Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
When Krzysztof Bosak a Polish MP representing the conservative League of Polish Families speaks about Polish nationalism his voice becomes steady, calm, and proud. It is a synthesis of rational patriotism, Christian and Catholic values, Bosak says reflectively. Many, however, would argue that nationalism isnt quite that simple, or benign. Jacek Purski, a full time volunteer and activist for Polands anti -racism Never Again Association, is not so steady and calm when it comes to the topic of nationalism in Poland. He argues that Bosaks enthusiastic brand of religious nationalism is nothing to be proud of, but rather something to fear, perhaps even intensely. Its one step away from fascism in my mind, Purski says.
gay rights, according to Rupnik. The ruling parliamentary coalition in Poland, consisting of the Kaczynski brothers Law and Justice Party (PiS), the aforementioned right -wing League of Polish Families (LPR), and the Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland (Samoobrona), an agrarian, economically socialist yet socially Catholic conservative party, has tapped into the powerful resource of right-wing Polish nationalism in an effort to gain political popularity. According to this right-wing brand of Polish nationalism, who does the "Polish identity" include, and who does it exclude? What are the implications of propagating this ideology, and how popular has it already become?
Jews. In 2001, Ryszard Bender, one of the founders of the LPR, publicly denied many of the recently uncovered facts of the Jedwabne Massacre, a Polish pogrom against Jews in 1941, and accused the former President Kwaniewski of bowing to Jewish interest groups by attending a commemoration ceremony for the pogrom. While the LPR restricts its use of flagrant anti-Semitism in the national public sphere, it still clearly tolerates the historical role of anti-Semitism in the construction of a Polish national identity. Unfortunately, anti-Semitism of a cruder form that is revealed in the international political scene continues to enjoy a certain level of toleration from Poles that it seems to have lost domestically. The LPR, for example, has a higher tolerance for extreme behavior and attitudes among its representatives on the European Parliamentary level than it does on the national level. According to journalist Dinah Spritzer, Professor Maciej Giertych, a Polish LPR representative in the European Parliament, published a booklet earlier this year in which he suggested that Jews are unethical, are obsessed with separateness, and are a tragic community because they dont accept Jesus as the messiah. Professor Giertych is an influential member of the League of Polish families and his son, Roman, is now the head of the party. Spritzer writes that the short booklet aims to prove that European culture, education and morality should be the province of only one civilization. Poland and other parts of Europe are depicted as having a Catholic core which cannot coexist with what he depicts as the Jews Torah-based civilization. The more overtly rigid rhetoric of Polish nationalism on the European front is tolerated, according to Ostolski, partly because it is off the radar of the average Pole and partly because the public mechanism for response to international political issues is slower and less well-organized. The media and social consequences for making extreme comments, specifically anti-Semitic in nature, are weakened on the European level, notes Ostolski.
Bosak adds that although he does not agree with Wojciech Wierzejski, another MP from LPR who said publicly that most homosexuals are pedophiles, he does claim that there is other research showing that there is a correlation between occurrences of homosexuality and pedophilia. Most of the criminal offenses committed by pedophiles are homosexual in nature. Krzysztof Bosaks concerns about the promotion of homosexuality in Polish society apply not only to gay rights activists, but to other left-wing groups as well. The Green Movements dont care very much about ecology, Bosak said, but rather theyd prefer to propagate leftist myths and promote homosexuality. Homosexuals are not the only segment of the New Left that concerns Bosak and the LPR. Feminism strikes him as particularly evil as well. It launches propaganda campaigns advocating the killing of unborn children, which stands in defiance of natural law. Feminism is also evil because it believes that quotas would diminish social discrepancies and it proposes a reinterpretation of culture based on getting rid of prejudices, promoting gender studies, and the search for sexist patterns and behaviors in society. Unfortunately, some people buy it, he bemoans. As the sculptors of Polish nationalism have increasingly directed official rhetoric away from what average Poles would recognize as anti-Semitism, the ideology itself still functions within the age-old binary framework that attempts to distinguish us from them, those who are loyal to Poland from those who are traitorous. As the LPR has transferred its energies away from fighting for ethnic national purity in Poland over the past two decades, it has clearly directed them towards struggles that can be marketed more easily as questions of morality (i.e. abortion, gay rights, etc.), questions that may have even more mass appeal than struggles for ethnic purity. As for the full implications of the adoption of these new targets, and the staying power of these new 'moral' struggles, we will have to wait and see.
before Hitlers time. Since the gesture was taken over by the Nazis, it was abandoned by the Polish nationalists due its negative connotations, according to the MW. Purski finds it disconcerting that, for the most part, the Polish people treated this incident as a joke, rather than reacting in a serious way that could have ended the public careers of these All Polish Youth members, as it shoul d have been. The All Polish Youth manifesto, from 1989, declares that the group stands in staunch opposition to doctrines promoting liberalism, tolerance, and relativism. It is disturbing to think that the League of Polish Families, while obviously right-wing, far from propagates the most radical brand of Polish nationalism out there today. Perhaps even more disconcerting is the evidence of ties, unofficial or not, between the League of Polish Families and organizations such as the All Polish Youth, and the absence of a reaction among the Polish populace forcing organizations that stand proudly against "tolerance" quickly into the margins. While active support for extreme Polish nationalism may not be shockingly broad, a nation needs only the power of the few and the complacency of the many to violate essential human rights.
within the EU and mean to argue against the influence that Jews have in transnational European organizations. Jan Wrbel, from the Daily News newspaper, may exemplify the shift in nationalist rhetoric that Purski observes. He believes that nationalism as a concept doesnt actually exist in Poland and, even if it did, it wouldnt enjoy any legitimization. There are neither nationalistic movements in Poland nor nationalistic political platforms to vote for. Why didnt the League of Polish Families de cide to call themselves the League of Polish Nations? Simply because nobody would support them and they would never be able to get to the political mainstream, Wrbel argued. Purski might think that Wrbels statement reflects not a move away from natio nalism in and of itself, but rather a move away from the historic language of nationalism that has developed a number of negative connotations over the years. According to Jan Wrbel, fascist nationalism isnt currently and hasnt historically been popular in Poland not only because of the Catholic values that pervade Polish society and stand in opposition to fascist ideology, but also because fascism was officially and unofficially condemned in post-WWII Poland. We werent allowed to openly hate communism or Russia, but to hate Germany, Italy and all fascist ideologies that was perceived very well, he says. Whats more, it wasnt easy to be nationalistic because right away you would be ascribed to the disgraceful traditions of pogroms, antiSemitism and chauvinism. Thats why in contemporary Poland the term nationalism has pretty negative connotations. It is much better to refer to conservatism. To identify as nationalistic is like identifying as Hitlers younger brother, whereas to be conservative is like being Margaret Thatchers younger brother.
interviewing the Right for this article in an act of resistance and an effort to deny organizations like the LPR free publicity of the platform they wish to promote. In the end, he made an exception to his no platform philosophy and granted us an interview in an effort to argue against the right-wingers given a voice in this article. Purski describes the Polish political right on a continuum with three major parts. The first and most extreme is the neo-nazi scene which Purski estimates can claim approximately 2,000 active members. It consists of extremely radical international organizations like Blood and Honour (Red Watch), the Church of the Creator and the Ku Klux Klan. Purski considers the middle part to be Polish-Fascist in nature, although they do not self-identify as such. This group includes two extreme right political parties NOP and the Polish National Party and ONR, a political association that lacks legal status as a party. The third group is described by Purski as Polish Nationalists and consists of the League of Polish Families and the All-Polish Youth association. When asked if these three broad categories have anything in common, Purski responded, Yes, they all have closed minds.
SoWhat?
Contemporary Polish nationalism, defended and propagated not just by marginalized extremist groups but by members of todays ruling coalition, visibly lacks any loyalty to liberal democratic traditions. As prominent politicians like Bosak demonstrate, certain "values" take precedence, and some of these values have the capacity to erode the universal rights and liberties that activists like Jacek Purski, and many in the EU, are attempting to bolster. It can be dangerous to make claims like the ones Bosak has made above, iterating that concepts such as "human dignity and freedom" are false, or that new left movements weaken society and dilute the Polish identity. As Poland fights to establish itself within the EU, it will be faced with an ever-evolving Polish identity as questions of
immigration, migration, and religious, ethnic, cultural, and sexual diversity inevitably bubble to the surface of political debates. Politicians in Poland will have to make some critical decisions about whether or not they are willing to expand their conception of a Polish identity in an effort to protect the rights of those who do not fit nicely into the historical model of a heterosexual, Catholic family. If they choose the right-wing nationalism that exists today, the one that appeals to fear and insecurity, that excludes rather than includes, that rigidly promotes religious conservatism, they risk violating a great many human rights of a great many people by allowing discrimination, fostering inequality, and denying that which each and every one of us deserves: human dignity.
References
Articles Rupnik, Jaques: Eastern Europes Turn Right, in: The New Republic (February 19, 2007) Websites http://www.spme.net/cgi-bin/articles.cgi?ID=1848 (Last visit: June 29, 2007; 14.00): Spritzer, Dinah: Maciej Giertychs Civilization at War in Europe (February 15, 2007) Interviews Bosak, Krzysztof: Politician, MP for League of Polish Families (June 23, 2007) Ostolski, Adam: Journalist for Krytyka Polityczna (June 22, 2007) Purski, Jacek: Never Again association (June 26, 2007) Wrbel, Jan: Journalist for Daily News (June 27, 2007) Wroski, Pawe: Journalist for Gazeta Wyborcza (June 26, 2007)