was known officially-outside Sparta-as an imperialprocuratorship,an interesting piece of tactful compromise. It now appearsthat the words of Strabo4 referring to the fortunes of Eurycles, father of Laco, must mean that Laco succeeded him and was later banished by Tiberius, and the inscriptionsfrom Corinth make it probablethat his ultimate restoration was due, not to Gaius(as had been inferredfrom his general policy of restoring small principalities), but to Claudius. Laco's
1 AImer. Yourn.Arch., i926, p. 390. Ti. Claudi Caesar.IAug. Germanici I procuratori I C. Julio C.f. Fab. Laconi I augur. agonothet. I Isthm. et Caesareon. ! IIvir quinq. cur. fla. Aug. ! Cydichus Simonis I Thisbeus b.m. lb., p. 393. C. Julio Laconis f. Euryclis n. Fab. Spartiati[co I p]rocuratori Caesaris et Augustael Agrippinae, trib. mil., equo. p. I exornato a divo Claudio, flam.I divi Iuli, pontif., Ilvir. quinq. iter.,I agonotheti Isthmon et Caese. I [S]ebasteon archieri domus Aug. [in] perpetuum primo Achaeon. I Ob virtutem eius et animosam L f[usi]ss[im]amque erga domum divinam et erga coloniam nostr. ] munificentiam tribules I tribu Calpurnia j [pa]trono. 2GroaginP.-W. x, 580, ff. 658 ff., 839-40. C. Julius Eurycles Herklanus (in I.G. v., 971) is rptaKO7sT'V KCL EK TO'P a7ro AOLTKO p& V. On Lachares, see p. 39, n. 2; C. Julius Eurycles, Strabo viii, 366; C. Iulius Laco, Tac. Ann. xvi., I8 (Laconem e prinmoribus Achaeorum Caesar adflixerat); C. Iulius Spartiaticus, see below. 3 This, as the editors of the inscriptions in A.7.A. notice, is interesting testimony to the extent to which Agrippina really was regarded as co-regent at the beginning of Nero's reign. 4 lsc. cit. Among the recent inscriptions from Gytheion, published by S. B. Kougeas in'EXX-vLKa' pp. 7 sqq. and discussed by Kornemann i(I928); in Neue Dokumente zum lakonischen Kaiserkult (Abhandlungen der schlesischen Gesellschalt fir vaterldndische Cultur, geisteswissenschaftliche Reihe, Heft I) is one containing the regulations for the Katcapeta (pp. 8-Io). As at Sparta, these were held together with the Evp'6KXeca, and after five days in honour of the imperial family and one in memory of T. Quinctius Flamininus, there was to be u'lap /ek' Pralov'lovXlov els 1urv5iujv EpVeXE'ov[S][e6bpPyoeroV
7rowXews 1',op ev 7roXXoZs KaCL -s Tro) evovs -yevo/evov, 6eure'pav de et's Teit7'v Paxllov 'JovXAoe AaeKwPos K7pe1610ovPS -re ToD e'vovs Keaeris woXews As the date (sVX(XK7s Kaet owxrplaeIs] j 6'vrog. 77/UCOi is probably A.D. I5, it is clear that Laco was in

enjoyment of his principate at the beginning of Tiberius's reign, and was deprived soon after, since Strabo's record of it was written about i8-i9. It seems probable also from the honourable way in which the inscription speaks of Eurycles that at the time of his, presumably, recent death he was in full possession of his rights, despite his having suffered banishment at least once. If so, the words of Strabo to the effect that ' the regime was soon suppressed, as he [Augustus] forbore of necessity, but his son I-Tiberius] had given up all this friendship' will mean that Augustus disgraced Eurycles only temporarily, being aware of his prestige in the East (ct. Jos. Bell. jud. i, 5 I5, on his reception by Herod) and remembering that he had been the only Greek of influence on his side at Actium, but that Tiberius after a time found it impossible to continue the forb-earance of Augustus, and felt less in honour bound to do so now that Eurycles himself was dead. Kornemann (loc. Cit. p. 28) thinks that the procuratorships held later by Laco and Spartiaticus were in the imperial financial service. These posts were surely at this time not sufficiently honourable for a Euryclid to have accepted.

44

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

position was made less anomalousand as honourableas possible,while it was hoped that the introductionof his son to the equestriancursus and to Roman surroundings would have a good effect at least in the next generation. This seemsanotherof the little incidentsnow coming to light which reflect credit on Claudius for his tact and sense of responsibility,and it is sadto find that Spartiaticus seemsto have come to a bad end. 1 In the presentstate of the evidencethere is nothing to
show what happened to the family2 after his banishment and the

appearanceof his grandsonHerklanus. With Nero, however, when left to himself, things changed to some extent. No doubt he intended to win over Greekopinion, and the persistenceof false Neros in the East after his death suggeststhat he succeeded. Yet while by his theatrical behaviour in Greece he won the reputation there of el, xocl ,6o4vo TW5 &iV oMUWoV 0CUT0p&0Corp
pzyesTo4

f y6kX-?,v

ysv6,eVoC,3

it

probablydid him harmelsewhere

and even in Greece he was erratic. He would not go to Sparta ' because he dislikedthe laws of Lycurgus,'4 unless this was another way of saying he did not trust himself there after banishing Spartiaticus. But the attention which the Parthian campaignsmust have led him to give to Asia Minor seems to have borne fruit in the appearance of at least one senator, if not two 5 ; and Ti. Julius Celsus 6 Inscriptions Polemaeanus, or his father, obtainedthe equus publicus. of Acmonia7 record the careerof L. ServeniusCornutus, whose last known office is that of legatusto the proconsul of Asia, M. Aponius Saturninus(probably in A.D. 73).8 If before this he was praetor, aedile, quaestor of Cyprus and Xvir stlitibus iudicandis, he would
I Bucheler (Rheiis. M-us. I898, pp. I66 ff.) thought that he is the 17ruprraTctoe o AaK6&aLuO Of mentioned by Stobaeus, Flor. xl, 9, p. 750, excerpting from Musonius"'Ort ot 6KaKoYV X '7vuys. Perhaps S. was M. 's companion in exile on the island of Gyaros, and there recovered of his illness. Groag (P.W. I.c.) thinks his exile connected with the disturbances in Sparta mentioned by Philostratus, Vita ,P. iv, 33. 21.G. vi, 280, has e7rl AacKWVOS, rarpovopiovvros de b7rep ai'roO AdCKWVOsroi^ tAoO. Laco I here is Hlerklanus'sfather and Laco II his elder brother, who seems to have died before him. 'They were evidently still in Sparta, but in what position we cannot tell. 3 S.I.G- (3), 8144 Dio lxiii, I4, 3. some hesitation I suggest that Nero 6 With admitted also C. Antius Aulus Julius Auli f. Volt. Quadratus, of Pergamum. The ordinary view that he must have been adlectus inter praetorios by Vespasian (Stech op. cit. p. 179) does not explain (i) how Celsus, adlectus inter aedilicios by Vespasian, ranks as senior to him-legatos (? iuridicus) of the United Provinces under Vespasian and Titus (I)essau, 897I), before Quadratus under Domitian (I.G.R.R. iv, I686), aind consul in 92 a year before Quadratus; (Z) why all his innumerable inscriptions

are silent on this point, giving nothing before leg. pr. pr. Ponti et Bithyniae. Oriental inscriptions are so verbose that silence on the details of this great honour is significant. In the unlikely event of his having inherited senatorial rank, the only explanation is that the earlier part of his career was favoured by Nero. At first ignored by Vesp., late in the reign, perhaps at the instigation of Titus, he began to be employed in provinces, and subsequently owed so much to the Flavians and TIrajan that he avoided all mention of his career under Nero, whose memory had been condemned. It should be said that the first certain record of him in the Acta Arvalium is not till 78 (C.I.L. vi, 2056). The fragmentary pieces for 72 (ib. 2053) might be restored in any number of ways, e.g. [L. Verati]us Qu[adratus] and [Ti.] Iulius [Candid]us [Marius. Celsus], (who was Master in 75 (ib. 3236i), eyen if 3z36o says that the fragment Ti. Iuli. does not belong to 72). The objection to this view is that, if Quadratus were procos. Asiae in 108-9 (Heberdey, Jahresh. I905, p. 23I-7), he would by then be a little elderly; but the farther back his birth can de dated, the easier it is to fit in his descendants, the other great problem of the family. See p. 59, note 2. 6 If later he served in legio III Cyrenaica as tsribunuts (angusticlavius).
7

I.G.R.R. iv, 644-5-

8 So Fluss in P.-W. IIA, 1757-8.

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF ROME.

45

have entered the Senate under Nero ; and, as his family are conspicuous for their connectionwith the Jewishsynagogueat Acmonia,1 though not Jews themselves,2 we may detect the influence of Poppaea. Here attention may be called to an unhappily mutilated rescriptof Nero found at Aezani. We gather that a certain Menophilus had sent his two sons to Rome to attest their father's loyalty
in according him divine honours. to him and apparently his o-x,uLoc It appears that ' Menekles your son was prepared also to stay with me as long as I wish,' but here the fragment ends, and we can only infer that Nero did not wish for his company. Now what does this mean ? Enterprise was certainly characteristic of Aezani, if in 4 it sent all the way to Boulogne-sur-mer4 to congratulate A.D. Tiberius on being made colleague in the empire; this embassy indeed does not seem an official one, but Menophilus presumably wanted something. The letter has no date ; it was sent from Rome, but the mention of divine honours puts it late in the reign, at least after the visit of Tiridates. Now Aezani is about 65 km., as the crow flies, from Acmonia, and, if the proud parents of Servenius Cornutus erected a heroonto him when quaestor of Cyprus, 5 no doubt they noised abroad the fame of his admission to the Senate when it occurred. Remembering the rivalry between cities in Asia, can we suggest that Menophilus heard of it and did not see why his sons should not have as good a chance of entering the Senate as a young man from Acmonia ? If so, his letter was very tactful, emphasising as it did his personal devotion to the emperor's cult, whilst in offering to send his eldest son permanently to Rome he had foreseen, perhaps by inference from the practice of educating Armenian and Parthian princes at Rome, one great objection to any large increase of oriental senators, which was, as we have suggested, the difficulty of catching them young enough to romanise them and make them more acceptable to the rest of the Senate. If all this is conjecture, still less can there be given Nero's reasons for refusing the suggestion6 ; but as far as the evidence survives, it shows the introduction of no other Greeks to the Senate, and the probable explanation is that by this time he had definitely broken with the Senate, so that if he wanted to encourage the Greeks or show favour to them, this way was no longer feasible. It will be seen, as we go on, that it was those emperors who were the most anxious to make use of the Senate and keep it efficient who thought it most desirable to introduce new blood.
'E.g. I.G.R.R. iv, 655.. 2 See Groag, P.-W. x, 947-8, against Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics, 638, ff.; 673, ff.
3 4

5 I.G.R.R. iv, 645.

O.G.I. 475.

T.'s answer a&ro Bovwvtas r?7s iy Y'aXXL'a in [,G.R.R. iv, i693 and Dessau, 9463.

One would not think that Nero, as some more cautious emperors might, would have hesitated to remedy the technical defect that they had not the citizenship. As they thought it worth while to engrave the rescript, the lost lines may have mentioned the gift of this, or of some other, favour,
6

46

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

The position of Vespasian after he had been proclaimed emperor at Alexandria was curiously difficult. He was above all a practical man, to whom sentimental considerations meant little, and his bid for power was doubtless due more to his regard for his own future than to any theoretical championing of Latin-Italian dominance in the Empire. Yet he probably felt as strongly as any one the reaction against Nero's phil-hellenism, and his subsequent attitude to the Greeks and the general tightening of the administration in those parts1 expressed it. But, for the time being, he had to disguise his feelings, and to realise that the possession of the East was his only security and that it would have to be treated with all the more care if he was to be able to sendcthe Eastern garrison to fight in Italy. Yet in the meantime the East naturally expected all manner2 of concessions from its candidate. These considerations seem conclusive in support of the view that Ti. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus, belonging to a distinguished family in Ephesus and Sardis, received3 admission to the aedilicii on the spot in Alexandria. His appointment was intended as a gesture ; it showed understanding of the feeling in the East, and may well have been suggested by Titus.4 Once persuaded that a gesture was advisable, Vespasian chose his man well; and the occasion would be found in the zealous aid which Celsus, as a tribune in legio III Cyrenaica and possibly a relation of the viceroy Ti. Julius Alexander, probably gave in the coup d'Etat. But, once secure in his position, he took no further notice of ambitions in the East; almost immediately the Alexandrines5 had sized him up correctly, and the literary tradition, poor as it is, suggests that his unpopularity there became considerable. Celsus found no colleague but an obscure 6 who became consul, doubtless as a compensation 'AX6ocvapo0, ,cxa6q for the loss of his kingdom ; and for several years he himself remained,
1 Suet. Vesp. 8.

According to Paus. vii, 17, they

7-v atwayNero's concessions a7rowfee eO-iKveat qs5CaS TO 'EXXIJVLK6V. &Xv6eplacu 2 C/. his reception in the theatre ast Antioch, Tac. f-i'st. ii, 8o. The remark that Vespasian was ' omnium quae diceret atque ageret arte quadam ostentator ' gains point from the later disillusion of the Greeks. A third-century inscription (Keil, Forscblngess in EphesosIII, no. 38) shows that, as was to be expected, he had a temple, as divuts, at Ephesus. 3 As Groag maintains (P.-W. x, 543 ff.) against Ritterling, Jabhesh. x (1907), p. 305. Tac. Hist. ii, 82, mentions amon, Vespasian's occupations at Alexandria ' plerosque senatorii ordinis honore percoluit'; and in Dessau 8971 Celsus is described as ' adlectus a Vespasiano,' not ' a Vespasiano et Tito censoribus ' or ' a Vespasiano censore,' as are most of those admitted in 73. 4 The interest of Titus in these oriental senators is conjectural, but supported by the remarkable fact that his appointment of Celsus to command legio IV Scytbica is the first known instance of an oriental being made legatus legionis. (See further, Appendix,

es ego6?Xtov -rd6tpL 7rposXOxoav, and Vespasian took

p. 64). Titus was certainly more sympathetic to the East than his father, and inscriptions from that region show that he was considered as colleague on equal. terms wvithhim. Cl. Suet. Titus 4. - Suet. Vesp. I9. see Groag, P.-W. x, p. 153. iii, 6I.G.R.R. 173; Vespasian also admitted C. Caristanius C.f. Ser. Fronto, who commanded legio IX Hispana in Britain, and at the accession of Domitian was governor of Lycia (Dessau, 9485). He and his ancestors were domiciled at Antioch, but were almost certainly descended from an Italian family settled in the colony (so Cheesman, 7.R.S. iii, P. 266). Groag (I.c.) calls this view " eine unsichere Vermutung'; but he is influenced by his complementary theory about the Sergii Paulli being of oriental origin, which seems gratuitous, apart from the remarks of Ramsay in I.R.S. xvi, p. 202-7. Anyhow, an ancestor, C. Caristanius Fronto Caesianus Julius, was an eques and twice praefectus for the absent duumvir Sulpicius Quirinius (Dessau, 9502) and for M. Servilius (Dessau, 9503)-certainly not the career of an oriental as early as the end of

the first centuryB.C.

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICF

OF

ROME.

47

like Quadratus,without employment in the imperial service. From

a date about 78, or perhaps a little earlier, both began to be employed, and were constantly so for the rest of their lives. Here again one thinks of the growing influence of Titus; but it looks more like a development of the Flavian policy as regards the Senate. The big adlectio during the censorship of 72-3, while necessary to fill up the gaps, was used by Vespasian, especially in recruiting the ranks of the ex-praetors, to provide himself with a number of competent men, attached by a sense of personal obligation, to administer the provinces loyally and efficiently.1 With this general idea in mind he would have seen that increased efficiency in the Eastern administration might easily be obtained by employing these men ready to hand, who were conversant with the local conditions and susceptibilities and whom ambition would keep loyal. At least, if this be conjecture, we have the common-sense answer to the question why oriental senators were confined mainly to Eastern provinces-simply, because there they would be most useful. Cassius Dio for example, pays marked tribute to the excellent administration of Bithynia by C. Julius Severus, 2 a native of Ancyra ; and their usefulness is the best reason for the employment of both Celsus and Quadratus in so many praetorian commands.3 There was no need to press them forward for the consulship at the earliest date allowed by law, at the risk of slighting reactionary sentiment. Domitian, as far as we can judge, here, as elsewhere, maintained his father's policy. No new families became senatorial, and the admission of Ti. Julius Aquila, son of Polemaeanus, and possibly that of the two descendants of the king and consular Alexander,5 followed naturally from the principle that a son was entitled to the same honoresas his father. Of Domitian's attitude in general to the East, little is known, except that he made a concession and to Asia Minor over the edict restricting wine-production 6
1I owe this point to a lecture by Principal Stuart Jones, who also drew attention to the policy of the Flavians in marrying members of their family to senators, e.g. Dessau 995, where Caesennius Paetus (surely not the same as the colleague of Corbulo), legatus Suriae, is married to Flavia Sabina. It is interesting that the Severn combined the two methods of securing loyal and competent persons, by adlectio of procuratorial officials belonging to their family; e.g. Sex. Varius Marcellus, Dessau 4.78 (his admission to the senate, Dio lxxviii, 30, 2). Probably also C. Julius [Ale]xianus (R. Egger, jahresh. Igi9-20, p. 294 ff). Of the same type and record was the Spartan ?-us Paulinus, I.G. v. 538 (improved by Wilhelm, Sitzxsngsberichte Berl. Acad. 1913, 858-63). See Stein, op. cit. p. 243. 2I.G.R.R. iii, I74-5, rpos e' pjci30stus7re[ufOevTa es BetOvycua &opOwr'V Kai XoytorsV. Dio LXIX 4, 4. Xiphilinus, in excerpting, thought that the Severus, governor of Bithynia, was the Julius Severus whose suppression of the Jewish revolt he had inserted in ch. I 3. But the cssrssss of this man,
2030),

Sex. Minucius Faustinus Julius Severus (C.I.L. iii, shows that he did not govern Bithynia, and Dio must have meant C. Julius Severus.

3 So Groag, P.-W. x, 514 ff., against Ritterling, jahresh. X (1907), p. 307, who thinks that Domitian preferred new men from the provinces to members of the old families he distrusted. But there is truth in this also. 4 Consul in the inscription of the bibliotheca Celsiana, Dessau 8971.

a C. Julius Agrippa, Dessau 8823 (Ephesus), quaestor. C. Julius Berenicianus Alexander, proconsul of Asia in [32, and so cos. suff. under Trajan. Groag (P.-W. x, s.v.) suggests 117: at this period the interval between the consulship and the command of Asia or Africa is one of about fifteen years. Whether the two owed their admission to Domitian or to Trajan cannot be settled.
6

Cf. Rostovtzeff, Soc. & Ec. Hist. Ronm.Esozp,

p. I89.

48

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

passages in Pliny1 and some inscriptions2 suggest a certain generosity to private persons. It would be unwise to stress the case of Sex. Quintilius Valerius Maximus ' lato clavo exornatus a divo Nerva',3 because, if he is a native of Alexandria in the Troad, his family would almost certainly be that of a Roman veteran in the colony, and possibly already equestrian. We may add that, if he is the correspondent of Pliny4 who was being sent out as corrector to Achaea, it is to suppose Pliny more than usually otiose to make him give advice on treating Greeks to one who was himself a Greek; less so, if he were the descendant of a choleric Roman veteran. More significantly, Nerva, according to Stein's view of a recent inscription from Corinth, 5 was responsible for giving the elder Herodes Atticus the praetoria ornamenta, Trajan making him. consul. But there was some difference between a cosmopolitan and intellectual Athenian and the more oriental Greeks of Asia Minor, and the evidence does not really justify the current view that Trajan altered the fixed policy. He went on giving high positions to descendants of oriental kings, and Quadratus became consul for the second time-and at the beginning of the year. 6 Yet there is no reason for supposing that he was on more familiar terms with this native of Pergamum than with any other competent senator, and Quadratus clearly owed his honour to a successful term of office in the difficult command of Syria. 7 It would be interesting if we could be sure that the trusted pracfectus praetorio, Ti. Claudius Livianus, whose full name has recently been found,8 was by origin a Lycian and descended from a Ti. Claudius Tiberianus Livianus of Sidyma. 9 Perhaps his competence and the success of Quadratus in
1 C/. Pliny, ad Tiraan. 58,-favours to Fl. Archippus. 2 I.G.R.R. iii) 1424 (Claudiopolis), a dedication to Hladrianin 134 by the 5toX le/3ao-rr, mentioning a ri. Claudius Domitianus Euhemerus and his five sons, all with the name Domitianus. The name occurs also at Pruisa ad Hypium, e.g. Domitianus Ilcirmodorus, I.G..R.R. iii, 14zz. D Cf. Groag, Yahresh. xxi-xxii Dessau IoI8: (1 92Z-4), Beibla/t 435-45. 41Plin. Fp. viii, 24. Groag, I.c. thinks that he is dlso referred to in Plin. Pan. c. 70 and takes the words praefuit provinciae [Bithyniaej quaestor tintus ex candidatis inque ea civitatis amplissimae reditus egregia constituLtione fundaverat to imply that he acted as governor in the absen-ce (? or after the death) of the proconsul. 5 Op. cit. 225. 6 In Io5, C.I.L. vi, 2075. The most complete of Q.'s many inscriptions is Dessau 88ig=I.G.R.R. iv, 384. Ti. Claudius Julianus honours his grandfather Celsus (when proconsul of Asia, Io6-7) at Ephesus, himself being praetor at the time (Rev. arch. vi (1905), p. 474, n. IzI). Hle must therefore have entered the Senate in the early years of Trajan; and, as he was tribuns laticlavius in IV Scythica, his

father was perhaps also a senator (? married to lulia Quintilia Isaurica daughter of Celsus); certainly not Ti. Julius Aquila his son, who died without issue, the bibliotheca Celsiana being finished by ' heredes Aquilae.' As this otherwise unknown senator must have had the names Ti. Claudius, he may have been an oriental and would have entered the senate uinderDomitian. But Julianus may have received the latus clavus together with the tribunate from Trajan. I C.I.L. vi, 2074, shows he was not present with the Arval Brothers in' April IOI: probably he was theni in Syria and returned in 104 to be consul in The fact that Trajan in an edict to the 105. Pergamenes speaks of him as' [a]mico meo, clarissimo viro ' (I.G.R.R. iv, 336) should not be stressed into a statement ' il est appele nommement par Trajan son amii' (Michon, Rev. biblique 1917, p. 214). The phrase occurs often in imperial rescripts; e.g. of Claudius to the famous L. Junius Gallio (S.I.G. (3), 80o). Ti. Iulii Aquilini 8 Not. d. Scavi, 1Q24, n. 67. Castricii Saturnin[i C]iaudii Liviani praef. pr.

9 I.G.R.R. iii, 579,-dedication in honour of Claudius by this man and Epagathus, freedman and doctor of Claudius.

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

TN THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

49

the East induced Trajan to makefurther exceptions. Comparatively little is known about Aemilius Juncus of Tripolil,1 who, if he were the consul in I27, would owe his admission to Trajan; but it is
interesting to discover what type of man was the first Lycian to enter the senate. Recent evidence2 has shown that legio II I jana was not in Egypt in I19 3--when its commander would of course have been a praefectus-and the earliest known date for its presence there is April i9th, I27, when a legionary recorded that he' heard Memnon.' Any time, then, between the formation of the legion and this date, that is, in the reign of Trajan and the early years of Hadrian, it may
have been commanded by
...

of Xanthus o KXOocu&Lorv05

in Lycia,

after he had been legatus propraetore to the governors of Achaea and Asia respectively. Before this, he had served ' all the equestrian procuratorships ' and no doubt had been so useful that Trajan thought he would be a valuable addition to the number of senators with local knowledge available for posts in the East. The same desire for efficiency, rather than any phil-hellenic sentiment, seems to have been Hadrian's motive in admitting C. Julius Severus of Ancyra and Flavius Arrianus of Nicomedia. The former was conspicuous for his generosity to the army on its way to the Parthian campaign, 6 and his qualities had no doubt caught the eye of Hadrian, then serving on Trajan's staff. His brilliant career began with admission to the tribunician class, included the special oversight of Bithynia as Hadrian's commissioner, and reached the proconsulate of Asia; thereafter he survived to witness the equally fine career of his son. The admission of C. Julius Eurycles Herklanus of Sparta, on the importance of which more will be said, seems probably to be due to Hadrian ; if he were the grandson of Spartiaticus, he must by then have been fairly old, and consistent with this is the fact that he died at a stage in the cursus much before the consulship. I From this it is justifiable to infer that something besides an efficient administrator was being obtained. Apart from these three, the extant evidence
II.G. iii, 6z2= O.G.I. 587,-an inscription at Athens by the senate and people of Tripoli in honour of TOV &VTl)TWV 7rseflj TspV Kal e6epYeTpv, at a time when he was, it seems, corrector of Achaea; cf. I.G. v, 485 (Sparta) KOa.6 Kal o 0&6tTaT51 aVTOKpdTWp Ka?o-ap Tpcatavi A6ptavo6 Kai A4iXtos 'Io0yiK0o O
6tKcto66-r?sp

repI

au'Toi

e7reTTCLTXav.

Consul in I27 ;

diplonsain C.I.L. iii, p. 874, Juv. xv, 27, Ulp. in Dig. xl, 258, 4. He is probably the son of a procurator 5, (of Syria ?), Aemilius [Ijuncus, whose name occurs on a lead tessera found at Berytus (Bull. de la soc. ssat. des antiquaires de France, 5902, p. 341 if.). 2 Ritterling P.-W. xii, I485-6 S.V. legio II Traiana. 3 B.G.U. 140 shows that in II9 III Cyrenaica and II Deiotariana formed the garrison, and the presence of a third legion is improbable. 4 C.I.L. iii, 42. It used to be thought that C.I.L. iii, 79, dates its presence to Io0; but C.I.L. iii) suppl. 2, p. 2300, emends anno XII inip. Trajani [Aug.] to Traiani [Hadr.], making the date iz8.

5 Dessau 88z2I-I.G.R.R. iii, 6I5. Flahn, however (op. cit. p. 47), accepts the old view and puts Claudianus in the third century. Apart from the question of leg. II Traiana, it may be pointed out that (i) if Dessau's emendation of his previous restoration (eyev6Vos] [TOe YoVoue] irpCroe O-VYKX\7TLKOe to [-roU eOovsu] (Hermes xlv, I950, p. I8) is right, Claudianus could not after about A.D. I50 boast of being the first senator from Lycia with any degree of truth, or (ii) if rou -ybovs is right, in the third century the boast of being the first of his family would not be worth making; it would merely advertise that his family had been a long time coming to the front. Either reading is better suited by the Trajanic date. 6 I.G.R.R. iii, I73, 174, I75: his wife, ib. I90;

his son, ib.

I72.

Even if this is possibly incomplete, on he would surely have been described as birwrLKil his titulus, I.G. v, 489.
71.G. v, 117z.

50

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

does not assign any others to Hadrian; for it would be rash to assume that Calpurnius Proculus, whose command of legio I Minervia in Germany is put by RitterlingI under Antonius Pius, was a native of Ancyra whence comes one of his inscriptions, the less so as he is there XcdtL as ex auyX?-qwY.Jv described U,ToC'r6V, whichwouldinvolveassuming a'number of oriental senators and consuls before him that is unattested and, if the present view is correct, unlikely. By this time, however, the attention of the emperors had been seriously directed to the East, probably as a result of the survey of the state of affairs occasioned by the re-opening of the Parthian question. Rostovtzeff's view may well be correct, that in this connection began the peculiar interest of the emperor in Bithynia.2 It will be worth trying to reconstruct for ourselves the situation as it presented itself, but we must admit that the defects of the evidence make this difficult. Even if, as is said, the evidence of inscriptions is cumulative, there are many that do not help ; and, while those that are available give unimpeachable information on certain points, they have to experience the vagaries of interpreters before the results are accessible to the historian. The two main literary authorities, Dio Chrysostom and Aristeides, it must be ungratefully said, are much less fertile of solid fact than of rhetorical statements that need sifting, a process the results of which depend on the imagination of the sifters. Dio and, even more, Aristeides seem to have a different standard of values from our own, and the reader is apt without due caution to suppose that they are' therefore unreal and do not represent thle mental climate of the realists, if any, of their time. 3 And in one case at least where we are able to check him, Dio appears in a poor light. It is a fact familiar from a large number of papyri that life in Alexandria centred round the Jewish Question, and that such outbreaks of violence as often occurred almost invariably involved attack on the Jews, partly, it is thought, because they were favoured by the imperial government. 4 . Now Dio devotes his speech to the Alexandrians mainly to an exhortation to avoid these outbreaks against the government; but most of it5 is an appeal in. a somewhat pedagogic strain not to misbehave in the theatre, because it gives strangers such a bad impression, contrasting with the beauty and amenities of the city itself. There is not a word about Jews. This might, of course, be consummate tact ; but it reads as though Dio was more concerned to
iii, 1431. Inscriptions-I.G.R.R. 1 P.-W. Xii, igo (Ancyra); id. iv, I365; Dessau 2458; 7.R.S. iv, p. 177, no. 3 (discovered at Antioch). pp. I ff. ; cf. also 2A?n. B.S.A. Xxii (i9i6-18), 0. Cuntz in Hermes lxi, pp. 192 ff. But can Rostovtzeff be right (Soc. Ec. Hist. p. 586, note 5) in making the younger Pliny the man who assisted Ti. Julius Alexander when quartermaster (I.G.R.R. iii IOI5) in the Jewishwar ? 3It was, e.g., rather simple of Dio to tell a hungry Pbble, who the day before had nearly burnt his house and stoned him in their indignation at his fine building-scheme in the midst of their starvation, that 'I assure you, however much you may object to be told, that in my opinion such behaviour is not that of people who fare badly and have not the necessaries of existence.' ' 7qya'pgv&Lta -wopoor6v?p rotE '! Dio xlvi, I I (Bude ii, p. 103). 4 For Rostovtzeff's view that pogroms were a method of expressing disapproval of the government at Alexandria, see Soc. Ec. Hist., p. 520, note I7. Dio xxxii, esp. s5c. 391

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

5I

expatiate, in the eloquent manner of the schools, on a subject removed from reality than to practise what he preached and give statesmanlike advice based on a real grasp of the situation. At all events, if we sometimes feel diffident of his evidence, we must avoid straining it by translation into the terms of modern social and economic history. It was to be expected that a long period of peace and absence of interference, interrupted only to a small degree, by occasional bad governors and the extortions of Mucianus for the civil war,1 would allow the rich provinces of the East to develop a prosperity impossible before; and the abundant inscriptions, and still more the expensive buildings put up in the cities, are sufficient to prove it. But the increase of wealth did not affect every one alike. The economic background of life in the East, familiar in many of the incidents of the Synoptic Gospels,2 was that a man was either rich or poor, and between was a gulf fixed, not bridged by many of middling wealth ; and the right to political influence and position, according to the traditional Roman policy, went with the possession of wealtlh. Increase of prosperity, therefore, meant rather that passing rich men became millionaires, than that the- general level was directly raised; so that we should expect to find the poor more discontented, if anything, rather than less. This is, in fact, the situation in the East about the beginning of the second century. There is enough inscriptional evidence to support the impression we get from Dio that most cities were scenes of continual bickering, not only about questions of precedence,4 but about serious issues like the admission of the at Tarsus to full rights, and of sporadic outbreaks of violence CwvoupyoL ancd demonstrations against the supposed inefficiency of the local government, that is to say, the rich oligarchy. 5 It would appear that these conditions had been getting more pronounced during the
I Tac. Hist. ii, 84, 'nihil aeque fatigabat [the Eastern provinces] quam pecuniarum conquisitio'. Vespasian, he says, later followed the example of Mucianus.

for Roman jurymen was 2,500 denarii, and there were 215 of them. In the large cities the middle class was composed mainly of the Jews.
4 C/. the letter of Antoninus to the Ephesians

It underlies e.g. the parable of the Rich Man and Lazarus. The sympathy of Christian teaching with the economic conditions of the East helped its spread among the poor, especially in Bithynia, as is well known (Pliny, ad Traian. 96-7). This is a most important subject for the present enquiry, but, being so large, has been deliberately omitted.
2 3 The conditions in Cyrene at the end of the first century B.C. cannot be compared with those in Asia Minor a century later, but it is surprising to find that Augustus in the first of the new edicts thinks there will be a difficulty in finding enough men, Romans and Greeks, to act as jurors with a minimum census of 7500 denarii, and allows jurors to be taken from those with a census of not less than half that figure. The previous minimum census

S.I.G. (3) 849.

Hadrian in a letter to the Pergamenes hopes they will [j'q]6j&v rapaXwOesIXpeoOat (I.G.R.R. iv. and perhaps there is significance in the games 35I), founded by Quadratus being established by consent of Trajan in honour of himself and Juppiter Anzicalis. (I.G.R.R. iv, 336). An exact parallel to the unpopularity Dio incurred in attempting to rebuild his native city, WaO7rep TWVP'AOv-qo- Ilpo7rtXaIcWv 'Hpauov
KVOVePwP

X Tro Xacwv X TroU Ilap3eopoevsvo1 ipc&1 dva-rperovras (Dio xl, 8) is afforded

by a letter of Antoninus to Ephesus S.I.G. (3), 850, for their ingratitude to Vedius Antoninus:
[0oca r6X[et, Ka]t a\\' 1?2uKa bi]eZe OL IKOoo0Cj.acta O[UK] Op Owl 7rpoo-r4LO77ov a7r034XEOOE a6T6V

ri

as Dittenberger ad. loc. notices,

52

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

Flavian regime without exciting the attention of the government, and were complicated by the fact that philosophy had some objection of its own 2 which got voiced at the same time. But the reign of Trajan marks a definite change in the direction of imperial policy. In the Western half of the empire he was satisfied by his tour of inspection at the beginning of his reign that the frontier was safely established on a permanent basis, while the annexation of Dacia seemed to have settled all the difficulties in Europe which had harassed his predecessors. Only the Eastern problem remained. Whatever he hoped to secure by a Parthian war, it was evident that an essential precaution was to consolidate in every way the ' home front immediately behind the scene of operations. Military roads could be built in a short time, but the policy of conciliation did not go so easily, and indeed was probably set back by the relative failure of the war. Trajan may well have thought that a triumphant vindication of Roman arms at the expense of Parthia and on the scene of Alexander's exploits would do more to quiet the Greeks than anything else; and, if he secured control of the trade routes in Parthian hands, he would be able both to increase his own revenue out of the dues, and yet by more efficient supervision of them to cheapen the price of goods to the Greek cities-a result which would certainly have been popular. The problem then had two aspects. Nothing but an alteration of the system, which could not be entertained, would affect the discontent of the poor; the best that could be done was to improve the administration, and to see that the. cities spent their money properly, not wasting, for instance, on a theatre what should be spent on food for the poor; and this sort of thing we find Pliny doing in Bithynia. 3 There was also migration. The inscriptions show that
1 Dio (XL, 14) after the disturbances at Prusa in the early years of Domitian (so von Arnim, op. cit. p. 2-07, rightly from the mention of delatio in sect. 8, and not Vespasian, as Rostovtzeff, Soc. Ec. Hist., -rzwv ev p. i88) warned his hearers that ov rauGduet 6/ ro6e ov,v robs p7-ye,ocvae, Ne'Xyw ratZs7r6Xeuru' But Domitian 7i-yeav6as riw v eO&5e. Aket,povs was fully occupied with the Northern frontiers, and there is nothing to show he gave the matter special attention. I do not see that the action of L. Antistius Rusticus at Pisidian Antioch (see 7.R.S. XIV(1924), 172-205) was beyond the ordinary competence of a governor. It is difficult to suppose Domitian such a strong moralist (though cf. the amazing disproportion of the tariff on ytvctZeKS wrpos at Coptos, O.G.I. 674) as to make eTatpitr/uOv credible, as it stands, the story that his objection to in viticulture Asia was that its produce fomented riots. Probably he told the deputation that their petition would haye had a better welcome if the cities of Asia were less troublesome, and at the same time tried to make a joke on the point. 2 For Rostovtzeff's view of this, see Soc. Ec. IHfist., i09 ff. and passim. The philosophers were see the letters of conciliated under Trajan; Plotina, S.I.G. (3), 834 etc. 3 E.g. ad Traian. 17, immediately on his arrival. A fire at Nicomedia (33) raged uninterrupted because of the ' inertia hominum, quos satis constat otiosos et immobiles tanti mali spectatores perstitisse.' Was this because it was a rich man's house a fire brigade to ablaze ? Trajan (34) will not allowA be formed; ' meminerimus provinciam istam et praccipue eas civitates ciusmodi factionibus esse vexatas.' Note that Q. Veranius Philagrus of Cibyra (I.G.R.R. iv, 914-5) showed by the terms of his trust that he considered the acquisition of cornbearing lands of less importance than the adequate maintenance of the gymnasiarchy, as the trust funds were to be used for the former only on the (presumably) rare occasions when the gymnasiarchs should offer to pay themselves. Rostovtzeff (Soc. Ec. Hist. I88-9) seems to have overlooked this, as well as the simplest explanation of the clause wsc F7rejpIro6'rosu -r a6TOKp&[rO]pI Kacc rW4 OV'YKX?'T7t LX]6[7yjov a'ro[&]o6[q]ooaee[vov]. Philagrus, knowing that trusts were liable to be abused (cf. Pliny, Ep. vii, i8), had arranged for the funds to be audited

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

53

many of the new settlers in Dacia were orientals, and whilst it is probably true that no other part of the empire had a surplus population available, the fact that these oriental settlers occur also in new towns founded by the emperor'- suggests that the move had encouragement behind it. It is just possible that the government, with the lessons of Greek history before them, were afraid of an unholy alliance between the poor and one of the rich aristocrats, which it might have been difficult to suppress. This might have occurred, for example, at Tarsus, 2 where the. tactlessness of governors had united all classes against them, and it is also noticeable that the Euryclids at Sparta may have owed their dominance to their connection with the Eleutherolacones, 3 who represent the descendants of the ancient Helots. But there is no evidence that the government saw these disturbances in this rather lurid light. 4 The other aspect of the problem happened to be much easier at this particular time. It was found that the rich aristocratic families were not satisfied with the limited scope which the provincial high priesthoods and similar honours afforded them5; and their desire met fewer obstacles than it might previously have done. To begin with, such oriental senators as there already were had been markedly successful, and this had helped to break down some of the old prejudices on the Roman side. Further, the Senate now contained men like Pliny, Q. Pompeius Falco, Sosius Priscus and doubtless others, who appreciated the Greek literary renascence of the period, such as it was, to set against which there was but little in contemporary Western culture ; and their sympathetic outlook was shared by an increasing number.6 And, lastly, the great characteristic of Trajan's
by the State, which, in a senatorial province like Asia, with a sense of constitutional propriety he regarded as represented by the Senate and Emperor, acting through the pro-consul and the imperial procurator. I R. Paribeni, Optinlius Ptinceps (Messina, I926) Vol. i, p. 332, notices the large number of Bithynians in the new foundation of Ulpia Nicopolis and (p. 333) thinks the coin-types of Anchialus, with figtures of Cybebe, Isis and Serapis, ' fanno pensare anche qui a una forte immigrazione orientale.' 2 Dio xxxiv, I6. lb. 9, he warns them that their prosecutions of governors are suspected at Rome as being due to sip5 pU7 OeXEvdpXeGOrat. 3 Cf. I.G. v, IZ434 Another uncomfortable thought might have been that some of the distinguished orientals (e.g. C. Julius Severuis) were probably connected with the Parthian royal house. It was, as Groag says (P.-W. X, I58), ' kein ulbler Gedanke Traians ' to give C. Jtulius Berenicianus Alexander (v. ssspra) a he liked to be called a stern Roman and a second Marius (Vita Av. Cass. iii, 3, fin.) seems as much against this as his calling M. Aurelius a ' babbling old wife philosopher' (ib. i, 8, and cl. xiv) disinclines one to accept what is apparently Rostovtzeff's view (Soc. Ec. Hist. p. 344-5) that his revolt was an unfortunately premature attempt to prevent M. Aurelitus breaking the well-established principle of the Stoic basileia in leaving his throne to his son. Still, Avidius received much support in the East and especially in Egypt, because of his birth, and it was after this that the rule was made that nobody should govern his native province; and his stupportersmay have enterinnocent. tained ideas of wvhichhe himself w%as Plutarch, de TranqUill., p. 470, c. and r. i d. Praecepta reip. ger. 805 A. 6 Cl. Pliny's letter (viii, 24). His correspondence with Q. Pompeius Falco about etiquette for tribiines (i, 23) suggests that the latter was a man of the same intellectual type. I-le inherited the names and presumably most of the estate of C. Julius Eurycles and was intimate with Antoninus Pius H-lerklanus, (see Dessau 1035 for his career). For Sosius Priscus, see (roag's recent art. in P.-W. The daughter of Sositis and wife of Pompeius, Sosia Polla, is honoured at Apamea by a Ti. Claudius Mithridattes cpXtEpEvs 'Ao-as, I.G.R.R. iv, 780: cf. also 787 and 790.

command in the Parthian war,if he is the V'roOTparrs?LXV1II,

lyos IAmtos'AXE'avpog mentioned by Cassius Dio 30. I do not think that ideas of separatism were in the air as early as this, or even at the revolt of Avidius Cassitus(as is Hahn's view, Op. cit. p. 38 aind 58-9). Evidence is lacking; but the fact that

54

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

regime,which appearsin his correspondencewith Pliny and which he bequeathed to form one of the secrets of the success of the Antonines,was a spirit of commonsensereasonableness which inclined to take things on their merits. Then, once the imperialgovernment was seen to be making advances, there was no doubt about the eagernessof the candidates; for the prestige of a senatorin the East was high. The proud parents of Servenius Cornutus have already been mentionedl ; C. Julius Severus,in an inscriptionset up before his own adlectio,enumeratesall his consularconnections, and, once a senator, drops mention of them2 ; Opramoasboasts of a niece married to a senator3; while the enormous number of inscriptions honouring Quadratus,perhapswithout parallel outside the imperial family, is enough to discredit the statement4 that ' an oriental, once admitted to the senate, was transplantedto Rome and severed all connection with his erstwhile native place.' Many record the gratitude of private persons,which indicates that these senatorsused their influence with the emperor to get concessionsfor their fellow citizens, who would feel that they were a bond of unity between themselves and the central government.5 It would be a mistake to suppose that any great rush of new senators followed this gradualchange of policy; neither Trajan nor Hadrian would admit any but those likely to be useful. But the inscriptionsfrom Lycia are plentiful enough to give some idea of the sequel to Trajan's admissionof Claudianusof Xanthus, the 7Cp()T0o of Lycia. It seemspossible that he was, in fact, connected au)yx?<yLxo witli the great nexus of Lycian families which appearon the genealogical inscriptionof Oenoanda 6; in any case the practiceof intermarriagein Eastern aristocraticcircles' led to the formation of a caste which we can watch, as in this case, with some confidencethat no distinguished native was outside it. Members of it had been Lyciarchsunder the Julio-Claudians,and about the end of Trajan's reign it made a big social advance when Licinnia Maxima, the sister of Licinnius Longus, Lyciarch in 127, married an eques, Julius Antonius, son of C. Julius Demosthenes, procuratorof Sicily under Trajan. Their grandson, Claudius Agrippinus, was a senator by 145, if not before, and the credit of this branchof the familyincreased until it numbered as many as six senators at one time. The family
iv, 6451I.G.R.R. 2 I.G.R.R. iii, I73-4-5. 3 Opramoas inscription

restored KXa1u6taTt[Ttavc (1-leberdey) cap. 59

[Tot,.

] j 6ta?KqV eK TWcV KaTac

da7roXetO0vP[TwPauvTr) #6 KXav]

j6tavoT'oOeeps y-

iii, 739. =I.G.R.R. 4 Kuhn, ap. Hahn op. cit. p. 20. ? Cf. the enthusiasm of his fellow-townsmen for

Cicero's honours, pro Plancio 8. Aristeides, Or. xx, testifies to the esteem of the Quadratus family in Pergamum.
6 7

I.G.R.R.

iii, 500-

Cf. the list of the relations of C. Julius Severus, I.G.R.R. I.G.R.R. iii, 173. iii, 627 (Xanthus) is

It is probable that any reference in an inscription of Xanthus to 'Claudianus' simply means the 7wp6)TOS O-VyKX-TLK6s of Lycia, seeing that he must have been the most eminent man in the province. Claudia Titiane may well be the lady of that name in I.G.R.R. iii, 500 (and perhaps elsewhere, see below), or else an aunt of hers. The connection was not a close one, as otherwise the compilers of the exhaustive iii, 500, would have not omitted it. All the details given here in the text are taken from it.

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

55

were also connected with those of Opramoas of Rhodiapolis and Ti. Claudius Polemon of Cibyra,1 both soon senatorial. Opramoas is usually dismissed as a multi-millionaire with an excess of vanity. But there are two considerations that should give us pause. First, there are other inscriptions, not on the same scale but recording the same kind of testimonials sent to the emperor, and his replies; of these, none is earlier than Hadrian and few are later than Antoninus Pius. Secondly, the words of Plutarch, who as a man and an authority commands more respect than Dio, in de Tranquillitate, seem to attest an almost indecent agitation in aristocratic circles for positions in the Senate, which is not corroborated at any rate by the evidence we actually have of the number who are known to have been It is very tempting to find a trace of this agitation in admitted.2 the wave of testimonials which reached Rome about this time, 3 and to suppose that rich men vied with one another in public generosity in order to win recognition. It would be a mistake, indeed, not to see in them also a relic of the oriental tradition which considered it an honour to be remembered in the king's presence; and this idea may have received a new lease of life from the imperial cult. It would be natural to inform the emperor of special zeal in a service that affected him personally, and, in fact, the first testimonial of Opramoas in the reign of Antoninus was sent to testify to the magnificence of his Lyciarchy in I36. On this very occasion, however, one of the ambassadors was a Julius Antoninus, almost certainly the same as the grandfather of his niece, Aelia Platonis ; it looks as though he had stimulated his friends to use this opportunity of bringing him to the new emperor's notice at the earliest moment. Related, as he was, to the family circle in Lycia in which some of the first senators are found at this time, he would be spurred on by vanity and jealousy to be equal with them. Opramoas does not seem to have succeeded for himself; and, indeed, his inscriptions do not suggest that he would make a good impression on a sensible emperor; but at least his grandchildren were senators in his lifetime.4 If such a view of this kind of inscription is right, he began his agitation in the time of Trajan with the elaborate generosity with which he prepared to receive the
1 The niece of Opramoas was married to Claudius Agrippinus. The grandfather of Polemon was Marcius Deiotarianus, probably the T. Marcius Quir. Deiotarianus trib. leg. XXII Primigeniae, whose sister Marcia Lucia married Licinnius Longus, Lyciarch in I27. The family was probably also connected with Avidius Cassius (see below). 2IMor. p. 470 c.; cf. Praec. reip. ger. 814D.
3 The others are less imposing, as no doubt not every one was prepared to spend a fortune on stonecutting like Opramoas. I.G.R.R. iv, 575 (also in O.G.I. 506) gives answers of Antoninus to representations in favour of M. Ulpius Apuleius Eurycles

of Aezani; in I.G.R.R; iii, 467, Hadrian says he has heard of 7bv PX0otrLeaV XV C7rLU6LK7Tea 7repi "Uca Kao-ropog (Balburis). I. G.R.R. iv, I I 56, iMeXea-ypos records the success of Claudius Candidus Julianus in securing concessions from Hadrian for Stratoniceia, but an embassy sent to testify to his merits received
the answer deve'JrXov TL 7re1p00evTr 'O/ VU'l V ot o rio-raco*e esrl rq'i KX. Kavc wt 'louXta'wt xdpt6 arep' rTp' aro6Xt. In the case of Vedius rbXoT/uclat

Antoninus (see below) it must have been -the proconsul who originally directed the attention of Antoninus to his generosity, not the Ephesians; or possibly the KOU'OJV of Asia. 4 I.G.R.R. iii, 735-6.

56

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

TIIE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

emperor, 1 continued it all through the reign of Hadrian, and remained indefatigable under Antoninus.2 If Hadrian, to judge from his attitude as shown in these inscriptions, was not too readily inclined to admit many orientals, this may be because, unlike the other emperors of the early second century, his relations with the Senate were not of the best. But he did one thing of immense significance. Whatever be the truth about the attempts of Claudius to conciliate the Euryclids of Sparta, Hadrian put an end to all the soreness and at the same time scored a diplomatic success, when he induced C. Julius Eurycles Herklanus, apparently no longer young, to enter the Senate and imperial service. 3 This, and the breaking of precedent in appointing him to the province of Baetica and, later, C. Julius Severus to an army-command in Germany 4 meant that on the Roman side the old prejudices were put away, and must have powerfully affected opinion in the East. And so, allowing for flattery, it is probable that Aristeides, in his panegyric To Rome delivered under Antoninus Pius, represented what people thought. He considers as now antiquated the old division between Greeks and Romans ; the proper distinction now is between 'P(qoVccouq Irexo7 oiu TPcooctouq, while it is this extension of the city-state of Rome to embrace the civilised world that ensures contented loyalty all over it. Force is not necessary, ' but in each place the greatest and most powerful men guard their homelands for you ' ; and this happens without envy, ' for you have set the example in avoiding it by putting everything into the open, and affording to those who are able the opportunity of ruling in their own sphere instead of being ruled.' 5 To some extent Aristeides seems to be thinking of local and city selfgovernment, but he is also inspired by the same idea as that which occurred to Claudius when urging the admission of the Gauls to the Senate. 6 The whole passage is striking testimony to the disappearance
Ritterling (Rhein. Muis. 1920, p. 389) urges that the words of the procurator Caelius Florus (Opramoas inscr. cap. 13) Tr)V e5rTUXeoT-aT?Tv rou [K]VptoII .pen' eTravo6ov must refer to a journey home, therefore of Trajan, and not to the outward journey of To call Trajan's return from a Hadrian in 128-9. comparative failure and broken in health-he died before getting as far-euruXeora'-rv is odd, but, one supposes, possible in ain official cornnnzwiqlue.
2 Cap. 59, xvii b, i) 6, mentions testimonies sent to Hadrian, and that ' the divine Hadrian wrote in d, i, decree f,. also cap. 30, ix c, I5-ix, return.' Only the docuof the Patareis [e7rl eolo' AMptavoO. ments of Antoninus's reign are engraved in full, and continue yearly till I52, in which year the KOtV6v composed the most elaborate of all the resolutions (cap. 66-8). 3 His chronology is very difficult. At the end of Trajan's reign he was high priest for life and K97&/.twV rj sr6Xews; cf. p. 43, note 4. The inscrip-

tion (I.G. v, 380, Cythera) breaks off in the middle of his name, and there might have been room for details of his senatorial career, if any. The onlv other date is 130, when he was alive and ordered a stoa at Mantinea in honour of Antinous (I.G. v, z8I), which was built 6ta6-rv KcXqpOVO6cwV; so hc died soon after, and his career in 1.G. v, I172, if complete, does not seem extensive enough to cover as much as the thirteen odd years required to put his admission down to Trajan. Note Hist. Aug. Hadr. viii, 7, 'senatus fastigium in tantum. extulit difficile faciens senatores, ut cum Attianum . . . faceret senatorem, nihil se amplius habere quod in cum conferre posset, ostenderet.' 4 See Appendix.
? p. 109 K, 6

sect. 63 ft. Tac. Ann. xi, 24. 'Quid aliud exitio Lacedae.

moniis et Atheniensibus fuit, quamquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos pro alienigenis arcebant ? '

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVTCE OF ROME.

57

of bad feeling and prejudiceas the result of the attention given by the governmentto the East since Trajan. It will not, then, be a surpriseto discoverevidence for a considerable increase of oriental senators under Antoninus, and still more under M. Aurelius. In Lycia we know of ClaudiusAgrippinus,the senatorialgrandchildrenof Opramoas,and Ti. Claudius Titianus of Patara.1 Avidius Cassius,who, be it noted, was probablyconnected with the Lycian group of families, would have received the latus clavus from Antoninus, if he was legatus of Syria in 164.2 From Asia comes M. ClaudiusP. Vedius Antoninus PhaedrusSabinianusof Ephesus.3 There was also M. Antonius Pallas, consideredby Stein without doubt to be the descendant of the freedman of Claudius who received the ornamenta praetoria; but we cannot tell if he was the firstof his familyor judge how far it would count now as oriental.4 Galen's friend Flavius Boethus of Ptolemais in Syria, an oivp {rIOC'O4, died as governor of Syria Palestina,whither he had gone just before Galen himself left Rome in I66.5 He and an otherwise unknown Nicaean, mentioned by Aristeides and called Sedatus,6 would enter mentioned on the under Antoninus, as would also the auyx?-qyxoL inscriptions of the Carminiani Claudiani at Aphrodisias.7 Ti. Claudius Paulinus, who had been consul by 145, when his slave
1 Claudius Titianus of Patara (in I.G.R.R. iii, 500) seems to me the same as Ti. Claudius Flavianus Titianus Quintus Velius Proclus L. Marcius Celer M. Calpurnius Longus in I.G.R.R. iii, 664-5, 667 (see below, addendum on p. 66). a Vita Marci xxvi, Iz, says he had a daughter Alexandra ' Drunciano nupta.' Hirschfeld reads ' Dryantiano,' and this may well be Ti. Cl. Dryantianus of J.G.R.R. iii, 5oo, whose wife is not mentioned in the genealogy (? owing to damtatio memoriae) but whose son is Cl. Cassius Agrippinus and daughter Alexandra Maeciana. Avidius, like others already noted, was the son of a successful procurator. 3 The new inscriptions from Ephesus have encouraged Keil (Forschungenin Ephesosiii, p. I 66. 8) to set aside in some points the brilliant work of Groag on this family (Jahresh. x. (I907), p. 290-9). Certainly F.E. iii, 80 (c/. p. 58) and the dating of Dessau 8830 to I70-I (Egger, Yahresh. ix (i906), Beibl., p. 6I ff.) necessitate an earlier date for the whole family than Groag (I.c. p. 292) thought. But Keil puts the floruit of the Asiarch M.C1. P. Vedius Antoninus into the reign of Hadrian, and makes his son, Phaedrus Sabinianus, the person whom the Ephesians were reproved for their failure to appreciate in the famous letters of Antoninus Pius dated definitely 145 and I49-50 (S.I.G. (3) 85o-I). Then, impressed by the shortness of Phaedrus's senatorial career (F.E. iii, p. I66), Keil concludes that Phaedrus gave up his future prospects in order to stay and serve his native city. It is really unthinkable that at this time, when every one else was hoping for the honour, Phaedrus should resign from the Senate to stay behind at home, where he was

evidently not appreciated, or that, if he had done so, he would have remained in the emperor's favour and his son have been a senator after him. It is quite possible to keep the old view, that Sabinus the Asiarch was the person referred to by Pius, and to suppose that the admission of the son Phaedrus took place about 145 as a consolation from the emperor for the father's ill-treatment at Ephesus. If Phaedrus were then about twenty years old, so early was the age of marriage in the East that he could easily have had a daughter old enough to be married to Damianus the sophist, first heard of in the first wife of Phaedrus (F.E. iii, no. 77) I66-7; died childless, and so probably not long after the marriage. There remains then a margin of twenty years for him to have had by his second wife (F.E. iii, no. 76) a daughter of marriageable age for Damianus. Phaedrus may have died when quaestor designate of Cyprus, but the inscription is not a funeral one, and his career may have gone further. 4 Stein, op. cit. 335-6, consul in I67. One would think that Pliny would not have written for publication Ep. vii, 29 and viii, 6, if the descendants of the freedman Pallas had been of any consequence in his time. 5 Galen II, 215. 6 Aristeides xxvi, sec. xvi K. M. Ulpius Carminius ii, 278Z-3. 7 C.I.G. Claudianus was high priest of Asia under Antoninus and M. Aurelius (B.C.H. xi, 35o). His son, of the
same name, Xo-yLsT7- vue-a2
K-UrKtV
b7raorucOiS

6o6e'vrca

Tr

was marriedto the daughterof u'wXows V a procurator, Fl. Athenagoras, called Fl. Appia, cddgu7 0`VyKX-qT1KCV. ,U7q2ip Ka't aeXe/il Kci

58

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

Onesimus built himself a house at Cibyra, is not called a native of Cibyra, and may have been there in some other capacity. 1 The increase in numbers is maintained under M. Aurelius. From Greece proper we know of a Spartan, Brasidas, a praetorius vir mentioned by Ulpian,2 and M. Ulpius Eubiotus Leurus, archon eponymusat Athens. 3 The first member of the Cretan family of the Flavii Sulpiciani reached the senate about I62-3 at the latest, as he was quaestor of Bithynia before I65, when it became an imperial province.4 M. Aurelius promoted him to the class of the tribunicii, and it was doubtless at this point that his grateful father, L. Flavius Sulpicianus Dorio, erected statues to M. Aurelius and L. Verus; the latter is ' Armeniacus ' but not ' Parthicus Maximus,' so that the date was between I63 and i65.5 About this time the great-grandchildren of Marcus Deiotarianus from Cibyra would reach the Senate. 6 The daughter of the first Vedius Antoninus from Ephesus to become a senator (see above), Vedia Phaedrina, was married to the rich sophist T. Flavius Damianus, who lavishly entertained the army of Verus on its return from the Parthian campaign of I66-7, and their children were thus marked out for distinction. The three sons, T. Fl. Damianus, T. Fl. Vedius Antoninus, and T. Fl. Phaedrus, all attained the consulship ; their sister Fl. Lepida was married to a consular, and the second sister Fl. Phaedrina was almost certainly the wife of C. Julius Philippus, who was ?,oyLta' of Ephesus, and praetor in his father's lifetime. He came from Tralles, and his father was an equestrian procurator,having been St7pOtO; 0'V ?epur&V -probably of Marcus and Commodus.7 Several others may have entered in the last years of Marcus or the first of Commodus, notably the historian Cassius Dio of Nicomedia,8 and C. Julius Maximianus Diophantus, of a rich and distinguished Lycian family. His uncle, C. Julius Heliodorus, the first Lyciarch from Lydae, held the position later, at any rate, than i52.9 More certainly an importation by Commodus was M. Ulpius Arabianus of Amastris, legatus of Syria
(ib. 91)
I.G.R.R. iv., 921. His son is honoured therc in A.D. 184, but without any career given. If this is because he was still too young, his father must have been consul (at least 39 yeais before) at a very early age, and therefore is most unlikely to be ain oriental. C. Julius Severus, for instance, was not consul till at least zo years after his admission. I suggest that the Paulini had property at Cibyra.
2Dig.
3 4

xxxvi,

I, 23.

I.G. iii, 687-8, 690. Brandis, art. Bitbynia, P.-W. iii, 529-30; I.G.R.R. i, IOI7-8. a I.G.R.R. i, 1015-6. 6 I.G.R.R. iv, 883, 906-IO, 912. I find it difficult to follow Stein (op. cit. p. 223) in making Claudius Orestes, -rTKOSor [U'ra] rTKOiS in iv, 9IO, the [0o-yKX-j] son of Ti. Cl. Polemon the Asiarch, knight, and son of Marcia Tlepolemis, who is jatiu,u0 OV'yKXflTIKaPV. He seems to have overlooked the complication

that there were at least two Ti. Cl. l'olemonles, llicle and nephew (in iv, 909). 7 Damianus; Forschungen in Ephesos iii, Xo, Dessau 8830, Philostr. Vit. soph. p. 264 s. Ilis sons: Philostr. ib. p. 107 K, Damianus, F.E. iii, 21I ; Vedius Antoninus, F.E. iii, 8z and 85; Phaedrus, F.E. i, zi i. Lepida, Dessau 8836 ; Phaedrina, IF.E. iii, 8 I . C. Julius Philippus the father: O.G.I. 499500; F.E. iii, 4. His son: O.G.I. 499-500; Dessau 8836; F.E. iii, 49-50 (Xoto-,rhs of Ephesus). 8 Born about I55, Cass. Dio. LXXII, 7; quacstor about i8o, ib. 4. 9 Heliodorus; I.G.R.R. iii, 527. He is not identical with any (e.g. M. Julius Heliodorus of Cyaneae, Lyciarch in 140-I, I.G.R.R. iii, 706) of the Lyciarchs, who are known from the Opranioas I.G.R.R. Diophantus: inscription up to I52. iii, 525; Hicks, J.H.S. vol. ix, 50 ff.; Groag in P.-W. x, 676.

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

59

Palestina in L96, and afterwardsproconsul of Africa. 1 With these and the descendants of Quadratus, Herodes Atticus, Claudius Agrippinus and others, now thoroughly Latinised, there must have been a substantial number of men in the Senate with Greek and oriental blood.2 There is also a suspicion of oriental origin about two of the sons-in-lawof M. Aurelius. Cn. Claudius Severus,who marriedhis eldest daughter, Faustina, and was consul in I62 or I63 and again in 173, is honoured by Pompeiopolis as n0'CTp[co]vx & xcO x-oB-uv. This in itself is insufficient,but, as one of his sons was called Clauclius Arabianus,he himself may be the grandsonof the Claudius Severus who was the first governorof the new province of Arabia,4and who is probably the K?k. CVornpou who is mentioned among the consular relationsof C. JuliusSeverus,5 all the others being certainly orientals. But in default of better evidence it is unsafe to assumethe same of him, and in any case his grandson under M. Aurelius would be completely romanised. The other son-in-law, Ti. Claudius Pompeianus,is describedas ' equitis R. filio genere Antiochiensi' nec satis nobili.'6 Antioch was such a cosmopolitanand businesscentre that it would be rashto assumethat the phrasemeans more than that he was the first of an equestrianfamily domiciledat Antioch to reach the Senate. Those who wish to find an oriental may rejoice in 7 identification of him with ' einem bejahrten Manne von Petersen's entschieden semitischem Typus ' constantly depicted next to the emperor on the column of M. Aurelius. At all events, he is an excellent example of the efficient type of administratorthat the Antonines wanted in the Senate; conspicuous for his military ability, it was he who in i 8o vainly dissuaded Commodus from 8 Julian the Apostate,9 patching up a peace with the Marcomanni. indeed, blames Marcus for not makinghim his heir, and he lived to
'(J.L.I. 4I51, and C.I.L. viii, I5876. The difficulty about the descendants of Quadratus is to square the vague remarks of Aristeides (Or. xx, in honour of his descendant Apellas) with I.G.R.R. iv, I 687, 'louXica A6Xou Ovydcrp IILwCXXa ' . . . s-'J ro's rTSK o3ao-Ais -rCWev Oee Pwspaqieppwv vots I.I. NdcW Kai F.I. (DpO6vTwvt[suyKXrtLKiOZ. Groag (in P.-W. x, mostly s.v. Julius Apellas) thinks that on the present evidence the problem is insoluble. Boulanger (Aelius Aristide, etc., Paris, 1923) proposes to get over the difficulty that Aristeides (in sec. 70) seems to imply more generations between the Apellas of the speech and the head of the family, ' Ko&p&ros,'than can be got in between Quadratus and the date at which, from evidence derived from
2 Ito the 7rpoOewppa

the speech,

it is inferred

to have

been delivered, by assuming that Ko6pdIrosis the grandfather of Quadratus. Ile is on safer ground in arguing that, if the speech is spurious-as Keil thinks, so is also the 7rpoeEwptca and therefore argument from it is invalid. I think, against Groag (P.-W. x, 944), that .the sister of Quadratus was married. Otherwise the I4. in the inscription is meaningless.

rv 'Eseiwv Lt may have rtunoriginally [7 7roW6Xs 7e0e The &Zva . . . details of his distinctions. . . Kact T7'1 KPae7-1srr -yrvaZKa aeU7o3, lF. 'AP-rot. A6Xot' '[ouvXaeu]1ICDXXa'cd6eXpjv dej 'IouXfol AthXot| I loOU OoXTtvrig Ko6paTrouKTX. (Dessau, 88i9a). As it: comes from Ephesus, her husband might belong to the Celsus family. 3 1.G.R.R. iii, I35. C/. also I.G.R.R. iii, I448, similar, but erected after the death of Marcus. 4 E.g. C.I.L. iii, 1449, 2I and I4176 New (z). inscriptions (Rev. arch. 1927, p. 386-7) from Gerasa dated I I4-5, describe him as [V7r]art6KOS so he must have been consul before being governor of Arabia, not after, as hitherto supposed. 5 I.G.R.R. iii, I73. The new dating for his consulship will, if the list here is chronological, set back the consulship of Ti. Julius Aquila Polemaeanus a few years. V Vita MIarci xx, 6. 7 Petersen, Marcus-Saule, T'extband, p. 43. 8 Herodian i, 6, 4. 9 Caesares, p. 3Iz B.
KTX. erT

6o

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

refuse two offers of the empire, from Pertinax and from Didius Julianus. With the reign of Commodusthe importanceand interest of the vivendi Senate declined in proportionas it failed to establisha modus with the emperors,who resortedto extensive purgings and filled up the gaps from any chance source. Especiallyunder the Severi do we find isolated mentions of senators in the East of whom nothing is known; for example, a certain M. Aurelius Asclepiodotianus Asclepiadesof Prusa ad Hypium,' for whom his fellow townsmen
invented the title 706vcrecaaroyvwa'O6v and who ' asked Caracalla ' (on his way through the town) ' for the latus clavus and received it,' as the inscription remarks casually in a dependent clause. Little, therefore, is to be gained by pushing the present enquiry further, except to notice that the constant decimating and replenishment of the Senate from dubious sources by the Severi explains why, from the time of Elagabal onwards, equestrian procurators are found in senatorial positions. The Senate could no longer supply competent administrators. This, when we come to consider what qualifications constitutional emperors looked for in oriental, and indeed in all provincial, candidates for the Senate, should suggest one essential. Discussions of this kind are apt to talk of the admission of men to the Senate as if it were a mere honouring of worthy persons, just ' giving them a peerage.' This ignores a fundamental point- that it was in this particular that the Empire was and remained a diarchy so long as the Senate could, and would, supply a graded collection of administrators, mostly chosen by, and responsible to, the emperor. Most of their active life was spent governing provinces, and only if they survived beyond a consular appointment did they stay habitually in Rome and debate in the dignified and rather futile manner which reminded Pliny 2 of the' libera res publica.' The efficiency of the administration depended on there being available a number of competent men whose loyalty could be trusted; and, as has been noticed, it was to secure such men that Vespasian, who might reasonably suspect the loyalty of some of the older senators, used adlectio inter practorios to make at a stroke a number of trustworthy men personally indebted to him immediately available for praetorian commands. It is clear from the evidence that efficiency was one of the first qualifications for an oriental candidate. And there is no need, with Dessau, to regard the admission of princelings like C. Julius Antiochus Philopappus as ' of no practical importance.' Even if it be assumed that an oriental
1 1.G.R.R. iii, 1422.
2 Pliny, writing at the opening of the new era of the Senate under Trajan, observed only the superficial likeness to the republican Senate in that free discussion again took place. He did not see that under the Republic a senator went to the provinces

only to collect money or an army, or reluctantly, like Cicero, and then hastened back to the political warfare in Rome. Under the Empire this was at an end, and he normally spent most of his time in the provinces, the existence and claims of which were more and more clearly recognised.

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

6i

princeling must necessarilybe dissipated, it is an odd fact about Roman history that the most dissipatedpeople proved good administrators.1 The theory of the diarchy,which is fashionablenow under the guise of a ' Stoic basileia,' was most clearly recognised and put into practice by the emperorsfrom Trajan to M. Aurelius, so much so that to put a man in the Senate and give him nothing to do would have been as insulting as to call him a fool to his face. Two of these men, C. Julius Agrippa and C. Julius AlexanderBerenicianus-both probablysons of Alexander,are known to have held positions in the regular cursus; and, even if we know no more about Alexander himself and Philopappus than that they were consuls, it is not reasonable therefore to assume that they too did not hold some command.2 That efficiencywas the best recommendation responsible can be seen from the successfulcareersof Celsus, Quadratus,Severus and others, as well as from the fact, alreadynoticed, that many were the sons of experienced procurators, and Claudianus one himself. Ti. Julius AlexanderJulianus,3 Arval Brother in i I 8, is probablythe grandson of the famous viceroy of Egypt; and the distinguished side of the Oenoandafamily began its rise by marryinginto it the son of a procuratorof Trajan. And, to secure the maximum efficiency, they were, when possible,admitted young. Efficiencyalone, however, was not enough. M. Ulpius Apuleius Eurycles of Aezani was curatorto the senate of Ephesus between in Caria4: presumably,there162 and I69, and curatorof Aphrodisias fore, he was a competent man, but reportsof his merit did not secure him the latus clavusfrom Antoninus. He seems to have lackednoble birth ; for he is not described, as so many others, as 7rpTcucev or eV T-O zOv9t, and his name suggests freedman yevouq npC6Ut GVTO origin and that the citizenshiphad been in the family for one or two generations only-an impression confirmed by the comparative reticence of the inscriptions. 5 It may be said with confidence that, even when there is no evidence, until the accessionof Commodusit would be unsafe to assume any but the best blood in an oriental senator; and in most cases, and almost invariably in the second century, the citizenship had been in the family for a hundred years. Not to insist on the cases of C. Julius Severusand C. JuliusEurycles Herklanus, Ti. Julius Alexander Julianus was descended from the had held the citizenJewish royal house, and his great-grandfather ship.6 If we were right in connecting Claudianusof Xanthus with the Oenoandafamily, he sharedwith Cl. Agrippinusand the rest of
I Dessau I.c. p. 20. Cf.' Tacitus on Otho, Hist. i1 '3. 2 See p. 47, n. 5. Philopappus was adlectus inter praetorios (Dessau S45) by Trajan. If, as I feel sure from his name, C. Julius Thraso Alexander, honoured at Ephesus in the reign of Antoninus (Forschungen in E. iii, p. I23), was a descendant of the kinig Alexander, it is noticeable that he begani

at the very bottom with the Xviratus, military tribunate and quaestorship. 3 C.I.L. vi, 323744 O.GCI. 508-9, and cf. 5o6. 5 O I. 504 confines itself to saying his activity Kac rTr eK is worthy of roP 7-JJ51J 7rpoQy6vwp dv3pa-yaOlas. 6 Jos. B.7. v, 205; Ant. xx, ioo

6z

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

them the best blood in Lycia, and could point to distinguished ancestorswith citizenship under the Julio-Claudians. So could the Lydae family of C. Julius MaximianusDiophantus, since all have the
name C. Julius and boast of pxw&z.CoL, V0d1op/oL and ?XuXLsOCpZo among their ancestors. The Flavii Sulpiciani were the most distinguished
family in Crete ; one of them had been high priest to the
129, xQowov

in

and their citizenship would go back to the first century. 1 Wealth came next in importance. There are some very rich men known to us who did not enter the Senate, but in general it may be said that the second-century emperors liked to have in the Senate from the East the same type of person that, according to Claudius, 2 Augustus and Tiberius had wanted from the country towns of Italy, the ' boni et locupletes.' Any attempt to assessthe modern equivalent of these orientals' wealth would be difficult; but it seems that in the East few had a chance unless they were something like millionaires. Great wealth was necessary for eminence even in provincial society; and men such as C. Julius Severus, who could with equanimity entertain a whole army,3 must have had immense resources. The same is true of Celsus, Eurycles and the Herodes Attici, who spent money freely on buildings and festivals. In Lycia, especially, not to speak of Opramoas, the senatorial families were all very rich. If we are right in thinking that exceptional wealth was required, it is easier to explain the small number of senators from Greece proper, which Stein4 considers 'in auffallendem Missverhaltniss zur kulturellen Bedeutung des Griechentums fur Rom.' Greece under the empire, as Nero5 remarked on a historic occasion, was not in a flourishing state; and, though conditions were probably better a century later, partly owing to the increased prosperity elsewhere round the Aegean, and partly through the efforts of the government, yet Rostovtzeff6 is able to describe it as ' a picture of poverty.' Even if, as he thinks, ' the cities still had a well-to-do bourgeoisieof landowners of the type of Plutarch,' they were not of the multi-millionaire type like the Herodes Attici and Herklanus, and he is less convincing when he says that ' the leading part ' in the council of the Panhellenion 'was played by rich men from At all events, Greece was more of a museum Greece Proper.'
i, 964. Stein, however (P.-W. vi, thinks they received citizenship through-the good offices of C. Flavius Sulpicius Similis, viceroy of Egypt about izo. 2 Dessau 2z2, col. ii. I.G.R.R. iii, I73. Other examples at Ancyra 1.G.R.R. iii, z08 (better text ?./H.S. vol. xliv, p. z6); at Palmyra, I.G.R.R. iii, 1054; at Ephesus Forsch. in E. iii, p. I5S, no. 72 and p. i6I, no. 8o. 4 Op; cit. 396, ascribing it to ignorance of Latin. 5 Dessau 8794, at Corinth. Soc. Ec. Hist. pp. 234-5 and 56i-2, note 96. ? Tod (_.H.S. vol. xlii, p. 177) gives a list of the
26I9) I I.G.R.R.

members of the council at present known. Nine (or perhaps ten) belong to the Antonine period: two Cl. Herodes Atticus and Cn. are familiar-Ti. Cornelius Pulcher of Corinth or Epidaurus (I.G. iv, 795 and 16oo), an equestrian procurator,and the richest and most distinguished person in the Peloponnese, apart from the Euryclids. Three are mere names, and cannot support any conjecture; one is from Perinthus; one from the Cyrenaica; and two are from Aezani in Asia Minor. Surely the idea in forming the Panhellenion was that such well-to-do men as were connected with Greece should co-operate to do what in Asia Minor was within the capacity of a single generous individual.

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

63

than a live place, and it was of no political and strategic importance like Asia Minor; neither had it problems and aspirations which could be met by searching for possible senators other than those few whose wealth made them conspicuous. With a strict test of credentials, then, the number of, oriental senators down to Commodus proves to be small. With a less strict use of criteria 1 or a resolute determ-ination to prove some point, it is possible to collect a quite imposing number; but, examined singly, they fade away. It cannot be assumed that a senator is oriental in origin if he happens to be honoured in an Asiatic town, because he may have been there in an official capacity2 ; much less, in veteran colonies like Alexandria in the Troad and Antioch in Pisidia. If the view here taken of the Opramoas type of inscription is correct, it adds further to the impression that the emperors were little inclined to bestow the senatorial position broadcast under pressure. They were, in fact, less open to sentimental considerations and popular clamour than guided by a hope of increasing the efficiency of the government by a supply of competent men with a knowledge of local conditions, and inspired by the idea of retaining the loyalty of flourishing communities by opening out a larger field for ambition, and creating centres for local pride and patriotism to look up to in the imperial service. The path did not, it would seem, become much easier under Hadrian ; rather, first under M. Aurelius were orientals admitted with freedom, but not without discrimination. Only in the time of his successors like Elagabal, who ' senatum legit sine discrimine aetatis, census, generis, pecuniae merito,' 4. can we compile a large list of undistinguished and even servile senators from the East, and this indiscriminate treatment of the Senate brought its usefulness to an end and finally destroyed the diarchy.
IE.g. Lully (op. cit. p. 2I9) includes T. Hoenius Severus, whom Groag (P.-W. viii, Z134) shows to be an Umbrian, probably from Fanumn Fortunae (ct. C.G.L. xi, 6263). It is very dangerous to go by the mere names alone, when already in 157 B.C. there had been a consul called L. Orestes.
2 It is tempting to include Q. Voconius Saxa Fidus (Dessau 88z8 or I.G.R.R. iii,. 763, from Phaselis) because, though he was governor of Lycia, the inscription also honours his son, who at that time apparently held no position. 3 A doubtful case is I.G.R.R. iv, z80, an altar set up at Pergamum by C. Flavonius Anicianus

'Xeaoicavo'o A0oXtaVXo 0Tl7YKX'qTLKOU. It is difficult to give any definite-date, either for this man or for the consul L. Cuspius Pactumeius Rufinus (I. G.R.R. the use of T17v warrplar in the latter's iv, 424-6); inscription need not mean that he was a native-he may have been only an honorary citizen of Pergamum. Still more doubtful is Anicius Maximus, proconsul of Bithynia (Pliny, ad Trajan. I iz), who may or

Sanctusof Antioch on behalfof himselfand TOV tLI)l

may not be the son (so Stech, Op. cit. p. 175), or grandson (so Stein, Op. cit. p. 335) of P. Anicius Maximus of Antioch (Dessau 2696), who looks like a member of a veteran family, and was ' praefectus exercitui qui est in Aegypto ' after having served in Claudius' expedition to Britain. 4 Vita Elag. vi, z.

64

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

APPENDIX.
ORIENTAL SENATORS IN MILITARY COMMANDS.

The commandof Lower Germany entrusted by Pius to C. Julius

Severus (J.G.R.R.iii,

I74-5,

P.-W. x, 8II ff.) and the probably simultaneouscommand of legio XXX Ulpia by his son C. Julius Severus(I.G.R.R.iii, I72) at Castra Vetera, are significantbecause up to this time, on the relatively rare occasions when oriental senators had held army posts, it was in command of legions which are known, or can be inferred, to have been mainly recruited in the East. The legio III which C. Julius EuryclesHerklanuscommanded(I.G. v1, 1172) must be III Gallica, then in Syria, because the other two third legions are excluded, Cyrenaicabeing at the time under the legatusof Arabia,and Augusta under an independent leg. Aug. pr. pr. in Africa, for neither of which posts was Eurycles (according to Ritterling, P.-W. xii, 1530) of sufficientstanding. This legion was certainlyof easterncomposition, as witness its behaviourin saluting the sun (Tac. Hist. iii, 24), and Legio II Traiana, commanded by ci. C.I.L. viii, 43IO and 2904. Claudianus of Xanthus (v. supra), can be inferred to have been recruited in the East. Though the inscriptionalevidence does not begin till it reached Egypt and started to fill up with local recruits, the fact that it was sent there would imply mainly oriental composition, if only because others could not stand the climate. Most strikingis the caseof IV Scythica. Direct evidencefor its recruitment is againlacking; but it never moved from Syria,and it is knownthat from time to time the Syrian legions were filled up locally-e.g. before Corbulo's campaign ' habiti per Galatiam Cappadociamque dilectus ' (Tac. Ann. xiii, 35). Ti. Julius Celsus Polemaeanus was appointed to command it by Titus, this being, as far as is known, the first time an oriental became legatus legionis (Dessau, 8971). Later C. Julius Severus commanded it (I.G.R.R. iii, 174-5), and also Q. Voconius Saxa Fidus, who may possibly be from Phaselis (see p. 63, n. 2). Moreover, out of the exceptionally large number of tribunimilitumknownto have served in IV Scythica,the following, probably all from the first half of the second century, are certainly
orientals:-

between I43 and I50, Groag, probably

(i) Ti. Claudius Julianus (grandson of Celsus, Rev. arch. I905, p. 474); (ii) C. Julius Severus the younger (I.G.R.R. iii, 172, or Dessau 8829) doubtlesswhile his father was legatus;

ORIENTAL SENATORS IN THE SERVICE OF ROME.

65

(iii) Cn. CorneliusFab. Pulcher (I.G. iv, 795, from Troezen), a native of Epidaurusor Troezen ; (iv) Julius Antoninus (I.G.R.R. iii, 500), brother-in-law of Licinnius Longus, Lyciarchin I27; (v) C. Julius C.f. Flavianus, ? of Adana (I.G.R.R.iii, 889) (vi) M. Cl. P. Vedius Antoninus Phaedrus Sabinianus of in IFphesos Ephesus(Forschungen iii, p. i66). Also very probablyan oriental: (vii) C. Julius Thraso Alexander, ? of Ephesus (F.E. iii, p. I23, or Rev. arch.1923, p. 394, no. 75: seep. 6i, n. 2). Tribunes of Eastern origin are of course found in other legions, notably in XXII Primigenia,though not in the same large number as in IJ Scythica; but in the presentstate of the evidenceno oriental is found in commandof any legion other than III Gallica,II Traiana or IF Scythica before the reign of Antoninus. Now the legatus legionis was not usually a person of military experience, and the qualitiesof a professional soldierwould not be looked for in appointing them. But, this being so, it was all the more important that in other ways they should be able to command the respect of their subordinates,both officers and men, as trouble followed when, for example,' superiorexercituslegatum HordeoniumFlaccumspernebat sine constantia, sine auctoritate' (Tac. Hist. i, 9), and in the .... Pannonian and Rhine mutinies in A.D. 14. Remembering that soldiers are notoriously conservative, we may suggest that antiGreek prejudice was felt as long and as keenly in the army as anywhere, and that, to avoid trouble, oriental senatorswere deliberately appointed to legions where this spirit would be less prevalent owing to their eastern composition. It was found equally convenient that young men from the East should serve their tribunate in such legions. If this supposition is correct, the practice of appointing orientalsto commandother legions,begun by Pius, is highly significant of prejudicein its last strongholds,and of the complete disappearance confirmsthe evidence adduced above. It may be mentioned here that a processof elimination seems to establishthat J[` Scythicawas the one legion left behind to garrison the East during the Civil War of 69-70 (so Ritterling, P.-W. xii, s.v. legioIF Scyth.). Of course,somelegion had to stay; but in making their choice Vespasianand his advisersmay have singled out this as that which to their minds from its Eastern composition had least right to a say in the decision of empire, and which they would least care to introduce into Italy, if they wanted to win its support. Had even the war gone on longer, their use there of III Gallica mnight extent the prejudice that had so much have raisedto an embarrassing damaged M. Antonius,

66

ORIENTAL

SENATORS

IN

THE

SERVICE

OF

ROME.

ADDENDUM

(vide p. 57, note

i).

The identity of Claudius Titianus of Patara with the subject of I.G.R.R. iii, 664-S, 667, is suggestedby the following considerations. Ti. ClaudiusFlavianusTitianus, Claudius Titianus. etc. (I.G.R.R. iii, 5oo).
(i)
llQ4t0Cpe6q.

(i)

Native of Patara.

(ii) Floruit - brother-in-law of Cl. Agrippinus (v. supra, senator by 145, and Arval Brother in 155,

C.J.L. vi, 2086).

(ii) Floruit: (a)his dedication (I.G.R.R. iii, 66S) is to Marcus & Verus; i.e. before I69. (b) npzapusr-'

i.e. 116vtoV xciX BeLOUvALmC,

before I65, when Bithynia was an imperial province. (iii) His daughter erected his (iii) Had two daughters, but funeral inscription I. G.R.R. no son. iii, 667. (iv) Did not reach higher office not (iv) Called auyXX-qt%xo6 than &vO6itoq K7rnpou. U7r0VTLXO(. (v) One daughter at least, KX. (v) Two daughters Claudia O)?ata fipo6x?a. She with Titiane and KX. 'Iou?,c some one else dedicated XXO. 'louMocan easy Ilpo' I.G.R.R. iii, 66S (a statue engraver's slip for OLtM'oc. of Faustina), which we can (Many worse errors occur Kk. TL-Lcv] xzcd restore [K??. in the same inscription.) Procla was ONL?Mo. Hpo6xzXo. the younger and favourite daughter; that was why her father allowed her to dedicate in I47 (I.G.R.R. iii, 664), when probably still a small girl, a proscenium he had himself begun.
Ou?iL]ov Now, I.G.R.R. iii, I3 (Cadyanda) has . . . K[oNv ] fIlacap'or., etc., ievov[.J. . . Ou'a[?Vou]I utov ()ie?XeL6[c Tt-axo[v] eWrL[t]p6nov.If the governor $evov'ye6Vov xoc'L 1[X]O\L 1-orouipou XOLtcpfXOv

to be read is L. Catilius Severus, cos. II. in izo, this man may be father to the preceding. But, if we restore D. Rupilius Severus, governor of Lycia in I5I, he may be the same. Possibly, then, he met Marcus Aurelius on his visit to the East in I55 (Bryant, Reign of Antoninus, p. 8i) and received the latus clavus (probably late in life, as he did not reach the consulship), and this explains the family setting up J.G.R.R. iii, 66S to Marcus and Verus, with Faustina, when the news of their accession arrived.