Gender, status and empowerment: A study among women who work in Sri Lankas Export Processing Zones (EPZs)

Interim Report KATUNAYAKE EPZ

Social Justice Research Centre Edith Cowan University July, 2009

Project Title:

Gender, status and empowerment: A study among women who work in Sri Lankas Export Processing Zones (EPZs)

Date: Lead Institution: Funding:

July, 2009 Edith Cowan University, Western Australia Australian Agency for International Development (AUSAID) Australian Development Research Award 2007-2010

Katunayake Project Team:

Dr Peter Hancock, Chief Investigator, Edith Cowan University Prof Swarna Jayaweera, Director, CENWOR - Sri Lanka (Centre for Research on Women) Ms Indika Edirisinghe, Project Manager, CENWOR, Sri Lanka Dr M Samarappuli, Research Executive Director, Sri Lankan Board of Investment (BOI) Dr C Malalgoda, Research Director, BOI, Sri Lanka Ms Chaithrie Ranatunge, Research Assistant, Sri Lanka Ms Darshi Thoradeniya, Research Assistant, Sri Lanka Mr Jamie Moore, Research Assistant, Edith Cowan University Ms Sharon Middleton, Research Assistant, Edith Cowan University

Contact:

Dr Peter Hancock School of Social Sciences and Psychology Faculty of Computing, Health and Science Edith Cowan University, Joondalup Campus Ph: +61 (08) 6304 5804 Fax: +61 (08) 6304 5957 Email: p.hancock@ecu.edu.au

Contents
1. 2. 3. Introduction .................................................................................................................... 4 Methodology .................................................................................................................. 6 Findings Part One: Quantitative data ............................................................................. 8 3.1 3.2 Demographics of respondents........................................................... 8 Employment profile Questionnaire respondents ................................ 9 Type of factory and Job title ............................................................................. 9 Hours of work, salary and promotion .............................................................. 10

3.2.1 3.2.2 3.3 4.

Savings and money sent home to family .......................................... 11

Findings Part Two: Qualitative data.............................................................................. 13 4.1 4.2 Reported experience of abuse or public humiliation ........................... 14 Personal empowerment ................................................................. 16 Feelings of empowerment .............................................................................. 16

4.2.1 4.3 4.4

Decision making in the home.......................................................... 17 Decision making outside the home .................................................. 18 Advocacy and leadership in boarding houses and the workplace.................. 18

4.4.1 4.5 4.6

Participation in community and political activities .............................. 19 Social inclusion ............................................................................. 20 Village and family inclusion ............................................................................ 20 Increased inclusion at the societal level ......................................................... 21 Exclusion at the family and village level ......................................................... 21 Exclusion at the societal level ........................................................................ 22

4.6.1 4.6.2 4.6.3 4.6.4

5. Conclusions .................................................................................................................... 24 6.References ...................................................................................................................... 26 Appendix 1: Appendix 2: Katunayake Questionnaire ......................................................................... 27 Focus Group Questions.............................................................................. 30

1. Introduction
In the last three decades, there has been an enormous shift towards export-oriented industrialisation in over 130 countries, with Sri Lanka being one of the forerunners in this development (Hancock, 2006; Engman, Onodera & Pinali, 2007; Ruwanpura, 2009). Export Processing Zones (EPZs) are large industrial estates specialising in manufacturing for export. They promote trade and attract foreign investment through free trade conditions and special incentives from host governments such as tax exemptions, cheaper utility services and in many cases, lax labour laws (Engman et al, 2007). Sri Lanka has 11 governmentcontrolled EPZs and they are a significant source of employment for women in Sri Lanka and are dominated by garments and textile industries. Exact employment numbers are difficult to obtain, however based on data from the Sri Lankan Board of Investment (personal communication, 2009) EPZs employ approximately 50,000 women and 30,000 men. Women are typically young (aged between 17-25 years of age) and migrate from poor rural areas to EPZs. Katunayake EPZ is the largest in the nation and was the first to be opened in June 1978 for the production of export-oriented goods (Dabindu Collective, 2001). The Katunayake EPZ is located on the outskirts of Colombo, the nations capital. In 2009 Katunayake employed approximately 47,000 people (male and female) in 80 factories, the majority (85%) of whom are young un-married women (Sri Lanka Board of Investment, personal communication, 2009) 1 While EPZs are a viable source of employment and poverty alleviation for women, they have also been a source of controversy due to labour and social issues (Engman et al, 2007). Much attention has focused on the impact and outcomes of this rapid shift to formal employment on women in developing countries (Hancock, 2006). In 2004-2005 we conducted a study of 370 factory women working in Sri Lankas EPZs to trace the impact of formal employment on womens status and to provide new understanding into the way in which womens empowerment is conceptualised (Hancock, 2006). The main findings were that factory women faced significant societal and community disempowerment as a result of their roles as workers (Hancock, 2008). However, despite the hardships of factory work and societal subjugation, many Sri Lankan women showed resilience and were able to overcome the obstacles to empowerment as a result of factory work (Hancock 2006). A larger follow-up study to the original 2006 research has been funded by AusAID and is the basis of this report. The aims of the research were to further measure the extent to which women have been able/ or unable to turn their employment experiences into economic and social empowerment. In addition, the study focuses on the appropriateness and applicability of using the United Nations Development Programmes (UNDP) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) and the World Economic Forums Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI) as measures of empowerment in Sri Lanka. The original 2006 study found that relying on these two measures to study empowerment was not adequate to understand the complex experiences of the women. The importance of qualitative data was emphasized in the previous study (Hancock, 2008) and is an important feature of the current study. This report presents the findings of the first stage of the AusAID funded project including the survey results of 901 women working in Katunayake EPZ as well as the analysis of two focus groups of women working in Katunayake. Further, it provides analysis of 500
1

This number has been rapidly dropping since the global economic crisis. In 2006, there were 88 factories and over 50,000 workers.

qualitative answers taken from the 901 analysed surveys. It is part of the broader follow-up study of 2500 women from several EPZs. This interim report provides further insights into the lived experiences of factory women from the largest EPZ operating in Sri Lanka. The first section of the report presents the findings of the total quantitative dataset (n = 901) while the second half of the report presents a preliminary analysis of the qualitative data (n = 521) from the questionnaires and focus groups.

2. Methodology
Two female Sri Lankan Research Assistants facilitated the data collection in the Katunayake EPZ in Sri Lanka. Both were fluent in English and Singhalese and received intensive training and guidance from the Principal Investigator, CENWOR Research Director and Project Manager. The respondents were randomly selected by the Research Assistants and were sourced from the countless boarding houses that surround the Katunayake EPZ. To be eligible for selection women had to have worked in an EPZ for at least one year prior to data collection. Respondents were approached to complete the two-page survey (see Appendix 1) or participate in a focus group (see Appendix 2), in safe locations in community areas and care was taken not to interfere with their work or family duties. The women were informed that their results would be anonymous and confidential and could not link them to any village or factory. No names were used on the questionnaire or in focus groups. The questionnaire and focus group data was translated to Singhalese and the Research Assistants translated the results back to English using the process of Back Translation. Ethics approval was granted by Edith Cowans Ethics Committee in late 2007. The questionnaire and focus group data was designed to provide insights into the ways in which young women may be empowered or indeed disempowered as a result of their work. The data collected was also designed to provide alternate ways to measure and understand empowerment as opposed to the macro-measures used in the GEM and GGGI for example. The first part of the questionnaire was quantitative and focused on demographic data such as age, marital status, and education level. Other questions focused on work profile such as type of factory, job title, hours worked and promotion, as well as information on salaries and savings. The women were also asked whether they had experienced verbal, physical or sexual harassment at work, and whether they had experienced public humiliation for being an EPZ worker. The second qualitative part of the questionnaire asked the women five open-ended questions and 500 of these surveys have been analysed as part of this report: 1. In what ways has your salary allowed you to accumulate capital or buy a house or similar or empower yourself or your family? 2. As a result of working do you participate more in community and/or political activities? If yes, explain 3. As a result of working do you participate more in decision making processes within the home? If yes, explain 4. As a result of working do you participate more in decision making processes outside the home? If yes, explain 5. Do you feel as a result of working in factories that you have experienced increased social inclusion in Sri Lanka IE. Being included in social, cultural, religious and political processes? If yes, explain 6

The focus group questions were similar to the questionnaire questions with additional items on measuring womens empowerment and the development of skills. The focus groups were facilitated by research assistants and supervised by senior members of the research team. The focus group data was designed to allow the women more freedom to express their concerns and air sensitive problems that they encountered as a result of working in an EPZ. The focus groups included 21 women, mostly from rural villages with ages ranging from 1742. Of these, 90% were machine operators and 10% were line managers. 70% worked in garment factories with the remainder working in socks, gloves or tobacco factories. The two sessions provided valuable insights and the ability to triangulate issues and themes revealed in the analysis of the quantitative and qualitative aspects of the questionnaire. The data was analysed using SPSS 14.0 (Statistical Package for Social Sciences) and the qualitative open-ended questions were first transcribed into word documents and then coded and further analysed using Nvivo 7 qualitative software. While the full quantitative dataset of 901 women was analysed, only 500 of the qualitative data in the questionnaires (or 55% of 901) are included in this report. However, this data is a good representation of the remaining qualitative data yet to be coded and analysed. The 5 open-ended questions were treated as themes in Nvivo and the womens comments were coded into these main themes and further coded into relevant sub-categories or into other themes emerging. These results are presented below and are used in a mixed-method approach to the study.

3. Findings Part One: Quantitative data

3.1 Demographics of respondents

There were 901 questionnaires completed by women working in Katunayake EPZ and all quantitative data for 901 women has been analysed using SPSS. The demographic data are presented in Table 1. 73% of women were 25 years or younger. The average respondent was aged 23.83 years with 20% aged 26-30, and only 6% over the age of 30. This indicates a relatively young female workforce at Katunayake. 80.6% of women were unmarried and 18% were married. The women from Katunayake EPZ are well educated on average. Over half (52.5%) had completed A-level education and a further 38.6% had completed O-level education. 19 women (2%) had completed or were completing tertiary education. The remainder of women had either incomplete A or O levels (6.4%), or less than 7yrs education (0.3%). To make mother-daughter comparisons, women were asked about their mothers level of education2. The women working at Katunayake had received considerably more education than their mothers, particularly in completion of A-levels. Only 10% of mothers had completed A- level education and 24% O-level education. Interestingly, 41% of the women reported their mothers had an incomplete O or A level education. A further 21% had either less than 7 yrs education or no education. A chi-square analysis of the relationship between the womens education and mothers education also indicated a significantly higher level of education of the women in comparison to their mothers, X (49, N = 896) = 119.39, p <.05.

Table 1. Demographics of women who participated in the questionnaire (n=901)

Demographic characteristic Age

% of respondents (n) <=25yrs 73.5 (662) 26-30yrs 20 (179) Divorced 0.6 (5) A Levels 52.5 (473) A Levels 31-40yrs 6 (54) Never married 80.6 (726) Tertiary 2 (19) Tertiary >41yrs 0.4 (4) Other 0.7(6) Incomplete O or A level 6.4 (58) Incomplete or <7yrs

Marital Status

Married 18 (164)

Respondents Education

O Levels 38.6 (348)

Mothers Education

O Levels

We made mother-daughter comparisons because this is an indicator of improved empowerment over time (Hancock, 2005; 2006).

24.1(217)
Source: 2007-2009 questionnaire

10 (90)

0.3 (3)

62.6 (564)

The significant differences in the education levels of the participants compared to their mothers education levels are important. It implies, at least on the face of it, that improved education has been significant in this new generation of young Sri Lankan women. Based on the GEM and the GGGI for example, this improved education phenomena should equate automatically with increased gender empowerment. However as will be seen below in the report, gender empowerment is not a simple one-dimensional concept and improved education could also lead to disempowerment and these issues and contradictions need to be considered.

3.2

Employment profile Questionnaire respondents

3.2.1 Type of factory and Job title The women were asked several questions regarding their work. When asked which type of factory they worked in (see Table 2), 80% of respondents worked in garment factories, followed by shoes (4.6%) and jewellery (3.6%). Most women (68.2%) had only been working in the EPZs for 1-3 years with a further 19.3% having worked 4-5 years. This indicates that the EPZ workforce is a relatively short-term labour market and does not appear to be sustainable employment. This is further evidenced by the finding that only 12.6% of women had worked more than five years in an EPZ, with the overall average being 3.29 years. Short term employment is the result of poor working conditions, societal pressure and the fact that many women choose to work only a few years to save enough for a dowry. This is evidenced in the qualitative data below. Almost three quarters of the women were employed in low status positions, including jobs such as Machine Operator (42.4%), Packer (7.1%), Helper (6.4%), Assistant (5.7%), Cutter (4.7%), General Worker (4.2%) and Iron Operator (2.3%). 17.3% of women were employed in higher level jobs such as Quality Checker (12.7%), Line Supervisor (2.8%) and Trainer (1%). A chi-square test found that the relationship between womens education and job title was significant, X (217, N=901) = 910.98, p <.05. No workers with incomplete O-levels or less than 7 years education were in a supervisor position. Thus it is evident that women with higher education levels are more likely to be employed in a supervisor position than women less educated. When asked whether their mothers worked, 60% reported that their mothers did currently work. However, only 1% of mothers had high status positions (e.g. Teacher). Of the working mothers, 45% were farm workers, with a further 8% working in low status jobs in EPZs, and retail, or as cooks, house servants, labourers and tea plantation workers. The working mothers earned much less than their daughters and most only earned seasonal or ad hoc salaries.

Table 2. Type of factory worked in by the respondents

Type of factory GARMENTS TEXTILES SHOES MACHINERY COMPUTER ELECTRONICS JEWELLERY CIGARS/CIGARETTES HABERDASHERY FISHING SOCKS GLOVES TRANSFORMER TOYS Total
Source: 2007-2009 questionnaire

Frequency 677 12 32 25 11 41 24 10 7 20 28 13 1 901

% 75.1 1.3 3.6 2.8 1.2 4.6 2.7 1.1 .8 2.2 3.1 1.4 .1 100.0

3.2.2 Hours of work, salary and promotion Long hours of work for factory women have been reported in the literature. Hours of work and promotion data are presented in Table 3. On average, women reported working 43.29 hours per week before overtime. Almost all women (95%) reported working overtime. The average amount of overtime worked was 12.78 hours per week, therefore on average, women worked 56 hours a week, earning an extra 2,897.45 Sri Lankan Rupee (LKR) per week. The average monthly salary of women was 8,277.48 (LKR) before overtime (equivalent to $93.50AUD) but this ranged significantly with the maximum earning being 18,000 LKR and the minimum 4,500 LKR. Thus the average salary after overtime was approximately 11,000 LKR a month. To make comparisons with salaries earned by their parents, the women were asked about their parents salaries as well as their contribution to the family income. Importantly, over 88% of women earned at least 30% of their total family income3, with the average being 49.34% of their total family income. 5% of women provided 100% of the total family income. These are astonishing results highlighting the importance of womens wages to family income. However such ratios are invisible outside research such as this and are
3

Total family income included parents and siblings combined incomes if not married and husbands salary if married.

10

certainly invisible in the GEM and GGGI and most gender-based discourse and analysis. From these data alone, we can conclude that the women sampled are important financially to their families and community, however this economic power does not automatically translate into social empowerment. On average, the women working in the Katunayake EPZ earned higher monthly salaries than that of their parents. Only 6.3% of mothers earned over 5000LKR a month, with the average salary of mothers being very low (1,336.32LKR). 67.2% of mothers earned no money (including 22.3% of mothers who were farm workers working for their household consumption). In comparison to mothers, 58% of fathers earned over 5000LKR a month and less than 2% earned below 3,000LKR per month. 22.3% reported their fathers as deceased. When asked if they had ever been promoted at work, only 101 women (11.2%) reported being promoted. This is not unexpected as only a small portion work more than five years, though it does show evidence of promotion. 30 of these women were promoted to a supervisor/management role while the remainder reported only going to other low status jobs with a minimal rise in pay. When comparing the education level of women with those who were promoted, a chi square test, X(6, N=893)=16.73, p <.05, indicated that women with Alevels (60.4%) and O-levels (28.7%) were more likely to be promoted than those with incomplete O levels or less than 7 years of education. This supports some arguments that education of women leads to greater gender equality, but it is hardly compelling data.

Table 3. Hours of work and Promotion

Work characteristic Hours of work per week before overtime Overtime

% of respondents (n) 40-45hrs 89.4% (806) Yes 94.8 (854) 46-50 9.6 (87) No 4.4 (40) No 87.9 (792) 51-55 0.3 (3) 56-60 0.5 (5)

Promotion

Yes 11.2 (101)

Source: 2007-2009 questionnaire

3.3

Savings and money sent home to family

On average, the women saved 2,894LKR a month, with 33% saving in a bank and 46.4% saving in an informal savings scheme (Cheetu). The average amount saved in informal savings (1,766LKR) was slightly higher than the average saved in banks (1,128.02LKR). The women in focus groups elaborated on the use of informal schemes (money collected from a group of women by a nominated leader) and the mutual trust involved, which was very useful for explaining the quantitative results above. The women acknowledged that their money was safer in a bank but found the convenience of Cheetu to be important. This was more apparent with women who did not have their salary automatically deposited in the bank. 11

These women had to obtain gate passes to go to a bank which was only open at certain times. Taking the time to go to the bank meant difficulty in catching up on work targets or missed lunch breaks. The other major advantage of informal schemes, as reported in the focus groups, was that the women were less likely to withdraw their savings as they were not free to withdraw money until certain draw dates. Each month, 68% of women sent money home to their family. An average of 2009LKR was sent home each month. Less than 20% sent no money home to family. From this data we again point to the importance of womens wages to family wellbeing. The money sent home was used in positive ways including home renovations, assistance with sibling education fees, family medical fees and living expenses. Moreover, these remittances proved to be a major focus of the debate on work and empowerment. Qualitative data revealed that, young Sri Lankan women earning relatively good salaries, especially when compared to total household or family income, as well as remittances, led to many young women feeling a sense of empowerment that they had not previously experienced. This will be discussed in the next section and described in more detail in Table 4. However, it should be noted that these conclusions were only possible using a mixed methods approach.

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4.

Findings Part Two: Qualitative data

This section is a preliminary analysis of the qualitative data of 500 questionnaires and two focus groups of a total of 21 women, coded and analysed in the Nvivo (version7) qualitative software program. However, it is also supported by quantitative statistics obtained from the full dataset (n=901). Table 4 lists the themes and sub-themes coded in Nvivo and the number of comments coded to each theme. The major heading of each qualitative question e.g. Personal empowerment, were treated as themes (also called nodes) in Nvivo. Due to the large number of comments to be analysed and to make more sense of the data, sub-themes were developed based on the most common comments that women made under each question or theme. For example, under the theme decision making in the home womens narratives revealed common themes of either collective decision making, not consulted or sometimes consulted. All text was coded to one of the subthemes. Highlighted in red are sub-themes containing a significant number of comments from respondents. These will form the basis of the discussion of the qualitative data to follow. However, it should be noted here that Table 4 provides cursory qualitative analysis and is indicative data only. Nevertheless it provides a useful fact file of womens insights, experiences and processes of empowerment dis-empowerment.

Table 4. Themes and sub-themes and number of comments coded in Nvivo (continues over page)

NVIVO NODE (THEME)

SUB-THEMES/NODES

Number of comments coded to this node

91 58 28

Increased Decision Making Processes in Home

Collective decisions Not consulted Sometimes consulted

Increased Decision Making Processes Outside of Home

Decisions made with family members Do not participate Makes own decisions Outside decision making not her role Workplace decisions, boarding house representation 27 61 22 20 21

Increased Participation in Community, Political Activities

Examples of participation Give money to family so they can participate No but parents or family involved No time Disinterested or disconcerted with politics Temple or charity donations 32 10 20 91 9 15

Increased Personal Empowerment

Examples of Disempowerment High cost of living 12

13

Supporting family members Workplace related Examples of Empowerment Accumulate capital Buy, build, renovate house for self Contributed to building or renovating family members' home Dowry Furniture, household goods Further education Helped pay for sibling or family education Jewellery Own small business Sewing machine Tractor, three wheeler, ricksaw Money for family business/agriculture
Other themes related to feelings of empowerment

6 9 22 35 47 13 70 15 18 115 11 14 16 5 73 14 53 31 18

Happy and proud to be earning an income Improved status Independence Pride in being able to help family Pride in belonging to an EPZ and helping the nation

Gained skills Increased Public Humiliation

No Longer Occurring Verbal abuse in workplace Societal Subordination, Harassment Sexual abuse or harassment Village Social Exclusion When using public transport

12
5 5 34 5 11 7

Increased Social Inclusion

Decreased inclusion in family and village Lower status Negative opinion from village about EPZ workers Unhappy about job Decreased inclusion in society Lack of recognition Negative public opinion about EPZ workers Increased inclusion in family and village Feel respected by family and village Village has good opinion about EPZ Increased inclusion in society Bring in money to Sri Lanka good assets Improved public opinion Treated well in Katunayake Unsure of social inclusion Source: 2007-2009 Questionnaire (based on N=500 questionnaires only) and N=21 women from focus groups 17 28 11 18 84 88 22 6 15 4 15

4.1

Reported experience of abuse or public humiliation

The women were asked if they had ever been humiliated for being an EPZ worker and the question allowed for comments. Few women reported physical abuse or sexual harassment4. Reporting public humiliation, particularly physical and sexual harassment on a questionnaire in a nation like Sri Lanka is unlikely and in hindsight this question was not appropriate in a questionnaire. However, in a focus group conducted among EPZ employees, the issue of sexual and physical harassment at work and while travelling in Katunayake was openly discussed and was reported as serious but a non-reported issue. Example narratives are
4

However in the larger study of N=1571 including information from other EPZs, 1% (15 women) reported being physically abused in the workplace, mostly by a supervisor and another 1% reported sexual abuse in the workplace. Five women reported they were forced into sexual activity with a supervisor and two women described sexual abuse as a daily occurrence. These numbers are likely to be underrepresented.

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On the way to work, we are approached by Zipper men (Exhibitionists) We just scold them and tell them to find other women (Focus group, February 2009) On our way to work, our gold chains are grabbed away by motor cyclists5 (Focus group, February 2009) The women in focus groups also discussed the issue of being scolded on a regular basis at work and episodes of unfair treatment and favouritism among supervisors. Telling tales was encouraged and could mean better work conditions for some at the expense of others. The women also spoke about the difficulty in being able to speak up about unfair treatment as they were more likely to be penalised or have their jobs suspended. Three women were suspended from their jobs for being prominent in demanding a pay rise. 54 women (6%) in the survey reported being subjected to public humiliation of some kind. Of these women, the majority reported societal subordination/harassment (61%) followed by village social exclusion(22%) and being humiliated on public transport (9%). Again the questionnaire did not reveal a true picture. Our focus group and other data revealed widespread societal subordination of women who worked in EPZs6. 15% of women reported verbal abuse at work, mostly occurring when they failed to reach targets7. A chisquare test revealed that there was no significant difference between public humiliation across factory types. However, in terms of verbal abuse alone, a chi-square test revealed a significant difference between garment workers and other factory types, X(10, N=898) = 25.75, p <.05. Of those experiencing verbal abuse, 95.6% worked in garment factories. This equates with qualitative data that revealing that women working in garment factories were perceived as being very low status and of low morals and many women used the term garment objects or garment girls to reflect this subordinate discourse and subjugation they experienced. On the other hand, women who worked in technical or electronics factories were very proud of this. Some women felt ignored or chastised in their villages but many reported that the situation of being a garment girl was better now with less name calling. Many women who work in the EPZ are not local and are considered outsiders. This has made them vulnerable to harassment by local men. Several comments from the women showed that lack of respect also appears to be related to the change in lifestyle and dress attire of the women working in zones. One woman explained People do seem to think you are cheap and try to take advantage. I have also heard of such comments when walking on the road. Using public transport also makes the women vulnerable, particularly without male escorts as is the norm in Sri Lanka. People outside the zone consider the people working in the zone to be vulgar and differentwe are branded as zone girls. A few women mentioned they did not experience public humiliation because the factory provided transport.
5 6

Several women spoke about planned robberies on pay days that would see women get their money stolen. In the larger study of N=1571 women, 20% of women had reported some form of social abuse or humiliation. 7 This figure rose in the larger study to 18.6% of women (287) reported experiencing verbal abuse. Of these women 4% reported being verbally abused for asking to take maternity leave and 5% indicated they were verbally abused all the time. Most women though (90%) reported being verbally abused due to not reaching production targets. .

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4.2

Personal empowerment

As empowerment is the core of this research, we asked the women about ways in which their salary had allowed them to accumulate capital or empower themselves or their family. 840 (93%) women reported ways in which their salary had empowered them which is presented in Table 5. Most women gave multiple responses. Table 5. Salary and empowerment Item Jewellery Furniture Electrical appliances Sewing equipment Items for Dowry Build or renovate own or family home Gain capital or save Pay for own or relatives education Assist a sick relative Machines such as 3 wheelers, tractors Clothes, phones, almarah, help with a small business
Source: 2007-2009 questionnaire

% 48

28 11.4 4.9 2.7

Almost all women reported they had purchased jewellery. Jewellery is significant in Sri Lankan culture as an important dowry item. The other most frequent response was the purchase of furniture (also important for dowry) and electrical appliances for home use. In regards to salary sent to family, most of the women expressed pride in being able to assist in renovating their family home such as adding on a toilet or tiling a roof, or contributing to a siblings education.

4.2.1 Feelings of empowerment Feelings of empowerment was a dominant theme in the womens narratives even though the women were not directly asked if they felt empowered by their jobs. An analysis of narratives in Nvivo revealed a common sub-theme of Happy and proud to be earning an income (see Table 4). Other text examples are: Very good I feel very proud to be a part of this profession. A lot of people feel that I earn something and therefore I have some worth (garment factory, age 30, 2008) Ive felt very proud about working here and earning an income and making a better life for us (garment factory, age 23, 2008) It appears that the majority of women surveyed have gained personal empowerment by working in an EPZ, despite the sometimes negative opinion of others (society, village, community). There appears to be a good level of resilience among the women. Even despite long work hours, oppressive working conditions, living away from home and possible harassment, many women report that they are happy. The second major theme of 16

empowerment was Independence. Many women used this term as being a positive outcome for them working in an EPZ. This included not only economic independence in earning an income, but also being able to live away from their home on their own. Some women reported: Personally I feel good that Im Independent and in a position to live on my own (fishing bait factory, age 21, 2008) I feel happy and proud that Im an independent girl now (shoe factory, age 17, 2008) I had never lived away from the shelter of my family before. Im a completely different person from the girl who came here. Im smarter now and happy for myself (garment factory, age 20, 2008) Other minor themes of empowerment were Improved Status, and Pride in belonging to an EPZ and helping the nation. One woman remarked Our status of the family increased due to my job and another stated I think we are the pulse of Sri Lanka. We make a lot of money for the country. We make up most of the working class of the country. Although there were not a lot of comments coded to these themes, they were nevertheless reflections of empowerment in both contributing to family and society.

4.3

Decision making in the home

According to Table 4, just over half (51%) of the women reported they participated more in home decision making as a result of working in the EPZ. Being consulted or not was the dominant theme. For those that did participate more in home decision making, 17.2% were consulted in decisions regarding child rearing and education, particularly of siblings. Often this involved monetary support (Yes Im being consulted about my younger brothers education and I help them with the tuition fees). 3.6% of women made all decisions in their home while the remainder were either sometimes consulted or made decisions in conjunction with their parents or husband (collective decision making). Other women were not consulted while living away from home but made their own decisions in Katunayake. While most women reported that they still consulted family members first before making a decision, it appears that working in an EPZ and living away from home has led to more opportunities for women to be involved in decision making. Gender is not the only factor affecting home decision making. Birth order, marital status and age (Since Im the youngest, they dont consult me) are also important factors in collective decision making in the home. If a woman has older siblings, she is less likely to be consulted, and there appears to be a hierarchy among siblings. Brothers are more likely to be consulted in decision making than sisters despite age (Yes, I always make all the decisions in the home. I am the eldest child and we have no boys in the family). In terms of marital status, a chi-square test revealed a significant relationship between marital status and in-home decision making, X (5, N = 901) = 38.01, p <.05. Married women indicated they participated more in decision making in the home (70.7%) compared to unmarried women (46.8%).

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There was diversity among families of women working in Katunayake. Some families may be more patriarchal or traditional than other families when it comes to making decisions in the home. Of the 49% of women who stated that they did not participate in home decision making, 54.5% reported they were never consulted. Most of these women cited that their parents, particularly fathers or siblings made the decisions (My father makes decisions in our family. Im being informed about the decisions. I of course get permission before I do anything). It would be interesting to explore further whether women whose families or villages had a more modern outlook are more likely to be involved in collective decision making than older and more traditional villages. While it was evident in the data that many villages tended to be more patriarchal than others, we could not narrow these down. However, anecdotal evidence suggests that these villages were more isolated and in the lowest economic strata of rural society.

4.4

Decision making outside the home

Only 25% of women reported that they participated more in outside decision making as a result of working. For these women, 59% reported that they made their own decisions at the EPZ, while a further 16% made decisions in collaboration with family members. Of the 666 (75%) women who did not report outside decision making, the majority (64%) gave no reason citing No as the most common answer. 16% reported that it was not their role to be involved and a further 16% reported that they sought family permission when making decisions outside the home (No even if I have to go on a trip I ask my parents) and (Yes I inform everything and take fathers decision before doing anything here). Getting permission and Informing parents was a common citation among women who did not report increased power vis--vis outside decision making. Again, as with home decision making, it would be interesting to explore the old versus new village attitudes and values towards women making decisions. Also, it may be interesting to explore whether nonparticipation in decisions outside the home is a way for a womans reputation to be protected given the sometimes negative associations with women working in EPZs, and cultural norms of women not going out in public unaccompanied.

4.4.1 Advocacy and leadership in boarding houses and the workplace Among the women who reported increased involvement in workplace/boarding house decisions (15% or 135 women), there is evidence of advocacy and leadership roles in dealing with injustice and instigating change. Some of these women took on the role of advocates for other women in boarding houses (Yes I take care of the girls of my boarding house like they are my sisters so I always speak on their behalf) and in the workplace (When there is an issue regarding factory workers, I take a stand and I represent our factory workers). Other women reported being actively involved in factory strikes or taking leadership roles in instigating change (We strike and get increments, we get together and demand the factory to provide meals for us and we managed to win those demands). A number of women took less active roles i.e. Did not instigate, but were willing to be involved in strikes in a support capacity.

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4.5

Participation in community and political activities

Involvement in the community is a way of life and an expectation in Sri Lankan culture. Our data shows that women working in EPZs are being denied access to community involvement. 81% of women reported they did not participate more in community decisions as a result of their work. Qualitative data supports this statistic with Lack of time to be involved dominating the responses in 98% of women who did not participate, when those who gave no reason was removed from the data (Besides working we really have no time to involve ourselves in any other activity. We dont even get time to vote). While most did not elaborate on Lack of time, the assumption would be that working long hours at EPZs would allow little time for involvement. This would be particularly apparent for the women who reported that they previously participated prior to coming to work at an EPZ (No time now. I used to be an active member of our youth society). Thus not being able to participate in the community or in political activities due to working could be considered a form of significant disempowerment and subjugation for women working in EPZs which is a contradiction to the macro measures used in the GEM and GGGI (I am happy that Im independent but we are leading a very bad life here. We work so much and dont have time to enjoy life or even think about life). Of the 19% of women who did participate, 10% belonged to factory committees, 27.5% were on village committees, 25.1% contributed to temple activities (usually monetary) and a further 18.7% contributed in some other way. It is interesting in the womens narratives that community for the women tended to mean their home or village community, rather than the community of Katunayake. It has been noted in the literature that factory workers often feel like outsiders in the local community where they work. Our data also shows that public humiliation is reported more in the work community than home/village community. Given that women may not be readily accepted in the local (EPZ) community as well as our data showing that outside decision making is low, it is not surprising that there is little community involvement, apart from the opportunities that arise when women return to their home villages. Thus public opinion and status of the women in their working community would affect community involvement, as well as lack of time. However, when looking at the focus group data, it is also clear that to some extent the women feel a sense of community among fellow factory workers or women they live with at boarding houses. They are willing to donate money to factory charities, to pool resources to buy gifts or contribute to worthwhile funds that assist other women and families less fortunate. While comments on political involvement was rarely reported in the questionnaires, several women in the focus groups voiced their lack of faith and trust in politics and politicians, and therefore disinterest in being involved (The ones who do politics lie, steal and deceive, that is what politics means to me). This information gained from focus groups again supports the need for a mixed method approach as the women felt freer to talk about the sensitive issue of politics in a country such as Sri Lanka.

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4.6

Social inclusion

Of all the open-ended questions, this one generated the most narratives among the women and supports the need for obtaining rich qualitative data for describing the experiences of women. The women were asked whether as a result of working in factories, they felt increased social inclusion in Sri Lanka such as being included in social, cultural, religious and political processes. Overall, 70% of women (631) experienced increased social inclusion since working in the EPZ, with 30% reporting social exclusion. Table 5 provides a snapshot of how the 70% of women felt more social inclusion. An Increased sense of self worth was the highest category and reflected the high number of women reporting their feelings of empowerment from working, even though it was not directly related to the question.

Table 6. Type of Increased Social Inclusion Type of Inclusion Increased sense of self worth Increased respect within family Increased respect in village Both increased respect in village and family Increased respect in society in general Developed their own culture
Source: 2007-2009 questionnaire

% (n) 32.3 24.6 20.0 11.4 8.6 2.4 (204) (155) (126) (72) (54) (15)

4.6.1 Village and family inclusion As can be seen in Table 6, Increased respect within family and Increased respect within village or both, made up over 50% of the increase in social inclusion responses compared to only 8.6% of women experiencing an increase in social inclusion at the societal level. This supports our 2006 data where it was found that women are more likely to feel empowered at the family and village level as a result of working and are more likely to be subjugated at the societal level (Hancock, 2006). Being an economic asset to the family and village appears to increase social inclusion. Women who helped their family in a monetary way gained respect and support from their village but this may have only been apparent in less traditional and more forward-thinking villages. In older, more geographically isolated villages, its possible that income from women could be seen as a threat to patriarchy and the status quo. The opinion of the local village and family, particularly regarding Respect, was important to women and whether they felt socially included (I feel that Im socially included because my family and village respect me and think of me as a courageous girl) and (As long as my family loves and respects me, Im socially included). The term courageous girl was also used numerous times by women to describe how their family felt about them working in EPZs and is a positive contrast to the negative label of garment girl. Not bringing shame to the family and having a good reputation is important in Sri Lankan culture and is linked to social inclusion at the family and village level in our data. One woman stated: 20

My family greatly value the respectability of a girl so Ive never done anything for them to mistrust me. So I think they really believe in me and have a lot of faith in me. Ill never ever misuse the freedom that I have here so that Im included in my family as a very responsible girl (garment factory, age 22, 2008) In a small number of narratives, the type of EPZ was linked to social inclusion. The stigma of being a garment girl in comparison to working in other types of factories has been noted in the literature. A few of the women in our data who worked in security, transformer or jewellery factories considered themselves to be more educated and skilled than those working in garment factories (My job is a well respected one. I behave in a very respectful manner unlike the garment girls. So our family and village know that Im doing a responsible security job, so I feel Im socially included) and (Since Im not in a garment factory, my family dont mind). 4.6.2 Increased inclusion at the societal level The number of women who mentioned that they felt more social inclusion at the societal level was quite small. Some women mentioned other people in general so it is also difficult to ascertain whether they are talking about people in general or from their home village. The women reporting increased inclusion at the societal level felt that attitudes about EPZs were improving over time or changing for the better. One woman reported: Yes I feel included in the society, because unlike those days we dont hear unwelcoming comments when we travel in public transport. So I think a whole new positive attitude has developed towards us (sock factory, age 30, 2008) Although small, it appears there is some positive sentiment among some women that over time, attitudes towards EPZ workers has improved.

4.6.3 Exclusion at the family and village level Exclusion at the village level was minor compared to at the societal level, but was nevertheless disempowering for many women. When the women did not feel included it was generally because the village opinion of women working in EPZs was negative. A lot of women reported that they did not tell villagers that they worked in Katunayake because of the wrong impression of EPZ workers (We tell people that we work in the city but we dont tell them that we work in the zone. People will have a bad impression about us if we say we work here). Others mentioned that despite negative opinion of the village, they still had family support or were proud of their independence and hoped that village opinion would change with time. Other forms of exclusion at the village level were related to the perceived lower status of EPZ jobs (Yes Im happy about the job but my family arent happy as they expected me to get a better job) and disapproval of the way women had embraced city culture and dress. One woman stated: People in the village have this attitude that we wear trousers now and that we are urbanised and do not consider us to suit their culture anymore (garment factory, age 26, 2008)

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4.6.4 Exclusion at the societal level For those women who felt inclusion at the village level, many reported exclusion at the societal level or from the general public. This example from one woman is representative of many other similar comments: Within my family and village of course Im respected and honoured. But I know that the public doesnt have a favourable opinion about us. We are treated as garment objects in society especially in public places such as on buses (garment factory, age 23, 2008) The word Opinion was commonly cited by women in their narratives. Text containing the words village opinion was separated from general public opinion and this again showed village social exclusion as minor compared to the general public opinion.

Table 7. Examples of narratives from women describing social exclusion at the societal level Narratives
Im respected and recognised by my family but not by societywe are always treated as loose women (garment factory, age 25, 2008) There is a very negative attitude among people where EPZ workers are concerned that makes me feel very excluded socially. A lot of people feel that we are dirty and branded so that makes me feel very bad (garment factory, age 35, 2008) A lot of people consider us to be whores and therefore we dont have much of a good kind of inclusion and are rather branded as trash (Machinery factory, age 25, 2008) In our villages we are respected. But not by the general public. We are referred to as Objects in the Katunayake FTZ and by the public sometimes (Machinery factory, age 32, 2008) The general perception is that Katunayake girls are easy ones (garment factory, age23, 2008) People outside the zone consider the people working in the zone to be vulgar and different. So I feel that they do not treat us like normal working class people we are branded as zone girls (garment factory, age 30, 2008) People have a bad impression about girls in Katunayake they look down on them and feel they are corrupt (shoe factory, age 25, 2008) People here try to cheat you and take advantage and we have no respect in their eyes (garment factory, age 28, 2008) No matter how good you conduct yourself, tongues wag about girls who work in the EPZs (garment factory, age 22, 2008) We are treated like a bunch of rats. We are supposed to work all day and night but all are considered the dirtiest women (machinery factory, age 24, 2008) People look down on us and no one wants to marry a girl working in the zone (garment factory,age25) People have very negative attitudes and we are not considered to be included in any social structure (garment factory, age 28, 2008)
Source: 2007-2009 questionnaire

As seen in Table 7, the women feeling social exclusion in Katunayake were quite forthright in the labels they used to describe the perceived public opinion of them. There is a general feeling that the women felt these labels to be an unfair portrayal of women working in the EPZs. However, despite exclusion, support from family and the personal and economic benefits from working appear to outweigh the general public opinion.

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Another theme emerging was a perceived lack of recognition from society for the contribution that the women make to the Sri Lankan economy (Katunayake garment girls are not respected by the society despite the fact that they make a huge contribution to the countrys income). Several women reported not feeling acknowledged for their contribution to society or recognition of the hard work they had put in. Some spoke of their pride in making a contribution to the economy but were saddened by the lack of recognition from the general public. There were also reports of a lack of recognition at the factory level (There are always people lining up to join the EPZs so there is no problem). Thus societal level exclusion or lack of recognition remains one of the most important and serious forces faced by young Sri Lankan women, a major threat to empowerment.

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5. Conclusions
This interim report of a large sample of women working in Katunayake, Sri Lankas largest EPZ, has shed important insights on the effects of formal employment on womens empowerment and status in developing countries. The respondents living and working in Katunayake are relatively young, educated women who have migrated from surrounding rural areas to work predominantly in garment factories. Less than 20% of the women are married and most have worked less than three years in factories, indicating a short-term labour market. They work long hours in mostly low status positions with 95% of women working overtime with limited opportunities for promotion. However, despite the hardships of working and living away from home, the women appear resilient and focussed on the benefits that employment has brought to them and their families. The skills and economic power the women have gained from formal employment has led to higher feelings of self worth for many, a sense of Independence and pride in being able to help their families possibly move out of poverty. The data shows clear evidence of the importance of womens wages to family income, with over 88% of women earning at least 30% of their total family income, with the average being almost 50%. On average the women earned higher monthly salaries than their parents and almost 70% sent money home to their families. This money was used in positive ways to help with sibling education, medical and living expenses as well as home renovations. Some women had also assisted family members with purchasing items for a small business. Economic empowerment has also led to higher levels of decision making in the home by women. 51% reported that they participated more in home decision making since working. This is more apparent among married women who were more likely to be involved in collective decision making than unmarried women. Gender as well as sibling hierarchy were underlying factors affecting whether women were involved in decision making, as well as the level of patriarchy in families and villages. This empowerment at the household and family level supports similar findings in our 2006 research. 70% of women in the current study reported that they felt more socially included since working at the EPZ, but mainly at the household and village level, rather than the societal level. Positive opinion about factory work and respect from the village and their family was an important source of support and empowerment for women. However, there were several issues which seriously undermined womens empowerment and status which are highlighted in this study. The data shows that despite economic empowerment and significant contribution made to the economy in Sri Lanka, women are being denied access to community and political involvement with 81% of women reporting that they did not participate more in community and political decision making as a result of their work, and only 25% of women were involved in decision making outside the home. While the majority of women quoted lack of time for their non-involvement in the community due to long work hours, it was clear that negative attitudes, stigma and social exclusion of factory women also play a large part in womens participation in society.

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The issue of physical, verbal and sexual abuse of workers was also highlighted in this report. It appears that verbal abuse is particularly widespread in the workplace while there is an undercurrent of physical and sexual abuse and harassment which is present but underreported. The cases reported show that women working in EPZs are particularly vulnerable to abuse and harassment in the workplace and community due to their low status in society, labour conditions, adoption of city culture and living arrangements outside the norm for Sri Lankan women. Only a minority of women felt they were socially included at the public/societal level and our data shows evidence of women being subjugated and disempowered at the societal level. This data would not have been obtained using quantitative measures such as the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) or the Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI). Rich qualitative data obtained from womens narratives revealed the extent of the social stigma and often negative opinions of society towards women who work in factories as well as the experiences some women face through public humiliation and sexual harassment. This contrasting picture of both empowerment and disempowerment provides a rich insight into the ways and extent of which women have turned their employment experiences into economic and social empowerment and at the same time illustrates the challenges and barriers faced by women moving into formal employment in developing countries.

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6. References
Dabindu Collective (2001). Problems faced by women working in Sri Lankas Export Processing Zones. ALU, 38. Engman, M.,Onodera, O., & Pinali, E. (2007). Export processing zones: past and future role in trade and development: OECD Publishing. Hancock, P. (2006). Women, work and empowerment: A portrait of women workers in two of Sri Lanka's Export Processing Zones. Norsk Geografisk TidsskriftNorwegian Journal of Geography, 60, 227-239. Hancock, P. (2006). Violence, women, work and empowerment: Narratives from factory women in Sri Lanka's Export Processing Zones. Gender, Technology and Development, 10(2), 211-228. Hancock, P. (2008). The utility of qualitative research: A study of gender empowerment in Sri Lanka. In P.J. Maginn, S. M. Thompson & M. Tonts (Eds.), Qualitative Urban Analysis: An International Perspective. Studies in Qualitative Methodology (Vol. 9). Oxford: Elsevier. Ruwanpura, K. N. (2009). Book Review: Hewamanne, S. 2007: Stitching identities in a free trade zone: gender and politics in Sri Lanka. Progress in Human Geography, 33, 431-432.

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Appendix 1:

Katunayake Questionnaire

Gender empowerment measure: research on social empowerment among Sri Lankan EPZ workers
RA =

Questionnaire (2400 women)

Date = EPZ =

Notes to RA while many of these questions relate to the participants current position, their past histories and experiences in previous factories (if applicable) can be captured however the overarching aim of the research is to capture a picture of women as labour and pathways to empowerment to in turn inform policy.

Dear Participant We are conducting research that focuses on the issue of gender empowerment and the ways in which factory women may or may not be socially empowered as a result of factory work in Sri Lanka. The research is being conducted as part of an independent study designed by the Centre for Social Research at Edith Cowan University and funded by the Australian government to provide new and alternate ways to understand gender empowerment. The research is being coordinated in Sri Lanka by CENWOR (Centre for Women's Research) with the approval of the Sri Lankan Board of Investment (BOI). The questionnaire will take about 30 minutes to complete. Your answers will be anonymous and confidential and cannot be linked to you, or your village or factory, in any way. You may withdraw from the questionnaire at any stage if you wish. The results of the research will also be blind and anonymous.

Would you like to go ahead and complete the questionnaire? _______

1) What EPZ do you currently work in? _______________________________________ 2) What type of factory? (garments, textiles etc) ________________________________ 3) How long have you worked in any factory? (years only) ___________________ 4) What is your age? ________________ 5) What is your marital status? _______________________ 6) What is your education level? ___________ 7) What is your job title or level? ______________ 8) Have you ever been promoted? __________ (if yes, from what position or level to? _____________) 9) What is you usual monthly salary? (not including overtime) ____________________ 10) How many hours do you work in a normal week? ____________________________ 27

11) Do you normally work overtime? __________ (if yes, how many hours per week do you normally work on overtime? _______________ How much extra pay do you get as a result per month? ________________ ) 12) Have you ever experienced verbal abuse from your managers? __________________ 13) Have you ever experienced physical abuse from managers? _________________ 14) Have you ever experienced sexual harassment at work? ________ 15) Have you ever been humiliated in public, in your community or society for being an EPZ worker? (if yes, explain) ______________________________________________ 16) What is your mothers education level? __________________ 17) Does your mother work? ______________ (if yes, what type of work? ______________ How much does she earn per month? ____________________ ) 18) What is your fathers monthly income? ___________________ 19) What is the proportion of your monthly salary to your familys total income? (including husband) ______________________ 20) Do you regularly send money to your family each month? __________ (if yes, how much per month? ____________ ) 21) Do you save your salary in your own bank account each month? ______________ (if yes, how much usually per month do you save? _____________ ) 22) In what ways has your salary allowed you to accumulate capital or buy a house or similar or empower yourself or your family? (please explain below) _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ 23) As a result of working do you participate more in community and/or political activities? (if yes, explain) _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ 28

24) As a result of working do you participate more in decision making processes within the home? _______ (if yes, explain) ________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ 25) As a result of working do you participate more in decision making processes outside the home? _______ (if yes, explain) ________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ 26) Do you feel as a result of working in factories that you have experienced increased social inclusion in Sri Lanka, IE, being included in social, cultural, religious and political processes? _______ (if yes, explain) _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________

Thank you for taking the time to complete the questionnaire.

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Appendix 2:

Focus Group Questions

Gender empowerment measure: research on social empowerment among Sri Lankan EPZ workers
RA = Date =

Focus Groups (10 sessions 150 women approx 15 per group) EPZ =

Dear Participant We are conducting research that focuses on the issue of gender empowerment and the ways in which factory women may or may not be socially empowered as a result of factory work in Sri Lanka. The research is being conducted as part of an independent study designed by the Centre for Social Research at Edith Cowan University and funded by the Australian government to provide new and alternate ways to understand gender empowerment. The research is being coordinated in Sri Lanka by CENWOR (Centre for Women's Research) with the approval of the Sri Lankan Board of Investment (BOI).The focus group will take about 30 minutes to complete. Your answers will be anonymous and confidential and cannot be linked to you, or your village or factory, in any way. You may withdraw from the focus group at any stage if you wish. The results of the research will also be blind and anonymous. Would you like to go ahead and complete the focus group? Focus group Guidelines (RA may write more if required, do this on the back of the form) 1) How do you think female EPZ workers are thought of in Sri Lanka? 2) In what ways have you been empowered as a result of factory work? 3) In what ways have you been dis-empowered as a result of factory work? 4) How would you measure womens empowerment if you had the choice? 5) Tell us some of the things that you have been able to achieve for yourself with your salary? 6) Tell us some of the things you have been able to achieve in your home or community as a result of experiencing full time work and a salary? 7) Have you been able to convert your economic roles and status (wages, experience in work, promotion, savings etc) into social capital? (acceptance in society, community and family and involvement in decision making processes at all levels) (yes or no please explain) 8) In what ways has your salary allowed you to accumulate capital or buy a house or similar or empower your family? (please explain below) 30

9) As a result of working do you participate more in community and political activities? ______ (if yes, explain) 10) As a result of working do you participate more in decision making processes outside the home? _______ (if yes, explain) 11) Do you feel as a result of working in factories that you have experienced increased social inclusion in Sri Lanka, ie, being included in social, cultural and political processes? _________ (if yes, explain) 12) As a result of factory employment what type of important skills have you developed? (if yes, explain)

Thank you for participating in this focus group

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