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Conceptual Debates in Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Migration

Stephen J. Larin Queens University, Canada

Introduction As Walker Connor has long maintained, a signicant obstacle to the progress of nationalism studies has been the lack of consensus on its fundamental concepts (1978; 1994). Thirty years after his well-known examination of this problem, studies of nationalism and related subjects have multiplied exponentially, and some of the early conceptual debates in the eld have seen important advances. Nevertheless, it is clear that despite the fact that many scholars now take certain shared assumptions for granted, we are a long way from unanimity. The purpose of this essay is to review some of the basic conceptual debates in nationalism studies under the broad and interrelated categories of ethnicity, nations and nationalism, and classication of nations and nationalism. The sheer volume of literature produced on these subjects, particularly since the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, poses a major challenge, but the present selective focus using key and inuential texts as examples should provide the reader with a solid foundation for further research. The essay has three sections, organized as follows. The rst, on ethnicity, provides a brief history of the term and an overview of what is usually described as the debate between primordialist and instrumentalist accounts of ethnicity, but suggests that this characterization is misleading. Section two, on nations and nationalism, begins with a similar etymology before surveying the debate between modernist, perennialist, and ethno-symbolist conceptions of the nature of and relations between those two phenomena. Finally, the third section reviews the range of ways that nations and nationalism have been classied, including the now dominant distinction between civic and ethnic types. Ethnicity The term ethnicity was not recorded in the English language until the 1950s (Glazer and Moynihan 1975). Its etymological root, the Greek noun ethnos, has no equivalent in English, and is usually substituted with the term ethnic group or sometimes, in scholarly discussions, with the French noun ethnie (Smith 1986). The earliest recorded uses of ethnos do not refer to groups of people sharing culture or descent, but instead denote large, undifferentiated groups of either animals or warriors, in instances where great size, amorphous structure, and threatening mobility are the qualities to which attention is being drawn. Aristotle, though, used it for foreign or barbarous peoples, and it is this sense of the word that predominated in ancient Greek and foreshadows its modern derivations. Like the modern English tribe, ethnos in this context connoted aspects of naturality, of non-legitimate social organization, of disorganization, and of animality that are said to characterize peoples

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other than our own. It was a moral term, similar to goyim in Hebrew or gentiles in English, that indicated exclusion, disdain, and strangeness (Tonkin et al. 1989:12). This meaning persisted through the Byzantine and medieval periods, but then underwent a notable reversal, probably in the context of the Ottoman empires system of self-governing religious communities called millets. Here, the Orthodox Christian Greeks were a minority, and it is likely that they began referring to themselves as ethnos because of the religious grouping and otherness that the term had come to suggest (p. 13). In modern Greek, ethnos denotes a united people, and is usually translated into other languages as nation, except in circumstances where the latter is used as a synonym for state ( Just 1989). In English, the term ethnic has been used since roughly the fourteenth century, initially as an occasional substitute for gentile to denote persons who were neither Jewish nor Christian. Since the mid-nineteenth century, however, it has come to mean something more general like member of a group of people with a set of shared characteristics, including at minimum a belief in common descent. It is likely that an English equivalent to ethnos never developed because in the past the term race meant roughly the same thing. The latter is now more often associated with biology, but previously could have been substituted by, for example, nation, society, culture, language, or tribe (Tonkin et al. 1989:14). One of the few early social scientists to address the concept of ethnic groups is Max Weber. Despite its brevity, his discussion of them as a type of status group has had signicant inuence on subsequent scholarship, and is worth quoting at length:
We shall call ethnic groups those human groups that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent because of similarities of physical type or of customs or both, or because of memories of colonization and migration; this belief must be important for the propagation of group formation; conversely, it does not matter whether or not an objective blood relationship exists. Ethnic membership (Gemeinsamkeit ) differs from the kinship group precisely by being a presumed identity, not a group with concrete social action, like the latter. In our sense, ethnic membership does not constitute a group; it only facilitates group formation of any kind, particularly in the political sphere. On the other hand, it is primarily the political community, no matter how articially organized, that inspires the belief in common ethnicity. This belief tends to persist even after the disintegration of the political community, unless drastic differences in custom, physical type, or, above all, language exist among its members. (1968:389)

As some of the preceding comments suggest, Weber is not completely convinced of the utility of the ethnic group as an analytically distinct concept. A thorough analysis of all of the phenomena subsumed under the idea, he says, would ultimately leave the category empty. He concludes, though, that we do not pursue sociology for its own sake (p. 395), and therefore must take the beliefs of social actors seriously, no matter what we might think of them ourselves. Notwithstanding the interest of a few scholars like Weber, ethnicity did not attract signicant academic attention until after World War II. As Nathan Glazer and Daniel Moynihan explain in their early books on the subject, it appeared to them to be both a new term and a new phenomenon (1963; 1975). Social scientists had expected that the differences and divisions between groups would dissipate in modern and modernizing societies, and that associative ties would shift to a more rational basis through socialization in common social and political systems and institutions. Instead, Glazer and Moynihan argue, ethnic groups not only survived modernization and the liberal expectancy of assimilation, they became politicized in the process (1975). Glazer and Moynihans work raised several questions that are still central to the study of ethnicity today. Their second book, for example, departed from earlier work on the subject, including their own (1963), with the idea of majority ethnicity. While

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most scholars, particularly American sociologists like Richard Schermerhorn, had previously dened an ethnic group as a collectivity within a larger society (1970:13), Glazer and Moynihan instead suggested that all groups in society characterized by a distinct sense of difference owing to culture and descent can be rightfully classied as ethnic groups (1975:4). This idea, particularly relevant to the debate over the relationship between nationhood and ethnicity, will be addressed later on. The larger debate that Glazer and Moynihan helped to frame, however, is on the nature of ethnicity itself. The dividing line here is usually said to be between primordialist and instrumentalist explanations of ethnic phenomena but, in practice, few scholars can accurately be listed as advocates of the former, and the latter is better subsumed under the broad category of constructivist explanations, which itself covers a range of sometimes very different approaches. The rest of this section addresses the orthodox distinction by rst explaining primordialism and instrumentalism, but then suggesting that the real debate is not between these two camps, and is instead among constructivists over whether the participant or the observer perspective is more appropriate for studying ethnicity. Primordialism Primordialism holds that ethnicity is a constitutive and permanent feature of human nature. While this view is often consistent with popular perception and portrayals in the media, sociobiologist Pierre van den Berghe is almost alone among specialists in supporting it. The association of other authors such as Edward Shils and Clifford Geertz with this position is a common misinterpretation explained below. According to van den Berghe, both ethnicity and race are extensions of the idiom of kinship, and [. . .] therefore, ethnic and race sentiments are to be understood as an extended and attenuated form of kin selection (1978:403). This is the main genetic mechanism for animal sociality (p. 402), he says, because it maximizes inclusive tness (the ability of an individual organism to pass on its genes to the next generation). Reciprocity and coercion, the two other bases of human association, are also important, especially in modern societies, but racial and ethnic groups are ascriptive, dened by common descent, generally hereditary, and often endogamous (pp. 403 4). For nearly all of human history, van den Berghe contends, ethnic groups functioned as super-families that were more closely related to each other than to even their closest neighbors, and they explicitly recognized that fact as the basis for clear territorial and social boundaries with other ethnic groups. Migration, conquest, and interbreeding did take place, he concedes, but the fact that the extended kinship of the ethnic group was sometimes putative rather than real was not the important point (p. 404). Indeed, cultural criteria were until recently the most reliable test of kin relatedness. The problem, van den Berghe explains, was for small groups to distinguish themselves from their immediate neighbors, not with unknown populations thousands of kilometers away. Even the most trivial differences of accent, dialect, vocabulary, body adornment, and so on, could be used far more reliably to assess biological relatedness or unrelatedness than any physical phenotype (p. 407). This does not mean that the belief in common ancestry is just a cultural myth, however, because a myth, to be effective, has to be believed, and a myth of ethnicity will only be believed if members of an ethnic group are sufciently alike in physical appearance and culture, and have lived together and intermarried for a sufcient period [. . .] for the myth to have developed a substantial measure of biological truth (1995:360).

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Most scholars reject the essentialist character of primordialism, and instead conduct their research under the assumption that social phenomena like ethnicity are the product of human interaction, or socially constructed. Against the primordialist claim that ethnicity is an inherent feature of human nature, constructivists argue that there is nothing necessary about ethnicity, and that it should be understood as the contingent result of specic historical circumstances. Instrumentalism (sometimes called circumstantialism or situationalism) is the most familiar constructivist approach, and is the direct opposite of primordialist accounts. Instrumentalists argue that ethnicity is a social construct with the purpose of achieving political or material gain. Ethnic groups, on this explanation, are best understood as interest groups for which ethnicity serves as an effective strategy (Hempel 2004). Paul Brasss elite manipulation argument is a classic example of this perspective. An ethnic group, he says, is any group of people that is distinguishable from other groups by objective cultural markers such as language, custom, or religion. Ethnicity or ethnic identity is consciousness of membership in such a group, and the use of its cultural characteristics to create an internally cohesive, subjectively self-conscious community. The transition from ethnic group to community, Brass argues, is one that only some groups make, but for those that do the impetus for change is always elite interest. Ethnic selfconsciousness, ethnically-based demands, and ethnic conict, he says, can only occur if there is some conict either between indigenous and external elites and authorities or between indigenous elites (1991:26). Ethnic communities are created through the selection of some cultural symbols from a variety of available alternatives in a manner that benets particular social groups, leaders, or elites, who use ethnicity as a basis to make demands in the political arena for alteration in their status, in their economic well-being, in their civil rights, or in their educational opportunities (p. 19), just as any other interest group does. Accounts of this debate often end here, on the assumption that primordialism and instrumentalism are the poles of a continuum, and that any alternative perspective will be some combination of the two. As already suggested, however, this characterization is misleading, since primordialism is usually a red herring in a debate that has for the most part been carried out between constructivists of different persuasions. Clifford Geertz, for example, is often described as a primordialist because of an essay he wrote on nation building in newly independent states, in which he identies the persistence of primordial attachments as a signicant obstacle to the establishment of a state-wide national identity superseding all others. By primordial attachment, he says,
is meant one that stems from the givens or, more precisely, as culture is inevitably involved in such matters, the assumed givens of social existence: immediate contiguity and kin connection mainly, but beyond them to the givenness that stems from being born into a particular religious community, speaking a particular language, or even a dialect of a language, and following particular social practices. These congruities of blood, speech, custom, and so on, are seen to have an ineffable, and at times overpowering, coerciveness in and of themselves. One is bound to ones kinsman, ones neighbor, ones fellow believer, ipso facto; as the result not merely of personal affection, practical necessity, common interest, or incurred obligation, but at least in great part by virtue of some unaccountable absolute import attributed to the very tie itself. (1973:259 60)

Many people cite this passage in particular as clear evidence that Geertz understands ethnicity as an intrinsic part of human nature, and some even portray him as the

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quintessential primordialist (Eller and Coughlan 1993). In fact, this is a misinterpretation based on a supercial reading of the text (Grosby 1994; Fenton 2003; Brubaker 2004). The term primordial is borrowed from Edward Shils, who rst used it to denote the affective ties that bind some primary groups (particularly family) together. Discussing these groups in the context of social integration, Shils writes that such attachments are not merely to the other family member as a person, but as a possessor of certain especially signicant relational qualities, which could only be described as primordial. The attachment to another member of ones kinship group is not just a function of interaction [. . .] It is because a certain ineffable signicance is attributed to the tie of blood (1957:142). Even in circumstances where there is little affection, he says, such attachments persist based on the perception of membership in the kinship group. Geertz elaborates on this idea, broadening it and putting emphasis on its perceptive character with modiers like assumed and seen to have, as in the above passage. This is because primordiality is a participant, not an observer concept. As he acknowledges in a later lecture, this has often been misunderstood:
Designed to expose the artifactual, or as we would say now constructed (and, indeed, often quite recently constructed), nature of social identities, and to desegregate them into the disparate components out of which they are built, it was often seen to be doing just the opposite ratifying them, archaizing them, and removing them to the realm of the darkly irrational. In any case, by primordial loyalties is meant (by me, anyway) an attachment that stems from the subjects, not the observers, sense of the givens of social existence [. . .] from the actors perspective, of blood, speech, custom, faith, residence, history, physical appearance, and so on. (1994:6)

This bears obvious similarities to Webers analysis, and is what most social scientists who talk about the primordiality of ethnicity are getting at employing, as Connor puts it, the wisdom of the old saw that when analyzing sociopolitical situations, what ultimately matters is not what is but what people believe is (1994: 93). The relevant disagreement is not between primordialists and instrumentalists, but among constructivists over whether our focus should be the processes through which ethnic identities are constructed, or the self-understandings that those processes create. This division is closely related to the traditional methodological distinction between explanation and understanding (Hollis 1994), and clearly has important consequences. Geertzs analysis, for example, is based on his theory of culture, which he denes as a historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and attitudes toward life (1973:89). This denition includes both cultural markers such as style of dress, cuisine, and language, as well as the systemic relation that underlies the shared meanings attributed to these symbols. Any satisfactory discussion of ethnicity, he contends, must begin with a deep understanding of the relevant culture from the participants perspective. Fredrik Barth, on the other hand, is well known for his incisive and inuential critique of accounts of ethnicity that focus on shared cultural values. Barth argues that a common culture should be seen as an implication or result of ethnic group organization and not its constitutive basis. If objectively identiable cultural traits are used to distinguish one ethnic group from another, we lose the ability to explain the persistence of groups whose attributes change over time. We can assume no one-toone relationship between ethnic units and cultural similarities and differences, he explains. The features that are taken into account are not the sum of objective

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differences but only those which the actors themselves regard as signicant some cultural features are used by actors as signals and emblems of difference, others are ignored. Our focus, he says, should instead be the boundary that denes a group, and not the cultural stuff which it encloses. Such boundaries are created and maintained by the subjective identication of group members, based on the presumption that they are all playing the same game, and it is the act of playing the game, not how it is played, that matters (1969:14). Perhaps even more provocative is Rogers Brubakers recent call for ethnicity without groups. One of the central problems with the study of ethnicity and related subjects, he says, is the commonsense groupism that often characterizes it. Groupism, Brubaker explains, is the tendency to take discrete, bounded groups as basic constituents of social life, chief protagonists of social conicts, and fundamental units of social analysis. While this accurately reects the psychological essentialism of social participants, he argues, it should not be the foundation of our analysis as social scientists. Ethnic common sense [. . .] is a key part of what we want to explain, not what we want to explain things with; it belongs to our empirical data, not our analytical toolkit (2004: 9). A better approach, Brubaker says, is to understand ethnicity as a category of cognition. Ethnicity, race, and nationhood (which, he says, there are strong reasons for treating together) are not things in the world, but perspectives on the world (p. 17) that help us to organize it in ways that we nd more manageable. Treating ethnicity as a cognitive process addresses not only its socially constructed nature but also how it is constructed, by focusing on the assumptions that structure the way people parse, frame, and interpret their experiences. Our minds use categories and schemas to make sense of the world, he explains and, by its very nature, categorization creates groups and assigns members to them; but the groups thus created do not exist independently of the myriad acts of categorization, public and private, through which they are sustained from day to day (p. 79). Instead of asking what ethnicity is, we need to ask how, when, and why people interpret social experience in ethnic terms. These three examples demonstrate the range of constructivist conceptualizations of ethnicity and the limits of casting the debate in primordial and instrumental terms. The key point of contention among most scholars is not whether ethnicity is natural or constructed, but whether it should be studied from the participant or the observer perspective. These approaches are not necessarily antagonistic, but often reect different methodological assumptions that can be difcult to reconcile. Nations and Nationalism Like ethnicity, the term nation has its root in antiquity; in this case, the Latin word natio. Derived from the past participle of the verb nasci, meaning to be born (Connor 1994:94), the Romans understood a natio to be a group of men who belonged together in some way because of similarity of birth, such as the same city or tract of land. These groups were larger than a family but smaller than a clan or people, and always foreign there was a populus Romanus, but never a natio Romanorum (Zernatto 1944:352). This meaning persisted into the Middle Ages when it was applied to communities of university students who came from geographically or linguistically related regions. The University of Paris, for instance, had four nations: lhonorable nation de France, la dle nation de Picardie, la vnrable nation de Normandie and la constante nation de Germanien (p. 355). These ofcial titles did not, however, indicate that each respective nation was made up of Frenchmen, Picards, Normans, and Germans. The nation

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of France, for example, included all students who spoke Italian, Spanish or another Romance language in addition to those who spoke French. In this context, nations were like student unions communities of shared purpose and often opinion whose members only referred to and thought of themselves as such when they were away from home. The sense of a nation as a community of opinion was expanded from the late thirteenth century onward to denote groups of representatives to the Church Councils, starting with the Second Council of Lyon in 1274. With members who represented various intraecclesiastical positions and different rulers, the word nation came to indicate a group of political, cultural, and social elites sharing a common territorial origin. It was not long before this meaning, which endured into the eighteenth century, was extended to all communities of aristocrats. It is difcult to pinpoint exactly when and where the nation rst became identied with the people regardless of class as it is today, but the process is closely tied to the rise of popular sovereignty and representative democracy that came to a head in the mid-to-late eighteenth century. One of the best-known statements of this dramatic shift is Emmanuel Joseph Sieys inuential pamphlet What is the Third Estate?, published just months before the French Revolution began in 1789, in which he insists that the nation properly includes all citizens living under a common law and represented by the same legislature, and may even exclude the nobility because of their exploitative privilege and lack of purpose in modern society (2003). The history of a word, however, is not necessarily the same as that of the concept it has come to represent, and one of the most contentious questions in the study of nations has been whether they are longstanding features of human association or unique to the modern world. Early commentators assumed the former, suggesting that even if nations were not recognized as the legitimate basis of political authority until the Age of Nationalism that began with the revolutions of the eighteenth century, they have always been a natural and persistent feature of human identity. This perspective, which often but not always had a primordialist character, remained relatively unchallenged until the early twentieth century, when nations and nationalism rst became the subject of sustained academic inquiry. Since that time, three competing positions, rst categorized by Anthony Smith, have emerged: modernism, the presently dominant perspective which holds that both nations and nationalism are modern phenomena; perennialism, which maintains that nationalist ideology is modern, but nations date back to at least the Middle Ages and in some cases all of recorded history; and ethno-symbolism, a combination of the previous two. The dividing line between these different datings is the answer to the logically prior question of the nature of nations and nationalism. Nearly all contemporary scholars agree that nationalism as an ideology is a modern phenomenon associated with the extension of the principle of popular sovereignty to include national selfdetermination, but there is signicant disagreement over whether nationalism is more than just an ideology, and whether it expresses the sentiments of preexisting nations or creates them where they did not previously exist. It is important to avoid confusing nations with states when addressing these issues. While the doctrine of popular sovereignty identies the people as the font of all political power, the state is the set of institutions through which that power is exercised (Connor 1994:95). A wide variety of different independent political units (such as city-states and empires) have existed throughout history, but the sets of institutions that we now refer to as states are the product of a relatively recent centralization of power that rst took place in Western Europe: the Europe of 1500 included some ve hundred more or less independent political units, the Europe of 1900 about twenty-ve (Tilly 1975:15). The key characteristic of the modern state,

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famously established with the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, is its sovereignty, most often dened as a monopoly on rule making and the legitimate use of force within a bounded territory. The term nation-state signies a state whose boundaries coincide with those of a particular nation, and is seen as the expression of that nations political selfdetermination. The assumption that most states are nation-states is the reason that state and nation are commonly used as synonyms but, in reality, the vast majority of contemporary states are multi-national, and less than ten per cent can be described as nation-states in the sense that the boundaries of the nation and the state are congruent (Connor 1994:29). The persistence of this assumption, despite the clearly multinational (sometimes called plurinational to emphasize the possibility of overlapping identities) character of modern states, is the result of the complex relationship between the development of states, nations, and nationalism discussed below. Modernism Modernism holds that both nations and nationalism are unique to the modern world. It can be divided into two broad approaches: those that focus on nationalism as an ideology, and those that focus on it as a new cultural system. The classic statement of the former position is Elie Kedouries book Nationalism, rst published in 1960, in which he argues that nationalism is a doctrine invented in Europe at the beginning of the nineteenth century that pretends to supply a criterion for the determination of the unit of population proper to enjoy a government exclusively its own, for the legitimate exercise of power in the state, and for the right organization of a society of states (1993:1). Kedourie traces this doctrine to Immanuel Kants principle of self-determination but does not implicate Kant himself as a nationalist, instead placing most of the blame on two of Kants disciples, Johann Gottlieb Fichte and Johann Gottfried Herder. The revolutionary characteristic of Kants moral philosophy, Kedourie explains, is the separation of morality from phenomenal knowledge, making the former the outcome of obedience to a universal law which is to be found within ourselves, not in the world of appearances (p. 14). An important implication of this is that freedom is not, as was traditionally the case, dened against coercive impediments, but is instead obtained whenever a person acts in accordance with what Kant calls the categorical imperative (the duty to act in such a way that you can at the same time rationally will everyone else to do the same). The pursuit of autonomous, self-determined action is the most important criterion for moral and political legitimacy. This philosophy is premised on a distinction between appearances and thingsin-themselves that Fichte nds unsatisfactory. Kants view that we can never really know things-in-themselves due to the limitations of human reason is contradictory, Fichte argues, because to assert their existence is, by denition, to know them. Instead, the world as we know it, including things-in-themselves, should be understood as a product of our consciousness, which is itself dependent on a universal consciousness or world-order which embraces everything within itself, and of which everything that happens is a manifestation (p. 28). The crucial political consequence of this reformulation, Kedourie says, is that the whole is prior to, more important, and greater than all its parts (p. 29). When Kants doctrine of moral self-determination is interpolated into this ontology,
the freedom of the individual, which is his self-realization, lies in identifying himself with the whole, belonging to which endows him with reality. Complete freedom means total absorption in the whole, and the story of human freedom consists in the progressive

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struggle to reach this end. From this metaphysics the post-Kantians deduced a theory of the state. The end of man is freedom, freedom is self-realization, and self-realization is complete absorption in the universal consciousness. The state therefore is not a collection of individuals who have come together in order to protect their own particular interests; the state is higher than the individual and comes before him. It is only when he and the state are one that the individual realizes his freedom. (p. 30)

This, combined with a philosophy of history that praises struggle and war between states as the means through which cultures progress, rmly establishes Fichte as a father of nationalism. Herder, though, is no less culpable. His most signicant contribution to the development of nationalism, Kedourie says, is the view that diversity is a fundamental characteristic of the universe. In the system of Natural Law, nature meant regularity and uniformity, but for Herder these imply imitation, imitation implies artice, and artice is, on the diversitarian view, unspontaneous, hence unnatural (p. 50). Diversity is Gods will, and it is our duty to cultivate our own particularity and not mix or merge it with others. This view, applied to politics, Kedourie contends,
drastically alters the idea of nation. A nation, to the French revolutionaries, meant a number of individuals who have signied their will as to the manner of their government. A nation, on this vastly different theory, becomes a natural division of the human race, endowed by God with its own character, which its citizens must, as a duty, preserve pure and inviolable. Since God has separated the nations, they should not be amalgamated. (p. 51)

Both Fichte and Herder argue that language is a reection of this natural diversity and is the best way to distinguish one nation from another. Any group that speaks the same language is a nation and should have its own state; arrangements that do not respect this principle are unnatural and unjust. The staunchest critic of Kedouries account of nationalism is Ernest Gellner, who nds it deeply unsatisfactory. Though Gellner opens his famous book Nations and Nationalism with the declaration that nationalism is primarily a political principle, which holds that the political and the national unit should be congruent (1983:1), he rejects the idea that the development of any particular nationalist ideology is an important constitutive component of nationalism itself. The precise doctrines of nationalist ideologues like Fichte and Herder, he argues,
are hardly worth analysing. We seem to be in the presence of a phenomenon which springs directly and inevitably from basic changes in our shared social condition, from changes in the overall relation between society, culture and polity. The precise appearance and local form of this phenomenon no doubt depends a very great deal on local circumstances which deserve study; but I doubt whether the nuances of nationalist doctrine played much part in modifying those circumstances. (p. 124)

Gellners alternative explanation describes nationalism as both an effect of and a functional prerequisite for industrial society, taking the emphasis off the inuence of ideas and focusing instead on the social relations that generate, transmit and support them. It is not the case that nationalism imposes homogeneity; it is rather that a homogeneity imposed by objective, inescapable imperative eventually appears on the surface in the form of nationalism (p. 39). Agrarian society, Gellner explains, is both stratied and segmented. A small minority of ruling classes (clerical, military, administrative, and sometimes commercial) enforce a rigid cultural separation from the majority of the population who are agricultural producers (peasants, themselves divided into laterally insulated communities).

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Literacy is generally limited to clerics, and the organization of political units varies considerably, ranging from city-states to empires. The central fact about such a society is that almost everything in it militates against the denition of political units in terms of cultural boundaries (p. 11). Industrial society is radically different. Unlike a traditional social order, where knowledge and culture are passed on through self-perpetuating local relationships, the high productivity and perpetual growth associated with industrialism require a more complex division of labor on a much larger scale. The most efcient means of achieving this is a centralized education system that provides a standard skill set to a consequently literate and mobile workforce that can effectively interact with and understand people whom they do not know. This process, which Gellner calls exosocialization (on the analogy of exogamy), is only possible with the resources and capacity of the modern state, and is characterized by the universalization of the high culture (literate idioms and styles of communication) previously associated with the clerical class. In modern society, everyone is a cleric, and culture is no longer merely the adornment, conrmation and legitimation of a social order which was also sustained by harsher and coercive constraints; culture is now the necessary shared medium, the life-blood or perhaps rather the minimum shared atmosphere, within which alone the members of the society can breathe and survive and produce (p. 38). Nationalism, accordingly, should be understood as rst and foremost the process through which nationhood is made. It is
the general imposition of a high culture on society, where previously low cultures had taken up the lives of the majority, and in some cases of the totality, of the population. It means that generalized diffusion of a school-mediated, academy-supervised idiom, codied for the requirements of reasonably precise bureaucratic and technological communication. It is the establishment of an anonymous, impersonal society, with mutually substitutable atomized individuals, held together above all by a shared culture of this kind, in place of a previous complex structure of local groups, sustained by folk cultures reproduced locally and idiosyncratically by the micro-groups themselves. (p. 57)

Nationalism is not explicable as either the awakening of long dormant nations-inwaiting or the result of a world-historical intellectual error, Gellner insists. It is, on the contrary, the crystallization of new units, suitable for the conditions now prevailing, though admittedly using as their raw material the cultural, historical and other inheritances from the pre-nationalist world (p. 49). Benedict Andersons approach to nationalism bears many similarities to Gellners, especially in its focus on nationalism as a cultural system rather than an ideology. Part of the difculty in analyzing nationalism, Anderson says, is that one tends unconsciously to hypostasize the existence of Nationalism with-a-big-N (rather as one might Age-with-a-capital-A) and then to classify it as an ideology [. . .] It would, I think, make things easier if one treated it as if it belonged with kinship and religion, rather than with liberalism or fascism (1991:5). Andersons denition of the nation as an imagined community is probably more frequently cited than any other. The nation, he says, is imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign:
It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion [. . .] The nation is imagined as limited because even the largest of them, encompassing perhaps a billion living human beings, has nite, if elastic, boundaries, beyond which lie other nations [. . .] It is imagined as sovereign because the concept was born in an age in which Enlightenment and Revolution were destroying the legitimacy of the divinely-ordained, hierarchical dynastic realm [. . .] Finally, it is

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imagined as a community, because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship. (pp. 6 7)

Unlike authors such as Gellner or Eric Hobsbawm (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983), however, Anderson does not think of nations as invented imagined is not the same thing as imaginary, so to speak. In fact, he explains, all communities larger than primordial villages of face-to-face contact (and perhaps even those) are imagined. Communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined (1991:6). In the case of nations, the imagined community is dependent on systems of mass, standardized communication, which Anderson thinks is best exemplied by the development of print capitalism in vernacular languages. Perennialism Perennialism and ethno-symbolism are terms rst adopted by Anthony Smith that are now commonly used to describe theories of nationalism that challenge the modernist orthodoxy by insisting on the premodern origins of nations without endorsing primordialism. The perennialist, Smith explains, readily accepts the modernity of nationalism as a political movement and ideology, but regards nations either as updated versions of immemorial ethnic communities, or as collective cultural identities that have existed, alongside ethnic communities, in all epochs of human history. Both variants of perennialism, which Smith calls continuous and recurrent respectively, refuse to see either nations or ethnic groups as givens in nature; they are strictly historical and social, rather than natural, phenomena (1998:159). Joshua Fishmans work is a clear example of the more common continuous perennialism (though not all continuous perennialists date nations as early as he does; many start with the Middle Ages instead). Fishman says that ethnicity and what we call nationality both refer to the same socio-cultural behavior and values derived from membership in communities of putatively common ancestry (1980:71), and that membership in such communities has been recognized by scholars throughout recorded history as part of the human condition. Industrialization and other processes associated with modernization changed how ethnicity was viewed and mobilized, he argues, but did not change its fundamental character as an experience of deeply rooted, intimate and eternal belonging (p. 94), or the desire of groups to maintain their authentic spirit, usually through the preservation of their own unique language, across time and in sometimes very different incarnations. An example of recurrent perennialism, on the other hand, is John Armstrongs work, particularly his book Nations before Nationalism (1982). Like Fishman, Armstrong equates ethnicity and nationality, but for him these communities are not necessarily continuous across time (even if some are). Instead, nations are a recurrent form of community, with particular nations emerging and disappearing in every historical period. There may even be an underlying cycle linking each manifestation, Armstrong suggests, but pending more historical investigation, one cannot predict that sufcient regularities were present to be condent in using the adjective cyclical (2004:13). Ethno-symbolism Some approaches, though, do not t well in either the modernist or the perennialist camp, and Anthony Smiths own position, which he calls ethno-symbolism, is the most prominent example. Nations only emerged in the modern period, but we

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cannot derive the identity, the location, or even the character of the units that we term nations from the processes of modernization tout court, Smith argues. We must go further back and look at the premodern social and cultural antecedents and contexts of these emergent nations to explain why these and not other communities and territories became nations and why they emerged when they did (2000:69 70). All nations, he says, are founded on ethnic cores which provide symbolic resources such as myths, memories, values, and traditions that serve as the basis for their claims to land and statehood. Ethnic communities or ethnies, which Smith denes as named human populations with shared ancestry myths, histories and cultures, having an association with a specic territory and a sense of solidarity (1986:32), played a much larger role in the ancient and medieval worlds than modernists are willing to admit, he argues. There were ethnic minorities, diaspora communities, frontier ethnies, ethnic amphictyonies, and states and empires dominated by particular ethnicities (1998:191 2). The crystallization of such groups as self-aware communities, as opposed to other-dened categories, he says, was the product of external factors such as folk cultures resulting from shared work and residence patterns; group mobilisation in periodic inter-state warfare producing memories and myths of defeat and victory; and especially the impact of organised religions with scriptures, sacred languages, and communal priesthoods (p. 192). Smith identies two types of ethnie, which he calls lateral and vertical, based on variations in these factors. Lateral ethnies are aristocratic, but often also include clerics, scribes, and wealthier urban merchants, and develop through the interactions associated with this shared social status. Vertical ethnies, which cut across class lines, are demotic and forged through the experience of common defense in warfare. While the boundaries of lateral ethnies are often ragged and indeterminate, owing to their territorial dispersal and status-derived cultural inclusivity, vertical ethnies are sharply bounded and characterized by an emphasis on religious purity and cultural assimilation. The exact origins of the transition from ethnie to nationhood are unclear, Smith says, but Western European revolutions in the division of labor, control of administration, and cultural coordination revolving around the creation of centralized and culturally homogenous states are what made it desirable. Like ethnies, nations are named populations sharing an historic territory, common myths, and historical memories, but in addition to these features, they also share a mass, public culture, a common economy, and common legal rights and duties for all members. However, because the effects of the three revolutions were uneven, and because the two types of ethnie provided different bases for nation-formation, two distinct types of nation emerged, which are discussed in the next section. Classication of Nations and Nationalism Classications of nations and nationalism have been proposed in various forms for more than a century. They are usually called typologies, but this description can be misleading. As Kenneth Bailey explains, classication involves the ordering of cases in terms of their similarity and can be broken down into two essential approaches: typology and taxonomy. The former is primarily conceptual, the latter empirical (1994:v). Most contemporary classications of nations and nationalism are in the rst instance typological because they feature rationalized abstractions that accentuate the essential characteristics of their subjects without directly corresponding to particular cases (Max Webers ideal type method). The most prominent of these identify two dichotomous types, such as the distinction between civic and ethnic nationalism.

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Other classications, however, are better described as taxonomies because they identify each category according to empirical similarity, as with the catalogues of different nationalist ideologies that some authors have proposed. These approaches are also sometimes mixed when, for example, a conceptual typology is used to make a taxonomy easier to understand. Another important consideration is what unit of analysis is being classied. Early distinctions tended to focus on nationalist ideology, and this is still the dominant approach, but other referents include nationalist movements and nations themselves. For many authors, though, the term nationalism encompasses all of these different phenomena so, except where otherwise noted, that is the case here as well. Patriotism Before continuing, it is worth addressing what Walker Connor describes as the most fundamental error involved in scholarly approaches to nationalism, the tendency to equate nationalism with a feeling of loyalty to the state rather than with loyalty to the nation (1994:91). The former, he argues, is properly called patriotism, and to describe it as a variety of nationalism is a conceptual mistake based on the erroneous conation of state and nation. Many scholars, however, remain unpersuaded. In his book Banal Nationalism, for example, Michael Billig contends that the distinction between patriotism and nationalism is only rhetorical: Our nationalism is not presented as nationalism, which is dangerously irrational, surplus and alien. A new identity, a different label, is found for it. Our nationalism appears as patriotism a benecial, necessary [. . .] force (1995:55). While it is true that some nationalists call themselves patriots in opposition to others whom they wish to denigrate, and some recent normative distinctions between patriotism and nationalism are overdrawn (Habermas 1995; Viroli 1995; Mller 2007), Billigs take is still too narrow. Patriotism signicantly predates nationalism (for its history, see Viroli 1995; Dietz 2002), and even most critics would agree that there are important conceptual differences between the two. The real trouble is that it is often difcult to distinguish patriotism from nationalism empirically because for many nationalists the state is an expression of their nationhood. In plurinational states, however, things are not so straightforward, and it is in these circumstances that the concept of patriotism is most likely to have analytic value. Many sub-state nationalist movements seek independent nation-states of their own, but not all of them do, and those that do not, usually want some kind of institutional accommodation (federalism, consociationalism, or another form of power sharing) instead. In cases like these, the denial of a distinction between patriotism and nationalism can have the unintended consequence of rendering loyal citizens of a state whose only national identication is with a sub-state nation unpatriotic by denition (for an example of this kind of separation of citizenship from nationality, see Gagnon and Iacovino 2007). By assuming a priori that all citizens of a state belong to the same nation, such methodological nationalism (Chernilo 2007) rules the concept of patriotism out in the situation where it may be most useful. Multiple Classes of Nationalism Many early classications of nationalism identied three or more classes (this is less common now, but see Hall 1993 for a recent exception). The earliest of these appears in an article by Max Handman (1921) that lists four categories of nationalist sentiment, and the most extensive can be found in Anthony Smiths rst book, Theories of Nationalism (1983), which identies no fewer than 18 distinct types and sub-types

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(including the two he later focused on, discussed below). The best example of such classications, though, is the one proposed by Carleton Hayes. In The Historical Evolution of Modern Nationalism, rst published in 1931, Hayes explains that while he believes that the treatment of nationalism as a social process or popular movement is legitimate, his intention is to explore it as a body of doctrines, as a political philosophy, and to discuss the successive schools of nationalist thought which have had important popular followings (1968:vi). He identies ve different varieties in the order of their development: humanitarian; Jacobin; traditional; liberal; and integral (for a relatively recent adaptation of Hayes categorization, see Alter 1994). Eighteenth-century humanitarian nationalism, the earliest, was the only kind for some time, and is characterized by the Enlightenment ideals of natural law, reason, and progress. In an earlier article he describes this as original nationalism and the other four as derived, providing a typological framework for the taxonomy (1928). Of the four derivatives, liberal nationalism comes closest to the original, but it has been overcome by integral nationalism, which casts the nation as not a means to humanity, not a stepping-stone to a new world order, but an end in itself (p. 166), and Hayes feared that this may be the inevitable endpoint of nationalisms evolution. Two Types of Nationalism The most inuential classications of nationalism, though, have been those that distinguish between just two types, which began to appear in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. In his Bibliographical Introduction to Nationalism (1935), Koppel Pinson lists eight different authors, all writing between 1900 and 1935, who organize their analyses this way. Of the eight, ve are German, and most of them describe the distinction as one between Staatsnation and Kulturnation. The most prominent author to take this approach was Frederick Meinecke, whose Cosmopolitanism and the National State was originally published in 1907. According to Meinecke, the two necessary conditions for all nations are a natural core based on blood relation and a rm territorial base, which he contends are together the only suitable foundation for a unique and self-conscious intellectual community. The distinctiveness of each nation prevents any generalizable explanation of the development of particular communities beyond this, but two broad types can be identied: the Staatsnation (state nation, or political nation as it is commonly and more ambiguously translated), based on the unifying force of a common political history and constitution, and the Kulturnation (cultural nation), based on some jointly experienced cultural heritage (1970:10), such as language, literature, and religion. The latter usually precedes the former and, until the French Revolution, most nations existed solely as cultural entities, but the rise of individualism and democratization lead to the development of political nations that either coincided with or came out of preexisting cultural nations. Some, like the French and the English, had existed as both cultural and political nations during the ancien rgime, but their political nationality had been imposed from above, ultimately leaving them imperfect. Mature nations, he maintains, are those where both cultural and political nationality coincide, based on the desire for self-determination. This approach served as an important inspiration for Hans Kohn, whose own distinction between Western and Eastern nationalisms (or, more accurately, the West and the rest (Brubaker 2004:224)) has been much more widely inuential. In his well-known book The Idea of Nationalism, rst published in 1944, Kohn argues that national characters are not determined prehistorically or biologically, nor are they xed for all time; they are the product of social and intellectual development, of countless gradations of behavior and reaction. In the Western world (dened as

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England, France, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the United States and the British dominions) nationalism was predominantly a political occurrence; it was preceded by the formation of the future national state, or, as in the case of the United States, coincided with it (Kohn 2005:329). Finding its chief support in the political and economic strength of the middle classes, Western nationalism is basically a rational and universal concept of political liberty and the rights of man, looking towards the city of the future (p. 574). Deeply inuenced by both the Renaissance and the Reformation, Western nations are held together by the rational concepts of contract and citizenship. Outside of the Western world, nationalism was basically founded on history, on monuments and graveyards, even harking back to the mysteries of ancient times and of tribal society. It stressed the past, the diversity and self-sufciency of nations (p. 574). It found support, Kohn says, among the aristocracy and the masses. Nationalism outside of Western Europe, beginning as the dream and hope of scholars and poets, was a reaction to the older nationalism of the West. Nationalists in Central and Eastern Europe, he writes, created often, out of the myths of the past and the dreams of the future, an ideal fatherland, closely linked with the past, devoid of any immediate connection with the present, and expected to become sometime a political reality (p. 330). These differences between Western and non-Western nationalisms are due to disparities in social, political, and economic development. So strong is the inuence of ideas, Kohn contends, that
while the new nationalism in Western Europe corresponded to changing social, economic, and political realities, it spread to Central and Eastern Europe long before a corresponding social and economic transformation. The cultural contact among the educated classes of the continent changed their moral and intellectual attitude while the economic order and the ways of life of the vast majority of the peoples remained untouched. (p. 457)

Nationalism outside of Western Europe thus began prematurely, a product of cosmopolitan elites imposing Western norms on an economically and culturally underdeveloped system. These conditions led to different interpretations of nationhood, which produced diverging types of nationalism: one based upon liberal middle-class concepts and pointing to a consummation in democratic world society, the other based upon irrational and pre-enlightened concepts and tending towards exclusiveness which were to supply the ideological background of the great conicts of the contemporary world (p. 457). Kohns argument remains inuential today, and is the foundation of the distinction between civic and ethnic types of nations and nationalism which now dominates the eld (its inuence on Anthony Smith and Liah Greenfeld is particularly obvious). Smith, the person most responsible for the development of this typology, follows Kohn closely when explaining the initial development of nationalism as an ideology, but diverges from his account in other important ways. The most notable are his insistence on the importance of dominant ethnicity across types, and his assertion that these are ideal types that do not directly correspond with existing cases but instead describe tendencies in the formation and justication of nations and nationalist movements. There are no purely civic or ethnic nations, he maintains, and all nations feature both civic and ethnic characteristics regardless of which is emphasized in a particular circumstance. Like Kohn, Smith says that the rst nations were Western and civic. England, France, Spain, and Holland began as ethnic states, he argues, and were gradually transformed into genuinely national states through the unication of the economy, territorial centralization, the provision of equal legal rights for more and more strata, and the

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growth of public, mass education systems (1986:138). In most cases, this entailed a lateral ethnie becoming dominant in the social institutions and political life of the whole population, and the forcible incorporation of other ethnic minorities against their will. Through their cultural inuence and politicaleconomic domination, Smith says,
the English, French and Castilian ethnie stamped their outlooks and lifestyles, myths and symbols, on the state and traditions of the whole population, but without destroying the traditions and myths of incorporated ethnic minorities [. . .] Yet the dominant culture of the expanded state remained that of the original core ethnie, even if outlying areas were allowed to retain their local character, and subordinate ethnie their cultures, until the advent of the age of nationalism. In the process, a new concept of community arose: that of a population bound by ties of politically delimited territory, of allegiance to identical sovereigns and of membership in a common political culture. (p. 139)

Civic nations also developed in non-Western contexts, but not until the twentieth century, and usually in postcolonial states. Some followed the original dominant ethnie model of Western civic nations, while others, where there was no dominant group, developed a second, political culture model, in which a supra-ethnic political culture, not associated with a particular ethnie, was created (1991:110 12). Ethnic nations rst emerged in the early nineteenth century. The revolutions that changed the West, Smith says, were experienced unevenly in Eastern Europe, which consisted mostly of polyethnic empires made up of a host of separate ethnic communities and cultures subordinated to a core ethnie exercising political domination [. . .] and placing dynastic allegiance before other loyalties (1986:141). The incongruity between politics and culture made the territorial delimitation of the nation and its integration problematic, forcing nation builders, who were usually members of a vertical ethnie, to rely on folk symbols and populist mythologies. This pattern is also consistent with the two subsequent waves of ethnic nationalism that have occurred: the rst in the overseas territories of European colonial empires in the early to mid-twentieth century, and the second beginning in the 1960s with the sub-state nationalist movements of Western Europe and other parts of the developed world, and peaking in the 1990s after the fall of the Soviet Union and the surge of nationalism in its former territories. If Smith has done the most to develop the distinction between civic and ethnic nationalisms, Michael Ignatieff, himself a declared civic nationalist, is most responsible for popularizing it (though other authors such as Liah Greenfeld (1992) and Michael Keating (2001) have also been inuential). At the height of public interest in nationalism in the early 1990s, Ignatieffs Blood and Belonging became an international bestseller, and his simplied version of the distinction became a focal point for both academic and public debates. According to Ignatieff, civic nationalism maintains that the nation should be composed of all those regardless of race, color, creed, gender, language, or ethnicity who subscribe to the nations political creed. This nationalism is called civic because it envisages the nation as a community of equal, rights-bearing citizens, united in patriotic attachment to a shared set of political practices and values (1994:6). Civic nationalism is necessarily democratic, because it vests sovereignty in the entire citizenry. It also has the greatest claim to sociological realism [. . . as] most societies are not mono-ethnic; and even when they are, common ethnicity does not of itself obliterate division, because ethnicity is only one of the many claims on an individuals loyalty (p. 7). Ethnic nationalism, on the other hand, claims that an individuals deepest attachments are inherited, not chosen. It is the national community that denes the

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individual, not the individuals who dene the national community. This may be more psychologically compelling, he suggests, but it is sociologically less realistic. Ethnic regimes are, on the whole, more authoritarian than democratic, as common ethnicity, by itself, does not create social cohesion or community, and when it fails to do so, as it must, nationalist regimes are necessarily impelled toward maintaining unity by force rather than by consent (p. 8). Despite its current status as a kind of theoretical common sense in nationalism studies (Brubaker 2004:136), however, the distinction between civic and ethnic nations and nationalism has received signicant criticism. The best-known conceptual critique is Bernard Yacks article The Myth of the Civic Nation, in which he argues that the characterization of political community in the so-called civic nations as rational and freely chosen allegiance to a set of political principles is an untenable mixture of self-congratulation and wishful thinking (1999:105; other important critiques include Marx 2003 and Brubaker 2004). The key problem, he explains, is that civic nationalism promotes liberal principles without accounting for the conditions that make their implementation possible. Both the social contract and popular sovereignty tacitly assume the existence of a prepolitical cultural community, and reect norms that tend to say much more about the way in which we should order lives within given national communities than about why the boundaries of these communities should take one shape rather than another (p. 111). Defenders of the distinction have generally responded to Yack and other critics by invoking Smiths qualifying claim that, as ideal types, their descriptions are not required to directly correspond with the real world, and that in practice all nations reect a mix of civic and ethnic characteristics. Some scholars, including the author of this essay, nd that response unsatisfactory. While the aws of Ignatieffs explicitly normative account of good civic and bad ethnic nationalisms may be relatively obvious, even Smiths more carefully developed analytic version is mistaken. The retreat to ideal types does not solve the problem of abstraction because it still maintains that the tenets of civic and ethnic nationalist ideologies accurately reect the constitutive character of nations. In fact, even though these ideologies are important and often reected in citizenship policy, national symbols, and participant self-understandings, the basis of nationhood is the systemic cultural relationship that underlies that participation. Nations are perceived and justied through ideologies limited only by the imagination, but it is a mistake to assume that there is a direct correspondence between the two. Civic nationalists, for example, conceive of their nation as coterminous with the boundaries of the state and inclusive of all its citizens. In many cases, however, a signicant proportion of the citizenry do not accept this perspective and instead identify with sub-state national groups. This discrepancy is sometimes mitigated by the presence of overlapping or nested identities where citizens identify with both nations (Miller 2000; Keating 2002), but the fact that in most circumstances only the majority population identies exclusively with the civic nation should raise suspicion about its universality. Smiths own dominant ethnie model accounts for this, but the strength of that insight is undercut by his denition of the nation. As Walker Connor (2004) and Montserrat Guibernau (2004) have argued, Smiths inclusion of a common economy and common legal rights and duties for all members (1991:14) in this denition, and even his later shift from these to just common laws and customs (2002:15), fails to adequately distinguish between the concepts of nation and state. While the processes of exo-socialization are often closely tied to state institutions, the characteristics of the state should not be considered part of the nation itself. The fact that civic nationalists think otherwise should be taken seriously, if only for its political consequences, but we should not confuse what Brubaker calls categories of practice with

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categories of analysis (1996; 2004) by assuming that nationalist self-understandings accurately represent the social relations that underlie them. Nationalism can create and reproduce nations, but not necessarily on its own terms.

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Nations and Nationalism. At www.wiley.com/bw/journal.asp?ref=1354 - 5078, accessed Nov. 2009. An interdisciplinary journal published by the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism. Since its rst issue in 1995, Nations and Nationalism has become the most prominent journal in the eld of nationalism studies. Many of the authors cited in this essay have published their work there, and some thematic issues deal extensively with particular conceptual debates (for example, vol. 10 (1/2) 2004 is a symposium on ethno-symbolism and its critics). Online access is restricted to individual and institutional subscribers. Ethnic and Racial Studies. At www.tandf.co.uk/journals/titles/01419870.asp, accessed Nov. 2009. An interdisciplinary journal with an emphasis on sociology. Ethnic and Racial Studies has been in print since 1978 and is one of the oldest journals to focus on ethnicity, race, nationalism, and other related issues. A quick glance through the bibliography of this essay will show that many of the debates that it discusses have been carried out in the pages of this journal. Online access is restricted to individual and institutional subscribers.

Acknowledgments
In addition to the two anonymous reviewers, the author wishes to thank the following people for their helpful comments and support: Walker Connor, Oded Haklai, Rmi Lger, Emmett Macfarlane, John McGarry, Margaret Moore, and Stephen Noakes.

About the Author


Stephen Larin is a PhD candidate in the Department of Political Studies at Queens University, Canada, specializing in nationalism studies, political theory, and comparative politics. His dissertation, titled Challenging the Civic Nation, is a critical examination of civic nationalism that focuses on the disconnect between nationalist ideology and the social bases of nationhood, and the implications that this disconnect has for the viability of civic nationalism as a means of addressing policy issues such as ethnic conict and social integration.