communitios and protoctod aroas trom Voridional arpathians Monica Vasile Universitatea din Bucure,ti The paper aims to bring into focus the issue of nature conservation in Romania and the response of local actors to top-dovn conservation policies. A type of conflict that arises at the fringe of Romanian protected areas, the conflict betveen collective proprietors and national parks' administration vill be taken as a research example. It vill be shovn that the top-dovn approach of the park administrators is based on the ideas of lav and science and on the idea of traditional, ,good" state forestry practice. This approach is strongly contested by communities, vhich begin to establish as relatively organised entities vith small steps, ,participation" begins to function. Keywords. obyte, coIIective property, joint-ownership systems, reguIation and customary systems. Cuvinte-cheie. ob,te, proprietate coIectiv, devIm,ie, IegisIa(ie, sistem cutumiar Introduction In Romania, Iorests were privatised in pro- portion oI 50, out oI which 60 (meaning 1.5 miIIion hectares) are owned and managed in a coIIective manner (RNP 1 , 2007). ThereIore, a huge number oI community- -based institutions were estabIished or re-estabIished aII across Iorested areas, named obyte, composesorat or comunitate de avere. ConsequentIy, a very dense net oI Iorestry institutions is beginning to ,move in ruraI Romania Ior administrating, managing and reguIating Iorest-reIated issues in a decentraIised way. In this sociaI setting, the environmentaIist discourse gains more ground and environmentaI protection organisms expand their inIIuence. Romanian environmentaI Iaws and poIicies did change very oIten over the Iast years and there is an institutionaI rupture, meaning that the institutions reIated to environmentaI pro- tection (Ministry oI Environment, Ministry oI AgricuIture, Romanian Iorest Adminis- tration RNP) do not communicate eIIicientIy and do not beneIit Irom each other`s stock oI knowIedge, skiIIs and attributions 2 . In this context, the aim of the present paper is to investigate the consequences oI these environmentaI reIorms on the ground, at the IeveI oI ruraI communities that Iive at the Iringe oI protected areas. The response oI the communities to conservation measures might be categorized a priori as being positive and negative. The exampIe presented in this paper is on the negative side and iIIustrates a conIIict. Besides quarreIs between brothers, 88 Monica VasiIe neighbours, peopIe and municipaIities, a new type oI ,property conIIict arises in Romania 3 , the one concerning interaction between environmentaI protection organisms and private owners. UsuaIIy, the conIIict arises because oI two empiricaI reasons. restrictions regarding pastoraI uses oI Iand or restrictions regarding Iorestry in protected areas. The case presented in this articIe concerns Iorestry. The paper tries to grasp the Iorms oI this conIIict, its causes and consequences and the narratives oI actors on each side. It wiII be shown that the centraI motives Ior conIIict Iye on the distribution oI power and on the Iack oI communication skiIIs. It wiII aIso be shown that the participation oI the community in the management oI the protected area is not aIways the best soIution, at Ieast not participation per se, but prepared and construc- ted in a certain manner and by certain actors. Irom the methodoIogicaI point oI view, I have undertaken a quaIitative approach 4 , consisting in intensive interviewing with Iay members oI the viIIage community 5 , members oI the obytea committee 6 , Iorestry agents and guards (beIonging to both obytea and the Park) 7 and members oI the park adminis- tration 8 . InitiaIIy, it was my academic interest in the topic oI Iorestry that drove the research methodoIogy, but during the work in the IieId, the idea oI intervening in conIIict management made me take a more deIinite position, in order to be abIe to make certain recommendations, as it is visibIe in the IinaI part oI the paper 9 . AnaIyzing interviews in the case oI conIIict, when inIormation and interviewees` opinions sometimes express certain interests and sides oI stories more convenient Ior the speaker, is not an easy task and the subjectivity and deduction skiIIs oI the researcher might interIere in the presentation and interpretation oI research data. Theoretical perspectives: nature conservation and conflict I draw my study on two bodies oI Iiterature, one on conservation practices in the Iight oI environmentaI anthropoIogy, and the second on the more generaI perspective on conIIict. Approaching nature conservation from a social sciences' perspective Irom the Iirst perspective, concerning nature conservation and, more speciIicaIIy, pro- tected areas, I am especially interested in the vay that the ideology and practices of conservation are received by and interact vith local communities, and, more speci- fically, vith local actors. Because in Romania the socioIogicaI and anthropoIogicaI Iiterature on ecoIogy-reIated aspects are underrepresented (a gap that the present journaI speciaI issue is trying to IiII), I wiII take the occasion in the IoIIowing Iines to give a brieI review oI the main ideas and study directions concerning the topic oI nature conservation and protected areas. Protected areas are thought to be rich sites oI sociaI production and sociaI interaction (West et al., 2006). The sociaI discipIines concerned with the topic oI protected areas have mainIy Iocused on the sociaI, materiaI and symboIic eIIects oI protected areas and on the way they impact peopIe`s Iives. They are thought about as changing the Iace oI the Earth by renaming pIaces, drawing boundaries around areas, and erasing boun- daries between states (ibidem). In Western societies, schoIars beIieve that protected areas have become the means by which many peopIe see and understand parts oI the worId that are caIIed nature and the environment. However, even in non-western societies, the organizations and actors which promote and impIement protected areas Iormation derive their ideas and discourses Irom westernized internationaI environmentaIist discourses. The poststructuraIist and more generaIIy, the constructivist perspective on environment 89 Nature conservation, conIIict and discourses on Iorest management (Brosius, 1999b, Escobar, 1999) consider that the internationaIIy (in subsidiary, Western) production oI concepts, such as conservation, biodiversity, protected area, uItimateIy determines the production oI nature, through highIy circuIated ideas that inIIuence peopIe`s ways oI representing nature. ThereIore, in this view, nature is a construct and peopIe that are subject to studies depIoy oIten impor- ted discourses or produce themseIves diIIe- rent ideas in which they constantIy construct nature. And the concept oI protected area, together with the reIated concepts such as species, reserve, biodiversity, ecosystem, highIy contributes to the sociaI construction oI the concept oI nature as something isoIated and distinct Irom humans and uItimateIy separate nature Irom cuIture. Ior Romania, environmentaIist discourses and practices are quite new, as I have stated in the introduction. The emerging environ- mentaIist internationaI discourse, promoted through internationaI organisms in order to support this new ,environmentaIist cos- moIogy oI the naturaI as a just, moraI and right way oI seeing and being in the worId (West et al., 2006) begins to take shape. Understanding conflicts Many studies concerning protected areas go in the direction oI studying conIIicts. Irom various exampIes, taking the shape oI dispIa- cements or aIteration oI Iand-use rights, pro- tected areas` estabIishment and maintenance are IueIing conIIicts (West et al., 2006). In the post-socialist states, emergence of conflicts is seen as a feature of the property reform (Swinnen and Mathijs, 1997, apud Sikor, 2004). ConIIicts gave birth to poIiticaI negotiations between centraI state actors, IocaI state authorities, historicaI Iandowners, agricuIturaI managers and new entrepreneurs. These negotiations mediated the reIorm impIementation at the IocaI IeveI. These actors have competed with each other in gaining IegaI rights to Iand and agricuIturaI assets and in transIating the IegaI rights into rights-in-practice (Sikor, 2004). The wider concept oI conIIict has been discussed in reIation to severaI issues. Iirst, conflict is about resources. In this approach, conIIict is expIained in terms oI interests oI the groups and persons invoIved, especiaIIy their competition Ior resources or gains (SchIee, 2004, 135). Second, conflict is about identification. Here, attention is drawn Irom the object to the subject oI the conIIict and the research question is ,who Iights whom". One becomes concerned who is excIuded and who is incIuded and on which basis, in which ways peopIe make and break aIIiances and which patterns oI identiIication they IoIIow (ibidem). Third, conflict is about pover. Here, power is the centraI concept oI the research and conIIict is one possibIe point oI entry, a methodoIogicaI setting in which power reIations are reveaIed (Nuijten, 2005, 9). Empirical context Description of obtea and the park Cheia is a viIIage Iying at the Ieet oI the BuiIa-Vnturari(a MassiI 10 , right next to a Iamous tourism centre, the OIne,ti city. AIthough pIaced in such a Iortunate neighbourhood, their prospects Ior tourism are very poor. The Iaw 1l2000 enabIed the community to restore its Iormer Iorest property in the Iorm oI a common property regime, named obyte 11 . AImost aII inhabitants oI the viIIage have shares (drepturi) in the obytea, unequaIIy distributed. The totaI surIace oI owned Iorest and pastures is 3700 hectares. Irom this surIace, aImost 30, 1400 hectares, were incIuded since 2004 in the BuiIa-Vnturari(a NationaI Park. Obytea is a community-based institution that owns and administrates the Iorest, through the ,ruIing counciI an executive committee, Iormed oI a president, a secretary and Iive members, eIected among IocaI inhabitants, usuaIIy those with the highest amount oI shares. ParaIIeI with this committee, at the 90 Monica VasiIe decision-making process the viIIage assembIy participates aIso Iormed oI aII members (usuaIIy once a year). In this type oI geneaIogicaI obyte, the members are the heirs oI the ,originaI members, those who were registered on the property tabIes beIore 1948. They can be inhabitants oI Cheia, or residents eIsewhere. There is a totaI oI 400 members, spread over 16 viIIages and cities. However, the inhabitants oI Cheia are members oI obytea in proportion oI 90. The inequality of shareholding is not very high. There are 70.000 shares, out oI which the organization itseII hoIds 14.3, the Iargest sharehoIder has 8.6, and the next has 4.3. AnnuaIIy, timber is expIoited by companies and the revenues are aIIocated partIy towards the members (the Iargest sharehoIder makes a proIit oI 2250 euros), partIy towards invest- ments in inIrastructure. TheoreticaIIy, this Iorm oI property regime has aII premises to contribute to the IocaI deveIopment Irom the management oI the Iorest-resources. UnIortunateIy, untiI now peopIe that I have spoken with in the com- munity are not satisIied with the manage- ment oI the obytea, many oI them appreciating that the obytea oIIiciaIs are corrupt, and the signaIs Ior deveIopment are weak. As I wiII show Iurther in the paper, this is partIy due to internaI conIIicts and to excIusive orientation towards pure timber expIoitation as economic strategy oI obytea. NevertheIess, everybody in the community seems to consider that the biggest probIem is the ,encroachment oI Iorest by the NationaI Park. BuiIa Vanturarita is the smaIIest nationaI park in Romania, with a totaI area oI 4186 ha, Iying on the territory oI Coste,ti and Brbte,ti viIIages and oI the BiIe OIne,ti city, in which is incIuded the community oI Cheia, our Iocation. The Park administration is ensured by a state structure, the NationaI Iorest Administration (NIA) together with the NGO Kogayon. The activity oI the admi- nistration is supervised by the ScientiIic CounciI oI the Park, Iormed oI speciaIists in geography, bioIogy, Iorestry. The participation oI IocaI communities and other interested agents is ensured by the ConsuItative CounciI oI the Park, Iormed oI representatives oI proprietors, IocaI municipaIities and other peopIe invoIved. The park was Iormed out oI the ini- tiative oI a group oI young ,nature Iovers Irom the communities around the MassiI, students in geography or geoIogy, the mem- bers oI the today NGO Kogayon. Seeing that the mountain becomes dirtier with the inIusion oI tourists, they did everything to decIare it a nationaI Park and they succeeded in 2004. Premises for participation The core of the conflict vith the community of Cheia lies in the regulations and inter- dictions presupposed by the existence of the park. Inside the speciaI conservation area, the proprietors have no right to extract wood, except Ior one that has been ,IeIIed by naturaI caIamities. In the area around the speciaI conservation, named the ,buIIer area (with a surIace equaI to that oI the speciaI conservation area), proprietors have the right to extract timber, with the approvaI oI the park administration. Theoretically, through the above-men- tioned ConsuItative CounciI, aII the communities invoIved in the constitution oI the park do participate in the decision-making process. As the denomination suggests, the type oI participation impIied is the consuI- tative one, in which decisions are taken by the centre and Iegitimated through the participative scheme (Lawrence, 2006, 283). The generaI discourse oI state represen- tatives concerning environmentaI measures and decisions in the case oI estabIishing protected areas is that oI a centraIized autho- ritarian protection strategy. They beIieve that communities shouId not be consuIted Ior estabIishing protected areas, because oI exaggerated demands and oI Iack oI communication skiIIs. De facto, the community oI Cheia does not even recognize the constitution oI the 91 Nature conservation, conIIict and discourses on Iorest management Park, denying aII coIIaboration. They even sued the administration oI the Park, arguing that they constituted iIIegaIIy, because obytea Cheia did not sign Ior incorporating their territory in the Park. The others communities that have property rights in the park recognize the Park and some oI them have a IavorabIe attitude. However, untiI now very Iew participatory actions have taken pIace. Actors and their profile The two main actors invoIved are ,the community and ,the park. However, I do not approach the community as a monoIith, as a body that acts independentIy and uniIormIy. Very oIten, in the Iiterature on environmentaIism, even in anthropoIogicaI or socioIogicaI studies, the community is reiIied and essentiaIized (,the community against the state ,the community against iIIegaI Iogging), even though in depth case studies reveaI that inside a community there are divergent ,Iorces and actors (Brosius 1999b, Boonzaier, 1996). My paper takes into consideration that muItipIe actors compose both community and the park. The most active pIayer in the conIIict is the committee oI obytea. A president, together with a secretary (both over 65 years oId), ruIes the committee. Both were active communist members and part oI the ,oId structures. Irom this characteristic derives the Iact that they are supposed to have very good connections at the IocaI IeveI and to be important pIayers in diIIerent patron-cIients networks. PeopIe Irom the viIIage oIten characterize the obytea as ,the same vay as it vas vith the collective farm in communism" and through the term oI corrupt. Lay members oI the obytea and mereIy peopIe that are not directIy invoIved in Iorestry do not express vehement opinions against the park. They wouId rather dispIay aestheticaI and ecoIogicaI arguments in Iavour oI it, expressing their satisIaction with its esta- bIishment. The Iay members oI the community have a consuItative roIe in the participatory process. They aIso have a roIe oI ,Iegitimizing audience Ior the decisions oI the committee. Because the ruIes Ior membership in obytea are based on the inheritance principIe, the oIder members oI the community are the rightIuI owners, thus the generaI assembIy has the appearance oI a gerontocracy 12 . The actors oI the park are the state structure, RomsiIva, and the Association (NGO) Kogayon. The park has a ManageriaI CounciI, a ScientiIic CounciI and a ConsuI- tative CounciI, in the Iatter being invoIved the representatives oI the surrounding commu- nities. The members oI the Association are mostIy young and enthusiastic ,nature speciaIists that grew up in the area, thus maniIesting a strong attachment towards environment in the region. In the ManageriaI CounciI there are Iorestry speciaIist Irom the Romanian Iorest Administration (RNP Regia Najional a Pdurilor). Flow of conflicting ideas I wiII try to Iist and anaIyse aII the arguments and compIaints that the obytea committee members and Iay peopIe Irom the community have dispIayed in diIIerent conversations that we had and to provide Ior each oI them the ,response Irom the Kogayon director (I., age 32) and oI RNP representative (M., age 40). This section oI the paper is meant to depict the conIIict and the objects oI the conIIicts Irom a discursive perspective. The perspective of narratives, oI ,IIow oI ideas is very important in this case, because the ,IIow oI actions does not yet pIay a very important part. SchoIarIy work in anthro- poIogy suggests that ,discourse 13 is at the core oI any environmentaI movement or action, because images and the metaphoric cIoth are constitutive oI environmentaIism, the concept oI ,nature being partIy a constructed one (Brosius 1999b, Escobar, 1999). 92 Monica VasiIe 1he general lines of the narratives and the main conflict reasons The red Iine that crosses the narratives oI both parts is the Iack oI communication. Obytea compIains about ,nobody asking them, whiIe the managers oI the Park compIain about Iack oI understanding about meaning oI protected areas Irom the part oI the community. It was very diIIicuIt Ior me to isoIate the precise causes Ior the emergence oI the con- IIict 14 , because oI the contrasting opinions expressed by the two parts. However, I wiII present the main ,accusations and then try to anaIyse each oI the arguments. IirstIy, it appears very interesting in the obytea oIIiciaIs` narrative how the park is associated with the ,imperiaIist (T., age 67, obyte counciIIor) or autocratic State. In their opinion, the state stiII wants to admi- nistrate the zone, despite the Iact that nowadays the community is the private ,master. The heads oI the obytea committee beIieve that in the backstage oI the park constitution Iies the poIiticaI interest oI state actors, Ioresters and poIiticaI personaIities, which want to controI access in the area. They do not beIieve in the cruciaI scientiIic impor- tance oI biodiversity oI the region and do not understand the scientiIic argumentation Ior the buIIer zone, as it appears in their IoIIowing statement. ,There are some objectives in the park, not exceeding 60 hectares. the yew trees and the caves, the rest is buIIer zone. (L., age 75) As Ior the members oI the Kogayon Association, the obytea oIIiciaIs put them in a mercantiIe Iight, saying that their goaI is to obtain a saIe saIary and nothing more. The principaI accusations oI the park administrators against obytea oIIiciaIs are that their prevaIent economic interest in the area disregards environmentaI vaIues 15 and that it is impossibIe to buiId an eIIective communication, because oI ,old customs and communist-like vays of relating to people and pursuing self-interest (I., age 32). Moreover, even iI not directIy reIated to the conIIict obyte-park by the interviewees themseIves, a very important point can be made Irom interviews with Iay members oI the community that treat corrupt practices and seIIishness oI certain obytea oIIiciaIs. Many peopIe Irom the community pIace guiIt oI Iorest mismanagement on the top actors oI obytea committee, saying that. ,S. and L. president and vice-president are thieves, they are oId and do not care what wiII happen in 10 years they are not skiIIed and don`t care about the Iorest, onIy about their economies and proIit (G., age 38, Iorestry worker) Irom this point oI view, Iack oI care Ior Iorest and, more generaIIy, Ior nature, and economicaI interest in Iorest expIoitation, might constitute an expIanation Ior the negative view oI oIIiciaIs towards the park. Contested legitimacy, participation and symbolism of property The Iirst cIaim oI the obytea oIIiciaIs is that they have never been consuIted about the constitution oI the park and they did not sign anything giving the right oI estabIishing a conservation area on their territory. The deniaI went so Iar, that the obytea was severeIy prejudiced IinanciaIIy. The area incIuded in the park is IegaIIy exempted oI taxation, but the obytea decided to pay the tax (amount oI 12.000 euro), in order to deny the existence oI the park. The director oI Kogayon (I., age 32), who is responsibIe with the reIation to the invoIved communities, toId me that he went severaI times to taIk to the obytea oIIiciaIs, that he even participated in the viIIage assembIies to convince them that the park is a good thing and there is no point in opposing it, but he was not abIe to obtain a positive response. Thus, he sustains, the obytea was aware oI what was going on, and that ,the park did everything possibIe Ior maintaining the peace and providing necessary inIormation. Hence, in his opinion, obytea was inIormed, but maIevoIent towards the park. 93 Nature conservation, conIIict and discourses on Iorest management Some inIormers Irom the community provided me with two variants Ior this pro- bIematic interaction. The Iirst story is that the Iay members were against the estabIish- ment oI the park and threatened the oIIiciaIs that they wiII set their houses on Iire iI they approve and sign the constitution oI the protected area. The second story is a conspiracy one, that somebody Irom inside the committee wouId have hidden the monthIy ,oIIiciaI monitor 16 at the obytea centre, in which there were articIes about the estabIishment oI the park, and thus, the president was misinIormed and got angry when he suddenIy Iound out that the park was actuaIIy aIready constituted. At the core oI the whoIe argument is in Iact the idea oI participation and the symboIism oI property. They IrequentIy use the expression oI expropriation Ior the Iact that the park has been estabIished. The proprietors IeeI that they have IinaIIy gained their Iorest back and thus, as proprietors, they cIaim to be consuIted about any decision concerning their Iand. In this case, property is Iinked with the idea oI empowerment. By gaining back their property rights, the community beIieves it has power to contest decisions made by the State 17 . The idea oI power is important, as it wiII emerge in other circumstances, described Iater in the paper. Iurthermore, the committee considers that the administration oI the park is guiIty Ior vioIating their rights. Competing power or hampering illicit gains Another argument is that the ruIing committee contests the right oI the Park to controI and approve the extraction oI damaged wood Irom the speciaI conservation area and Ior extraction oI timber Irom the buIIer zone. In their words, they ask. ,Why do we need their rangers to approve what our rangers have aIready approved" Why do we need them to approve what is aIready written in the Iorest Management PIan, that we have paid so expensiveIy" (S., age 70). This is a very important argument Ior the Iorestry empIoyees oI the obytea, the guard and the ranger, who see their power diminished because they ,suddenIy owe direct upward accountabiIity. This idea is directIy Iinked to the one above, about property and power. Privatisation and property means Ireedom to administrate the Iorest and this is seen as something that the park is taking away at a symboIic IeveI. ApparentIy, this argument might have a ,materiaIistic interpretation, in the sense that the obytea and its empIoyees are restricted in their attempt to extract (unrea- sonabIy) as much as they want. There is much taIk in the community about iIIegaI Iogging (in the Iiterature on Romanian Iorestry as weII, VasiIe, 2006 DorondeI, 2007 NicuIae, 2005), and thus one might think that one more controI authority hampers the obytea oIIiciaIs and their empIoyees to make iIIicit proIit. I. says that these approvaIs are mereIy a IormaIity and obytea shouId not see it as a hindrance. Moreover, he invokes the Iaws and state reguIations. He describes onIy one case in which obytea requested authorisation and the park did not approve, based on the Iact that the trees were not IegaIIy marked Ior harvesting and the quantity was impor- tant (700 trees). The case was investigated by the TerritoriaI Inspectorate Ior Iorestry and Hunting (in Romanian ITRSV) and they decided that the park was right. Hence, the park opposes to the obytea narrative oI over- bureaucratisation and oI authority diminishing. In response, they IormuIate an ,iIIicit Iogging narrative, by insinuating that the reaI reason Ior obytea compIaints is the interIerence in their iIIicit business, a narrative that converges with opinions expressed by certain community Iay members, as presented above. Struggle over resources The most prevaIent argument oI the obytea oIIiciaIs is that the pIacement oI the park hampers the economic activity oI the obytea, by severaI mechanisms. (1) the incIusion oI 94 Monica VasiIe the aIpine pastures in the speciaI conservation areas, ,taking the food of our sheep (2) an unjustiIied extension oI the buIIer zone, which, they think, necessariIy reduces the approved quantity oI timber to harvest (3) interdiction to expand the roads inside the speciaI area and the buIIer zone, thus hampering harvesting activities and potentiaI tourism, seen as mass tourism (4) the inIestation mechanism Ietting IaIIen trees rotten in the name oI preserving pure state oI nature and deveIoping ecosystems means a threat to heaIthy standing trees. The Iirst argument against the Park is a very strong ,weapon in the hands oI obytea oIIiciaIs, because to this argument are sensibIe most oI the Iay peopIe, sheep owners or Iormer shepherds. However, the park representatives sustain that this is not true, that actuaIIy the shepherds and their IIocks (except Ior the goats, which are very destructive) do have access in the park. Moreover, he says that pasturing enhances biodiversity, thus, Irom a scientiIic point oI view it wouId be wrong to prohibit this activity. Thus, the idea oI grazing prohibition is onIy a weapon, used by obytea oIIiciaIs to manipuIate Iay-peopIe. The second argument IIows Iike this. ,We understand what conservation means and we agree to preserve the nature, but creating such a Iarge buIIer zone is a prooI oI maIevoIence towards the communities that want to harvest something Ior their Iiving. (L., age 75) They add the Iact that the surIaces that were state property were not incIuded in the buIIer area, whiIe those in private property were incIuded and they perceive that as an oIIence towards private owners 18 . I. (age 32) responds to this with a scientiIic argument and says that the percentage and surIace is determined on scientiIic criteria, depending on the species to be protected and, moreover, there exist even preserved areas with 90 buIIer zone. The third argument, about the roads and interdiction oI mass tourism, is the onIy one that might hamper the economic beneIits oI obytea on the Iong run. However, on the short run, even though the obytea compIains about the theoreticaI Iimitations oI deve- Ioping tourism, practicaIIy their pIans Ior tourism activity are non-existent and their management strategy 19 is based aImost excIusiveIy on timber extraction. I. answers by saying that the park administration does not intend to Iimit tourism activities, quite on the contrary, to deveIop certain kind oI activities in coIIaboration with IocaI communities to attract tourists and to protect nature in the same time, to deveIop ecotourism in the sense oI sustainabIe deveIopment. ,I wouId not agree to buiId a huge hoteI with a huge parking here. There are other kinds oI tourism as weII I wouId rather encourage deveIoping more sophisticated tourist attractions, Iike a circuit oI ecoIogicaI pastoraIism, Ior peopIe to see how cheese is made. (I., age 32) Ecological versus economical image of the forest The Iourth idea, about the damages that IaIIen trees might cause, expresses empiricaIIy very weII two ,competingperspectives in Iorestry. the ,economic discourse against the ,ecoIogicaI one (the core dichotomy in aImost every study and discourse on envi- ronmentaI issues, e.g. Brosius, 1999a Boonzaier, 1996). The economic perspective is based on the idea that the Iorest shouId be cIean, everything that is IaIIen down, branches, trees, shouId be cIeaned up, because otherwise it appears the danger oI deveIoping unwanted insects that wiII inIect the heaIthy trees. This perspective is aIso Ior the best oI the users, as they make a use oI the damaged wood. This kind oI narrative is expressed aImost by aII members oI the community that I have spoken with. Nonetheless, it is not to say that their viev is in black and vhite and I do not vant to force the interpretation into a black and vhite picture. I do not want to suggest that viIIagers prize onIy economic advantages in the Iight 95 Nature conservation, conIIict and discourses on Iorest management oI their immediate interests and thereIore they negIect more ,ecoIogicaI vaIues, such as beauty oI nature or biodiversity. Very oIten, Iorest-dweIIers or ,indige- nous peopIe are seen to be the causing agents oI ecoIogicaI probIems, as environ- mentaIIy benign (Iairhead, Leach 1994) both by environmentaIist theories (Scoones, 1999. 489) and Ioresters or Iorestry speciaIists (Lawrence and Szabo, 2005. 6). Private owners are seen by Iorestry peopIe to conceive the Iorest mereIy as an economicaI vaIue. ,they see it as an immediate source oI money and ,they don`t see the Iorest, they see the wood (ibidem). Irom what I have seen, I reject the IaIse dichotomy between greedy, rationaI-oriented viIIagers and ecoIogists. I wouId rather say that the perspective oI the viIIagers is nuanced 20 . They reject the ecoIogists, but sometimes they come with the argument that they know more about nature and know better the species and the mountain than the ecoIogists them- seIves. 21 They do have ambivaIent opinions, Iike. ,Protecting nature and a beautiIuI Iandscape is a good thing, but I do not agree with Ietting wood rotten on the ground. it does not heIp anyone. (G.P., age 42) Irom what I observed, their attitude is oI respect towards the Iorest, saying that ,I beIieve it is O.K. to conserve IIowers and animaIs and not to Iet anyone come into the Iorest as in a bar. (G.P., age 42) However, wiIderness and ,cIimax, equiIibrium state oI the Iorest, are not in their dictionary about a ,good Iorest. Ior them, ,pure nature is not a state oI equiIibrium in itseII and nature is not aIways ,Iair. Besides trees, ozone and pastures, nature means dangerous animaIs, unwanted damaging insects. These parts oI nature shouId be ,corrected by humans. In the Iight oI these beIieIs, Ioresters and those who intervene in nature to ,cIean it are seen as guardians oI the ,good nature, as agents against inIestation. BeIieving that ecoIogy and protection means totaI ,conservation, non-intervention oI humans in nature, even is the nature is ,eviI, they appreciate the pure ecoIogicaI perspective as against their interests and, moreover, as against their beIieIs about nature and humans-nature interaction. Interpretation of narratives in the light of conflict perspectives In the above sections oI the paper, I have depIoyed a range oI diIIerent narratives oI this conIIict. At a Iirst gIance, it is possibIe to understand the conflict as a struggle for resources. Every part is suspected by the counterpart to derive some economicaI beneIit out oI the Iorest in cause, be it the direct or iIIicit gain Irom Iorest overexpIoitation and grazing on the part oI the community, be it a secure job, returns Irom Iunding or iIIicit advantages on the part oI the state and the NGO. As Iong as we take into consideration the ,inIormation about the case in which the park stopped the iIIegaI IeIIing oI an important quantity oI wood Irom the buIIer- -zone and we beIieve other inIormation Irom IocaI gossip about iIIicit business oI obytea oIIiciaIs, we might accept that the conIIict is partIy based on the economic interest oI a Iew community actors. This type oI interest is not the interest Ior community deveIopment out oI resource revenues, but the seIIish interest oI the eIites that pursue their personaI gains through corrupt practices. Despite Ior one or two obytea oIIiciaIs, Ior the other members oI the community this conIIict appears as having at its core the idea of identity. The community identiIies itseII as ,proprietors, masters oI the Iorest and the pastures. This type oI identity is very saIient at present because it was recentIy achieved. The possession oI the Iorest has shiIted Irom the hands oI the state to those oI the ,peopIe and, suddenIy, the Iorest ,goes back to the state, thus excIuding again the community Irom major decisions concerning the protected areas. Moreover, the community does not identiIy itseII with the ecoIogicaI discourse on the Iorest. Their 96 Monica VasiIe image oI nature is not an essentiaIist one (Escobar, 1999 Brosius, 1999b) or a roman- ticized one, rather a practicaI and hetero- geneous one. On the other side, I. and the Kagayon association identiIy with the ecoIogists. Their environmentaIist discourse is onIy brieIIy touched by moraI imperatives and currentIy more based upon ,Iaw and science narratives, as I suggested above in the description. The Iiterature on environmentaI anthro- poIogy suggests that interests and repre- sentations may be subject to reIormuIation and that environmentaI discourse evoIve and thus researchers shouId address discourses in their context, in their temporaIity and dynamic (Brosius, 1999b). IoIIowing the temporaIity oI I.`s discourse, I can draw two distinct phases. the Iirst one (about three years ago), when the park was in the process oI estabIishment 22 , he depIoyed a moraI discourse ,look vhat is done in the park, the community and the uneducated tourists destroy protected species" the second phase, when the park is aIready estabIished, the interaction with the communities is institutionaIized and the Kogayon association is deveIoping, is characterized by a discourse that shiIted Irom moraI imperatives to the ,Iaw and science arguments. In other words, oI identiIication, we might say that I. identiIies himseII more with the environmentaI institution, with the administrator that he represents. The RNP representatives (M., age 40) identiIy themseIves with the Iorestry institution, with those who protect the Iorest by itseII as mere technicaI operation, and do not dispIay a conservation discourse based upon moraIity or universaI ecoIogist vaIues. Moreover, they identiIy with the state and thus, they IeeI Iegitimate about managing the protected area as they consider best. However, I beIieve that the best way to understand the conIIict Iies in anaIysing pover relations and means to gain symbolic pover through discursive practices. Iirst, we have to think about the direct accusations that the parts depIoy. The ,park beIieves that certain actors in the community had the reIationaI power (meaning that they are cIients oI certain poIiticaI persons) to obtain IegaI approvaI Ior Iogging in areas that were scientiIicaIIy important. On the other hand, the community oIIiciaIs beIieve that behind the idea oI the park Iies the interest oI the state in controIIing (in other words, to hoId power over) naturaI areas. The underIying concepts in each oI the narratives reIer to power. The obytea oIIiciaIs depIoy the rhetoric oI the ,master and, as I have shown above, underneath the idea oI property Iays the idea oI empowerment. Moreover, these oIIiciaIs and the obytea rangers are unsatisIied about the transIer oI authority that occurred with the estabIishment oI the park, in the Iorm oI the vouchers Ior Iogging in the buIIer zone. On the other side, I.`s narrative is based upon the idea oI power given by Iaw and scientiIic arguments, in other words he uses a rhetoric based upon the institutionaI type oI power. IinaIIy, the discourse oI RNP oIIiciaIs (M.) seems to be based on the idea oI con- tinuity, tradition and Iegitimacy oI the state administration and protection oI the Iorest. Ior them, the Iorest is not a scientiIicaIIy vaIuabIe area Ior rare species, but an asset oI gIobaI interest. Thus, the state shouId take the responsibiIity to govern the Iorests, in a technicaI manner and Ior preventing iIIegaI Iogging, and the communities shouId not have a roIe in the decision-making process. Conclusions. Recommendations The conIIict presented is very common aII around the worId where protected areas have been estabIished. The ,stake and the arguments are common as weII. I wouId say that the conIIict between proprietors and parks, based upon the ,economist arguments depIoyed by ,the community that is 97 Nature conservation, conIIict and discourses on Iorest management dependent oI the resource is a cIassicaI theme in environmentaI and deveIopment studies. However, the schoIarIy studies to depIoy this kind oI conIIicts Irom Eastern Europe are quite rare 23 . What is particuIarIy reIevant to this case and, I beIieve, what distinguishes the post- sociaIist context Irom others, is the strong concentration oI decisions concerning protected areas in the hands oI the state, meaning Iack oI autonomy Ior the commu- nities (as Ior exampIe in the AIrican context, where the state is very IooseIy deIined and communities devise their own ruIes) and the non-existence (yet) oI internationaI environmentaI agencies in the arena oI negotiations. I suggest in this paper that, Ior Romania, the top-down approach is strongIy contested by communities, which begin to estabIish as reIativeIy organised entities with smaII steps, participation begins to Iunction. However, one thing that might hamper eIIective parti- cipation is the capture at the IocaI IeveI oI the participatory process by IocaI corrupt eIites, who pursue their own interests, despite the one oI the other members oI the community. In the presented case, the top-down approach oI the park administrators is based on the ideas oI Iaw and science and on the idea oI traditionaI, ,good state Iorestry practice. The cIaims oI the community are made in the name oI a competing, oIder tradition oI autonomous organisation oI resources, the obyte. Behind this idea oI ,community organisation, it was shown that diIIerent categories maniIest diIIerent attitudes. OIIiciaIs are oriented towards contesting the park and towards emphasising timber expIoitation, whiIe Iay members are more ,peaceIuI and their discontent regards pasturing, not Iogging. What could be done UsuaIIy, recommendations go in the direction oI incIuding more the community in the parti- cipatory management oI the protected areas, and even to reach the stage oI ,commu- nity-based conservation. However, my anaIysis shows that the community is not a uniIorm body, thus incIusion oI the commu- nity might mean Iistening to the opinion oI the Iew spokespersons, potentiaIIy ,corrupt oIIiciaIs that express their own seIIish interest. AdditionaIIy, Irom what I have observed, the capacity 24 oI the community 25 is currentIy at a Iow IeveI, thus I doubt its eIIective potentiaI Ior participating in the deci- sion-making process, this being aIso depicted in Iiterature as one oI the ,biggest stumbIing bIocks towards the success oI nationaI parks (Reid 2001. 151). Thus, capacity building is one oI the potentiaI soIutions. But I do not beIieve that onIy the appropriate agency oI actors is necessary. ProbabIy a ,puriIication oI the institutionaI miIieu is equaIIy necessary to put an end to the reciprocaI ,corruption accusations 26 . On the short run, I propose a mediation of conflict and a better flov of information Ior the community. The mediation and the inIormation shouId necessariIy be done by a third part (NGOs or schoIars in the speciIic IieId), because otherwise the community wiII not trust the source 27 . The communication and the inIormation shouId be prepared by a proIessionaI in communication and adver- tising, so that the members oI the community access the inIormation and get the message, regardIess their education IeveI. Moreover, I recommend that the inIormation shouId be aimed at touching the symbolic and the affective side oI the Iorest dweIIing process. Thus, the inIormation dispIayed shouId contain certain cuIturaI and historicaI eIements 28 , stories about the past, Iegends Irom the area 29 . 98 Monica VasiIe Notes 1. Regia Na(ionaI a PduriIor, engI. the Romanian Forest Administration. 2. A compIaint that one oIten hears when interviewing and discussing with representatives oI diIIerent centraI oIIices. 3. AIthough Ior other areas it is not new, Ior Romania it is onIy now beginning to take shape. 4. IieIdwork in the community Iasted Ior one week in August 2007 and was IoIIowed by interviews with persons Irom the park administration interviews were pursued by Liviu Mantescu together with the author oI this paper. In March 2008, I pursued another IieIdwork, together with a team oI students, on the other side oI the NationaI Park, to gain a broader view oI the comparative empiricaI eIements regarding conIIict incentives between communities and the NationaI Park. Both empiricaI researches were undertaken IinanciaIIy independent, Ior the pure academic beneIit oI the researchers themseIves. 5. Lay members were not aIways aware oI their property rights, nor were they knowIedgeabIe about the NationaI Park reguIations and restrictions. However, I succeeded to obtain a number oI 10 interviews with Iay members oI the community. 6. A number oI 3 interviews with key-actors, members oI the obytea committee (president, vice-president and the Iargest sharehoIder, counceIor) and 2 with empIoyees oI obytea. 7. A number oI 2 interviews. 8. A number oI 2 interviews. 9. The research resuIts were presented to the Park administrators in a conIerence that took pIace in Bistrita, in March 2008, Participating in Nature. Communities and Protected Areas in CentraI and Eastern Europe, organizers. University oI OxIord and Romanian Iorest Administration. 10. In the Southern Carpathians, the Capa(nii Mountains, in the VIcea county. 11. The originaI sense oI the word is togetherness and underIines the participatory essence oI the institution. AIthough they are named associations in the Iaws and in IormaI documents, these types oI property can hardIy be described as associations oI proprietors, because the shares that one has are not deIineated pIots oI Iorest that were put together, but a quantity oI products that can be withdrawn Irom the Iorest and a number oI votes in the generaI assembIy. 12. The age characteristic does make a signiIicant diIIerence, because oI the recent changes undergone by Romanian society oId members might encourage ,oId Iashioned ways oI managing and deriving proIit Irom a Iorest, as weII as pastoraIist use oI the mountain and aIso they might behave according to the patron-cIient type oI networks deveIoped during communism. 13. I wiII use Iurther in this articIe the term discourse interchangeabIy with narrative. 14. Based on a puzzIe oI inIormation Irom the interviews, my own scenario is that, in the Iirst pIace, Iew members oI the community opposed the idea oI the park because they were aIraid that they wouId not be aIIowed to bring their sheep to the aIpine pastures and expressed these opinions in pubIic meetings in a threatening and convincing way starting Irom that point, the committee oI the obytea deveIoped its own argumentation against the park and begun to Iind more and more incentives Ior conIIict. 15. They cIear-IeIIed 150 hectares oI seminiIerous beech with genetic importance. 16. GovernmentaI monthIy issue on governmentaI decisions, ruIes and Iaws. 17. It is interesting how they made the switch very quickIy Irom the dominant attitude during communism, where the State is sovereign and they usuaIIy couId not contest State decisions, at Ieast not in court, but onIy on inIormaI channeIs. 18. This idea sustains their cIaim that behind the Park are important poIiticaI interest coming Irom State actors. 19. AIthough it couId hardIy be considered Irom what they presented during the interview that they have a management strategy at aII. 20. However, the ,viIIagers are diIIerent peopIe with diIIerent positions regarding the Iorest Ior some actors, even Ior those being in oIIiciaI positions, the aIIegation about their immediate economic interest might be true, as mentioned aIso by certain interviewees, mentioned above. 99 Nature conservation, conIIict and discourses on Iorest management 21. Here, we come across another dichotomy that has been debated Ior a Iong time in the Iiterature, between IocaI knowIedge and expert knowIedge (Hobarth, 1997). 22. I can understand this phase oI the discourse based on articIes by I. on the www.aIpinet.org website, more preciseIy http.llaIpinet.orglmainlcoIshow_ro_t_mediuinIormatii-dis- pute-protectie_idcoI_3673_what_stiri_id_2565.htmI and Irom a severaI pubIic emaiI discussions Irom http.llngo.rolpipermaiIlnatura2000_ngo.rol2005-Mayl000179.htmI, websites dating back to 2005 and consuIted by me in Iebruary 2008. 23. Irom my knowIedge, studies are concentrated upon AIrica, South America and East Asia, usuaIIy in areas that are inhabited by peopIe bearing the etiquette oI ,indigenous peopIe. 24. I mean by that skiIIs, knowIedge and inIormation in economic and manageriaI matters. 25. The current oIIiciaIs as weII as most oI the other members. 26. Something very easy to preach and very diIIicuIt to accompIish. 27. The current situation is that every Park has a department in charge with the reIations to the neighboring communities. 28. 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