2003 - ATA Annual Conf Proceedings - Back To Basics - Moskowitz

Proceedings of the 44th Annual Conference of the
Al1lericQn Translators Association
November 5-8. 2003 Phoenix. Arizona
Compiled by Scott Brennan
Published by the American Translators Association
Copyright 2003 American Translators Association
Manufactured in the United States of America
All Rights Reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form without the written permission of the publisher.
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Cover Design: Ellen Banker
No editorial intervention was undertaken by the Editor unless absolutely necessary and only if the production schedule allowed. The Editor's task was to solicit contributions, to arrange them thematically and sequentially, and to assist in other editorial matters.
When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for a people to improvise new words to catch and crystallize the new realities ofa new land; to give birth to a new vocabulary endowed with its creators' irrepressible shapes and textures andflavors; to tell tales taller andfunnier than anyone else had ever thought to before; to establish a body ofliterature in a nationalgrain; and to harmonize a raucous chorus ofimmigrant voices and regional lingoes-then this truth becomes self-evident: that a nation possesses the unalienable right to declare its linguistic independence and to spend its life and liberty in the pursuit ofa voice to sing ofitselfin its own words.
Richard Lederer
Wandering Rocks (1967) by Tony Smith (1912-1980). Stainless steel. National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C.
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TOPICS IN SPANISH LEXICAL DIALECTOLOGY: BACK TO BASICS

Andre Moskowitz
Keywords: Spanish, regionalisms, terminology, dialectology, lexicography, sociolinguistics. Abstract: This paper presents information on Spanish-language terms that vary by region. I
INTRODUCTION
When giving walking or driving directions to a stranger in Spanish, the usted command doble a la derecha is used and understood throughout the Spanish-speaking world in the sense of 'tum right' and can be considered the "international," "standard," "classic," "neutral" or "unmarked" way of saying this. Yet it is by no means the only way. In many countries, other phrases, such as cruce a la derecha, tuerza a la derecha, vire a la derecha or voltee ala derecha, are more common. This paper explains which phrases are most frequently used in the sense of'tum right' in each Spanish-speaking country, and provides information on usage that varies by regionfor a series ofother miscellaneous items that can be considered a very small part of a native speaker's "basic vocabulary." Some purists decry usages such as voltee a la derecha for 'turn right' that deviate from the international standard as a blight on the language that should be eradicated (or at least avoided in polite company or "serious" writing), sometimes arguing that such deviations are a threat to linguistic unity. To many dialectologists, linguists and other diversity enthusiasts, however, cases ofdivergence from "standard" or "neutral"usage are among the most interesting facets of language to study. Yet, in a sense, more regional and more international usages are just opposite sides of the same coin: each exists only in contrast to the other. On a practical level, information on regionalisms can be useful to anyone who communicates with people from other countries or analyzes their language, such as those involved in international business, international relief efforts, the language services sector, or anyone who has a relationship with a person from a different country (especially ifcommunication is conducted primarily, or even partially, in the other person' s language or dialect). This is because the more one knows about the ins and outs of a particular country's local linguistic norm, the greater one's communicative competence in that variety of the language. Although regional variation is the primary focus of this article, aspects of social and contextual variation are also addressed. For example, an explanation is provided when the use ofdifferent terms or phrases in a given region is marked by diglossia, that is, when complementary social functions
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are distributed between two coexisting forms that have the same basic meaning but correspond to different speech registers, generally a more formal, higher-prestige form, and a colloquial or popular, lower-prestige form. Throughout this article, all references to "Latin America," "Central America," "the Aritilles," specific nations, and to the gentilicios corresponding to them (adjectives such as Peruvian, Latin American, etc.), refer to the Spanish-speaking areas and communities of these regions. The material presented is catalogued under four general headings: The 3 Rs, Variable Verbs, Moody Morphology and A Few Other Essentials. The title of each section is either the item's common equivalent in United States English or a description of the issue in question. A) The 3 Rs (readin', writin' and 'rithmetic): 1) name ofthe letter b, 2) name ofthe letter v, 3) name of the letter w, 4) name of the accent mark, 5) division: the way the symbol "+" is read in mathematical expressions such as 10 + 5 = 2. B) Variable Verbs: 1) hurry (up), 2) turn (right/left), 3) turn around (face the other way), 4) pull (a rope), 5) push (a button): nonstandard verbs, 0) botar: verb commonly used or not? C) Moody Morphology: I) diminutives of words ending in t + vowel (e.g. gatito or gatico?), 2) gender of chance (masculine or feminine?), 3) gender of radio (the device), 4) gender of riel, 5) gender of sartin, 6) forms ofaddress (tli, vos, usted) used by parent when addressing child and child when addressing parent. D) A Few Other Essentials: 1) today, 2) good morning, 3) brown, 4) string I twine, 5) band-aid, 6) styrofoam, 7) cachivaches (regional equivalents). Each section is divided into four subsections: I) 2) 3) 4) 0.1 Summary Terms by Country Details Real Academia Regional Review Summary
These subsections present a synopsis ofthe regional variation ofeach item byjuxtaposing more panHispanic forms with more regional ones, and by contrasting regions where more international or more regional forms are used. 0.2 Terms or Phrases by Country
These subsections consist of lexico-geographic tables in which the terms or phrases used in Spain and the nineteen Spanish-speaking countries ofthe Western Hemisphere are presented. The countries are listed in (more or less) geographical order, and in some of these subsections the most regionally marked usages appear in boldface.
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Information was collected, by one or several of the following methods, from native speakers of Spanish who have spent most of their lives in a single Spanish-speaking country: 1) through observation in the countries themselves; 2) by showing informants the item, or a picture of the item, or by giving them a description of the item (sometimes using pantomime) and asking them to give the term or phrase most commonly used in their region for it; and, 3) by asking informants who are highly proficient in United States English to give the equivalents of Englisb-Ianguage terms and phrases that are used in their native regions. Informants or respondents were ofvarying backgrounds and educational levels, although the majority were well educated. The numbers ofrespondents from each ofthe twenty Spanish-speaking countries that participated in this study were as follows: eight from Paraguay, between twenty and thirty from Mexico, Cuba, Colombia and Argentina, and between twelve and twenty from each ofthe remaining fifteen countries. In this section, when the data collected indicated that a single term or phrase is clearly dominant in a particular country, only one term or phrase appears next to the country in question, whereas when the data showed a fair amount of competition between two or more usages, several are listed next to the country with the most common usage appearing first; the one exception is section D4.2 (string I twine), in which the terms are listed alphabetically.
In previous articles on Spanish regionalisms by the authorl, actual ratios or percentages of respondents' answers were listed, but in this paper the most commonly used terms will be presented without the ratios. The advantage of providing the statistics is that the reader can see the actual percentages of the pool of respondents that gave each response. However, since no specific information on the respondents' characteristics was offered, these ratios-it can be argued-are of limited use. The advantage of not presenting the statistics is that the reader's attention is drawn directly to the author's conclusions, in which many readers may be more interested.
0.3 Details
In these subsections more detailed information is provided on regional variation, contextual variation, social variation, linguistic attitudes, and spelling/etymological issues. The linguistic convention of placing an asterisk before a term that is nonexistent or clearly incorrect will be used (e.g. the incorrect *ve labial). Some of these subsections have a paragraph entitled "A few also said," which lists terms that were given by a small minority of informants from speci fic countries, typically one to three out of the fifteen or twenty who were queried or observed. Which of these usages occur in many other countries, which are used by numerically important groups in specific countries, and which are highly idiosyncratic (maverick usages) are issues to be resolved by further research.
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Other subsections have a paragraph called "Isoglosses." These paragraphs pose the question ofwhere the linguistic borders or isoglosses of the terms lie. In which cases do these frontiers coincide with the countries' geopolitical borders, and in which cases do they occur somewhere within one of the countries? In mapping out a series of imagin;;uy overland routes, one wonders at what point along the trip would most people stop using one term or phrase and start using another.
0.4 Real Academia Regional Review
These subsections present an evaluation of the 2001 edition of the Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola (the Dictionary ofthe Spanish Royal Academy), often referred to here as the "Dictionary." Its coverage of the regional usages described in this article is evaluated using the following grading scale: A
D F
Corresponding definition, correct regions. This grade is given when the Dictionary defines the term as used in a particular section of this article and correctly indicates the countries and/or regions in which the term is used in this sense. Corresponding definition, incorrect regions. This grade is given when the Dictionary defines the term as used in the section and specifies a region or regions but does not specify them correctly. Its defmition either fails to include regions in which the usage occurs or includes regions where the usage does not occur. However, the grade of B is raised to an A if the Dictionary's definition is appropriate, "Amer." (America, that is, Spanish-speaking Latin America) is specified in the definition, and the term is used in ten or more (over 50%) ofthe nineteen Spanish-speaking Latin American countries. Corresponding definition, no regions specified. This grade is given when the Dictionary defines the term as used in the section but does not specify any countries or regions in which the term is used in this sense. In essence, it fails to identify the usage as regional. However, the grade ofC is raised to an A if the term is used in at least ten (at least 50%) of the twenty Spanish-speaking countries. No corresponding definition. This grade is given when the Dictionary does not include in its definition of the term a sense that corresponds to the section. Term not in dictionary. This grade is given when the Dictionary does not list the term at all.
The purpose of this evaluation is to expose errors, gaps and inconsistencies in specific defmitions in the hope that they will be modified in future editions of the Dictionary so that they accurately describe usage in the Spanish-speaking world from a more international perspective. At the very least, the issues raised should be investigated by the Dictionary's researchers. The same test could be applied to other monolingual and bilingual Spanish-language dictionaries.
*
* *
There are two general questions the author would like to pose, one addressing nationalist versus internationalist approaches to dictionary content and definitions, and the other dealing with the methodology used to collect data on regionalisms.
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We can ask the following question regarding approaches to lexicography: ::ihouta general monolingual dictionaries of international languages (such as English and Spanish) restrict their coverage to the language of a single national variety, or should they try to be international in scope and attempt to capture the vocabulary and usage of all national varieties of that language? The American lexicographer Sydney Landau not only advocates the nationalist approach, but suggests that it is nearly impossible to give in-depth treatment to more than a single national variety. He believes dictionaries should focus on one national standard, and indicate that this is their intent in the preface, and possibly even in the title ofthe dictionary (for example, by titling a work Dictionary ofAustralian English rather than Dictionary ofthe English Language). If, in the past, British dictionaries, and to a lesser extent American dictionaries, could assume that the language they represented was simply English, without qualification, those days are gone. Not only do these dictionaries, quite naturally, give special attention. to the variety that their audience uses and mainly encounters, but the defining vocabulary (in linguistic terms, the metalanguage) employs the particular variety as well... Even dictionaries that trumpet their international coverage reflect a single variety of English in their metalanguage and can give only a superficial treatment to other varieties. Although most ofthe differences between American and British English are known, economic considerations preclude giving the amount of space that would be required in an American dictionary for adequate coverage of British English, and vice versa. Neither Americans nor British are that interested in the minutiae of each other's varieties, especially if that means omitting information relating to their own variety. Other varieties have not been as fully studied as British and American English and maybe in the process of rapid change; there is even less likelihood that they will be represented adequately in British or American dictionaries. Therefore, all English dictionaries should acknowledge, either in their titles or in their prefatory matter, what variety of English they represent, or at least which variety is primary, even if their variety happens to be one used by many more speakers as a mother tongue than as a second or foreign language. I do not think American dictionaries will find this especially traumatic, as some American dictionaries, notably in the ESL [English as a second language] field, already use "American English" in their titles to distinguish them from dictionaries based on British English. For the British, whose appreciation of their language is proprietary and deeply felt as part of their country's history, it may be impossible. No one disputes the historical priority of British English; we cannot reasonably expect its speakers to acquiesce to a status merely equivalent to every other. But whether they acknowledge it or not, their brand of English is no longer the single standard by which all other varieties are measured. (Landau, 15-16.) Landau claims that costs and space limitations make it impossible for American dictionaries to give "adequate coverage" of British English, and vice versa. However, one may ask, how extensive a coverage is "adequate"? An argument can be made that room should be found in unabridged or even "college" dictionaries to include usage differences for nouns, adjectives, verbs (and the other parts of speech that go with them) well beyond common equivalences such as lift-elevator, lorry-truck,
293
take a decision-make a decision, and attitude to-attitude toward. Landau .also states that neither Americans nor British are very interested in the minutiae ofeach other's varieties, but how interested are most Americans or British in the minutiae oftheir own varieties? The answer probably depends on what one means by "minutiae": the more obscure the term or item, the less general int~rest. Clearly, American dictionary editors believe that Britishisms such as "lift" and "lorry" are ofenough interest to Americans to warrant their inclusion, since most American dictionaries cover these usages.
Landau's discussion ofthe need to take a nationalist approach to dictionary writing focuses primarily on the American and British dictionary markets, but what about those of smaller English-language countries such as Jamaica and New Zealand? Can a dictionary maker in one ofthese countries afford to disregard other varieties of English, especially British or American usage? Assuming Landau's arguments are valid for English, are they equally applicable to Spanish, a multi-national language that is the native language of a majority of speakers in many small countries but few large ones?
In terms of media impact, Mexico and Spain (and to a lesser extent Colombia, Venezuela and Argentina) are the big kids on the block in the Spanish-speaking world, but their linguistic influence beyond their borders is generally less than that of Britain and the United States within the Englishspeaking world. One notable exception is the telenove/a, a type of melodramatic television series. Many ofthese, particularly ones from Mexico, are broadcast throughout the Spanish-speaking world (and are shown in dubbed form in many non-Spanish-speaking countries as well). However, in part because these programs are directed at an international market, the language used in them is often more deregionalized than that found in British or American television series, thereby reducing the number of regionalisms that their audiences are exposed to.
Thus, while large numbers of Mexicans might be interested in buying an exclusively or primarily Mexican-oriented dictionary, it seems much less likely that a Honduran Spanish Dictionary which generally disregarded other varieties would be economically viable. Also, many dictionary users from Spanish American countries have a cultural and linguistic attachment to Spain, and are interested in the minutiae of Peninsular Spanish. At a minimum, they want to know whether a particular word is in the Spanish Royal Academy Dictionary for otherwise its legitimacy is suspect. Because of the strong cultural and commercial ties that exist between Spain and Latin America, many Spaniards may be interested in some of the details of Latin American Spanish as well. Turning now to the methodology used in this study, the following question arises: Is it reasonable to rely on speakers' reports oftheir own usage rather than obtaining the data without speakers being aware that they are the subject of a linguistic study? The sociolinguist William Labov and others have stated that speakers' reports of their own usage are unreliable: [I]t seems to be virtually impossible to rely on speakers' reports of their own usage or of their attitudes to usage, so that we cannot easily find out what people actually think. Linguists and social psychologists who have investigated popular attitudes have found that people's overt claims about language are inaccurate and often contradict their own actual usage. As Labov... points out, speakers often err in the
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direction of standard usages when they respond to field-workers' questions about their own usage: they do not reliably report on what they use themselves... The fact that speakers have knowledge of variants and also knowledge of the social values attached to them means that speaker reports tend to indicate social stereotypes rather than personal or community values. (Milroy, 18.) This phenomenon has been described as the observer's paradox: [I]n order to observe and study the kind of language used spontaneously in a range ofsituations, we need good quality recordings. Yet ifwe try to obtain these using the traditional research instrument ofan interview, we define the situational context and so distort the object ofour observation. Since an interview is in itselfa recognisable speech event, a linguistic observer with a tape-recorder is liable to find his data limited to a single, rather careful style. (Milroy, 127.) However, it has not been demonstrated that speakers' reports oftheir own usage are uniformly and universally unreliable. Labov's studies, and many of the studies ofresearchers who cite this theory, involved phonological ormorphosyntactical variables, rather than strictly lexical variables. Does the observer's paradox apply equally to lexical variables (the study of which, incidentally, does not require a tape recorder)? If it is true that respondents try to provide information that conforms to standard usages when responding to field-workers' questions about their own usage, which standard do they attempt to imitate, an international standard (in cases where such a thing exists), or their own regional standard? Presumably, speakers can only imitate a standard they are familiar with and that exists, and given the divergent data collected in this study from different countries, it would appear that, if the respondents were consciously or subconsciously tailoring their responses, it was in the direction of their own regional standards. Since the primary goal ofthis study is to determine what these regional standards are, the methodology used here should prove to be effective, ifinvalid from a theoretical linguistic standpoint. Certainly the task of"catching" sufficient numbers ofpeople from all twenty Spanish-speaking countries "in the act" of using all ofthe regional language addressed in this article in spontaneous conversation would be difficult ifnot impossible. It is worth noting that many ofthe respondents interviewed in this study took considerable pride in knowing (and claiming to use) regional, popular and nonstandard variants, in addition to having a command of more panHispanic forms. To determine the extent to which the information presented in this article is accurate, further research will need to be conducted on the same topics using more surreptitious means ofdata collection and, perhaps more importantly, by openly testing much larger numbers of speakers having a much wider range of ages, backgrounds and educational levels.
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A
At
THE 3 Rs (readin', writin' and 'rithmetic)
B (the name of this letter)

Summary
Al.1
In Spain, the letter b is generally called be (with no qualifier) in all contexts. In Latin America, in contrast, the name used depends on the speech register being used, and the speaker's country of origin, socioeconomic class and age: be grande and be larga are the principal middle-register terms, be de burro is the low-register term, and be labial and be bilabial are high-register terms. Unlike the middle-register words, the high- and low-register tenns exhibit little if any regional variation. The diglossia that exists in Latin America with respect to this item is largely absent from Spain.
A1.2
SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
Middle-Register Terms by Country (4 terms) be be grande be grande be grande be grande be grande be grande be larga, be grande be alta, be larga, be be larga, be grande be be alta, be grande be larga, be grande, be be grande, be larga be grande, be larga be grande, be larga be larga be larga be larga be larga
A 1.3
Details
General: Section A1.2 above lists the "middle-register terms," but how wide a swath this middle register encompasses in each region is a question that warrants further study. In Spain, be corresponds to practically all registers, whereas in Latin America the middle ground covered by be grande, be larga, etc. expands and contracts, and is displaced up or down, depending on the region and speech community. The same applies to the middle-register terms for v presented in section A2.2.
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Be: In Spain, be ([be]) refers specifically to the letter b whereas in much of Latin America [be], when spoken, is ambiguous as it can refer to either b or v. Many Latin Americans routinely use the ambiguous "[be)" when referring to both letters. The reasons for this are not entirely clear, but may be partly due to the fact that good spellers know whether most wor~ are spelled with a b or a v (and perhaps believe specification is unnecessary), and poor spellers would just as soon gloss over the subject (or avoid it entirely). Semi-literate people, when shown a word spelled with a b or v and asked if it is spelled correctly, may answer, "No, con la otra [be)" (literally, "No, with the other b/v"). Be de burro: Many educated Latin Americans consider be de burro (and other similar, somewhat comical and unflattering variants such as be de buey, be de bobo, etc.) to be nonstandard and use them primarily for humorous effect, for example, to mock someone who has misspelled a word (spelling it with a v instead of a b or vice-versa). However, there is evidence to suggest that in the Antilles, EI Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica many educated speakers use be de burro as their everyday word for this letter and this term may carry less social stigma and less of a humorous load than in other parts of Latin America Asking an illiterate person whose last name is Montalban or Montalvan a question such as "lComo se escribe su apellido, con ve de vaca 0 con be de burro?" may be an exercise in futility as it assumes that the person knows how the words vaca and burro are spelled. Are linguistic attitudes toward be de burro, be de buey and other similar variants uniform throughout Latin America, or are they regionally weighted? Be labial and be bilabial: Be labial and be bilabial are erudite terms usedby Latin Americans who wish to sound highly educated; many indicated that they are terms they were taught to use in school, but would rarely use in everyday conversation. However, a majority of educated Bolivians in this study claimed that be labial is their normal, everyday word for b. Whether or not this is really true is a question for further study, but the fact that many more Bolivians aspire to use be labial suggests a different linguistic attitude toward the term. There ar~ also Latin Americans who try to appear more erudite ~han they really are and commit errors such as *be labidental (for b). Age differences: A Costa Rican woman born in 1968 made the following comment in 2003: "New generations are now taught in school to say be (for b) and uve (for v) and this is what some young people now use. However, I say be grande and ve pequeiia, and my mom's generation says be de burro and ve de vaca." If from each region large numbers of persons having similar educational levels are compared, what variation will be found based on age differences? A few also said: Be alta (Spain, Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Colombia, Bolivia), be de bola (Costa Rica), be de Bolivar (Venezuela), be de bueno (panama, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico), begrande (Cuba, Puerto Rico, Paraguay), be larga (puerto Rico, Venezuela). How common is be alta in countries other than Cuba and Venezuela?
AlA Real Academia Regional Review
Be (A), be alta (A or C?), be bilabial (F), be de burro (F), be grande (F), be labial (F), be larga (A).
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Dictionary definitions: b, "Segunda letra del abecedario espanol y del orden latino internacional, que representa un fonema consonantico labial y sonoro. Su nombre es be, be alta 0 be larga"; bel, "Nombre de la letra b; be alta and be larga, "bel." The Dictionary should define be bilabial, be labial, be grande and be de burro as all are frequently used in Latin America. Since in theory any word beginning with a b can be used to create a name for the letter, how common should the name have to be in order for it to be included in the Dictionary? Examples include be de buey, be de bobo, be de Bolivia and be de Bolivar. The issue is complicated by the fact that some of these terms appear to be used more often in specific regions. For example, be de Bolivar is probably used in Venezuela more than in any other country. (por algo se llama la Republica Bolivariana de Venezuela.)
A2 A2.1
V(the name of this letter) Summary
In Spain, the letter v is generally called uve in all contexts. In Latin America, in contrast, the name used depends on the speech register being used, the speaker's country oforigin. socioeconomic class and age: uve, ve corta, ve chica and ve pequena are the principal middle-register terms, ve de vaca is the low-register term, and ve dental and ve labiodental are high-register terms. Unlike the middleregister terms, the high- and low-register terms exhibit little if any regional variation. The diglossia that exists in Latin America with respect to this item is largely absent from Spain.
A2.2
Middle-register terms by Country (4 terms plus variants)

uve ve chica, uve ve pequefia, ve chica ve pequefia, ve chica ve pequefia, ve chica ve chica, ve pequefia, uve ve pequefia, uve uve, ve chica, ve corta uve, ve corta, ve chica ve corta, ve chica uve, ve corta, ve chica ve pequefia, ve chica ve pequefia, ve corta, ve chica, uve ve chica, ve pequefia ve chica ve chica, ve corta ve corta ve corta ve corta vecorta
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A2.3
Details
Uve: Uve is the term used in Spain, while in Latin America school teachers and others have often attempted to impose its use on students, for the most part unsuccessfully. However, uve does appear to be used frequently in Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Cuba and Puerto Rico. Several Costa Ricans and Nicaraguans indicated that young people are now systematically taught uve in schools and tend to use it more than ve + modifier forms, whereas for people born prior to 1965, only the latter forms are used. Is this the case? Is the use of uve increasing and spreading in Latin America? Ve chica / ve chiquita / ve pequefia: Ve chiquita, which can be considered a variant of ve chica, was given by respondents from Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Panama, Cuba, Venezuela and Colombia Are ve chica and ve chiquita used in free variation in certain regions, or are there regional, socioeconomic and/or contextual preferences between the two (for example, ve chiquita = less formal, ve chica = more formal)? Where ve pequefia and ve chica are both frequently used, is the former considered more formal than the latter? Ve dental and ve labiodental: These terms, and variants such as ve labidental. ve bucodental and ve dentilabial, are erudite words used in Latin America by those who want to sound highly educated (as is the case with be labial and be bilabial for the letter b). One also hears (and reads) Sancho Panza-type errors such as *ve labial, *be vilabial and *ve semilabial for v. In the case ofBolivia, a significant minority ofeducated respondents in this study claimed that ve dentilabial is their normal, everyday word for v. Ve de vaca: Ve de vaca is considered nonstandard by many educated Latin Americans, but for many others it is their standard, everyday word for v. However, it carries less stigma and less of a humorous load than be de burro (b). A few also said: Uve (the Dominican Republic, Uruguay), uve de Valencia (Spain), uve de vaca (Panama, Puerto Rico), ve baja (Spain, Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela), ve corta (Costa Rica, Venezuela, Peru), ve chica (Costa Rica, Uruguay), ve pequefia (Mexico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Peru), ve de Victor (Venezuela), ve de Victoria (Puerto Rico), ve de Venezuela (Venezuela). Opinions regarding appropriateness of different names for b and v: There are almost as many opinions on which names for these letters are "better" and which are "worse" as there are Spanish speakers. Perhaps the most famous was offered by Joan Corominas, the etymologist and historical linguist, who voiced his disapproval of all names for v other than uve 'in the following comment: "Aunque olvidada por la [Real] Acad.[emia], esta denominaci6n [uve] es la mas usual en Madrid y en muchas partes de Espana, dentro de la zona de lengua castellana l ; no se conoce en la Arg., ni generalmente en America, si estoy bien informado. Sin embargo, mereceria que se generalizase para desterrar la denominaci6n ambigua ve, las ridiculas ve corta y ve baja y la infundada ve labiodental, que privan en las repliblicas americanas y en alguna parte de Espana... lEn catalan y en portugues, como en los demas romances, se dice ve, y no hay ambigiiedad en estos idiomas que la distinguen f6nicamente de la b." (Corominas, vol. 4, pg. 659.) To what extent is his censure of names other than we reasoned and logical, and to what extent is it a product of his own bias in favor of the form most commonly used in Peninsular Spanish?
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AlA
Real Academia Regional Review
Uve (C), ve baja (C), ve corta (A), ve chica (F), ve chiquita (F), ve dental (F), ve dentilabial (F), ve de vaca (F), ve labidental (F), ve labiodental (F), ve pequena (F). Dictionary definitions: v, "Vigesima quinta letra del abecedario espanol, yvigesima segtinda del orden latino intemacional, que representa un fonema consonantico labial y sonoro, el mismo que la b en todos los paises de lengua espanola. Su nombre es uve, ve, ve baja 0 ve corta"; uve, "Nombre de la letra v"; ve, ve baja and ve carta, "uve." The Dictionary should define ve dental, ve dentilabial, ve labidental, ve labiodental, ve chica, ve chiquita, ve pequena, and ve de vaca since all of these terms are frequently used by Latin Americans. Should it also define terms such as ve bucodental, ve de Valencia, ve de Venezuela, ve de Victor and ve de Victoria that are used less often but are still somewhat common?
AJ AJ.I
W (the name of this letter) Summary
Doble ve or doble u are used throughout Latin America (with competition between the two terms in several countries). Ve doble is used in three South American countries and Spain has unique usages that are not commonly found in any other country.
AJ.2
Terms by CountI1' (5 terms) uve doble, doble uve doble u doble ve doble ve, doble u doble ve doble ve, doble u doble u doble u doble ve doble u doble u, doble ve doble ve doble u, doble ve doble ve ve doble, doble ve ve doble. doble ve ve doble, doble ve doble ve doble ve doble ve
SPAIN MEXJCO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
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AJ.3
Details
Spain: Uve doble is considered more correct and, among educated speakers, also appears to be more common than doble uve. Doble u vs. doble ve: In Mexico, Costa Rica, Panama, and the Dominican Republic, doble it has minimal competition from doble ve, if any. In Puerto Rico and Colombia, there is competition between the two names: doble u is used more frequently and doble ve enjoys higher prestige. In El Salvador and Nicaragua, doble ve is used more often than doble u and is also more prestigious. In all countries where doble u is used, there are some who frown upon its use because they believe it is an anglicism, a calque of the English word for w ("double u"). Among people who are aware of both variants, those who use doble ve tend to have a negative attitude toward doble u, whereas those who use doble u tend to have a neutral attitude toward doble ve. A few also said: Doble u (Honduras), ve ligada (Bolivia). AJ.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Doble u (B), doble uve (F), doble ve (A), uve doble (C), ve doble (C). Dictionary definitions: w, " f. Vigesima sexta letra del abecedario espanol, yvigesima tercera del orden latino intemacional, usada en voces de procedencia extranjera... Su nombre es uve doble, vedoble 0 doble ve..."; doble u, "f. Mex. uve doble"; doble ve, "f. uve doble"; uvedoble, "f. Nombre de la letra w"; v doble, Hf. w"; ve doble, "f. uve doble." All names for w that are common in some country should be listed, and the definition ofthis letter should read, in pertinent part, .....Su nombre es doble u, doble uve, doble ve, uve doble 0 ve doble..." The following terms should be defined as follows: doble u, Hf. "tol., C. Rica, Mex., Pan., P. Rico yR. Dom. Nombre de la letra w"; doble ve, "Nombre de la letra w" (with no regional specification); ve doble, "Bol., Par. y PerU. Nombre de la letra w"; uve doble and doble uve, "Esp. Nombre de la letra w."
A4 A4.1 ACCENT MARK Summary
Acento and tilde are universal synonyms understood by educated speakers everywhere. However, in everyday language, acento is used more often than tilde in fifteen countries.
A4.2
SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA
Terms by Country (2 terms) acento, tilde acento tilde, acento acento, tilde acento, tilde acento, tilde
301
COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
tilde tilde acento, tilde acento, tilde acento acento tilde tilde, acento acento, tilde acento acento acento, tilde acento, tilde acento
rA4.3
Details
General: Some Spanish speakers consider tilde, when used in the sense of 'accent mark,' to be more formal than acento. However, acento grajico, acento gramatical and acento ortograjico ('accent mark') are even more formal and technical terms as they are in specific contrast to acento prosodico ('spoken stress'). Tilde: Tilde is predominantly feminine almost everywhere it is commonly used. However, all respondents from Uruguay (as well as one or two from Panama, Colombia and Bolivia), indicated that tilde is masculine. A4.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Acento (A), tilde (A?). Dictionary definitions: acento, "2. Tilde, rayita oblicua que en la ortografia espanola vigente baja de derecha a izquierda de quien escribe 0 lee. Se usa para indicar en determinados casos la mayor fuerza espiratoria de la silaba cuya vocalla Ileva, p. ej., camara, simbolo, util, alla, salio; y tambien para distinguir una palabra 0 forma de otra escrita con iguales letras, p. ej., solo, adverbio, frente a solo, adjetivo; 0 con ambos fines a la vez, p. ej., tomo frente a tomo; ii, pronombre personal, frente a el, articulo"; tilde, "amb. Virgulilla 0 rasgo que se pone sobre algunas abreviaturas, el que lIeva la ii, y cualquier otro signo que sirva para distinguir una letra de otra 0 denotar su acentuaci6n. U. m. c. f. [Usado mas como femenino]" The definition of tilde is much broader than sense two of acento, but perhaps tilde should include a separate sense of 'accent mark' like the definition of acento graficcr"m. acento (II rayita oblicua que baja de derecha a izquierda)"-so that it will be clear to the Dictionary user that tilde can be a synonym of acento. Also, in the definition of acento, the example of solo, adverb, as distinguished from solo, adjective, is given when, in fact, the Dictionary itself does not currently make this distinction in its own language; it spells the word solo without an accent mark when used as an adverb. Like most spelling reforms, this one is not without controversy.
302
AS AS.I
DIVISION SYMBOL (How to say expressions such as "10 + 5 = 2") Summary
Dividido entre is more common than dividido por in most countries. Dividido with no preposition is commonly used in four countries, and Ecuador has a unique usage that is not common in any other country.
AS.2
Phrases by Country (5 phrases plus variants) (dividido) entre, dividido por (dividido) entre (dividido) entre (dividido) entre (dividido) entre (dividido) entre, dividido por (dividido) entre, dividido por (dividido) entre (dividido) entre, dividido por (dividido) entre (dividido) entre, dividido por (dividido) entre dividido, dividido por, (dividido) entre, dhidido en (dividido) para (dividido) entre (dividido) entre dividido dividido dividido dividido por
AS.3
Details
Dividido entre vs. dividido por: Where there is competition between the two phrases, dividido entre is used more frequently than dividido por in almost all countries, but the latter is considered more fonnal than the fonner. Some consider dividido entre to be incorrect when used to express mathematical fonnulae, but acceptable in phrases such as dividido entre las cinco personas. Dividido entre is often abbreviated to entre, e.g. diez entre cinco igual (a) dos. Dividido: An example of dividido used with no preposition is diez dividido cinco igual (a) dos. One Guatemalan said that some young people in her country are now using dividido with no preposition (although she herselfand the vast majority ofGuatemalans queried in this study said they used dividido entre or entre). Is preposition dropping in this phrase an innovation that is spreading to regions of the Spanish-speaking world in which it was not used previously?
303
Colombia: Colombia is the one country in which four different phrases are used: dividido, dividido por, dividido entre or entre, and dividido en. Which Colombians say which phrases? Ecuador: Dividido para is often shortened to para, e.g. diez para cinco igual dos. A few also said: Diez partido cinco (Guatemala), dividido en (EI Salvador), dividido por (Mexico, Guatemala, EI Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, Argentina). A5.4 Real Academia Regional Review
. Since the Dictionary provides no guidance on how to say mathematical expressions such as "10 + 5 = 2" (under the verb dividir or under any of the prepositions entre, par, etc.), it gives no information on this item's regional variation. Should it?
VARIABLE VERBS HURRY UP! Summary
Bl B1.1
Apurate is commonly used in almost all of Latin America. Spain, Mexico, the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico have phrases that are not common in any other country. Note: For the sake ofbrevity, and assuming the situation to be a command given to a friend or samegeneration relative (rather than, for example, to a stranger or to a group of several people), the phrases listed in section B 1.2 below are given only in the tu and/or vas forms, not in the usted, ustedes or vosotros forms. Even in this limited situation, however, there are regions where people tend to address mends and relatives as usted (e.g. interior Colombia, apurese, apurele). B1.2
SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA
Phrases by Country (10 phrases plus variants) date prisa aptirate, andale, correle, aptirale, orale apurate/aptirate apurate/aptirate apurate/aptirate apurate/aptirate apurate/aptirate aptirate apurate date pronto, date rapido avanza, aptirate aptirate apurate/apurate, aptirale/apurale
304
ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
aptirate apurate apurate/aplirate apurate/aplirate apurate/aplirate apurate aptirate
B1.3
Details
General: Muevete, or movete in voseante regions ('move it'), is used universally as a more informal, aggressive and often ruder equivalent of apurate. Dale also seems to be widely used: Is this phrase part of General Spanish? Spain: Date prisa is the standard, everyday phrase used in the sense of 'hurry up,' but apresurate and apresurese are used in more formal language. Who in Spain uses apurate and/or apura in the sense of 'hurry up' and what are the connotations of these phrases vis-a.-vis date prisa (i.e. more/less familiar, more/less insistent)? Mexico: Andale (the tu form) is more common than andele and andenle or andenles, but the usted and ustedes forms are also used. The same applies to correle (corrale and corranle or corranles are also used), but orale, which does not derive from a verb, is an invariable expression (i.e. there is no *orele, *orenle nor *orenles). What are the speech registers and connotations of andale, correle and orale in Mexican Spanish? When used in the sense of 'hurry up,' are these phrases more or less equivalent to General Latin American Spanish apurate, are they closer in meaning to slangy phrases such as socale (Costa Rica) or metele (River Plate region), or are they somewhere in between? Buyele (the tu form) and buigale (the usted form) are reportedly used by uneducated people in the sense of 'hurry up' in San Luis Potosi, Jalisco and Michoad.n (and elsewhere?), but it is unclear what the etymology of these phrases is; perhaps they derive from the verb huir, 'to flee'. El Salvador. Honduras & Nicaragua: A/igerate and a/igerale (and a/igerate and aligerale) are also used in the sense of 'hurry up.' Dominican Republic: Apurate is also used, but less often than date pronto or date rapido. Venezuela: In some western regions of the country voseo is used (see section C6.3). Paraguay: Guarani phrases and their approximate equivalents include pya 'e and pu 'a he py ('hurry up'),pu 'a eke ('make it fast'), and neike ('move it'). Informal phrases: The following phrases are informal, slangy (and potentially offensive) equivalents of apurate: echale bola (Venezuela), metele and metele pata (Uruguay, Argentina), pone/elponle (Costa Rica), socalelsocale (Costa Rica; other variants include socQ/soca, socalalsocala and soca la tubalsoca la tuba). B1.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Andale (A or D?), apurale (F), apurate (A), avanza (B?), correle (F), date prisa (C), date pronto (F), date rapido (F), orale (F).
305
Dictionary definitions: andale (defined under andar), "expr. coloq. Mh:. U. para animar a alguien a hacer algo"; ande/e (defined under andar), "Col. y Mh:. expr. coloq. andale"; apurarse, "4. Apremiar, dar prisa En America, u. m. c. pm!. [usado mas como pronominal)"; avanzar, "5. Pero y P. Rico. Darse prisa"; darse prisa, "fr. coloq. Acelerarse, apresurarse en la ejecucion de algo". Anda/e and imde/e are defined under andar, but apura/e and apure/e, etc. are not defined under apurar and ought to be. In addition, the definition of andale needs to be considerably expanded as the phrase has many senses in Mexican Spanish including 'Please,' 'Come on!,' 'Go for it!,' 'Be a sport!,' 'Way to go!,' 'Exactly!' and 'You're welcome.' Oftentimes the phrase has no specific meaning but is merely used to add emphasis and/or enthusiasm: examples include jAnda/e. que bien te vesf, jAnda/e. ganastef, Anda/e. haz/o porfavor (pleading), and jAnda/e. no te atrevasf (challenging, goading). Is avanza used in Peru in this sense as the Dictionary claims? Darse prisa is defmed under prisa with no regional specification (Esp.), but darse pronto and darse rapido are not defined under pronto or rapido. respectively, and should be with the appropriate regional specification (R. Dom.). Why is darse prisa defined as colloquial usage? Date prisa seems to be standard, rather neutral usage compared to colloquial phrases such as muevete and the more formal apresurese. B2 B2.1 TURN (RIGHTILEFT) Summary
Dob/e a /a derecha and dob/e a /a izquierda are used everywhere and can be considered General Spanish phrases. However, in many countries another verb or locution is used more often than dob/ar. For ease. and assuming the situation to be one in which someone is giving directions to a stranger (rather than to a friend or a group of several people), the commands listed in section B2.2 below are given only in the usted form, not in the tu, vos, ustedes or vosotros forms. Even in this limited situation, however, there are regions in which people often address strangers as tU or vos (e.g. dob/a and dob/d in the Antilles and Argentina, respectively). B2.2 Phrases by Country (11 verbs/verbal phrases plus variants) tuerza, gire, doble de vuelta cruce, de vuelta cruce, de vuelta, vilyase doble, de vuelta doble, cruce, de vuelta doble gire. doble, vire doble doble
306
SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RlCA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP.
PUERTORlCO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
vire, coja, doble cruce, doble voltee vire voltee, doble doble doble doble, gire doble, gire doble
B2.3
Details
General: Where dob/ar and another verb or phrase are commonly used, there is often diglossia, with dobfar occupying the higher-register position and the other verbs or phrases occupying lower-register positions. For example, in Venezuela and parts of Central America, some consider cruce a fa derecha to be less formal than dobfe a fa derecha while others believe the former phrase is nonstandard or simply "incorrect." A few also said: Coja a fa derecha (Spain, Costa Rica, Panama, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Colombia), de vuefta a fa derecha (puerto Rico, Venezuela, Chile), gire a fa derecha (Mexico, EI Salvador, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Chile; isgire a fa derecha universal?), haga una derecha (El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Ecuador, Bolivia), tome fa derecha (Honduras, Costa Rica, Panama, Chile), tire a fa derecha (Spain), tuerza a fa derecha (Colombia, Peru, Bolivia), vayase a fa derecha or vaya a fa derecha (Spain, Venezuela), vire a fa derecha (Mexico, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Peru, Chile), voftee a fa derecha (Mexico, Guatemala, Panama, Puerto Rico, Venezuela). Some respondents from Spain, Uruguay and Argentina indicated that gire a fa derecha is used more in giving driving directions while the other phrase (tuerza a fa derecha or dobfe a fa derecha) is used more in giving directions to a pedestrian. B2.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Coger (D), cruzar (D), dar (D), dob/ar (A), girar (C?), hacer (D), ir (D), tirar (C?), tomar (A), torcer (C), virar (D), voftear (B), vuefta (D). Dictionary definitions: dob/ar, "1 I. Pasar a otro lado de una esquina, cerro, etc., cambiando de direccion en el camino. U. 1. c. intr. [Usado tambien como intransitivo] Dobfaron a fa otra calle. Doble a fa derecha"; girar, "6. Desviarse 0 cambiar con respecto a la direccion inicial. La calle gira a fa derecha"; tirar, "30. Dirigirse a uno u otro lado. AfUegar a fa esquina. tire usted a fa derecha"; torcer, "7. Dicho de una persona 0 de una cosa: Desviar la direccion que llevaba, para tomar otra Ef escritor tuerce ef curso de su razonamiento. U. 1. c. intr. Ef camino tuerce a mana derecha. U. 1. c. pmL [Usado tambien como pronominal] Ef coche se torcio hacia fa cuneta"; virar, "intr. Mudar de direccion en la marcha de un automovil u otro vehiculo semejante"; voftear, "6. Ven. doblar la esquina."
307
Doblar is the standard General Spanish phrase and all regional synonyms should be crossreferenced to it with the appropriate regional specifications. For example, this sense ofcnaarcould be defined as "E/ Sa/v., Guat., Nic. y Ven. doblar (II cambiarde direcci6n). Cruce a/a derecha" and that of vo/tear as "Chile, Col., Guat., Mix., Pan., PerU, P. Rico y Ven. doblar (II cambiar de direcci6n). Vo/tee a/a derecha."
B3 B3.1 TO TURN AROUND (face the other way) Summary
Darse /a vue/ta and/or darse vue/ta are used everywhere, but in many countries other phrases such as vo/tearse, virarse or vo/verse are used more often than darse (la) vue/tao
B3.2
Phrases by Country (5 verbs/verbal phrases plus variants) darse la vueIta, volverse, girarse voltearse, darse (la) vuelta voltearse, darse (la) vueIta voltearse, darse (la) vuelta voltearse, darse (la) vuelta voltearse, darse (la) vuelta volverse, darse (Ia) vuelta, voltearse voltearse, darse (la) vuelta, girarse, virarse virarse, darse (la) vuelta, voltearse virarse, voltearse, darse (la) vuelta virarse, voltearse, darse (la) vuelta voltearse, darse (la) vuelta voltearse, darse (la) vuelta, girarse voltearse, darse (la) vuelta voltearse, darse (la) vuelta darse (la) vuelta darse (la) vuelta darse vuelta darse vuelta darse vuelta, girarse
B3.3
Details
General: Some Spanish speakers from different countries indicated that sayinggrate might indicate that the person should tum 90 degrees (v" turn), whereas date /a vue/ta would generally mean turning 180 degrees (doing an about-face). As one Spaniard put it. "Tu te puedes girar un poco, pero darte /a vue/ta un poco suena raro." Do some speakers use different phrases to make finer distinctions in meaning such as 'turning one's head back' vs. 'turning completely
308
around (turning entire body)'? What are Spanish speakers' attitudes toward the use of the different phrases and how do these attitudes vary by region? Variants: When used in the sense of 'turn around,' the reflexive fonns (lasformas pronominales) of the verbs and verb phrases-vo/tearse, darse vue/ta, darse /a vue/ta and girarse-are generally much more common than the nonreflexive fonns-vo/tear, dar vuelta, dar /a vuelta and girar. Only the reflexive fonns virarse and vo/verse were offered by those who indicated these verbs (no one said virar nor vo/ver is used in the sense of 'turn around/face the other way'), but an equal number of Mexicans in this study used vo/tear and vo/tearse. Darse vuelta appears to be more common than darse /a vue/ta in El Salvador, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Argentina and Chile, whereas in Spain, Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia and Paraguay darse la vue/ta seems to be more common. In Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Venezuela and Peru, the data collected were inconclusive (they indicated a fair amount of competition between darse vue/ta and darse /a vue/ta). B3.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Dar (la) vue/ta (D?), girar (D?), virar (D), voltear (B), vo/ver (C). Dictionary definitions: vo/ver, "27. Girar la cabeza, el torso, 0 todo el cuerpo, para mirar 10 que estaba a la espalda; voltear, "9. Mex. y Ven. Girar la cabeza 0 el cuerpo hacia atras. U. 1. c. pml." Regional specifications need to be added to the definition of vo/ver (c. Rica and Esp.), and those of vo/tear must be considerably expanded to "Col., C. Rica, Cuba, Ecuad., E/ Sa/v., Guat., Hon., Mex., Nic., Pan., Peru, P. Rico, R. Dom. y Ven." Alternatively, voltear's regional specifications could be "Am. Cent., Ant. [Antillas], Col., Ecuad., Mex., Peru y Ven." in order to save some space, or simply "Am." even though this would be an overgeneralization. Another alternative would be to include no regional specification for this sense ofvo/tear(se) on the grounds that this usage is common in over half the Spanish-speaking world (in at least 14 countries to be specific). Which approach is preferable?
B4 B4.1 TO PULL (pull a rope, pull open a door) Summary
Jalarlhalar are the most commonly used verbs in fifteen countries (ja/ar more in spoken language and ha/ar more in educated written language), tirar de and/or tirar in four countries, and Paraguay and Nicaragua have highly regional usages.
84.2
SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS
Verbs/Phrases by Country (4 verbs/verb phrases plus variants) tirar de jalar jalar jalar jalar
309
NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
jalar, guiiiar jalar jalarlhalar halar/jalar halar/jalar halar/jalar jalarlhalar jalarlhalar jalar jalar jalar estirar tirar de, tirar tirar de, tirar tirar, tirar de
B4.3
Details
Spain: Tirar de is the dominant expression in most regions ofSpain, butjalarlhalar may be used in some regions in certain contexts. Ifso, where? In Andalucia? (See section B4.4 below.) Also, is the verb estirar (which in General Spanish has the closely related meaning of 'stretch') commonly used in Spain, or some regions of Spain, in the sense of 'pull '? Nicaragua: Some consider guiiiar to be nonstandard when used in the sense of 'pull.' Are there differences in meaning, register, or situational context betweenjaJar and guiiiar? Jalar vs. /zalar: In all countries where jalar and /zalar are used, there are those who look askance at the use of the former. However, there is evidence to suggest that in the Antilles, and to a lesser extent in Panama, Venezuela and Colombia, jalar is more stigmatized and less accepted than in the other countries where the two verbs are used. In the Antilles, many educated people-perhaps a majority-consider jalar to be uneducated and "low-class," whereas in Mexico, most of Central America, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia,jalar is generally accepted in spoken language and even in many forms of written communication. Signs on doors, however, often say "Hale" rather than "Jale" even in countries where jalar enjoys considerable acceptance. ("Tire" is what appears on this type of sign in non-jalarlhalar countries, and sometimes injalarlhalar countries as well, although some of the signs may be imported.) In countries where jalar and /zalar are used, what are Spanish speakers' attitudes toward the two verbs and how do these attitudes vary by region? Tirar vs. tirar de: In the educated speech of Argentina and Uruguay, tirar de is more common than tirar in the sense of 'pull,' whereas in Chile tirar is more common. Isoglosses: If you took a trip between the cities indicated below, at what point would most people stop using one verb in the sense of 'pull' and start using a different verb? Lima to Santiago de Chile (jalar>tirar), La Paz to Asuncion (jalar>estirar), La Paz to Buenos Aires (jalar>tirar de), La Paz to Santiago de Chile (jalar>tirar), Asuncion to Buenos Aires (estirar>tirar de).
310
B4.4
Estirar (D), guiiiar (D), halar (B),jalar (A?), tirar (e), tirar de (C). Dictionary definitions: halar, "2. And., C. Rica, Cuba, Hond., Nic., Pan. y Ven. Tirar hacia sl de algo";jalar, "tr. coloq. halar (II tirar de un cabo). 112. coloq. tirar (II hacer fuerza para traer)"; lirar, "24. Dicho de personas, ani males 0 vehiculos: Hacer fuerza para traer hacia sl 0 para llevar tras si." Halar is defined with regional specifications, but notjalar, which is defined in sense one in terms of halar. Are we to suppose, then, that the use ofjalar is also regionally marked? Ifso, in what regions did the Dictionary mean to indicate thatjalar is used? If not, why define a General Spanish word in terms ofa regionalism? Also, in the definition ofjalar, why gloss the word "halar" with the explanation "(II tirar de un cabo)" since cabo is a marked term (the Dictionary lists it with a maritime contextual specification), rather than definingjalar as "halar (II tirar de una cuerda)" as cuerda is an unmarked, General Spanish term? If the Real Academia is implying that in Spainjalar is used specifically in a maritime setting (i.e. by sailors), it should indicate this in the definition. Since jalarlhalar are used in many more countries than tirar or tirar de, an argument can be made for defining lirar (de) in terms ofjalarlhalar rather than vice versa. The definition ofjalar is divided into two senses, "tirar hacia sl de algo" and "hacer fuerza para traer," but what is the difference between them, if any?
BS BS.l TO PUSH (A BUTION): popular, nonstandard (low-prestige) verbs Summary
Aprelar, oprimir,presionar and pulsar are the standard tenns used by educated speakers everywhere, although perhaps not everywhere with equal frequency. Aprelar is generally more neutral usage whereas oprimir, presionar and pulsar tend to be considered more technical and/or fonnal. The verbs dar and toear are also used in this sense somewhat informally (e.g. darle al boton, tocar la tecla). However, in many countries there is a popular, nonstandard (lower-prestige) usage, a verb that is used in the sense of 'push a button' alongside the standard verbs and which, in many cases, is more common in everyday language.
BS.2
SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP.
RegiooaVPopular Verbs by Country (7 verbs)
no regional/nonstandard verb found puchar, apachurrar apachar puyar puyar empujar estripar empujar no regional/nonstandard verb found empujar?
311
PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
empujar no regional/nonstandard verb found espichar aplastar no regional/nonstandard verb found no regional/nonstandard verb found no regional/nonstandard verb found no regional/nonstandard verb found no regional/nonstandard verb found no regional/nonstandard verb found
B5.3
Details
General: The social stigma attached to the regionaVnonstandard usages listed in section B5.2 above is not uniform. For example, many Colombians from the Department ofCundinamarca and Costa Ricans indicated that espichar and estripar, respectively, are considered "low-class" or "incorrect" and some claimed they do not use them. Educated and/or upwardly mobile women from these countries appear to be particularly averse to using them. In Guatemala and Ecuador, on the other hand, apachar and aplastar, respectively, are widely used by educated speakers and carry much less social stigma than espichar and estripar in their respective countries. Puyar in Honduras and El Salvador are also censored though apparently not as much as estripar and espichar. What regional and popular verbs are used in the countries listed above with "no regionaVnonstandard verb found" and what is their level of acceptance? Mexico: Which Mexicans use puchar and which use apachurrar in the sense of 'push'? Less educated Mexicans from certain regions, norte,ios, ones who have lived in the United States? Colombia: Espichar seems to be particularly common in the popular speech ofCundinamarca and apparently is not used in many other regions of the country. A few also said: Hundir (panama, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Colombia).
B5.4

Apachar (A), apachurrar(O), aplastar (0), empujar (0), espichar (D), estripar (O),puchar
(F), puyar (0).
Apachar is defined as "3. Guat. Pulsar un boton." Which of the above terms should be defined with speech-register specifications such as "coloq." (colloquial), "vulg." (popular/vulgar), or "malson." (vulgar)?
B6 B6.1
BOTAR: is this verb commonly used in the sense of 'to throw out' or not?
Summary
Botar is commonly used in the sense of 'to throw out' everywhere except Spain, Paraguay, Uruguay and Argentina.
312
B6.2
SPAIN
Botar = 'throw out': commonly used or not?
MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
no yes, but less common than tirar yes, but less common than tirar yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes no no no yes
B6.3
Details
Spain, Paraguay, Uruguay and Argentina: The verbs tirar and/or echar are commonly used in the sense of 'to throw out.' Countries other than Spain, Paraguay, Uruguay and Argentina: The verb botar is commonly used in the sense of 'to throw out,' 'to kick out' and other related senses (though less so in Mexico and Guatemala). Isoglosses: If you took a trip between the cities indicated below. at what point would most people stop using botar in the sense of 'throwaway' and start using primarily tirar and/or echar? La paz to Asuncion (botar>tirar/echar). La paz to Buenos Aires (botar>tirar/echar), Santiago de Chile to Buenos Aires (botar>tirar/echar).
B6,4
The Dictionary defines botar, without regional or other usage specification, as Utr. Arrojar, tirar, echar fuera a alguien 0 algo" which suggests that botar is commonly used in the senses of 'throw out/throwaway' and 'kick out' in Peninsular Spanish. While this is directly contradicted by the data collected in this study, its respondents were largely middle-class and upper-middle-class people from large cities. In Spain, is botar commonly used in the general sense of 'throw out' in all regions and in all walks of life, as the Dictionary's definition implies, or is it used more in certain
313
regions, in certain contexts, and/or among certain sectors (e.g. by sailors throwing something overboard)? The same questions can be asked with respect to the River Plate region.
C
CI Cl.I
MOODY MORPHOLOGY
DIMINUTIVES OF WORDS ENDING IN T + VOWEL
Summary
The -ito diminutive is the predominant suffix for words ending in t + vowel (e.g. gatito, patita, . momentito, A/benito) everywhere except Costa Rica, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Colombia, and possibly a few regions of Spain where the -ico diminutive (e.g. gatico, patiea, momentico, A/bertieo) is more common. Note: In section Cl.2 below, gatito/gatico is used as the example.
Cl.2
SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RiCO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
Suffixes for final t + vowel words by country (2 suffixes) gatito, gatico gatito gatito gatito gatito gatito gatico, gatito gatito gatico gatico gatito gatico gatico gatito gatito gatito gatito gatito gatito gatito
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C1.3
Details
Spain: Although the vast majority of Spaniards in this study said they used gatito, patita and momentito, two respondents, one from Murcia and one from Navarra, stated they use gatieo, patiea and momentieo. To the extent that words ending in t + vowel, and words in general, take the -ieo diminutive in certain regions of Spain such as Andalucia, Aragon, Murcia and Navarra (see definition of -ieo in section CIA below), what are the differences in meaning, connotation or register between gatito and gatieo or hermanito and hermanieo? In these regions, do the -ieo forms serve as a class, age or rural marker? Specifically, do older, more rural and less educated people use the -ieo forms more often than younger, urban and more educated people? Costa Rica: Costarrieenses (Costa Ricans) are popularly called "ticos" (especially by Central Americans) because they often use the -ieo suffix with words ending in t + vowel (e.g. gatieo). In fact, however, there is social stratification in Costa Rica with regard to the two suffixes: With words ending in t + vowel, the -ieo diminutive is used more by older, rural and less educated people, and the -ito dinlinutive more by younger, urban and middle- and upper-class people. Linguistic attitudes also playa role. For example, upwardly mobile women are more likely to use -ito diminutives than men oftheir same social class. And some upper-class men (including yuppies), who would like to think of themselves as "real Costa Ricans," may consciously or subconsciously choose to say gatieo. What is certain is that, for Costa Ricans, the use ofwords like gatieo vs. gatito is a social and identity marker to a much greater extent than it is in Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela and Colombia where -ito diminutives for words ending in t + vowel are relatively rare and -ieo diminutives are more or less standard usage. Cuba. Dominican Republic. Colombia & Venezuela: Forms such as gatieo,patiea and momentieo are much more widely used than gatito, patita and momentito. There is, however, linguistic insecurity in some circles surrounding the -ieo forms and statements such as "Nosotros decimos gatieo, pero 10 correcto es gatito" are not uncommon. Some from these countries claim that there are meaning or register differences between gatito and gatieo: that gatieo is colloquial whereasgatito is more formal, that agatito is a smaller kitten than agatieo, or that gatito is a kitten that is referred to in a more affectionate way. However, no independent evidence (i.e. contrastive usage) was found to corroborate any of these claims. Still others said they generally use the -ieo forms except for un momentito as they consider it to be more refined than un momentieo. Would some people from these countries generally say espere un momentito (usted command) to a person they did not know well, but espera un momentieo or esperate un momentieo (tli commands) to friends? Calentitolcalentico vs. calientito/calientico: In many Spanish-speaking countries, perhaps in a majority, the terms calientito or calientico are much more common in everyday speech-for example, when referring to the temperature offood or water-than ealentito or calentico. Yet many educated Spanish speakers do not accept the diphthonged forms and insist that calentito or calentico are the only correct ones. Is the level of acceptance that calientito and/or calientieo enjoy uniform throughout the Spanish-speaking world or does this vary by region? If it varies diatopically, where are calientito and calientico generally accepted by educated speakers, and where are they social markers? In which, if any regions, do most
315
speakers spontaneously say phrases such as "una comida rica y calentita" and where would most say "una comida rica y ealientita"? The difficulty in resolving such issues is that in rapid speech the audible difference between ca/entito and ealientito is sometimes hard to perceive. It is also possible that many of those who object to ealientito, write ea/entitp\ and may try to say ealentito, but often end up saying calientito. Thus some may use ealientito in spoken language and ea/entito in written language. However, if most people say ca/ientito or calientieo, why shouldn't these forms be accepted as legitimate in both spoken and written language? Caliente> calientito or ealentito is similar to other derivations of diphthonged base forms in which the stressed syllable changes in the derived form. Compare it to the following derivations: viejo> viejito (*vejito is not a grammatical form); bueno > buenisimo or bon/simo, Puerto_Rico> puertomquefio or portorriquefio (where both derived fonus are possible, the meaning is the same, but the registers may be different). Another interesting minimal pair is enterrado ('buried') vs. entierrado ('dirty, soiled'). Other diminutive forms: Several women in this study (mostly from Spain) indicated they use un momentin, un poquitin, and other -in forms in addition to momentito and poquitito, etc. What groups use momentin, and how is its use distinguished from that of momentito/momentieo? The -ilio diminutive, which in most varieties of Spanish is derogatory, is commonly used as a nonderogatory diminutive' in parts ofMexico and Central America, but its frequency ofuse, meanings and connotations (vis-A-vis -ito and/or -ieo) need to be investigated. For example, some Mexicans have indicated that un poquilio refers to a smaller amount than un poquito, and have descI1bed cases of lexiealization, such as un platito (a small plate) vs. un platillo (prepared food, a dish), in which diminutive suffixes, when attached to given words in certain contexts, result in a specific meaning that is different from the effect these suffixes normally create. (In Mexican Spanish, as in all varieties of the language, platillos, in the context of classical music, still refer to 'cymbals' andplatillos voladores still mean 'flying saucers.') . Isoglosses: If you took a trip between Bogota and Quito, at what point would most people stop saying gatico and start saying gatito? There is anecdotal evidence that, unlike most Colombians, pastusos (Colombians from the city ofPasto, or from anywhere in the southern border department ofNariiio) say gatito. It would not be surprising if the dividing line lay somewhere in southern Colombia, rather than in the adjacent Ecuadoran province of El Carchi, since Narino was historically part of Ecuador. CI.4 Real Academia Regional Review
-ico (B), -ito (A).

Dictionary definitions: -ico, "suf. And., Ar., Mur., Nav., Col., C. Rica, Cuba y Ven. Tiene valor diminutivo 0 afectivo. Ratieo, pequefiica, hermanico. A veces, toma las formas -ececico, ecico, -cico. Piececico, huevecico, resplandorcico. En Colombia, C. Rica, Cuba y Venezuela, solo se une a radicales que terminan en -t-. Gatieo, patica. Muchas veces se combina con el sufijo -ito. Ahoritica, poquitieo"; -it03 , "suf. Tiene valor diminutivo 0 afectivo. Ramita, hermanito, pequefiito, callandito, prontito. En ciertos casos toma las formas -ecito, -ececito, -cito. Solecito, piececito,
eorazoncito. mujercita."
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"R. Dom." needs to be added to the regional specifications for the definition of -ico, and to the description of countries in which -ico only gets attached to radicals ending in t.
C2 C2.t
CHANCE: masculine, feminine, or word seldom used?

Summary
Chance is generally masculine everywhere except Paraguay, Uruguay, Argentina and Chile (where it is feminine to the extent the word is used), Spain (where the ~ord is rarely used), and Peru (where the situation is unclear).
C2.2
Masculine, feminine, or do not use the word chance?
do not use masculine, do not use masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine feminine, do not use, masculine masculine do not use, feminine feminine feminine do not use, feminine
C2.3
Details
General: In all countries where chance is widely used in informal language, there are those who object to its use and deny that it is even a word in Spanish. Statements such as "no se dice chance, se dice oportunidad" are common everywhere. Spain: A few Spaniards indicated that they use chance in a humorous, imitative way because of the influence of Latin American telenovelas, but the vast majority said they do not use chance. Mexico: While chance is clearly masculine in Mexico. many respondents in this study indicated they do not use the word. Are peoples' attitudes in Mexico toward chance different from the attitudes that exist in other countries where chance is commonly used?
317
Peru: The respondents queried in this study were split almost evenly between una chance (feminine) un chance (masculine) and "do not use." What percentage of Peruvians use chance as a masculine word, what percentage use it as a feminine word, what percentage do not use the word at all, and what are the characteristics of each group? Paraguay & Chile: Respondents from these two countries were split fairly evenly between "feminine" and "do not use." To what extent is chance used in Paraguay and Chile? Reasons for two different genders of chance: Why is chance masculine in some countries and feminine in others? In Uruguay and Argentina, is chance feminine because the word was incorporated there directly from French and people were conscious ofits origin and feminine gender in French? In countries where chance is masculine, did it enter Spanish by way of English and not directly from French, and then become a masculine word because loanwords that do not end in a are generally incorporated into Spanish as masculine words? Compare, for example, the opposing forces that have created initial competition between el internet / la internet and el (worldwide) web /la (worldwide) web, terms which have been incorporated into Spanish as both masculine and feminine nouns: masculine because they are loanwords that do not end in a, and feminine because many ofthe Spanish speakers who first used these words in the 1980s and 1990s knew English and knew that "net" and "web" can mean red and telarana, respectively, both feminine words. A Spanish-language internet search conducted in mid 2003 of el internet /la internet and el web /la web resulted in thousands of hits for both masculine and feminine forms, but the latter were about twice as numerous as the former. C2.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Chance is defined as "(Del fro chance). ambo Oportunidad 0 posibilidad de conseguir algo. No tiene chance para ese cargo." Should the Dictionary specify chance's preferred genders in specific countries, and should the etymology read "(Del fro chance, 0 del fro chance por via del ing!. chance)''?
C3 C3.1
RADIO (the device): masculine or feminine?

Summary
When used to refer to the device, radio is generally masculine everywhere except Spain, Paraguay, Uruguay, Argentina and Chile (where it is generally feminine) and Peru and Bolivia (where el radio and la radio compete). C3.2
SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA EL SALVADOR HONDURAS
Radio (the device): masculine or feminine?

feminine masculine masculine masculine masculine
318
NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine, feminine feminine, masculine feminine feminine feminine feminine
C3.3
Details
Peru & Bolivia: In Peru, twice as many respondents stated that radio (in the sense of 'device') was masculine as those who stated it was feminine, whereas in Bolivia the opposite was the case. Is radio predominantly masculine in Peru and predominantly feminine in Bolivia, or is there considerable competition between ef radio and fa radio in both countries? Radio in the sense of radioemision or fa emisora: The overwhelming majority ofrespondents from all countries indicated that radio, when used to refer to the broadcast or the station, is feminine. However, the respondents were largely middle- and upper-middle-class persons and in many cases it was clear to them that the infof!11ation was being solicited in a test situation. However, some of those who indicated ef radio for the device also indicated ef radio for the station/broadcast; none of those who said fa radio for the device said ef radio for the station/broadcast. The distinction between the device, the broadcast and the station is sometimes hazy, for example, in a phrase such as escuchar eflfa radio in which one listens to all three. Note that in dialects (or sociolects) in which radio = device is masculine, and radio = stationlbroadcast is feminine, ef radio has a different meaning from fa radio, whereas for other speakers fa radio or ef radio can refer to both the device and the stationlbroadcast. C3.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Radio is defined as "(Acort.[amiento]) ambo coloq. radiorreceptor." Should the Dictionary indicate where radio (when used in the sense of the device) is predominantly feminine and where it is predominantly masculine? Also, can radio in this sense currently be considered colloquial usage? Is not radio in fact standard usage and radiorreceptor uncommon in any but the most formal and/or technical language? Indeed, radiorreceptor may soon be archaic usage, ifit is not already so.
319
C4 C4.1
RIEL: masculine, feminine, or word seldom used?

Summary
Riel is predominantly masculine everywhere except Ecuador and Bolivia where it is generally feminine. In Puerto Rico the two genders may be in competition.
C4.2
Masculine, feminine, or do not use tbe word riel? masculine, do not use masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine masculine, do not use masculine do not use, masculine, feminine masculine masculine feminine masculine feminine masculine masculine masculine masculine
C4.3
Details
Spain & Cuba: The vast majority of Spaniards and Cubans queried indicated that riel is masculine, but several from both countries stated that they do not use this term at all. Of these, some indicated that they use el rail or el rail whereas others said they use words such as el ferrocarril, el carril, la linea del tren, la via del tren, etc. Still others said they use riel for 'curtain rod' and rail for 'railroad track.' According to Corominas, when the railroad was introduced in Spanish-speaking countries, the English word "rail" was adopted in Spain to refer to rai lroad tracks, and was generally pronounced rail, whereas in Mexico and Peru (and elsewhere in Latin America?) the Spanish word riel was used in this sense instead of the English word because it sounded like raillrail and because of its related, already existing senses (Corominas, vol. 4, pg. 13). Puerto Rico: Respondents were evenly divided in their opinion on whether riel is masculine, feminine or not used. Of those who do not use the word, some said it is because there are no
320
longer any trains in Puerto Rico while others said they use some other word or phrase iferrocarril, via del tren, etc.). Is riel predominantly masculine, feminine or seldom used in Puerto Rico? Ecuador & Bolivia: Why is riel predominantly feminine in these two countries? Is it because riel was always masculine in Spain, but based on the analogy ofother words ending in -iel, such as hiel, miel and piel (which are feminine in General Spanish), some Ecuadorans and Bolivians began applying the feminine gender to riel and this usage somehow became predominant? If so, how did this come about? Or is it because, at some point in the past, riel was once used as a feminine noun in some regions ofSpain (pt:.rhaps at one point el riel and la riel were in competition), and its use as a feminine noun in Ecuador and Bolivia is an archaic usage-an "archaism" from the perspective of the rest of the Spanish-speaking world-that has survived to the present day in these two countries? This assumes that the Dictionary's etymology of Spanish riel is correct, that is, that it comes from Catalan riell which, in tum, comes from Latin regella (see section C4.4 below). The Diccionario Critico Etimol6gico de la Lengua Castellana makes no mention of riel ever having been used as a feminine noun in any variety of Spanish (Corominas, vol. 4, pg. 13).
C4.4

Riel is defined as "(Del cat. riell, y este dellat. regella). m. Barra pequefia de metal en bruto.
112. Carril de una via ferrea."

The Dictionary indicates that riel is a masculine noun without comment or caveat. Should the Dictionary say the word is masculine in its gender specification, and then in the body of the definition state "En Bol., Ecuad. y P. Rico, u. c. f. [usado como femenino)"? Or should it indicate the word is "amb." in its gender specification? The Dictionary defines rail and rail as "Carril de las vias ferreas" without any regional specifications. Should "Cuba y Esp." be specified in the definitions' regional specifications?
C5 C5.1
SARTEN: masculine, feminine, or word seldom used?

Summary
A certain degree of competition between el sarten and la sarten exists in most if not all regions of the Spanish-speaking world. However, in educated speech (el habla culta), the word appears to be more often masculine in Mexico, most of Central America, the Antilles, Colombia, Ecuador and Bolivia, and more often feminine in Spain, Peru, Paraguay and Argentina. In Uruguay and Chile there appears to be strong competition between el sarten and la sarten.
C5.2
SPAIN
Masculine or feminine?
feminine masculine masculine less common, masculine, feminine
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MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR
HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLiVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
less common, masculineless common, masculine masculine masculine, feminine masculine, feminine masculine masculine, feminine masculine, feminine masculine, feminine masculine feminine masculine feminine masculine, feminine feminine masculine, feminine
C5.3
Details
General: Some respondents from many countries indicated that they say both el sarten (masculine) and la sarten (feminine), or were unsure of the word's "correct" gender. Even in regions where the masculine gender is predominant, many respondents claimed that they try to say "la sarten," that they should say "la sarten," or that the feminine form is really the correct one. In addition, a number of those who indicated they generally use the masculine form stated that they use the feminine form in the expression tener la sarten por e/ mango. How do attitudes toward the gender of this word vary among educated speakers from different regions of the Spanish-speaking world, and what are the regional, age, and social-class preferences within each country? Spain: The overwhelming majority ofthose interviewed in this study were under the age offifty and indicated la sarten, but two said that el sarten is used by older Spaniards. Corominas states that el sarten is the predominant usage in Asturias, but this statement was published in the 1950s (Corominas, vol. 4, pg. 159). EI Salvador, Honduras & Nicaragua: In these countries, other terms are used in the sense of 'frying pan' more often than sarten: cacerola (EI Salvador, Honduras); cazuela (Nicaragua);fridera (Honduras, the Oriente region of Guatemala); pai/a (Nicaragua); sartena (El Salvador, ceramic pan, generally with two small handles, orejas, rather than one long handle). Some Nicaraguans indicated that a sarten is a small pai/a, and some Hondurans indicated that a sarten is a smallfridera. Panama. Cuba. Puerto Rico, Venezuela & Colombia: In this study, more people from these countries said el sarten than la sarten, but not significantly more, and several said they use both genders or were unsure. 'What is the situation in these countries? Uruguay & Chile: Respondents were split almost down the middle with regard to the gender of sarten.
322
Argentina: The respondents in this study were nearly unanimous in indicating fa sarten, but the vast majority were middle-class and upper-middle-class Argentines, under the age of fifty, from Buenos Aires, Rosario, or other major cities. One indicated that her elderly mother used ef sarten (although she herself says fa sarten). However, Cororninas states that the masculine gender is "absolutamente general en la Arg." (Corominas, vol. 4, pg. 158-159). Who currently says ef sarten in Argentina?
CS.4
Sarten is defined as "f. Recipiente de cocina, generalmente de metal, de forma circular, poco hondo y con mango largo, que sirve para guisar. En muchos lugares de America y Espana u. c. m. [usado como masculino]." Since sarten is masculine in well over halfthe Spanish-speaking world, it should be defined as "amb. [ambiguo] Recipiente de cocina..." rather than prescribing that the word be feminine. Should the Dictionary go further and give specific information about where sarten is predominantly masculine and where it is generally feminine or just indicate "amb."? The Dictionary's vague description of sarten' s regional distribution ("En muchos lugares de America y Espai'ia") is not particularly useful, but perhaps it is the best that can be done given that both genders are used to some extent in most if not all regions. To turn the matter on its head, one can argue that the other alternative would be to define sarten as a masculine noun and then state, "En Espana y algunos lugares de America U. C. f."
C6 C6.1
FORMS OF ADDRESS (parent-to-child and chiId-to-parent) Summary
The forms of address-usted, tu or vos-people use to address their parents and those used by parents to address their children vary according to factors such as state of mind, age, socioeconomic class, region and family tradition. In some countries, people who are older, rural, and of a lower socioeconomic class are more likely to use a nonreciprocal form of address (parent addressing child as tu or vos and child addressing parent as usted), and people who are younger, urban, and ofa higher socioeconomic class are more likely to use a reciprocal form of address (parent and child each addressing the other as tu, vos or usted). Note: What is presented below in section C6.2 are typical forms of address used in normal communication (i.e. not when people are angry or upset) by middle- and upper-class speakers under the age of 50 from the capitals and other large cities of the respective countries. Forms that children use in addressing their parents are listed first in initial capital letters, and forms that parents use in addressing their children are listed second, after the hyphen, in all lower-case letters.
C6.2
Parent-Child Forms of Address by Count!")'
SPAIN MEXICO
Tii - tli Tii - tu

323
GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
Usted - tU/vosiusted Usted - tU/vos/usted Usted - tU/vosiusted Usted - vos UstedNos - ustedlvos UstedlTti - tti Tti - tti UstedlTti - tti Tti - tti Tti - tti UstedITtilVos - usteditU/vos UstedITtilVos - twvos Tti - tti UstedlTtiIVos - tU/vos Vos - vos VosITti - vosltti Vos - vos UstedlTti - ustedltti
C6.3
Details
General: The forms of address most often used by the lower socioeconomic classes and by people from places other than the major cities were not studied here and may differ considerably from those listed above in section C6.2. Nor is the issue of the different verb morphologies (conjugations) that are used in the different regions in combination with the pronouns tu and vos addressed here, such as the out-of-the-ordinary tu sabes, vos sabes and vos sabis, in addition to the ordinary tu sabes and vos sabes. For an excellent, yet succinct discussion ~f the use ofvos in Latin America, see John Lipski's El espanol de America, chapter 5, "La variaci6n social en el espanol de America" (pgs. 159-162, the section entitled Estudio de un caso: el uso de "vos "). Venezuela: The reciprocal Tu - tu paradigm between parent and child is the norm among the middle and upper classes in the cities of central and eastern Venezuela, but other forms of address that include vos and usted maybe common in parts of western Venezuela such as the state of Zulia and the Andean region. . Colombia: Parent-child forms of address show great regional variation, as do forms of address in general within Colombia: in the Costa (Atlantic Coast) region, Tu - tu is common; in Western Colombia, where vos is used, Usted - vos and Vos - vos, as well as Usted - usted are used; in Bogota, Tu - tu is often heard among middle and upper-class persons; and in many parts of interior Colombia, Usted - usted is common (e.g. in the department of Santander). Peru: The parent-child form of address paradigm for middle- and upper-class people from Lima is Tu - tu, but what is the paradigm in cities of the Peruvian Sierra (highlands), such as Huancayo, Ayacucho and Puno, or in northern cities such as Trujillo, Chiclayo and Piura? The majority of respondents queried on this issue were /imeiios.
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Chile: Many lower- and working-class Chileans use a special pronoun-less voseo (see Lipski, pg. 161). ReciprocaVnonreciprocaI. formality/informality: One way of categorizing regions is to ask whether parent-child forms of address among middle- and upper-class urban people are generally "reciprocal" (Tu - tu, Vos - vos or Usted - usted), or often "nonreciprocal" (Usted - tu or Usted - vos). Parent-child forms of address among these groups are by and large reciprocal in Spain, Mexico, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Peru, Paraguay, Uruguay and Argentina, whereas in Central America, the Dominican Republic, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia and possibly Chile, nonreciprocal paradigms have, to a considerable degree, resisted the general trend toward greater reciprocity between parents and children. Many of the countries in which nonreciprocal parent-child forms of addres~ are predominant are also countries in which people tend to go from using usted to using tu or vos much more slowly and under a much narrower range ofcircumstances, places such as Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, and most of Central America. The Dominican Republic is a notable exception, a country in which strangers often establish a tuteante relationship quickly (if not instantaneously), yet many people address their parents as usted. Uniformity within countries and linguistic change: There is evidence to suggest that a generational erosion ofnonreciprocal forms ofaddress between parents and children may be taking place in regions where they have traditionally been dominant, particularly in large urban centers. In other words, in traditionally nonreciprocal countries there are now many families in which people born between 1955 and 1975 address their parents as usted, but their children address them, and their grandparents, as tu. Which countries' parent-child forms ofaddress are more stable and monolithic, and which show a higher degree ofsocial, regional and/or generational fragmentation?
D Dl D1.1
A FEW OTHER ESSENTIALS TODAY Summary
Hoy is universal, but hoy dia is also commonly used in the sense of 'today' in Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia and Chile.
D1.2
Terms by Country (2 terms)

hoy hoy hoy hoy hoy hoy hoy
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SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA
PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
hoy hoy hoy hoy hoy hoy hoy, hoy dia hoy dia, hoy hoy dia, hoy hoy hoy hoy hoy, hoy dia
D1.3
Details
Hoy dia: Some from Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia and Chile claim hoy dia is more emphatic than hoy. Others say the two are equivalent, or that they generally use only one ofthe two forms. Why is the use of hoy dia in the sense of 'today' an essentially "Andean" phenomenon, one that occurs in what are often thought ofas the core Andean countries? Is this usage an archaism that survived in this region? D1.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Hoy (A), hoy dia (D). . Hoy dia is defined under hoy as "- dia, u [usado] - en dia. locs. advs. En esta 6poca.. en estos dias que vivimos" and is defined under dia as "hoy -, u hoy en - (II en el tiempo presente)." In the definition of hoy dia, the additional sense of"Bo/., Chile, Ecuad. y PerU. hoy (II en este dia)" needs to be added. What does the Dictionary mean by usado in "- dia, u [usado] - en dia',? Does this mean that hoy dia is used in the sense of hoy en dia, or that hoy en dia is used more often than hoy dia in the sense of 'nowadays'? The Dictionary should not use abbreviations that its users can not reasonably be expected to understand.
D2
D2.1
GOOD MORNING
Summary
Buenos dias is universal, but buen dia is also commonly used as a greeting in Bolivia.. Paraguay, Uruguay and Argentina.
326
D2.2
Terms by Country (2 terms) buenos dias buenos dias buenos dias buenos mas buenos mas buenos dias buenos mas buenos dias buenos dias buenos mas buenos mas buenos dias buenos dias buenos mas buenos dias buenos dias, buen dia bueD dia, buenos dias bueD dia, buenos mas bueD dia, buenos dias buenos dias
SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RlCA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. ,PUERTO RlCO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
D2.3
Details
Buen dia: The use of buen dia as a greeting (in the sense of' good morning') appears to be somewhat less common in Bolivia than in Paraguay, Uruguay and Argentina, but in all four countries buen dia is less formal than buenos dias. For example, a person from one of these countries might say buen dia to a friend or co-worker (assuming he or she does not say hola, que tal or some other informal expression), whereas a teacher entering a classroom will invariably say buenos dias (at which time all students are supposed to stand up). Thus, in these four countries buenos dias occupies a higher speech register than buen dia: there is diglossia with respect to this item. Is buen dia commonly used as a greeting in countries other than Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay and Argentina (for example, in some areas ofPeru or Chile)? Why is the use of buen dia concentrated in the River Plate region? D2.4 Real Academia RegioDal Review
Buen dia (B), buenos dias (A). Dictionarydefmitions: buenos dias, "expr. U. como salutaci6n familiar durante la manana"; buen dia, "expr. Arg. y Chile. buenos dias." Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay need to be added to the regional specifications of buen dia and Chile may need to be removed. The phrase buenos dias is not an inherently informal or familiar greeting and therefore should not be defined as a "...salutaci6n familiar..." but simply as a
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"...salutacion..." since in General Spanish buenos dias has infonnal counterparts such as que tal but no fonnal equivalent; in the River Plate region buenos dias tends to be slightly formal.
D3 D3.1
BROWN
Summary
Cafe is the most commonly used term in ten countries, and marron in seven or eight. Panama, Cuba, Puerto Rico and Colombia have highly regional usages.
D3.2
SPAIN
Terms by Country (6 terms plus variants) marron cafe cafe cafe cafe cafe cafe chocolate carmelita, marron marron braun/brown, marron marron cafe, marron, rape, carmelita cafe marron cafe marron marron marron cafe
D3.3
Details
General: The color that was tested was a mediwn shade of brown (neither a very light brown, nor a particularly dark brown). To what extent can the different regional Spanish tenns listed in section D3.2 above be considered generic equivalents of English "brown"? Cuba: Carmelita is the predominant tenn in Havana, but there is some evidence to suggest that marron may be more common than carmelita in the Oriente (eastern Cuba). Puerto Rico: Some stated that brown-pronounced and sometimes written braun-is used more often in spoken language whereas marron is more frequent in written language. To what extent is this true?
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Colombia: Cafe is the predominant term in the interior of the country, but in the Costa rape and marron are more common. In the Costa, rape seems to be more common in Cartagena and points west, while marron appears to be more common in Barranquilla and points east. Some Colombians indicated that carmelita is a generic term for 'brown' and others said it is a lighter shade ofbrown than cafe. In the different regions ofColombia, what are the meanings and usage frequencies of cafe, marron, rape and carmelita? Peru: The overwhelming majority of Peruvians in this study indicated that marron is the generic term for brown. However, a small minority said they used cafe, and of these two indicated that cafe is a different shade ofbrown (one said cafe is darker than marron, another said cafe is lighter). What distinctions, if any, do Peruvians make between marron and cafe? Isoglosses: If you took a trip between the cities indicated below, at what point would most people stop using one term for a generic 'brown' and start saying another? San Jose to Panama City (cafe>chocolate), Panama City to Bogota (chocolate>rape>marron>cafe), Caracas to Bogota (marron>cafe), Quito to Lima (cafe>marron), Lima to La Paz (marron>cafe), Lima to Santiago de Chile (marron>cafe), La Paz to Asuncion (cafe>marron), Buenos Aires to Santiago de Chile (marron>cafe), Havana to Santiago de Cuba (carmelita>marron). The trips from Lima to the capitals of Peru's surrounding Spanish-speaking countries would be especially interesting because this is the only region in which marron is flanked on three sides by cafe. Plural forms: In the regions where the respective ~ords for 'brown' are used, how do attitudes vary with regard to the acceptability ofplural forms such as the following equivalents of 'brown shoes'? Zapatos de color cafe, zapatos cafes, zapatos de color marron, zapatos marrones, zapatos de color carmelita, zapatos carmelitos, ziIpatos carmelitas, zapatos de color braun, zapatos brauns. Are expressions such as zapatos cafeses universally censored as "nonstandard" and "uneducated" or are they accepted in colloquial speech in some regions? D3.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Braun (F), brown (F), cafe (B), carmelita (B), chocolate (D), marron (C), rape (D). Dictionary defmitions: marron, "Dicho de un color: Castano, 0 de matices parecidos. U. 1. c. s. m. [Usado tambiencomo sustantivo masculino] 112. De color marron"; cafe, "6. adj. Chile, Ecuad., Mix. y Ur. marron (II color)"; carmelita, "3. (por a1us. al del habito de los carmelitas). Bol., Chile y Cuba. Se dice del color pardo, castano claro 0 acanelado." All of the above terms, including cafe and marron, should be defined with regional specifications: cafe, "Bol., Col., C. Rica, Chile, Ecuad., EI Salv., Hond., Guat., Ma. y Nic. Castano, o de matices parecidos" and marron, "Arg., Col., Cuba, Esp., Par., PerU, P. Rico, R. Dam., Ur. y Ven. Castano, 0 de matices parecidos." Is carmelita commonly used in Bolivia and Chile in the sense of"pardo" as the Dictionary indicates? No evidence ofthis was uncovered in this study, nor was any Uruguayan encountered who used cafe in the sense of 'brown.'
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D4 D4.1
STRING I TWINE Summary
Cuerda is a generic General Spanish tenn that can refer to 'string' or 'twine' (and also 'rope'),'but many countries have other more regional names for these items.
Note: In section D4.2 below, the terms corresponding to each country are listed in alphabetical order. D4.2 Other Terms for 'String' and/or 'Twine' by Country (about 15 terms plus variants) cordel, cordon cordon, mecate canamo, pita canamo, cordel, mecate, pita cabuya, canarno, cordel, cordon, mecate cabuya, mecate cordon, canarno, manila, mecate cordon canamo, cordel, cordon cabuya, canarno, cordon, gangorra cabuya, cordel, cordon cabuya, guaral, mecate, pabilo cabuya, cordon, guasca, piola, pita cabuya, piola cordon, pita cordel, cordon, pita liiia, piolin piolin, piola cordel, cordon, piolin, piola canamo, cordel, lienza, pita, pitilla
D4.3
Details
General: In addition to cuerda, many Spanish speakers use General Spanish hilo and/or soga modified by qualifiers to refer to 'string' and/or 'twine' such as hi/o gordo, hi/o grueso, hi/o mediano, hi/o de alar, soga fina, soga delgada, etc. Also, diminutive fonns such as cordelilo, cordoncilo, mecalillo/mecalilo, piolila and soguilla/soguUa are used in some regions to refer to strings and/or twines that are thinner than the strings, twines and ropes referred to by the base fonns (cordel, cordon, mecate, piola and soga). Spain: Some respondents indicated that bramante is used in the sense of 'twine.' El Salvador: Cabuya refers to a 'cigarette butt' (colilia, pucho). Uruguay & Argentina: Hi/a sisal refers to a type of string often used for tying up packages.
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Cordel and cordon: These tenns are used in many countries to refer to some type of 'string' or 'twine,' but how (if at all) do their meanings differ by region? A few also said (for 'string' or 'twine'): Cabuya (Cuba), currican (Colombia), chaura (Uruguay), hilo pabilo (panama), /iiia (Bolivia, department ofel Beni), maroma (Argentina), mecahilo (Mexico), pabilo (peru), sucho (Panama). Rope: In addition to cuerda and soga, which appear to be used everywhere (though not everywhere with equal frequency), the following tenns were offered in the sense of'rope': lazo (Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Colombia; the tenn was offered in these countries in the sense of a generic rope, not specifically a 'lasso' or 'lariat'), piola (paraguay), reata (Mexico). In addition, cabo was offered in the sense of a thick rope (such as one used on ships) by respondents from different countries. Spelling: Because words for' string,' 'twine' and 'rope' are often used primarily in spoken language, many people are uncertain as to the proper spelIing, and the following "alternate" spellings were offered by quite a few educated individuals: cabulla, laso,pavilo, riata, zoga. (Some would haughtily assert that anyone who uses such spellings can not be considered educated. However, an argument can be made that being a good speller is only one of many criteria rather than a necessary but insufficient condition.)
D4.4
Cabo (A?), cabuya (B), canamo (B), cordel (A), cordon (A), cuerda (A), gangorra (F), guaral (A), hilo (A), /ienza (D), lina (D), manila (B), mecate (A),pabilo (A),piola (C or D?),piolin (B), pita (B), pitilla (A), soga (A or D?). Dictionary definitions: cuerda, "Conjunto de hilos de lino, canamo, cerda u otra materia semejante, que torcidos fonnan un solo cuerpo mas 0 menos grueso, largo y flexible. Sirve para atar, suspender pesos, etc... I/I3. cordel"; cabo, "13. Mar. Cuerda (1/ de atar 0 suspender pesos)"; cabuya, "4. Am. Cuerda, y especialmente la de pita"; caiiamo, "6. Chile, C. Rica y Hond. Brarnante de caiiamo"; cordel, "Cuerda delgada... 1/ 5. And., Bol., Col. y Nic. zumbel (1/ cuerda que se arrolla al peon)"; cordon, "Cuerda, por 10 comlin redorida, de seda, lino, lana u otra materia fiIi fonne"; guaral, "Ven. Cordel de grosor mediano, hecho generalmente con hilos de algodon 0 cocuiza, torcidos en dos 0 mas ramales.1/2. Ven. Cordel para pescar"; hilo, "Hebra larga y delgada de una materia textiI, especialmente la que se usa para coser"; hilo bramante, "Cordel delgado de canamo"; /ina, "ant. linea. 1/2. ant. Hebra de hilo"; manila (defined under manilo), "Nic. Fibra de canamo utilizada como cuerda"; mecate, "Am. Cen., Mix. y Ven. Cordel 0 cuerda hecha de cabuya, canamo, pita, crin de caballo 0 similar"; pabilo, "3. Ven. Hilo grueso, resistente, poco tramado, hecho de algodon, que se emplea, entre otras cosas, para tejer alpargatas, hamacas 0 cubrecamas"; pio/a, "Cuerda delgada"; piolin, "Arg., Chile, Mix., PerU y Ur. Cordel delgado de canamo, algodon u otra fibra"; pita, "Bol. Cordel de cMiamo"; pitilla, "Chile. Cordon delgado usado generalmente para envolver paquetes"; soga, "Cuerda gruesa de esparto." Cuerda is a General Spanish and generic tenn and its senses one and thirteen should be combined into a single sense which would read simply "Conjunto de hilos de Iino, canamo, cerda u otra materia semejante, que torcidos fonnan un solo cuerpo largo y flexible. Sirve para atar, suspender pesos, etc..."; in other words, the phrase "mas 0 menos grueso" should be eliminated. Most of the other tenns should then be defined in tenns of cuerda with the appropriate thickness
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and/or material qualifiers and regional specifications. For example, pio/a could be defined as "Arg., Co/., Ecuad. y Ur. Cuerda delgada para atar. II 2. Par. Cuerda gruesa para atar." Cabuya could perhaps be defined as "Co/., Ecuad., Hon., Nie., P. Rico, R. Dom. y Ven. Cuerda delgada, generalmente hecha de canamo, fique, henequen, mezcal, pita, sisal, yute u otra fibra natural." Guatemala, EI Salvador, Cuba and the Dominican Republic need to be added to the regional specifications of canamo. Costa Rica needs to be added to the regional specifications of manila; is manila used in this sense in Nicaragua as the Dictionary indicates? Guatemala, El Salvador, Colombia, Peru and Chile (and elsewhere?) need to be added to the regional specifications of pita. How should the Dictionary deal with diminutives such as piolin, pitilla and soguilla that are diatopically marked forms? The Dictionary will also need to define regional expressions that are used with the above words for 'string,' 'twine' and 'rope.' For example, in Venezuela,ja/ar meeate means to 'flatter' or 'brownnose' and aja/ameeate (also called aja/abo/as) is a 'brownnoser.' D5 D5.1 BAND-AID Summary
Tirita is used in Spain and curita (and/or variants such as cura) in Latin America.
D5.2
SPAIN
Terms by Country (2 commonly used terms plus variants) tirita curita curita curita curita curita, cura curita curita curita curita curita curita curita, cura curita curita curita curita curita curita (parche) curita
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D5.3
Details
Chile: Parche curita is used more often than curita. A few also said: Bandaid (Mexico, Colombia, Bolivia, Argentina), bandita (Mexico, EI Salvador, Venezuela), cura (Honduras, Costa Rica, Panama, Puerto Rico), esparadrapo (puerto Rico), paratrapo (puerto Rico). D5.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Cura (D), curita (A), parehe curita (F), tirita (C). Dictionary definitions: tirita, ''Tira adhesiva por una cara, en cuyo centro tiene un ap6sito esterilizado que se coloca sobre heridas pequeiias para protegerlas"; curita, "(De Curitas, marca reg.). f. tirita"; tela adhesiva, "Arg. esparadrapo"; tira emplastiea, "Ur. esparadrapo." The Dictionary should include regional specifications for its definitions oftirita (Esp.) and perhaps curita (Am.), include a sense corresponding to 'band-aid' in its definition ofcura, and define the termparche curita with a regional specification (Chile). It would make sense to cross-reference tirita to curita rather than the other way around since the latter term is commonly used in eighteen more countries than the former.
D6 D6.1 STYROFOAM Summary
Most of the common names for 'styrofoam' are used in only one country. D6.2
SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTO RICO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY
Terms by Country (over 20 terms plus variants) poliespan, corcho blanco, porexpan unicel duropor(t) durapax estairof6n/styrofoam, fon/foam, durapax poroplas(t) estereof6n fon/foam, estairof6n/slyrofoam poliespuma corcha (espuma) fon/foam, estairof6n/styrofoam anime lcopor espumaflex, (es)pumaf(l)6n tecnopor, temopol, poroflex plastoformo Isopor
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URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
espurnaplas(t) telgopor, tergopol plurnavit, aislapol
D6.3
Details
General: The majority ofthe words listed in section D6.2 above were originally brand names which. like English "styrofoam," have become generic terms. Some Spanish speakers do not use any specific name for the material in question, but instead refer to a 'styrofoam cup' as a vasa termieo and styrofoam balls or chips used for packing as bolas de embalaje. Spain: Coreho blanco sometimes gets reduced to just corcho. Panama: Some pronouncefoam with two syllables [fo-AM], and some with one as ifit were written fon orfom. Dominican Republic: Coreha espuma is often pronounced as if written eolcha espuma, even by educated speakers. Ecuador: Espumaflex is used more in the Sierra (Highland Region), and espumafl6n (and its variants espumaf6n, esplumaf6n, plumaf6n, pumaf6n, etc.) are used more in the Costa (Coastal Region). Peru: In more technical language, is there a difference between teenopor, ternopol and poroflex (i.e. different types of 'styrofoam ')? Paraguay: The use of isopor is the result ofBrazilian influence: it is the Brazilian Portuguese word for 'styrofoam.' (Esferovite is the Continental Portuguese term.) Argentina: Some claim that telgopor is the only correct term and that tergopol is a barbarism. However, many of those who gave tergopol were educated Argentines. Chile: A majority of Chileans gaveplumavit, but many others offered aislapol. Of those who use both terms, some say aislapol is the same as plumavit, some indicated they refer to two different types of 'styrofoam,' and some say aislapol is a type of styrofoam panel used for insulation. Technical terms: Technical terms include poliestireno expandido, espuma de poliestireno and EPS / e-pe-ese (from the English acronym for "expanded polystyrene''). Also the English word styrofoam (with various pronunciations) is used by specialists in many Spanish-speaking countries, though nowhere as often as in Honduras, Panama and Puerto Rico. A few also said: CoropLQ(s) and foropLQ(s) (Nicaragua), escareha (Honduras, small pieces of styrofoam = 'hielo seeo'), espuma plastica (Uruguay), estiroplano (Ecuador), estiropor (Mexico), hielo seeD (Mexico, Panama, the Dominican Republic; especially for the small styrofoam pieces used for packaging), nieve seea (Mexico, the Dominican Republic = 'hielo seeo' ),polif6n (Uruguay), tergopor(Argentina), tergopol, telgopor and tergopor(Paraguay). SpeIling: Since the terms presented in section D6.2 above are often used primarily in spoken language, and their pronunciation varies in some cases, many educated speakers are uncertain as to how they should be speIled. The foIlowing are some "alternate" spellings: durapas and durapaeks (EI Salvador, Honduras), duropor and duroport (Guatemala), espuma flex (Ecuador), espumaplas and espumaplast (Uruguay; these derive from espuma pltitiea), hicopor (Colombia), hieloseeo and nieveseea (Mexico, Panama, the Dominican Republic), plumafoam andplumafom (Ecuador),pluma vit (Chile),poliespan andpoliexpan (Spain),
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porespan (Spain),poroplast,poroplas and poropIa (Nicaragua), unisel (Mexico). Poliespan and poliexpan derive from poliestireno expandido, which would suggest that poliexpan would be "correct," but the spellingpoliespan was offered by far more respondents, perhaps because in Spain the letter x tends to be pronounced like an s when it occurs before a consonant. All of these spelling (and in some cases etymological) issues will need to be resolved in order for these terms to be included in Spanish-language dictionaries.
D6.4
Anime (0), corcha espuma (F), corcho blanco (F), durapax (F), duroport (F), espumajlex (F), espuma.fl6n (F), espumaf6n (F), espumaplas (F), espumaplast (F),foam (F), hielo seeD (D), icopor (F), isopor (F), nieve seca (F),plastoformo (F),pluma.fl6n (F),plumavit (F),poliespan (F),poliexpan (F), poliespuma (F), poroplast (F), teenopor (F), telgopor (F), tergopol (F), ternopol (F), unicel (F). None of the common names for styrofoam IS properly defined in the Dictionary, including those used in Spain. What is the reason for this lacuna? Is it because the Real Academia has a disdain for nontechnical names for technical items, or is it a case of ignorance is bliss?
D7 D7.1
CACHWACHES (odds and ends, stuff, junk)

Summary
Most countries have regionalisms that are similar in meaning to General Spanish cachivaches in that they refer to 'things,' 'stuff,' 'junk,' and/or 'odds and ends,' are colloquial and often pejorative, and are generally used in the plural form. D7.2 Terms by Country (over 25 terms) cacharros, ~tos, chismes chacharas, triques,chivas, chunches chunches, tiliches, charadas chunches, tiliches, volados, calaches chunches, tiliches, calaches, tarantines chunches, chereques, carajadas, tiliches, calaches, tarantines chunches, checheres, tiliches, carajadas checheres,chunches tarecos, trastes, trastos tereques tereques, viejeras, jodiendas corotos, peroles, checheres, macundales, trastes checheres, pendejadas, maricad(it)as, trastes, ch6coros tereques ? ? ?
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SPAIN " MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RlCA PANAMA CUBA DOMIN. REP. PUERTORlCO VENEZUELA COLOMBIA ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY
URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE
? ? cachureos
D7.3
Details
General: How do the meanings ofthe above terms differ in their respective regions, particularly with regard to: a) the size ofthe object, b) the level ofpejorativeness conveyed by the speaker, and c) the term's speech register such as colloquial or vulgar? Which are more like cachivaches (larger, uglier and more useless), and which are more like chucherias (smaller and cuter)? Mexico: Is ti/iche commonly used in Mexico or certain parts of Mexico (southern Mexico?)? EI Salvador: Tarantines often refer to 'pots, pans, plates and other kitchen utensils.' Nicaragua: Tarantines often refer to 'containers.' Venezuela: Checheres is used primarily in Western Venezuela (especially the state of Zulia). Colombia: Chocoros is used mainly in the Costa. Peru. Bolivia. Paraguay. Uruguay & Argentina: What regional equivalents of cachivaches are used in these countries? Very few respondents offered any, but surely some must exist. Peru, Bolivia and Paraguay probably have indigenous terms (in Quechua., Aymara and/or Guarani) that are similar in meaning to cachivaches and are used by Spanish speakers even in primarily Spanish-language utterances. A few also said: Bdrtulos (Spain), bichos (Venezuela), cochinadas (Guatemala), cojudeces (peru), cherevecos (Costa Rica), churres (Cuba), desgracias (EI Salvador), macundos (Venezuela), mugres (Mexico), muleles (panama), shmates (Argentina., among Jews, Yiddish term), varas (Costa Rica), lYro re'i (paraguay, Guarani term). Also, the term huevadas, sometimes spelled giievadas (and sometimes appearing in the diminutive form huevaditas/giievaditas) is used in Ecuador, Peru and Chile; how, ifat all, does its meaning and level ofvulgarity vary regionally? . D7.4 Real Academia Regional Review
Cacharro (A or C?), cachureo (A), calache (B), carajada (A), coroto (A or B?), chdchara (A or C?), charada (D), chechere (B), chereque (F), chisme (C), chiva (B), chunche (F), huevada (B?),jodienda (D), macundal (A), maricada (F), pendejada (D), perol (A), porqueria (A or C?), tarantin (A or B?), tareco (A, B or D?), tereque (A, B or D?), tiliche (A or B?), traste (B or D?), trasto (A, Cor D?), trique (A), viejera (A), volado (A?). Dictionary definitions: cachivache, "despect. Vasija, utensilio, trebejo. U. m. en pI. II 2. despect. Cosa rota 0 arrinconada por imitiI. U. m. en pl."; chucheria, "Cosa de poca importancia., pero pulida y delicada"; bdrtulos, "m. pI. Enseres que se manejan"; cacharro, "4. coloq. Aparato viejo, deteriorado 0 que funciona mal"; cachureo, "coloq. Chile. Objeto imitii. II 2. coloq. Chile. Conjunto variado de objetos desechados"; calache, "2. m. 1 Salvo Utensilio pequeno y viejo. 113. Hond. Mueble v~ejo y desvencijado. U. m. en pl."; carajada, "c. Rica y Hond. cosa (II objeto)"; coroto, "rn. coloq. Col. y Ven. Objeto cualquiera que no se quiere mencionar 0 cuyo nombre se desconoce.1I2. coloq. Col. y Ven. Cacharro de la cocina 0 de la vajilla"; chdchara, "3. pI. Baratijas, cachivaches"; chechere, "m. coloq. Col., C. Rica, 1 Salvo y Ven. trasto (II cosa vieja). U. m. en pI.
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112. coloq. Col., C. Rica y Ven. Objeto en general. U. m. en pl."; chisme, "2. coloq. Baratija 0 trasto pequeno"; chiva, "2. Ven. Toda prenda de vestir 0 cualquier otro objeto, por 10 comOn usado, que se regala, alquila 0 vende.1I3. pI. Mix. enseres"; huevada, "coloq. Chile. Cosa, asunto, situaci6n"; . ' macundales, "pI. coloq. Ven. enseres"; muergano, "Col. Objeto im.itil, antigualla";perol, "2. Ven. Objeto cuyo nombre se ignora, no se recuerda 0 no se quiere mencionar";porqueria, "2. coloq. Cosa vieja, rota 0 que no desempefia su funci6n como debiera"; tarantin, "Am. Cen., Cuba y R. Dom. Cachivache, trasto.1I3. pI. El Salvo Utensilios de cocina"; tareco, "coloq. Can., Cuba y Ur. trebejo 01 utensilio, instrumento)"; tereque, "Ecuad., Nic., P. Rico y Ven. trebejo (II utensilio, instrumento). En Ecuador, u. m. en pl."; tiliche, "Am. Cen. y Mix. Baratija, cachivache, bujeria"; traste, "3. And., Am. Cen., Mix y P. Rico. trasto (II utensilio casero)"; trasto, "Cada uno de los muebles 0 utensilios de una casa. 113. despect. Cosa inutil, estropeada, vieja 0 que estorba mucho"; trique l , "4. pI. Mix. Trastos, trebejos"; viejera, "2. P. Rico. Cosa vieja e inservible"; volado, "5. El SaIv. cosa (II asunto, tema)." Any ofthe above terms that can be directly cross-referenced to cachivache, a General Spanish term, should be. The definition could read "cachivache (II cosa, objeto)" with the appropriate regional specifications. In order for these terms to be properly defined, the following questions will also need to be resolved by further research: Is coroto commonly used in Colombia? Is chechere used in EI Salvador? (panama needs to be added to chechere's regional specifications.) Why are cacharro, cachureo, coroto, chechere, chisme, huevada, macundales, and porqueria defined as colloquial, but not carajada, chachara, chiva,perol and tarantin? And why are some terms defined as nouns that are only used in the plural-with the headword itself a plural noun or with the abbreviation "pl." in the definition-while others are listed as mostly used in the plural with the annotation "0. m. en pl." [Usado mas en plural]? Is it true, for example, that calaches and checheres are occasionally used in the singular but never chacharas nor macundales as the Dictionary's definitions imply?
APPENDIX 1: ADDITIONAL TOPICS

The following is a small selection of miscellaneous topics in the field of Spanish lexical dialectology. For the most part, only a few informants from each specified country or region have been observed or questioned concerning these issues, and findings are tentative. as soon as. Is there regional variation in the use of apenas, en cuanto and tan pronto como? Apenas and tan pronto como may be perceived as pertaining to a slightly higher register, and en cuanto seems to be much more frequently used in spoken language in many Latin American countries. However, perhaps the phrases are not exact equivalents. In some cases, llamame apenas sepas seems to be more insistent than llamame en cuanto sepas, as ifthe speaker who used the apenas phrase wanted the other person to call immediately upon finding out the information, whereas the speaker who used the en cuanto phrase wanted to receive the call soon after~ut not irrunediately after. What other more regional phrases are there such as tan luego como (Mexico)?
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attorney I lawyer. Abogado is the General Spanish term, but in Mexico and Peru, respectively, /icenciado and doctor seem to be more common in everyday spoken language, especially when referring to a specific attorney (hable con ellicenciado y me dijo... ). cap (type of hat with visor). Who says gorra and who says cachucha? cigarette I cigar I pipe. What are the regional preferences for the following items? 'Cigarette': cigarrillo (most countries?), cigarro (Mexico, parts ofthe Caribbean Basin, and elsewhere?), pUillo (Spain?), and perhaps other terms (?). 'Cigar': cigarro,puro, habano, and other terms. 'Pipe': pipa, cachimba, cachimbo, and other terms. Let us hope that by the year 2100, tobacco products will no longer be part of any language's or dialect's "basic vocabulary." cold (the common cold) I flu. Catarro and resfriado may be universal synonyms for 'cold,' and gripe a universal term for 'influenza' or 'cold,' but the following are some more regional terms for 'cold' and/or 'flu': costipado or constipado (Mediterranean Spain, from Catalan, cold);flu (Puerto Rico, flu); gripa (Mexico, Colombia, cold/flu; gripa is also used elsewhere in uneducated speech, but in Mexico and Colombia it is common even among educated speakers); monga (puerto Rico, flu); quiebrahuesos and quebrantahuesos (Costa Rica, flu); resfrio (Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, cold); trancazo (Ecuador, flu). dijiste vs. dijistes. Based on the analogy of second-person singular conjugations for other tenses, such as dices, dedas, diras, digas and dijeras, that in standard Spanish do have word-final s, many Spanish speakers use nonstandard second-person singular preterite forms with wordfinal s such as hablastes, comistes and dijistes. While it is clear that these preterite forms are universally criticized as "uneducated" and "incorrect" by educated speakers throughout the Spanish-speaking world, for whom the only correct forms are hablaste, comiste and dijiste, the following questions remain unanswered: In the uneducated speech of each region, how common are second-person singular preterite forms with word-fmal s such as dijistes? In what regions are these forms so commonplace in the speech of people with a medium level of education that they receive only mild criticism, if any, from most sectors of society? In short, how, if at all, do frequencies of use and attitudes toward dijisteldijistes, etc. vary by region among different groups? dustpan. Who says pala, who says recogedor, and who says cogedor? each time / every time. Cada vez que... is a General Spanish way of saying this, but in Mexican Spanish cada que... is used quite frequently, and not only in informal language. Is this ellipsis used elsewhere? hambre. When this term is unmodified and used with the definite article (el hambre), its gender is not revealed, but in phrases such as tengo mucha hambre, tengo mucho hambre, or tengo un hambre barbaro, the word's gender shows itselfto be variable. (Compare el aguila, el area, el hacha, el hada, etc., all of which are clearly feminine, and el calambre, el fzambre, el matambre, etc., all of which are unambiguously masculine.) What, if any, are the regional preferences between masculine and feminine for the word hambre? The Dictionary indicates that hambre is strictly a feminine noun which is clearly not the whole story. how shall I put it (filler phrase used to express uncertainty). Who says como Ielte dire, who says ..,., como lelte dijera, who says other variants, and how are these phrases perceived in different regions by different groups in terms of "correctness," "refinement," etc.?
338
in the meantime, meanwhile. Mientras tanto and entre tanto are the standard General Spanish phrases, but in some regions other phrases appear to be used much more often in everyday language. For example, in Ecuador hasta mientras is the most commonly used phrase. What other phrases (such as por mientras) are common in other regions? itch / itchiness. In nontechnical language, there appear to be regional preferences among comezon (more common in Spain and the Antilles?),picaz6n (more common in some South American countries?) and picor (where is this term commonly used?). kick out (a person). Sacar and/or echar are General Spanish terms used in the sense of 'kick out' (remove, make leave), but botar (see section B6) is commonly used in Panama, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia (and elsewhere?). In Mexico and Nicaragua (and elsewhere in Central America?), correr is commonly used as a transitive verb in this sense. However, there is evidence to suggest that there may be a distinction in the way some speakers use correr and sacar/echar as a number of people from these two countries indicated that one says 10 correrion del trabajo when a person is fired (10 despidieron, Ie dijeron que sefuera), but 10 echaron del bar or 10 sacaron del bar when a person is physically removed (for example, by a bouncer), that is, with the meaning of 10 obligaron a salir a la fuerza, a la brava, 0 a patadas. 10 ys. la (in certain phrases). Lo pasamos bien or la pasamos bien? Assuming the phrase has no specific referent (such as la velada or lafiesta that is feminine, or elpaseo that is masculine), are there regional preferences between pasarlo and pasarla? Is a la mejor a strictly Mexican Spanish equivalent ofGeneral Spanish a 10 mejor = 'maybe,' or is a la mejor used elsewhere, in countries other than Mexico? How do attitudes toward these variants vary? morirse de (Ia) risa ys. matarse de (la) risa. Are there regional preferences between these phrases? In Ecuador, matarse de la risa seems to be the most common in everyday speech, whereas in many other Spanish-speaking countries morirse de la risa or morirse de risa seem to be the phrases most often used. perhaps (quiza vs. quiztis). Does the intelligentsia in all Spanish-speaking countries prefer quiza to quiztis, or are there places in which quizas is accepted (and even preferred) by all but a small minority ofinternationally educated or linguistically conservative groups? In which countries is quiza a shibboleth that distinguishes the truly educated from the rest, a sine qua non for being considered cultured by the intelligentsia? In which do those with lower and middle levels of education-for the sake of argument, let us narrow the issue to education in the humanities-prefer quizas, and even consider this term to be more correct than quiza? Where, in contrast, do people with lower and middle levels ofeducation also prefer quiza to such an extent that the use of quiza, in and of itself, is hardly a sign of anything? In short, how, if at all, do attitudes toward quiza;quizas vary by region among different groups? pinch (verb). Who says pellizcar, and who says peiiiscar or peiiizcar (spelling?)? The Dictionary does not list either of the ii-forms. scratch (verb). For 'scratch,' who says araiiar and who says aruiiar? The Dictionary defines aruiiar as "coloq. araiiar," but in some varieties of Spanish, people use only or primarily arunar. For those who generally use aruiiar, one can argue that this verb is not any more colloquial than aranar is for those who use it primarily or exclusively. What about regional equivalents
339
for 'scrape' (General Spanish raspar), such as rasmillar (Ecuador) and guayar (Dominican Republic?)? size. Tamano (for general dimensions) and talla (for clothing size) are General Spanish terms, but what about regional terms, especially for tamano? Porte (Ecuador, and elsewhere?) and vuelo (Chile, and elsewhere?) are two examples ofwords that are commonly used in phrases such as un _ de este porte!vuelo. turn on (a light, an appliance). For lights, lamps, flashlights, etc. prender seems to be much more common than encender in Honduras, Panama, the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Paraguay, Uruguay, Argentina and Chile, whereas encender seems to be quite common (perhaps more common in everyday speech than prender) in Spain (many regions), Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Cuba and Bolivia. In countries where prender is more common in everyday speech, encender is considered by some to be more formal and the prestige term. However, some speakers stated they use prender for devices and encender for lights and others indicated the opposite (prender for lights and encender for other appliances). Some Spanish speakers claimed they use neither prender nor encender for turning on radios and other electrical devices, but prefer poner or poner en marcha (puso eilla radio,puso en marcha el aparato). The use of these alternate phrases seems to be particularly common in Spain and Cuba; some Cubans also indicated they use the phrase echar a andar for devices. What, if any, are the regional preferences in the way these verbs are used in these contexts? turn the page (of a book or magazine). Pasar la pagina, cambiar la pagina and dar vuelta a la pagina may be General Spanish phrases that, in many cases, are synonymous, but the following are some more regionally weighted phrases: virar la pagina (Puerto Rico?, Ecuador); voltear la pagina (Mexico, Guatemala?, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Panama, Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Colombia, Peru); volver la pagina (Spain, Chile?). unless. Is there r~onal variation in the use of a menos que and a no ser que, or is it merely a case ofuniforrn diglossia throughout the Spanish-speaking world (a menos que = higher-register phrase and a no ser que = lower-register phrase)? A no ser que seems to be much more frequently used in spoken language in many Latin American countries.
NOTES
1. The author would like to thank Lucrecia Hug and Sharlee Merner Bradley for editing earlier drafts and making a number ofvaluable suggestions. In addition, he would like to express his appreciation to Andy Klatt and Jacki Noh for going out of their way to put him in contact with many informants/respondents for this study. Last but not least, he would like to thank all of the native speakers of Spanish who generously gave of their time to answer questions on usage. 2. For information on items in other semantic fields whose names in Spanish vary by region, see the following works by Andre Moskowitz:
340
"Topics in Spanish lexical dialectology: la ciudad y los fueros." Proceedings ofthe 43rd Annual Conference ofthe American Translators Association, Atlanta, Georgia, U.S.A., November 6-9, 2002. Ed. Scott Brennan. American Translators Association, 2002. 353-399. "Topics in Spanish lexical dialectology: folks." Proceedings ofthe 42nd Annual Conferenqe ofthe American Translators Association, Los Angeles, California, U.S.A., October 31-November 3,2001. Ed. Thomas L. West ill. American Translators Association, 2001. 268-301. "Topics in Spanish lexical dialectology: kids' stuff." Proceedings ofthe 41st Annual Conference of the American Translators Association, Orlando, Florida, U.S.A., September 20-23,2000. Ed. Thomas L. West ill. American Translators Association, 2000. 328-366. "Topics in Spanish lexical dialectology: food and drink." Proceedings of the 40th Annual Conference ofthe American Translators Association, St. Louis, Missouri, U.S.A., November 3-6, 1999. Ed. Ann G. Macfarlane. American Translators Association, 1999. 275-308. "Topics in Spanish lexical dialectology: the home." Proceedings ofthe 39th Annual Conference of the American Translators Association, Hilton Head Island, South Carolina, U.S.A., November 4-8, 1998. Ed. Ann G. Macfarlane. American Translators Association, 1998.221253. "Fruit and vegetable terminology in the Spanish-speaking world: regional variation." Proceedings of the 38th Annual Conference of the American Translators Association, San Francisco, California, U.S.A., November 5-9, 1997. Ed. Muriel M. Jerome-O'Keeffe. American Translators Association, 1997. 233-261. "Clothing terminology in the Spanish-speaking world: regional variation." Proceedings ofthe 37th Annual Conference ofthe American Translators Association, Colorado Springs, Colorado, U.S.A., October 30-November 3, 1996. Ed. Muriel M. Jerome-O'Keeffe. American Translators Association, 1996.287-308. " "Car terminology in the Spanish-speaking world." Proceedings ofthe 36th Annual Conference of the American Translators Association, Nashville, Tennessee, U.S.A., November 8-12,1995. Ed. Peter W. Krawutschke. American Translators Association, 1995.331-340. "Contribuci6n al estudio del espanol ecuatoriano." Unpublished M.A. thesis. Department of Romance Languages and Literatures, University of Florida. Gainesville, Florida. 1995. "A box ofoffice supplies: dialectological fun" The Georgetown Journal ofLanguages & Linguistics. Vol 1.3. Ed. Richard J. O'Brien, S.J. 1990.315-344.
REFERENCES Corominas, Joan. 1954. Diccionario Crilico Elimo/6gico de /a Lengua Castellana. Bern, Switzerland: Editorial Francke. Green, Jonathon. 1996. Chasing the Sun / Dictionary Makers and the Dictionaries They Made. New York, USA: Henry Holt and Company. Landau, Sidney I. 2001. Dictionaries / The Art and Craft ofLexicography. 2nd edition. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
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Lederer, Richard. 2003. "Foreword" in Dictionary ofAmericanisms by John Russell Bartlett. John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Hoboken, New Jersey, USA. Pgs. v-xiv. (Epigraph from pg. v.) Lipski, John M. 1996. EI espanol de America. Madrid, Spain: Ediciones Catedra, S.A. Milroy, James and Lesley Milroy. 1991. Authority in Language / Investigating Language Prescription and Standardisation. London, UK. and New York, USA: Routledge. Real Academia Espafiola. 2001. Diccionario de la Lengua Espanola. 22nd edition. Madrid, Spain: Editorial Espasa-Calpe, S.A.
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A HISTORICAL NOTE: TWO EMINENT LEXICOGRAPHERS
John Florio (c. 1553-1625)

An Englishman, son ofa Florentine Protestant, John Florio was a lexicographer, language teacher, courtier, translator, interpreter, Renaissance scholar and uomo universale. In 1598, he published an Italian-English dictionary entitled A Worlde of Wordes. Or Most copious. and exact Dictionarie in Italian and English which was the first dictionary to introduce nonclassical citations and included slang, obscenities and words from a number of Italian dialects. He is also famous for translating Montaigne's Essays and in so doing introduced many new words into the English . language includmg its, conscientious, endeare, tarnish, comporte, efface, facilitate, amusing, debauching, regret, effort and emotion. (Green, 124-134).
Noah Webster (1758-1843)
--
Noah Webster was a teacher, grammarian, essayist, newspaper editor, lawyer, politician, farmer, scientific observer and a highly nationalistic lexicographer who promoted a number of spelling reforms, some of which would become general practice in the United States. Examples include dropping the u in words like honour, substituting k for que in words like cheque, masque and risque, and inverting the French-influenced re in centre. theatre and metre. Other more radical spelling reforms that he proposed did not catch on. Webster believed that Americanisms were a valuable addition to the English language and that people from the United States spoke American English, a separate variety that required a separate dictionary. He spent fifteen years writing the American Dictionary of the English Language, which was published in 1828 (Green, 308-318).
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2003 - ATA Annual Conf Proceedings - Back To Basics - Moskowitz

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2003 - ATA Annual Conf Proceedings - Back To Basics - Moskowitz

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Proceedings of the 44th Annual Conference of the

Al1lericQn Translators Association

November 5-8. 2003 Phoenix. Arizona

Compiled by Scott Brennan

Published by the American Translators Association

Copyright 2003 American Translators Association

Manufactured in the United States of America

Price: ATA members: $50; non-members: $60

Cover Design: Ellen Banker

TOPICS IN SPANISH LEXICAL DIALECTOLOGY: BACK TO BASICS

THE 3 Rs (readin', writin' and 'rithmetic)

B (the name of this letter)

V(the name of this letter) Summary

Middle-register terms by Country (4 terms plus variants)

Real Academia Regional Review

W (the name of this letter) Summary

DIVISION SYMBOL (How to say expressions such as "10 + 5 = 2") Summary

VARIABLE VERBS HURRY UP! Summary

ECUADOR PERU BOLIVIA PARAGUAY URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE

aptirate apurate apurate/aplirate apurate/aplirate apurate/aplirate apurate aptirate

Real Academia Regional Review

RegiooaVPopular Verbs by Country (7 verbs)

Real Academia Regional Review

(F), puyar (0).

Botar = 'throw out': commonly used or not?

Real Academia Regional Review

-ico (B), -ito (A).

CHANCE: masculine, feminine, or word seldom used?

Masculine, feminine, or do not use the word chance?

RADIO (the device): masculine or feminine?

Radio (the device): masculine or feminine?

RIEL: masculine, feminine, or word seldom used?

Real Academia Regional Review

112. Carril de una via ferrea."

SARTEN: masculine, feminine, or word seldom used?

MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR

Real Academia Regional Review

FORMS OF ADDRESS (parent-to-child and chiId-to-parent) Summary

Parent-Child Forms of Address by Count!")'

Tii - tli Tii - tu

A FEW OTHER ESSENTIALS TODAY Summary

Terms by Country (2 terms)

SPAIN MEXICO GUATEMALA ELSALVADOR HONDURAS NICARAGUA COSTA RICA

STRING I TWINE Summary

Real Academia Regional Review

URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE

espurnaplas(t) telgopor, tergopol plurnavit, aislapol

Real Academia Regional Review

CACHWACHES (odds and ends, stuff, junk)

URUGUAY ARGENTINA CHILE

APPENDIX 1: ADDITIONAL TOPICS

A HISTORICAL NOTE: TWO EMINENT LEXICOGRAPHERS

John Florio (c. 1553-1625)

Noah Webster (1758-1843)

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