From Space Words To Transitive Markers: The Case of Ancient Greek en In' PDF

Transactions of the Philological Society Volume 106:3 (2008) 375413
FROM SPACE WORDS TO TRANSITIVE MARKERS: THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN1 By CARLOTTA VITI University of Pisa
ABSTRACT While in many Indo-European languages preverbs become markers of increased transitivity, in Homeric Greek they maintain their concrete local or directional function, and therefore may be compared with prepositions. Here we investigate how the prepositional use and the preverbal use may be performed by the same local particle, en in. It appears that prepositions are used with nouns denoting inanimate objects. Instead, preverbs mainly select topical complements, which have human referents or are represented by personal pronouns. These results tally with the use of applicative structures outside the Indo-European domain. Since topical complements are interpreted as referring to entire items that are completely aected by the verbal action, topicality appears to be the connection between space and transitivity. 1. INTRODUCTION It is acknowledged that preverbs originally had a concrete meaning of location or direction in Proto-Indo-European, similarly to
1 I am very grateful to the editors, Andrew Linn and Paul Rowlett, and to the anonymous reviewers of Transactions of the Philological Society for their helpful observations and corrections. I would like to thank also Dag Haug, Romano Lazzeroni, Maria Napoli, Alberto Nocentini, Alessandro Parenti, and Rossana Stefanelli for discussion on the telic function of preverbs in Ancient Greek. List of abbreviations: ACC = accusative; AOR = aorist; APP = applicative; ASP = aspectual; DAT = dative; DO = direct object; DP = demonstrative pronoun; F = feminine; GEN = genitive; IND = indicative; INJ = injunctive; IO = indirect object; IPF = imperfect; LOC = locative; M = masculine; MID = middle; N = neuter; NEG = negation; NOM = nominative; OBL = oblique; OCOMP = object of comparison; OP = optative; PL = plural; PR = present; PS = passive; PTC = particle; RP = relative pronoun; SB = subjunctive; SG = singular; SU = subject; VOC = vocative.
The author 2008. Journal compilation The Philological Society 2008. Published by Blackwell Publishing, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA.
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prepositions (Meillet 1937: 193). Still, little attention has been paid to the principles underlying the choice of a preposition or a preverb to convey a certain spatial relation. This is related to the fact that preverbs acquire the abstract meaning of telic actionality in many Indo-European languages, whereby the event denoted by the preverbed verb is viewed as having an endpoint or result. In Latin, I eat, but is telic in com-edo I for example, the event is atelic in edo eat up (cf. Haverling 2000). Accordingly, the semantic dierence between preverbed verbs and prepositional phrases is often opaque. In Homeric Greek, however, the original local or directional meaning of preverbs is maintained (Chantraine 1953: 82), so that the same relation allows the structure verb + [preposition + complement], where location is marked on the nominal complement, or the structure [preverb + verb] + complement, where location is marked on the verb. The ambiguous interpretation of spatial morphemes between the status of preverbs and the status of prepositions depends on their common origin from adverbs (Kuryowicz 1964: 171). Ramat (2002) observes that, in both early and modern IE languages, the same construction often permits a double analysis, according to whether the adverb is associated with the verb or with the complement noun. In the German sentence Gehen wir mal vom Krach weg! Lets go away from this din, the adverb weg away may be associated either with the verb gehen lets go or with the prepositional phrase vom Krach from the din. The following pair exemplies how the verb I throw plus the local particle en in alternates between ballo the syntactic construction of the prepositional phrase in (1) and the morphological construction of the preverbed verb in (2). In both cases, the noun chers(n) hands is the complement of en, and is inected in the dative case as required by this local particle. roithen eme (1) Il ou propa is en chers` Ilium:GEN in.front.of my:DAT.F.PL in hand(F):DAT.PL l ba eisi throw:AOR:SB:3SG (If a god) will throw (him) in front of Ilium, in my hands. (Il. 21.104)
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os ` n me ` n gra es pykim ede (2) ka` to and it PTC old:GEN.F.SG wise:GEN.F.SG m-bale e chers n in.put:AOR:INJ:3SG hand(F):DAT.PL And he put it in the hands of the wise old woman.
(Od. 1.438)
shows that this The use of en with verbs of movement such as ballo particle is not limited to a stative meaning, and may also indicate directionality, as can be seen especially in compound forms such as en-dexia towards the right hand (Chantraine 1942). This is typical of its cognates in other IE languages, such as Latin and German, as well as in other Greek dialects, such as Thessalian, Boeotian, Arcado-Cyprian, and Northwest dialects, where the preposition en in may take both the dative and the accusative. In Homeric Greek and in Attic-Ionic, however, the dative is the only case assigned by the preposition en, which is supplanted by the innovative form eis es (<*en-s) in the directional function with the accusative. In agreement with Horrocks (1981: 22.), we consider preverbed verbs equivalent to prepositional phrases only when the preverb assigns a case to its complement noun, that is, when the complement of the preverbed verb is inected in the same grammatical case as would be expected if a preposition were the head of such a phrase. This syntactic criterion is crucial to distinguish preverbed verbs with en and a dative complement such as (2), called prepositional preverbs by Horrocks, from preverbed verbs with en and an accusative complement such as (3), for which an alternative prepositional construction would be impossible. `n ndune (3) malako d e chito na soft:ACC.M.SG PTC in.put:IPF:INJ:3SG tunic(M):ACC.SG He put his soft tunic on. (Il. 2.42) Here the accusative noun phrase malako`n chitona depends on the I put rather than on the preverb en (the phrase does verb base duno not mean He put in his soft tunic), and the preverb functions as an adverbial modier of the verb, rather than as a complement-taking particle, similarly to English on in I put on. Such passages are to be compared more properly with other adverbial forms that do not undergo univerbation, as in the case of tmesis, which will be discussed in section 5.2.
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In the following paragraphs, we present data concerning the distribution of the preposition en (section 2) and of the preverb en- (section 3). We will focus on the types of complement governed by prepositions and preverbs, denoting the reference of localization. In a spatial relation, the position of an object X (trajector in Langacker 1987: 21720) is dened with respect to another object Y (landmark). For example, in the clause The birds are in the nest, the birds are the trajector, and the nest is the landmark. We will see that the types of landmark found with prepositions are quite dierent from the types of landmark expressed by means of preverbs: cases like (1) and (2), where the same landmark appears with both constructions, are the exception rather than the rule in our corpus. The situation attested in Homer will be compared with the crosslinguistic variation between oblique coding and applicative coding in section 4. Finally, we will consider the properties associated with Homeric preverbs as a possible motivation for the semantic change from local markers to transitive markers, which occurs in postHomeric Greek (section 5). 2. DISTRIBUTION
OF EN AS A PREPOSITION
We gathered all occurrences of the preposition en in the Iliad and in the Odyssey, in accordance with Gehrings (1891: 27982) lexicon. Overall, we counted 1,316 occurrences of prepositional en, i.e. of en governing an overt dative nominal.2 Numerical ndings are illustrated in Table 1. References to the single passages can be found in Appendix A. It appears that en does not equally select all types of nominal, but rather shows a skewed distribution towards the syntactic category of common nouns (1,128 occurrences, 85 per cent of the cases), and especially of those common nouns having an inanimate referent (1,058 occurrences, 80 per cent). This is unsurprising, given that spatial relations are usually dened with respect to concrete, large
2 Horrocks (1981:18) considers instances of prepositions also those passages where a complement does not appear but can be easily inferred from the context. In Il. `s ebe polume tis Odysseu s and there quick-thinking Odysseus went as 1.311 en d archo their leader, the place where Odysseus went is clearly the ship (nea) mentioned few verses before. Although the local particle may behave as a pro-drop preposition, the criterion of an overt dative coding for the prepositional complement led us to exclude the passages where the complement is left implicit. In the same vein, we excluded those case-assigning preverbs that only have an implicit complement.
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Table 1. Complements of the preposition en

Preposition en Proper nouns Personal pronouns Common nouns Types of complement Humans Places First person Second person Third person Animates Inanimates No. (100%) 36 86 0 8 58 70 1,058 (3%) (7%) (0%) (1%) (4%) (5%) (80%) Total 1,316 (100%) 122 (10%) 66 (5%) 1,128 (85%)
and immobile landmarks: it is more normal to say the girl is near the tree than the tree is near the girl. This result becomes, however, signicant as long as preverbs show a dierent selection of complements, such as nouns denoting humans, as discussed in section 3. In the particular case of en, the landmark literally represents a space in which something is included, such as a cave in (4). tni ruke (4) nu mph e po e nymph(F):NOM.SG lady(F):NOM.SG keep:IPF:INJ:3SG n, , o d a thea Kalypso Calypso:NOM splendid:NOM.F.SG goddess(F):GEN.PL ssi en spe glaphyro si in cave(N):DAT.PL vaulted:DAT.N.PL The lady, the nymph Calypso, splendid among the goddesses, kept (him) in her vaulted cave. (Od. 1.1415) Inclusion is also expressed by landmarks such as air or sky (en usn), huts (en klise isi), house or aitheri, en ouranoi), ships (en ne i, en megaroisin), bowl, kettle, baskets, vases (en rooms (en oko teri, en kaneoisi, en amphiphoreusi). Alternatively, en depa, en kre refers to a surface on which something is placed, such as an island in (5). The whole conceptual space that is expressed by dierent prepositions in some languages, such as English in and on or German in and auf, is covered by the only form en in Ancient Greek.
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n `s ` ph lo po (5) ho d e` d etha a who:NOM.M.SG PTC long friend(M):GEN.PL away i schei p emata pa n eso trouble(N):ACC.PL suer:PR:IND:3SG island(F):DAT.SG en amphiru t ei in owed.around:DAT.F.SG Who suers troubles away from his friends for a long time on an island owed around. (Od. 1.50)3 Typical landmarks on the surface of which something is located can i, en pelagei), beach (en be identied in the sea or pool (en ponto aigialoi), mountains or peaks (en oressi, en korypheis), plain (en mo i), land, country, district (en gae i, en cho ro i, en de i), pedo i), wall (en techei), etc. Something may also be oor (en dapedo placed in the middle of sand (en psamathoisin) or dust (en isi). Sometimes the landmark is temporally conceived (en nykt kone re i in the season, etc.) in the night, en therei in the summer, en ho ti), war (en or is an abstract concept, such as love (en philote i), return (en nosto i), dream (en onero i). Luraghi (2003: polemo 83) denes social location the case of an en-phrase where the landmark denotes an event of social life, as en agorei in the council. Independently of whether en indicates inclusion or contact or merely proximity, its complement is typically represented as a generic object. This can also be seen in the seventy instances of common nouns denoting animates, which either present plural number, as in (6), or are expressed by a singular collective noun. choisi nta (6) en proma phane in rst.ghter(M):DAT.PL appearing:ACC.M.SG Appearing among the rst ghters.
(Il. 3.31)
Plural nouns denoting humans can be identied in frequent prepositional phrases such as en theosin among the gods, en poisin among the human beings, en andrasin among the anthro
3 In our counting, we considered en-phrases not only when co-occurring with a verb indicating position or placement, such as throw in (1) or keep in (4), but generically with all types of verb, as suer in (5), where a state or event is described in reference to a spatial landmark.
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stersi among the men, en hetaroisi among the companions, en mne suitors. Alternatively, a collective complement noun appears in the i in the crowd and en neku o n agurei in a two phrases en homlo heap of dead bodies. Clearly, a collective is tantamount to a plural noun from a referential point of view. In the last example, occurring n. in Il. 16.661, plurality emerges in the genitive modier nekuo The same tendency also occurs when the complement is a proper noun. As can be seen in Table 1, proper nouns are more often found for places (86 cases, 7 per cent) than for humans (36 cases, 3 per cent). This is consistent with the overwhelming prevalence of inanimate referents as complements of the preposition en. Moreover, when denoting humans, such proper nouns generically represent names of peoples, so that the prepositional phrase means among the Achaeans, Argivians, Trojans, etc. In only one out of thirty-six cases the complement proper noun of en refers to a specic individual (to Ajax, in Il. 11.544). The same generic value may be observed in the rare case of a pronominal complement. We counted sixty-six passages where the preposition en governs a pronoun, which corresponds to 5 per cent of cases. No instance has been found of a rst person pronoun, and only eight instances (1 per cent) of a second person pronoun appear, once in the singular (en so, Il. 9.97) and seven times in the plural (en humn, Il. 7.73, 9.121, 9.528, 10.445, Od. 2.46, 10.69, and 19.11). In the remaining fty-eight cases (4 per cent), the complement pronoun is inected in the third person, almost equally divided between a group of twenty-eight instances with a nonhuman referent (for example, the antecedent of en autei in it, DAT.F.SG, in Il. 12.63 is the noun taphros ditch) and a group of thirty instances with a human referent. Signicantly, the latter present plural number in twenty-four cases, as in en tosi, en sphin sphisin, en autosi among them (M), en teis id. (F), en pasin among all. 3. DISTRIBUTION
OF EN AS A PREVERB
Complement-taking preverbs are much rarer than prepositions. In our corpus, we counted 1,316 instances of DAT + preposition en versus 182 instances of DAT + preverb en (with allomorphs em-, el-, and er-, according to the initial consonant of the verb stem). This suggests that case-assigning preverbation is a derived strategy
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Table 2. Complements of the preverb en

Preverb en Proper nouns Personal pronouns Common nouns Types of complement Humans Places First person Second person Third person Animates Inanimates No. (100%) 14 0 25 17 31 14 81 (8%) (0%) (14%) (9%) (17%) (8%) (44%) Total 182 (100%) 14 (8%) 73 (40%) 95 (52%)
with respect to preposition, and is used to promote an adjunct to an argument. Such an observation may be corroborated by the types of complement found with the preverb en-, as illustrated in Table 2. The fact that most complements, of preverbs and also of prepositions, are common nouns denoting inanimates does not go against the hypothesis that there could be a dierent distribution between the two types of locative particle. The landmark of the locative particle en clearly denotes a sort of container where the trajector is placed. However, it is interesting to notice that unmarked landmarks such as inanimate objects represented by common nouns are considerably less frequent with preverbs, where they occur in 44 per cent of cases (Table 2), than with prepositions, where they represent 80 per cent of cases (Table 1). Another dierence may be seen in the category of proper nouns. Although the percentage of proper nouns is almost the same for preverbs (8 per cent) as for prepositions (10 per cent), proper nouns selected by preverbs consistently denote human referents. Moreover, while proper nouns denoting humans governed by the preposition en are meant as generic names of people, the preverb en also selects the name of a specic individual, as in (7). t sto i ktori ` lkida (7) He de pro ana Hector:DAT PTC rst:DAT.M.SG coward:ACC.M.SG `n thumo ene ken heart(M):ACC.SG inspire:AOR:IND:3SG So (Zeus) inspired a coward heart to Hector rst. (Il. 16.656) The semantic salience of the singular masculine proper noun tsto i, superlative form of Hektori is underlined by the adjective pro
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protos rst, and matches the syntactic prominence of the whole phrase, which is fronted at the beginning of the clause and of the verse. It is well known that the initial position of an utterance plays a crucial role for cognitive strategies of attention and memory: the hearer tends to memorise and to pay attention especially to the initial words of a string (Gernsbacher 1990). Dislocation represents a further clue to the prominence of the tsto i. The preverbed verb eneken he inspired phrase Hektori pro takes two complements: the accusative phrase analkida thumon coward heart, governed by the verb base heken he sent forth, is tsto i depends verb-adjacent, while the dative phrase Hektori pro on the preverb proper and is dislocated. This is consistent with the typological ndings of Lazard (1984), who detected dierent transitive constructions in many languages according to whether the object forms a conceptual unit with the verb. If verb and object are notionally close, as in drinking water, eating bread, wearing a dress, etc., the object (called depolarised object) is also syntactically close to the verb, and often incorporated to it. Instead, when the object is polarised, i.e. non-predictable from the verbal meaning, as in drinking a glass of expensive Chianti, it has more chances to be separated from the verb by means of other constituents. In (7), the expression to inspire a heart is clearly more conventional than the expression to inspire Hector, so that the latter is syntactically discontinuous. Personal pronouns represent the domain where the dierence between preverbs and prepositions is most striking. While only 5 per cent of personal pronouns are governed by prepositions (Table 1), preverbs work as heads of personal pronouns in 40 per cent of cases (Table 2). Examples (8) and (9) represent rst person and second person pronominal complements, referring to the speaker and to the hearer. lkeon (8) cha de moi e tor bronze:NOM.N.SG PTC me:DAT heart(N):NOM.SG e ene in.be:PR:OP:3SG (Not even if) I had a bronze heart. (Lit. Not even if a bronze heart were in me. Il. 2.490)
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nu petai (9) oude so per entre NEG PTC you:DAT PTC in.turn:PR:IND:3SG.MID ph lon e tor, Olu mpie dear:NOM.N.SG heart(N):NOM.SG Olympius:VOC And still your heart is not touched, O Zeus. (Lit. And still heart does not turn in you. Od. 1.60) Preverbed verbs often express mental, emotional or verbal processes, which entail human complements, as can be seen in en-eken it is inside (8) or en-trepetai it turns about, he inspired (7), en-ee it gives heed, it is touched (9). A typical example of this appears in ndra moi ennepe, Mousa, polutropon, the opening of the Odyssey A etc. Tell me, Muse, (the story of) the resourceful man, or in merte`s enspes tell me the truth (Il. 14.470, formulas such as moi ne Od. 3.101, 4.314, 4.331, 4.642, 12.112, 22.166, 23.35), based on the I tell (Lat. insece, O.Ir. insce). The selection of human verb en-epo targets represents a semantic shift from the literal concept of a concrete space to the metaphorical nuance of a psychological dimension. This will bring about the lexicalization of preverbed verbs, which are gradually perceived as semantically separated from their basic verb and endowed with a non-compositional meaning. I hand In some cases, the basic verb is not even attested: engualzo over, I give, for example, which implies a human recipient, is a has clear denominal verb from gualon palm, but *gualzo disappeared. The fact that nouns or pronouns denoting specic individuals are usual targets of en-compound verbs tallies with the preferred type of inanimate common noun selected by this preverb. One of the most homogeneous groups of common nouns governed by the preverb en denotes human body parts, such as chersn hands (2), ophthalmoi i back, krano i skull, osteo i bone, and thumoi eye, metaphreno heart (cf. Appendix B). Body parts represent typical instances of inalienable possession, and are not used for indicating an anatomical part of the body, but rather for describing an inherent property of a human being. An action that aects a body part also aects its human possessor. This is especially evident in Ancient Greek, where nouns denoting body parts, as well as kinship terms, typically present the modier phlos dear, beloved, as we have seen in (9), as
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a sign of emotional connection between the possessor and the possessee.4 Nouns denoting body parts, however, often also occur as complements of the preposition en (cf. Appendix A). In this case, they convey an instrumental meaning: Luraghi (2003: 67, 889) shows that the expression en ophthalmosi horasthai, lit. to see in ones eyes, means to see with ones eyes, so that the body part is conceptualised as a container. Thus, body parts represent the main area of overlap between prepositions and preverbs, as anticipated in isi (1) and em-bale chersn (2). For the pair of examples en chers` bale their double relevance as concrete inanimate items and as natural properties of human beings, nouns denoting body parts may be considered the starting point of the syntactic change from prepositions, usual for marginal participants of the denoted situation, to preverbs, for participants that play a core role in the event structure. Topicality also characterises those preverb complements that denote inanimate items but do not express inalienable possession. If we look at the contexts where such nouns appear, we notice that they are denite and persisting pieces of information. They have already been introduced in the previous discourse and recur in the following one, and may therefore be considered salient material. Clearly, salience, importance or topicality represent abstract notions that cannot be directly observed in a text. Considering a referent as salient or not, or as more or less salient than another referent, implies a certain degree of subjectivity. This potential bias, however, can be overcome if we count the occurrences of a noun either as a repetition of the same lexeme or as a resumption by means of anaphoric pronouns. If a referent is denoted several times, it may legitimately be considered as being quite important, or at least more important than a referent that immediately decays (for the relationship between repeated mention and importance, cf. Myhill 1992). Consider the example in (10), where the complement of the preverb en- is the dative noun purei pyre.
4 In the simple language of Homer and early poets, phlos is used of ones own limbs, life, etc. [] and it became a regular epithet of many such words, even when tr` no aection can be implied in it, as e.g. in Iliad 9.555, it is said of Meleager, me i Althae i cho omenos cher angry with his own mother: - also simply to denote phle possession, e.g. phla hemata Il. 2.261 (LS 1677). The use of phlos even in contexts where no aection is implied shows that this adjective was already grammaticalised as a marker of inalienable possession in Homer.
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(10) p suras d eriau chenas h ppous four PTC high.necked:ACC.M.PL horse(M):ACC.PL s ene no balle essume pure i impetuously in.throw:IPF:IND:3SG pyre(F):DAT.SG n la stenach zo mega aloud groaning:NOM.M.SG And impetuously he threw four high-necked horses on to the pyre, groaning aloud. (Il. 23.171172) In book XXIII of the Iliad, devoted to Patroclus funeral, the noun occurs fourteen times. They made a pyre a hundred feet long all pure ` hekatompedon entha ka` eentha). On the top of the pyre ways (pure i) they laid the body with sorrowful hearts. They (en de` purei hupate skinned and prepared many fat sheep and shambling cattle with crocked horns at the foot of the pyre (prosthe pures). Great-hearted Achilles, taking fat from all of them, covered Patroclus body with it from head to foot and then piled up the ayed carcasses round the body. Then, he added two handled jars lled with honey and oil, propping them up against the bier; and impetuously he threw four high-necked horses on to the pyre, groaning aloud. Lord Patroclus had kept nine dogs as pets. Achilles slit the throats of two of these and threw them on the pyre (eneballe purei) as well, etc. Although it is inanimate, the pyre remains on the scene for a long text portion, and therefore represents a discourse topic, not only in book XXIII but also in book XXIV, where Hectors funeral is often described with the same formulas. This emphasises the parallels between the death of Patroclus and of Hector (cf. Di Benedetto 1994: 289.) Accordingly, the funeral procedure around Patroclus pyre in book XXIII acquires a special signicance as anticipation of the nal scene of the poem.5
5 Since inanimate referents represent the unmarked target of prepositions, it is predictable that en governs the noun of the pyre both as a preverb (Il. 23.172, 23.174) and as a preposition (Il. 23.165, 23.216, and 23.241) in the same context. What is of interest here is that nouns denoting inanimates appear as complements of preverbs only under limited circumstances, i.e. when the inanimate referent plays a prominent role in its context. It is perhaps not a chance that 18 out of 26 (69%) complements of preverbed verbs that are related to the semantic domain of sea, waves, ships, sails, and oars occur in the Odyssey, where this is a central topic (cf. Appendix B). By contrast, when the head of the locative phrase is a preposition, such nouns are indierently found in both poems: for example, the noun of the ship has 35 occurrences in the Iliad and 33 in the Odyssey (cf. Appendix A).
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4. SIMILARITIES
BETWEEN
HOMERIC
PREVERBS AND APPLICATIVES
The dierent properties exhibited by complements of prepositions and complements of preverbed verbs in Homer are reminiscent of the contrast between oblique constructions and applicative constructions found typologically. Peterson (2007: 1) denes applicative constructions as a means some languages have for structuring clauses which allow the coding of a thematically peripheral argument or adjunct as a core-object argument. Such constructions are signalled by overt verbal morphology. He provides a pair of examples drawn from Ainu (an isolated language spoken in the most northerly Japanese island of Hokkaido), here reported as (11) and (12). (11) poro cise ta horari big house in live He lives in a big house. (12) poro cise e-horari big house APP-live He lives in a big house. The same situation is denoted by the oblique coding in (11), where the locative semantic role of the noun cise house is expressed by its governing postposition ta in, and by the applicative coding in (12), where cise is a bare noun and its locative function appears as a verbal prex. Dierent languages manifest dierent morphosyntactic strategies for applicative constructions, according to whether the applicative object is a bare noun or has a case marker, or whether it triggers verbal agreement, extraction, reciprocal co-reference, control in purposive clauses, etc. Overall, however, the hallmarks of applicatives are identied in the absence of adpositions and in the presence of verbal derivation, as was observed in the case of Homeric preverbs.6 It must be observed that promotion to argument position does not imply promotion to the function of direct object. In Ancient Greek, direct objects are typically represented by accusative noun
6 Despite the traditional denition of verbal composition (cf. Monro 1891:163), preverbed verbs represent instances of prexes which, like suxes, properly pertain to the morphological domain of derivation.
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phrases that have the semantic role of patient. It may happen that a preverb introduces an authentic direct object that the simple verb would not otherwise take: Horrocks (1981:41) mentions the case of the preverb pros, which may be added to the verb epon I said in the sense of I address someone, with an accusative nominal complement, as in (13). `n eipe (13) to d au te pros-e him:ACC PTC then toward-say:AOR:IND:3SG ` thea glauko pis Ath en e goddess(F):NOM.SG grey.eyed:NOM.F.SG Athena:NOM Then the goddess grey-eyed Athena addressed him. (Il. 1.206) Horrocks observes that the verb epon alone cannot take a direct object other than the cognate epos word (or its synonymous muthon) and the indenite pronoun ti something. In this case, the low transitivity of epon, which is typical of verba dicendi in many other languages (cf. Munro 1982), is increased by the preverb pros. However, such promotion to direct object is not usual for preverbs, and is never performed by the preverb en in particular. Dative nominals, which by denition we considered as being the only possible complements of the preverb en-, do not show evidence of being direct objects or patients. Moreover, in phrases such as malako`n dendune chitona he put his soft tunic on reported in (3), the accusative case is determined by the verb base rather than by the preverb, and would be maintained even if the preverb were removed. For the preverb en, as well as for most other preverbs, promotion must be broadly meant as an operation that distinguishes arguments from adjuncts. Adjuncts represent nominal constituents that can be omitted without making the clause ungrammatical: the clause John dreams in the night is grammatically as correct as its reduced form John dreams. Instead, arguments are required by the verbal valence. If they are omitted, either the clause is ungrammatical or the verb acquires a dierent meaning, as in John lives in London versus *John lives: if the latter is considered acceptable, it must have a meaning dierent from inhabit. Arguments do not necessarily coincide with direct objects, and their syntactic coding depends on their governing verb: English verbs such as live, for
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example, require a prepositional phrase expressing a locative semantic role. Horrocks (1981: 23.) points out that, while prepositions work both as adjuncts and as arguments in Homeric Greek, preverbed verbs may be formed only when the dependent noun has the function of an argument. Consider the passage in (14). cht ` do `s (14) o esan d ana ma Dio be.angry:AOR:3PL PTC on palace:ACC Zeus:GEN nes theo` Ouran o god(M):NOM.PL celestial:NOM.M.PL The celestial gods in Zeus palace were angry. (Il. 1.570) Horrocks remarks that the prepositional phrase ana` doma is clearly an adjunct, and that is why no example can be found of chte san doma. corresponding preverbed structures such as an- o More recently, Haug (2006) has demonstrated that in the early IE languages verb and adjunct do not univerbate because they are syntactically separated by a phrase boundary. By contrast, no phrase boundary exists between verb and argument, which therefore triggers univerbation. It is in the sense of arguments, rather than of direct objects stricto sensu, that complements of preverbed verbs in Homeric Greek may be considered as being syntactically similar to complements of applicative constructions. Preverb complements and applicative complements also share semantic and pragmatic properties. The privileged association of Homeric preverbs with object nouns denoting animate and topical referents, often represented by personal pronouns, matches the functions commonly ascribed to applicatives across languages. Applicatives are favoured for the semantic roles of the recipient and of the beneciary maleciary, which have human referents, while they are rarer for locatives and instrumentals, and even rarer for cause and purpose, which denote inanimate abstract entities (Peterson 2007: 202.). In Petersons sample, the benefactive malefactive type is found in over 80 per cent of the languages that have applicative constructions. Moreover, when the same semantic role may be expressed by means of an applicative or oblique construction according to the context, applicatives are used for complements denoting human and specic referents. Complements of applicatives are represented by pronouns or proper nouns more often than complements of obliques. Their referents display a lower
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distance from the previous mention and a higher persistence in the following discourse, so that they are typically more active and more topical than their oblique counterparts (Craig & Hale 1988; Donohue 2001). The fact that applicatives take topical complements determines their use as markers of inherently topicalizing constructions, such as passive or relative clauses. The passive promotes a non-agent argument, usually the patient, to the most topical position of the clause, that of the subject. To make a peripheral argument, such as a locative or an instrumental, accessible to the passive voice, many languages employ the applicative strategy. The example in (15) represents the passive of a locative in Bemba, a language belonging to the Bantu family, where applicatives are especially common (cf. n 1975; 1979: 197). Givo (15) isanduku li-a-pon-wa-mo icitabo box it-PAST-put-PS-APP book In the box was put a book. (Lit. The box was put-into a book.) The locative semantic role of isanduku box is not signalled on this noun, but rather on the verb by means of the sux -mo. Such sux, related to the preposition mu in, recovers the information that has been lost after the transformation from active to passive. The applicative licenses a higher accessibility also to relativisation, which is considered a topicalising construction insofar as it allows identication of a certain referent from a class of items. In the Bemba example (16), the locative applicative -mo expresses the semantic role played by the head noun in the relative clause. `a ` -mweene ingaanda iyo umunaandi a `a ` -keele-mo (16) na I-saw house that friend:my he-lived-APP I saw the house that my friend lived in. Similar strategies may also appear in the use of Homeric Greek preverbs, when a peripheral argument is topicalised to the position of subject of passive or head of a relative clause. Consider the passage in (17), where the preverb en is added to a middle-passive mi I ll. form of the verb pmple
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s d e mpl (17) karpal mo ento broto n quickly PTC in.ll:AOR:3PL:MID PS people(M):GEN.PL drai agora te ka` he square(F):NOM.PL PTC and seat(F):NOM.PL Squares and seats were quickly relled by the people. (Od. 8.16) The inanimate subject (agora hedrai squares seats), inected in the nominative case, suggests a passive, rather than middle, nto they were relled: the action of reading of the verb emple relling is performed on squares and seats by the people. This is conrmed by word order, which places the noun of the agent broton people before the noun of the patient agora hedrai. Although Homeric Greek displays high word-order exibility, subjects tend to precede objects in this language, as in most languages of the world. It must be pointed out, however, that the addition of the preverb en to a passive verb is by no means an obligatory rule of passivization. In the similar passage plento d ar athousa te ka` herkea ka` domoi andron the galleries, the courts, and the apartments were lled by the people (Od. 8.57), the subjects express a locative semantic role like in (17), but the passive verb plento does not take any preverb. Accordingly, we may consider the presence of preverbs in passive verbs as an option that is semantically and not syntactically determined, to clarify the thematic role of the subject. Similar considerations hold true for relative clauses formed by the preverb en (18). t `s (18) he isi subo es esthlo RP:DAT.F.PL swineherd(M):NOM.SG loyal:NOM.M.SG n eo en aue being:NOM.M.SG in.sleep:IPF:3SG (Pigs) among which the swineherd, loyal heart, used to sleep (Od. 15.5567) The dative case of the relative pronoun heisi is vague, and may convey a number of dierent semantic roles, such as recipient, beneciary, goal, in Homeric Greek, where a dramatic syncretism occurred with respect to the set of grammatical cases reconstructed for PIE. The precise locative role expressed by heisi in this context is I sleep in the signalled by the preverb en indexed on the verb iau o
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subsequent verse. This does not imply that alternatively Homeric Greek cannot relativise a locative position. We cannot know whether the relative construction *en heisi aue would be acceptable. First, syntactic tests must be considered with caution when applied to a dead language, available only through a limited corpus, such as Homeric Greek, where absence cannot be taken as ungrammaticality. Second, some instances of relative pronouns dependent on adpositions may occasionally be found in Homer: the structure hoi eni (RP:DAT.M N.SG) in which, with the variant particle en, has three occurrences (Il. 14.220, Od. 4.603 and 6.15). However, the association between prepositions and relative pronouns is marked in distribution (locative expressions such as hoi eni, hoi epi on which, and hoi peri around which are only found as postpositions) and in frequency. We counted forty-nine instances of local particles governing a proper relative pronoun, i.e. a pronoun that plays a syntactic function in the relative clause and that has a nominal antecedent in the main clause. In thirty-six passages (73.5 per cent), the relative pronoun depends on a preverb, and in thirteen passages (26.5 per cent) it depends on a preposition.7 Thus, a relative construction such as *en heisi aue may be considered as being less likely to appear than its correspondent structure with preverbal head heisi enaue. Instead, a preposition is regularly found when the dependent is an adverbial conjunction, such as ex ou whence (Il. 1.6, Lat. ex quo). Although Ancient Greek relative pronouns and adverbial conjunctions are equally built on the relative stem *yo- (Skr. ya-), they clearly have dierent functions: adverbial conjunctions present neither a lexical antecedent in the main clause nor a syntactic function in the subordinate. We counted sixty-seven occurrences of composite conjunctions such
7 The cases where a relative pronoun depends on a preverb are attested in Il. 1.86, 2.25, 2.62, 2.233, 2.286, 3.109, 3.177, 5.320, 5.504, 5.818, 6.292, 7.90, 10.146, 11.186, 11.840, 15.664, 17.134, 20.84, 23.854, 24.529, 24.758, Od. 3.267, 4.207, 4.357, 6.193, 7.243, 10.483, 11.149, 14.66, 14.511, 15.372, 15.402, 15.556, 17.410, 19.171, 21.391. Instead, a relative pronoun depends on a preposition in Il. 1.162, 5.739, 6.357, 14.220, 23.210, 10.244, Od. 3.408, 4.603, 6.15, 6.262, 8.403, 15.385, 23.224. We did not count the passages where the same relative pronoun may be syntactically i peri cheu governed by either a preverb or a preposition, as in Il. 23.560 o ma phaeinou tai lit.around which an overlay of bright tin is surrounding. kassiteroio amphidedne Here both the postposition peri (with anastrophe) and the preverb amphi- convey the local relation around.
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as ex ou and eis ho until (lit. to which).8 It is recognised that temporal roles, albeit denite, are usually non-topical, since they do not represent the issue of a discourse, but rather embody the n 2001: 474). The attendant circumstances of the main action (Givo fact that they select prepositions rather than preverbs in Homeric Greek is consistent with the observed relationship between prepositions and non-topical locative roles. Our remark that the locative position is not amenable to a productive strategy of relativization in Homer is not only based on the constraints of prepositional phrases with the relative pronoun. More importantly, we can observe that, when the function of a relativised locative is to be expressed, the alternative structure of the - (Skr. sa- ta-) is used. While *en demonstrative pronoun *so- to heisi in which (RP:DAT.F.PL) is absent, en teisi in them (DP:DAT.F.PL) occurs, for example, in Od. 21.52, where it refers to some boxes (further occurrences of demonstrative pronouns dependent of the preposition en can be found in Appendix A). ntha de ` stasan, (19) e ch elo` e Here PTC box(F):NOM.PL stay:AOR:IND:3PL dea ra en d a te isi thuo en PTC PTC DP:DAT.F.PL scented:NOM.N.PL keito he mat e cloth(N):NOM.PL lay:IPF:IND:3SG Here stood the boxes, and among them scented clothes were set. (Od. 21.512) The use of demonstrative pronouns with an anaphoric function for non-accessible positions of Keenan and Comries (1977) Accessibility Hierarchy of relativization (SU > DO > IO > OBL >
8 The conjunction ex ou is attested in 1.6, 8.295, 13.778, 21.196, 24.638, 24.766, Od. 2.27, 2.90, 8.539, 11.168, 14.379, 16.142, 17.103, 18.181, 19.223, 19.596, 23.18, 24.310. is attested in 3.490, 5.466, 7.30, 7.71, 7.291, 7.376, 7.377, The conjunction eis ho 7.395, 7.396, 9.46, 9.48, 9.609, 10.62, 10.89, 11.193, 11.208, 11.666, 12.150, 14.6, 14.77, 15.70, 16.455, 17.454, 21.128, 21.133, 21.231, 21.531, 23.244, Od. 2.97, 5.378, 6.295, 8.318, 9.138, 10.462, 11.122, 11.351, 13.59, 15.26, 15.51, 15.75, 15.543, 17.56, 19.142, 22.58, 22.72, 22.443, 23.269, 23.358, 24.132. Schwyzer (1950:640) remarks that these structures represent late formations in Homer, and increase in postHomeric times, like other composite subordinators consisting of a preposition and a chri (mechri) hou until, i while, a relative pronouns, such as aph hou whence, en ho and anth hon so that.
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GEN > OCOMP) is cross-linguistically common. Although *so- may be exploited in Homeric Greek to introduce a relative to clause in addition to the proper relative pronoun yo-, such a pronoun is an authentic demonstrative in the expression en teisi in them of (19). It is acknowledged that *to- cannot be interpreted as a relative pronoun when conjunctions or particles such as de appear as linker with respect to the previous clause, where the antecedent noun is contained (Monteil 1963: 25).9 Strictly speaking, neither a preverbed verb as in (18) nor a preposition is necessary to relativise a locative noun phrase. The same function could be expressed by means of a structure such as *heisi aue, where the dative relative pronoun depends on a simple verb. Cases alone suce to express spatial relations, and local particles were originally used to reinforce or specify these functions (Chantraine 1953: 84). When we speak of preverbs used in strategies of relativization or passivization, we do not mean syntactic rules, but rather options that are available in Homeric Greek and unavailable in other IE languages. Only in this sense of tendencies may Homeric preverbs be compared with applicative constructions. If we seek in Homeric preverbs the same regularity of promotional strategies as those of applicatives, we will probably conclude that we are dealing with quite dierent phenomena. In this way, however, we would miss the many similarities that preverb complements share with applicative complements. Moreover, even authentic applicative strategies are far from being uniform in their distribution. Peterson (2007: 220.) documents various cases where languages endowed with applicatives resort to strategies other than applicatives in relativization or passivization. 5. RELATIONSHIP
AMONG TOPICALITY, PERFECTIVITY AND TELICITY
5.1. Aspectual and actional interpretations of Ancient Greek preverbs The fact that complements of Homeric preverbs represent clause arguments implies that such constructions are more transitive than
9 Monteil (1963) exemplies the fact that coordinating particles impinge upon a relative interpretation of the pronoun to- with the passage Il. 5.514: Aineas d san Aeneas took his place once more among his hetaroisi methstato, to` d echare e se retrouva parmi ses compagnons, et eux, ils se troops, and they rejoiced ( Ene jouirent ). As in (19), the occurrence of the particle de in two subsequent clauses is re used to move the narration along.
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prepositional phrases, which may also function as clause adjuncts. Diachronically, this increased transitivity may be related to the semantic change of preverbs from local or directional particles to markers of perfective aspect or, more properly, of telic actionality in Ancient Greek. Since the seminal work of Hopper and Thompson (1980), it is acknowledged that prototypical transitivity implies a high degree of perfectivity and telicity. The aspectual value of perfectivity has been ascribed to Ancient Greek preverbs by Brugmann (1885: 268), Meillet (1937: 352) Humbert (1960: 586), Leroy (1958: 135), Roussel (1958), Friedrich e (1983: 298), Giannakis (1997: 55.). Allegedly, the (1974: 5), Perne opposition between a simple verb and its correspondent preverbed verb reects the contrast between imperfective and perfective aspect; and preverbs are assigned a function similar to that of reduplication and of the aorist tense, traditionally contrasted with the imperfective value of the imperfect tense. Nevertheless, most of these scholars wrote in a period where aspect (Russian vid) was often confounded with actionality (German Aktionsart). They considered perfectivity as the entailment of the end or result of an event. Meillet (1948: 209), for example, verbe a ` un verbe marque que lacte states: le fait dajouter un pre par ce verbe arrive a ` son terme (the addition of a preverb indique to a verb indicates that the event denoted by the verb reaches its termination). As anticipated in section 1, however, the resultative meaning is nowadays accepted as a property of actionality. Comrie (1978: 18.) observes that it is misleading to dene perfectivity as a completed action, since this term puts too much emphasis on the nal stage. The term complete would be more appropriate, since it does not specify the beginning, middle or end of the event. The perfective aspect implies that a situation is viewed as a single whole, as in English He read versus the progressive He was reading or the habitual He used to read. The same predicate may present imperfective or perfective aspectual values, according to the perspective adopted in a particular context, with or without reference to the internal structure or to the various component phases of the event. Instead, actionality is more dependent on the lexical meaning of the verb, which may denote stative or dynamic, durative or punctual, telic or atelic events (cf. Vendler 1957; Rothstein 2004). Meillet (1948: 210) observes that the generaliza I kill and tion of the Greek preverbed verbs kata-kteno
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isko I die, at the expenses of their synonymous simple apo-thne isko, is due to their inherently terminative and thne verbs kteno value, as in Slavic u-biti kill with respect to the durative biti hit. The fact that the entrenchment of preverbs is conditioned by verbal semantics is a clue to their telic function. The example of the Slavic languages, where imperfective versus perfective aspect is grammaticalised by means of the contrast between simple verbs and preverbed verbs, has strongly inuenced the interpretation of Ancient Greek preverbs in the light of aspect. The Slavic comparison is explicitly advocated by Brunel (1939), a student of Meillet, who considered preverbed verbs to be a manifestation of the determined aspect (aspect determine). This view is strongly criticised in Debrunners (1942) recension of Brunel (1939), and was largely revisited by Brunel himself. In a later contribution, Brunel (1946) considered the resultative meaning of Ancient Greek preverbs as being more pertinent to the process order (ordre de proce`s), which he describes as substantially equivalent to actionality. The idea that preverbation is, in Ancient Greek as well as in Latin, a means to express actionality and telicity in particular is convincingly argued by Grassi (1966: 158.). Grassi observes that Ancient Greek has dierent verbal stems available to convey the perfective or imperfective aspect, and does not need preverbation for this purpose. Preverbs are rather used to modify the actionality of the verb from durative to punctual, or from atelic , for example, denotes the to telic. While the simple verb pleo inherently durative action of sailing, going by sea, the preverbed refers to the punctual event of sailing o, weighing verb apo-pleo anchor, departing. A similar function has been observed for verbal prexation in some modern IE languages such as German, where preverbs such as be-, er-, ent- often indicate increasing transitivity, with its correlates of higher perfectivity and telicity, and may often alternate with prepositional phrases (cf. Eroms 1980; Vogel 1996: 166.). In a recent study of aspect and actionality in Homeric Greek, Napoli (2006: 35.) observes that the telic interpretation of an event is often favoured by the presence of a specic complement. The verb sing, for example, is atelic, since it denotes a continued action, so that it can be used with durative adverbial expressions such as for an hour but not with punctual adverbial expressions such as in an hour (20). If, however, sing takes a direct object, the sentence
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becomes telic, provided that the referent of the object is well individuated, i.e. neither a singular mass noun nor a plural indenite noun (21). If the object referent is generic, the sentence is incompatible with adverbial expressions denoting the completive expression in X time, but is compatible with the durative expression for X time (22). (20) He sang for an hour *in an hour. (21) He sang three songs in an hour *for an hour. (22) He sang songs *in an hour for an hour. Since complements of preverbed verbs are typically specic, they are compatible with a telic interpretation of the whole verbal phrase. This emerges not only in case-assigning preverbs (section 3) but also in those preverbs that act as adverbial modier, as we will see in the following section. 5.2. Adverbial preverbs versus tmesis In Homer already some local particles such as apo from, ek out of, from, and kata down start developing a resultative meaning (e.g. Il. 1.19 ek-persai Priamoio polin to destroy completely Priams city). The idea of departure from a place can be metaphorically conceived as the end of an event. The particle en, as most other local particles, does not have this value in Homer. Still, some of its adverbial usages (i.e. when the complement is inected in a grammatical case other than the dative cf. section 1) may illustrate the beginning of this later development. The adverbial function is not limited to univerbation between preverb and verb, as in the phrase malako`n dendune chitona he put his soft tunic on in (3) or in the example in (23), but may also appear in local particles that are separated from the verb, in the context of tmesis, as in I cut) (24). It is well known that the term tmesis (from tamno coined by ancient grammarians is a misnomer, since what appears a posteriori as a severance of the compound verb actually represents a
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relic of an early stage where adverbial particles were still independent with respect to the verb.10 s `r (23) ou ga o o hr e d o NEG in.fact think:PR:IND:1SG easily xoon de xon to to eu this:ACC.N.SG bow(N):ACC.SG polished:ACC.N.SG en-tanu esthai in-string:IF I dont think this polished bow will prove easy to string. (Od. 21.92) psa (24) en d o t thei, in PTC meat:ACC put:IPF:INJ:3SG cheuen en d o non e in PTC wine:ACC pour:IPF:IND:3SG She put meat in, and she poured wine in.
(Od. 6.77)
It appears that verbs univerbated with adverbial preverbs such as (23) have a relatively high number of pronominal complements with respect to preverbed verbs without univerbation such as (24). Out of forty-ve preverbed verbs governing a genitive or accusative complement, eight instances of complement pronouns occur, corresponding to 18 per cent of cases (cf. Appendix C). Although this is clearly a small percentage, it is higher than that found among preverbed verbs in tmesis, where only one pronoun out of fortyseven passages has been identied, which is equivalent to 2 per cent of cases (cf. Appendix D). Moreover, complements of univerbated verbal phrases usually denote body parts and clothes, which belong to the domain of inalienable possession (cf. Chappel & McGregor 1996). The phrase malako`n dendune chitona (3) is an example of this. Other nouns denoting inanimate items that depend on univerbated verbal phrases represent salient information. The polished bow in (23), for example, is assigned a prominent
10 A caveat is necessary for the denition of tmesis: since Homeric poems were registered in a period much later than that of their oral composition, the assumption that a preverb does not univerbate with a contiguous verb may be a philologically disputed issue. Accordingly, we considered instances of non-univerbation only those cases where preverb and verb are separated by means of segmental material, as in (24).
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position for a large text span: in book XIX of the Odyssey, Penelope announces the trial of the bow, whereby she will marry whoever can string Odysseus bow and shoot an arrow through twelve axes; in book XX, the impending doom of the suitors in the bows trial is predicted; in book XXI, the suitors fail to string the bow, while Odysseus is able to do it. Book XXI, from which example (23) is taken, attests forty-nine occurrences of the name of the bow (toxon), and this number would be even higher if we count the instances of anaphoric resumption by means of demonstrative pronouns (e.g. oude min entanuse he did not string it, Od. 21.150). The bow is also present in the subsequent narration: in book XXII, Odysseus, his son and his companions kill the suitors by means of bow and arrow. The bow is at the same time an instrument of recognition and an instrument of vengeance in this context. In tmesis, by contrast, forty-six out of forty-seven instances (98 per cent) of complements have concrete and inanimate referents: in addition to meat and wine in (24), there is a set of semantically heterogeneous nouns denoting poison, richness, keys, hog-pieces, sheep-backs, etc. (cf. Appendix D), which represent generic substances and do not have a topical position in the discourse. In more than half these cases (twenty-ve occurrences) the complement is a simple noun that is neither modied nor specied. If we take into consideration the remaining cases, we may observe that they present modication, rather than specication, and adjectival modication more frequently than genitival modication, e.g. many appetizing (pieces of) meat (opsa menoeikea polla , Od. 5.267), many and noble oerings (agalmata polla` ka` esthla , Od. 12.347), horrible confusion (kudoimon kakon, Il. 11.52). These adjectives often have the function of intensiers, and do not add referentiality to the noun phrase. The same holds true for the rare cases of modication by means of a genitive, which usually conveys the relation of content or material, e.g. a skin of dark wine (askon melanos onoio, Od. 5.265), a strap of leather (himanta boos, Od. 23.201) jars of honey and oil (melitos ka` alephatos amphiphoreas, Il. 23.170). Relations of material and content represent typical nonreferential relations, since they do not serve to identify the referent of the head noun, but rather describe permanent or habitual qualities of the heads referent (cf. Koptjevskaia-Tamm 2003). In the context of tmesis with the particle en, the genitive modier of the complement never denotes a specic possessor. Instead, proper
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possession may be found with adverbial univerbation, e.g. putting on the tunic of Zeus who marshals the clouds (chiton endusa Dio`s regetao, Il. 5.736). In adverbial univerbation, a complement nephele may also be specied by a demonstrative pronoun, as in the phrase this (tode) polished bow in (23). Thus, preverbed verbs in tmesis have complements semantically and pragmatically similar to prepositions, as discussed in section 2. This is corroborated by the fact that tmesis and prepositions often occur in the same context, with a resulting doubling of local particles. For example, the clause en d onon echeuen she poured i wine in (24) is followed by the prepositional phrase askoi en aigeo into a goatskin bottle. Instead, complements of preverbed verbs with univerbation share the same function as complements of caseassigning preverbs, analyzed in section 3. Univerbation, which represents a derived strategy for both case-assigning preverbs and adverbial preverbs, appears functionally homogeneous. It may be argued that the generic denotation of the complements in constructions of tmesis is related to the older age of tmesis with respect to univerbation of adverbial particles. The heavy constraints on modication and specication suggest that tmesis is not productive any more. The fact that Mycenaean does not attest tmesis indicates that this strategy was already extinct in the spoken language of the composers of the Homeric poems, where it was probably preserved by the conservative character of poetic diction. Thus, when we compare tmesis with univerbated adverbial particles, we must be aware that we are dealing with constructions going back to dierent epochs. This, however, does not impinge upon the possibility that univerbation and separation of adverbial particles are used in dierent contexts at the synchronic stage of the Homeric poems. As Horrocks (1981: 11.) put it, some of these features obviously entered the tradition before others, but the fact remains that, once established, they were all equally available on any particular occasion. As in the case of prepositions versus case-assigning preverbs, for univerbated versus non-univerbated adverbial structures the poets had two options at their disposal, and chose one or the other according to some criteria that must be explicated. Theoretically, one of these criteria could be identied in metrics, whereby expressions that are conceptually similar and metrically dierent are selected according to the needs of versication. Although
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metrics indubitably had a role in the choice of a certain structure, it is improbable that it is completely responsible for such a pervasive competition between case-assigning preverbs and prepositions on the one hand and between adverbial preverbs and tmesis on the other. Our frequency counts manifest decided tendencies concerning words that have completely dierent prosodic structures. Moreover, Homeric Greek had a large repertoire of particles, as well as of lexical synonyms, that could be used on occasion to adjust or complete the metrical organization of a verse, without the need to resort to a cumbersome syntactic alternative for every spatial relation that is morphologically encoded. Cross-linguistic parallels, albeit only partially overlapping with the Homeric situation, also support the functional competition between the dierent adverbial constructions. A typical example of tmesis, as in (24), where the object is syntactically close to the verb base, is functionally similar to depolarised objects observed by Lazard (1984) and to incorporation. Hopper and Thompson (1980) show that an incorporated noun is non-referential, incapable of being focused and of carrying contrastive stress. As suggested by examples (20)(22), it is understandable that a telic interpretation is less compatible with the generic object of verbal phrases in tmesis than with the specic object of verbs univerbated with adverbial preverbs. This may have contributed to the decline of constructions in tmesis. In Classical Greek, telic preverbs and verbs are an indissoluble unit. 6. CONCLUSIONS The function of location inside a space can be expressed in Homeric Greek either by the preposition en in or by its correspondent verbal prex, en-. Such constructions, however, take dierent types of complement. Preverbed verbs are preferred when their complements are pronouns or proper nouns with specic human referents, while prepositions are selected when their complements are common nouns with inanimate referents. Exceptions to this tendency may be pragmatically accounted for. When the complements of prepositions have human referents, they are presented as generic and play a marginal role in the discourse. When the complements of preverbed verbs are common nouns denoting inanimate objects, they persist in the subsequent discourse, and are described as important pieces of information.
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The fact that the verbal coding of spatial meanings is selected when the complement is a topical participant is consistent with the distribution of applicatives across languages. Applicatives encode in the verb the semantic role of recipient, beneciary, instrument, companion, direction or location of a complement, which can alternatively be expressed by an oblique structure. The applicative is preferred to the oblique when the cross-referred participant has a prominent role in terms of animacy and topicality. When a nominal constituent is established as a discourse topic, it tends to be interpreted as a whole topic, i.e. as a unitary concept fully aected by the verbal action. Similarly, the situation denoted by the verb may easily be understood as concluded, since we talk more often about real events than about unreal events. This implies a high degree of transitivity of clauses with preverbed verbs, and may clarify the telic function that Ancient Greek preverbs tend to acquire with time. APPENDIX A. COMPLEMENTS
NOMINAL) OF EN AS A PREPOSITION
(+DAT
Personal pronouns Second person, SG: en so Il. 9.97; PL: en humn Il. 7.73, 9.121, 9.528, 10.445, Od. 2.46, 10.69, and 19.11. Third person, humans, SG: en oi Il. 19.16, 19.366, 21.571, Od. 10.247; en autoi Il. 24.421; i Il. 2.451; PL: en tosi Il. 5.395, 13.156, 13.689, 13.829, en hekasto 16.166, 17.728, 17.753, 18.494, 18.556, 19.6, 24.62, Od. 5.3, 22.217; en sphin sphisin Il. 10.435, 11.638, Od. 23.144; en autosi Il. 7.438, 20.55; en teis Il. 18.419; en amphoteroisin Il. 19.159; en pasin Il. 16.291, Od. 2.194, 16.378, 21.93. Third person, non-humans, SG: en oi (sword) Il. 11.29, (shield) 11. 34, (lion) Od. 6.131; en autoi (house) Il. 6.243, (shield) Il. 18.481, (axe) Od. 5.235, (a part of the raft) 5.254, (harbor) 10.93, (palace) 17.269; en toi (crag) Od. i (stable) Od. 14.14; en 12.103, (urn) 24.76, (hut) 24.209; en hekasto autei (ditch) Il. 12.63, (fallow) 18.542, (ship) Od. 2.389, (raft) 5.260, (Ithaca) 9.21, 21.251, (harbor) 16.473; en tei (city portrayed i (ship) Il. 2.509, 2.719, 16.169, in a shield) Il. 18.491; en hekaste (seat) Od. 3.7, (hill) 12.90; PL: en autosi (walls) Il. 7.339; en teisi (boxes) Od. 21.52.
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Proper nouns Humans, SG: Il. 11.544; PL: Acheans Il. 22.377, Argivians Il. 2.274, 9.647, 9.680, 16.729, 19.175, 23.271, 23.456, 23.535, 23.620, 23.657, 23.706, 23.752, 23.786, 23.801, 23.830, Cretans Od. 14.382, Danaans Il. 1.109, 9.34, 11.538, 17.22, Od. 4.725, 4.815, Phaeacians Od. 7.62, Spartans Il. 3.244, Trojans Il. 3.209, 5.9, 8.335, 10.314, 13.362, 16.258, 16.276, 16.750, 18.218, 20.381. Places: Il. 1.30, 1.155, 1.252, 1.593, 2.162, 2.178, 2.549, 2.722, 2.766, 4.175, 5.173, 5.397, 5.689, 5.708, 5.877, 6.13, 6.210, 6.210, 6.223, 6.225, 7.199, 8.207, 8.230, 8.451, 8.485, 10.462, 11.222, 11.229, 11.673, 11.686, 11.698, 12.312, 13.453, 13.696, 14.116, 14.287, 15.335, 15.372, 15.548, 16.461, 16.572, 17.307, 18.429, 22.478, 23.299, 24.67, 24.86, 24.256, 24.494, 24.615, Od. 1.62, 1.355, 1.386, 1.395, 1.401, 1.293, 3.169, 3.180, 3.379, 4.6, 4.99, 4.599, 4.562, 4.605, 5.123, 6.4, 6.456, 8.80, 11.256, 11.257, 11.275, 11.284, 11.459, 11.459, 11.313, 11.325, 11.566, 13.256, 13.260, 14.275, 15.247, 19.188, 21.15, 22.96, 24.37, 24.332. Common nouns, animates i in the crowd Il. 8.94, 8.269, 17.471, Humans, SG: en homlo n in a heap of 20.173, Od. 4.791, 8.216, 11.514; en agurei neku o poisin among human beings dead bodies Il. 16.661; PL: en anthro Od. 1.95, 1.391, 3.78, 4.710, 17.419, 19.75; en andrasin among men Il. 24.684, Od. 14.176, 17.354, 18.138, 19.110, 22.234; en athanatoisin among the immortals Il. 24.107; en theosin among the gods Il. 1.398, 1.520, 1.575, 7.102, 15.107, 21.385, 21.476, Od. 8.343, 13.298; en hetaroisi among the companions Od. 14.268, stersi among the suitors Od. 1.114, 20.287; en 17.437; en mne nekuessi among the dead Il. 5.397, 10.349, Od. 12.383; en pollosin among the many ones Il. 2.483, Od. 17.265; en promachoisi among the rst ghters; Il. 3.31, 11.188, 11.203, toisin among the rst ones Il. 8.337, 8.536, 11.61, 15.342; en pro 11.296, 11.675, 12.306, 14.363, 15.643, 19.424, Od. 8.180, 24.526; en pumatoisi among the last ones Il. 11.65; en teleessin among divisions, squadrons Il. 7.380, 11.730, 18.298; en phylakessi among the sentries Il. 10.127, 10.180. Animals, PL: en hppoisi among the horses Il. 4.366, 11.198, 23.399, 24.442; en kus among the dogs Il. 11.325, 12.41; en bous
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tesin among sea among the oxen Il. 5.161, 16.488, 18.579; en ke monsters Od. 4.452. Common nouns, inanimates po i in ones forehead Il. 4.460, 6.10, 23.454; en Body parts: en met o ophthalmosin in ones eyes Il. 1.587, 3.306, 14.499, 18.135, 18.190, 24.294, 24.312, Od. 8.459, 9.333, 9.387, 10.385, 14.343; en blepharoisi on ones eye-browns Od. 19.212; en lobosi in ones lobes of ears Il. 14.182; en hrinosi in the noses (of oxen) Od. 1.108; en chelesi on ones lips Od. 1.381, 18.410, 20.268; en leis in ones jaws Il. 19.393; en stomati in the mouth (of gamphe clis) Od. 10.90; en prochoeis id. (of a river) Od. 11.242; en aucheni in ones neck Il. 13.289; en suneochmoi in the union of neck and moisin on ones shoulders Il. 17.569, Od. head Il. 14.465; en o i in ones heart Il. 13.442, 20.169, 21.547, Od. 19.246; en krade 17.489; en thumoi in ones soul Il. 3.9, 6.524, 7.2, 14.50, 15.566, 24.491, 24.523; en phras in the soul, in the mind Il. 8.202, 9.462, 13.121, 13.280, 16.83, 17.111, 19.121, 20.116, 21.145, 22.357, Od. thessi id. 1.89, 14.88, 14.227, 15.445, 16.291, 22.347, 23.172; en sthe Il. 1.83, 1.188, 4.430, 5.125, 5.513, 6.65, 9.256, 9.554, 9.610, 9.629, 10.9, 10.90, 13.618, 13.732, 15.322, 15.650, 16.162, 16.503, 17.470, 18.110, 20.20, 22.451, Od. 2.125, 2.304, 5.222, 10.329, 16.275, 17.47, 20.9, 20.22, 20.366; en sternoisi in ones breast, heart Il. 13.282, i in Od. 22.411; en pneumoni in ones chest Il. 4.528; en metaphreno ones back Il. 5.40, 8.95, 8.258, 11.447, 22.283; en chers in ones hands Il. 1.14, 1.373, 1.441, 1.446, 1.585, 3.316, 5.574, 6.81, 6.318, 6.482, 8.116, 8.221, 8.289, 8.493, 10.328, 10.529, 12.422, 13.653, 14.232, 14.385, 15.229, 15.311, 15.443, 15.741, 16.117, 16.630, 16.801, 17.40, 17.604, 18.384, 18.423, 18.505, 18.545, 18.551, 19.7, 19.18, 19.251, 20.182, 21.82, 21.104, 21.531, 22.426, 23.114, 23.152, 23.565, 23.567, 23.597, 23.624, 23.797, 24.101, 24.284, Od. 1.153, 1.238, 2.302, 3.51, 3.433, 3.443, 3.463, 4.66, 4.490, 8.291, 8.406, 8.482, 10.280, 10.389, 10.397, 11.247, 12.229, 13.57, 14.312, 14.368, 14.448, 15.120, 15.124, 15.130, 15.148, 15.530, 16.444, 18.152, 21.59, isi id. Il. 1.238, 21.235, 21.379, 22.332, 23.268, 24.410; en palame 5.558, 5.594, 7.105, 8.111, 15.411, 15.677, 16.74, 18.600, 21.469, isi in ones arms Il. 24.738, Od. 5.234, 19.577, 21.75; en agkone 14.213; en agkaldessi id. Il. 18.555, 22.503, Od. 11.261, 11.268; en gastr in ones stomach Il. 5.539, 5.616, 13.372, 13.398, 17.519; en
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pati in ones liver Od. 22.83; en duoisi id. Il. 17.523, 20.486; en he ne gounasi on ones knees Il. 5.370, 17.451, 17.514, 17.569, 20.435, Od. 1.267, 1.400, 16.129; en podessi on ones feet Od. 15.526, 19.228; en chro on ones skin Il. 8.298, 15.315; en hamati in ones i in ones vital spot Il. 4.185. blood Od. 22.383; en kairo Relational positions: en messoi in the middle (M.SG) Il. 3.69, 3.90, 10.474, 17.375, 18.264, Od. 9.429, 12.20; en messoisin id. (M.PL) Il. 4.212, 7.384, 7.417, 11.35, 11.418, 12.209, 18.507, 18.569, 19.77, 19.364, 20.15, 23.134, 24.162, Od. 4.281, 4.413, 24.441; en i id. (F.SG) Od. 5.326, 5.487; en messe isin id. (F.PL) Il. 13.312, messe i id. Il. 8.223, 11.6. 15.635; en messato Natural landmarks: en pur in the re Il. 2.340, 7.429, 7.432, 9.220, 18.346, 18.474, 21.338, 23.165, 23.216, 24.38, 24.787, Od. 3.341, 3.446, 6.305, 8.435, 9.328, 9.378, 12.237, 14.429, 18.44; en puros augei in the ame of the re Il. 9.206, Od. 23.89; en selai in the ame Il. 17.739; en phaei in the light Il. 17.647, Od. 21.429; en nepheessi in the clouds Il. 11.28; en aitheri in the air Il. 15.20, 15.192, Od. 16.264; en ouranoi in the sky Il. 8.555, 22.318; en i in the land Il. 3.244, peratei in the horizon Od. 23.243; en gae 8.359, 10.374, 11.378, 11.574, 12.260, 15.317, 22.276, 22.404, Od. mo i in the 8.461, 9.36, 13.188, 13.294, 14.143, 17.157, 23.276; en de district Il. 3.201, 9.634, 16.437, 16.514, 16.673, 16.683, 20.385, Od. 3.103, 4.691, 8.211, 13.97, 13.322, 15.534, 16.419, 17.526, 18.115, ro i in the country Il. 13.473, 17.54; en pedo i in 19.271; cho the plain Il. 2.473, 2.812, 3.133, 7.66, 7.265, 8.562, 11.836, 15.9, 15.739, 16.749, 18.256, 18.263, 20.217, 21.343, 21.404, 23.359, pero i in the 23.461, Od. 3.260, 9.66, 11.513, 13.81, 22.304; e i in the road, path Od. 15.441; en continent Od. 14.100; en ague hodoi id. Il. 7.143, 23.416; en xunocheisi id. Il. 23.330, Od. 16.384; en aigialoi on the beach Il. 4.422; en thni id. Il. 23.693; en psamathoisin on the sand Il. 21.202, Od. 4.426, 4.438, 4.539, 9.546, isi in the dust Il. 2.418, 3.55, 4.522, 4.536, 4.544, 5.75, 12.5; en kone 5.583, 5.586, 5.588, 6.453, 8.156, 11.425, 11.743, 12.23, 13.205, 13.508, 13.520, 13.548, 13.617, 14.418, 14.452, 15.423, 15.434, 15.538, 16.289, 16.469, 16.471, 16.741, 17.315, 17.428, 18.26, 22.330, 22.402, 23.26, 23.437, 23.506, 24.18, Od. 7.153, 7.160, s in the whirls of 11.191, 17.98, 18.398, 19.454; en strophaliggi kone i on the sea Il. 16.746, Od. 1.4, dust Il. 16.775, Od. 24.39; en ponto 3.294, 5.281, 5.381, 8.568, 10.458, 12.285, 13.150, 13.176, 14.135, i in the open 14.258, 24.291; en pelagei id. Od. 3.91, 5.335; en noto
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sea Od. 4.785, 8.55; en porthmoi in the narrow sea Od. 4.671, i in 15.29; en benthessin in the abysses Il. 1.358, 18.36; en potam o the river Il. 2.861, 18.521, 21.282, 23.351, Od. 5.466, 6.210, 7.296, 17.427; en kumasin in the waves Od. 8.232; en prochoeis in the isi in the swirling pools Il. 21.132, streams Od. 20.65; en dne i in a 21.239; en bothroisi in the washing pools Od. 6.92; en lmne swamp Od. 11.583; en heiamenei heleos in a marshy meadow Il. i in the ditch Il. 16.370; en skopelo i on a 4.483, 15.631; en taphro isin on the stones Il. 24.614; en speessi in crag Od. 12.80; en petre the caves Il. 18.402, Od. 1.15, 1.73, 2.20, 5.155, 9.30, 9.114, 9.400, so i in the island Il. 9.476, 10.404, 10.424, 16.232, 23.335; en ne 2.721, 3.445, Od. 1.50, 1.198, 4.556, 5.13, 12.283, 12.351, 17.142; en limeni in the cove Il. 23.745, Od. 1.186, 12.305, 19.189; en oressi on the mountains Il. 1.235, 4.455, 11.479, 12.146, 14.290, 16.353, 17.282, 24.614, Od. 11.574, 19.205; en skopiei on a peak Il. 5.771; en korypheis on the peaks Il. 2.456, 8.51, 11.183, 14.332, 15.5, mosi id. Il. 2.821, 11.105, 21.449; en prumno ree i at 22.171; en kne i in a thicket Od. the foot of the mountain Il. 14.307; en xulocho 4.335, 17.126; en thamnoisi in the bushes Od. 5.471, 7.285; en alsei i id. Od. 19.439; en axulo i id. Il. in the wood Od. 9.200; en lochme i in the forest Il. 17.134; en 11.155; en nemei id. Il. 11.480; en hule s in the thick places of a forest Il. 15.606; en phulloisi tarphesin hule on the leaves Od. 7.287; en petaloisi id. Od. 19.520; en i in a clearing Od. 5.476; en katharoi id. Il. 8.491, periphainomeno pei in a place commanding a wide view Il. 10.199, 23.61; en perio sse isi in the valleys Il. 3.34, 11.87, 14.397, 16.634, 23.451; en be 16.766, 18.588, Od. 10.210, 10.252; en leimoni in a meadow Il. i in a eld Il. 12.312; en neioi in a 2.461, 2.467, Od. 12.45; en aroure i on the dug Od. 17.297; fallow eld Il. 13.703, Od. 8.124; en kopro iei in a vineyard Il. 20.496, 21.77, Od. 24.226; en staphuleisi en alo i on the grass Od. among the bunches of grape Il. 18.561; en poe 18.368; en stenei in a narrow space Il. 15.426, Od. 22.460; en prodocheisi in lurking places Il. 4.107; en agoni in the arena Il. 15.428, 16.239, 16.500, 18. 42, 23.273, 23.448, 23.495, 23.507, 23.531, 23.654, Od. 8.200, 8.238, 24.86. Temporal landmarks: en nukt in the night Il. 18.251; en nukto`s rei in the amolgoi in the darkness of the night Il. 11.173; en ho season Il. 2.471, 16.643, Od. 17.176, 18.367, 22.301; en therei in the re i id. Od. 12.76; en me n in a month summer Od. 12.76; en opo piee i in infancy Il. 9.491. Od. 24.118; en ne
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Articial landmarks: en polei in the city Il. 5.686, 6.88, 6.297, 6.317, 7.345, 22.172; en agorei in the council Il. 19.249; en boulei in oi in the temple Il. 2.549, 5.215; en the assembly Il. 2.194; en ne herkesi in the fence Od. 21.238, 21.384; en stathmoi in the stable usn in the ships Il. 1.433, 2.175, 2.351, Il. 19.377, Od. 15.45; en ne 2.454, 2.610, 2.688, 2.771, 3.46, 3.159, 3.283, 3.444, 4.239, 7.229, 8.166, 9.235, 9.428, 9.691, 11.14, 11.311, 11.659, 11.826, 12.6, 12.107, 12.126, 13.628, 15.63, 15.624, 16.24, 16.95, 16.832, 17.639, 19.59, 23.248, 23.829, 24.438, Od. 2.226, 2.263, 3.131, 3.287, 4.82, 4.513, 4.578, 4.781, 5.27, 5.37, 8.52, 8.445, 9.470, 10.176, 11.3, 11.399, 11.406, 12.50, 12.110, 12.171, 12.178, 12.264, 12.320. 13.71, 13.134, 13.317, 15.456, 16.229, 18.84, 19.182, 20.382, 24.109; en on agurei in a heap of ships Il. 24.141; en harmone isin in the ne i in the housing of the joints of the planks Od. 5.361; en histopede i in the stern mast Od. 12.51, 12.162, 12.164, 12.179; en prumne isi in the huts Il. 2.19, 2.778, 4.482, 6.43, 7.313, Od. 15.285; en klise 9.263, 9.669, 12.1, 13.261, 14.10, 19.280, 23.254, 23.549, 23.810, 24.125, 24.413, Od. 8.501, 10.163, 14.408, 15.301, 16.1, 17.516; en i in the house Il. 3.233, Od 1.258, 4.613, 9.535, 11.115, 11.389. oko 15.113. 19.119. 20.171. 21.16. 22.358. 24.22; (noun of the house implied) Il. 6.47, Od. 7.132, 11.414; en megaroisin in the rooms Il. 1.418, 3.125, 3.207, 5.193, 6.371, 6.421, 6.428, 6.528, 9.465, 9.487, 9.561, 11.768, 13.431, 13.667, 14.502, 15.439, 18.325, 18.331, 22.69, 22.484, 24.209, 24.539, 24.726, 24.757, Od. 1.432, 2.299, 3.213, 3.401, 4.101, 4.165, 4.210, 4.238, 4.392, 4.537, 4.557, 4.744, 5.14, 7.12, 7.53, 7.65, 7.230, 8.242, 9.31, 10.150, 10.452, 10.523, 11.31, 11.53, 11.62, 11.198, 11.374, 11.376, 13.322, 13.403, 14.326, 15.354, 15.461, 16.33, 16.94, 16.106, 16.120, 16.269, 16.284, 16.314, 17.143, 17.252, 17.493, 17.521, 18.183, 18.267, 18.307, 18.316, 19.1, 19.51, 19.217, 19.254, 19.295, 19.322, 19.327, 19.490, 19.540, 19.589, 20.68, 20.117, 20.274, 20.389, 21.4, 21.30, 21.100, 21.360, 21.367, 22.47, 22.56, 22.211, 22.218, 22.222, 22.313, 22.322, 23.28, 23.56, 23.132, 23.302, 23.355, 23.363. 24.396; en domosin in the houses Il. 6.503, 9.382, 11.132, 22.480, 23.84, Od. 3.314, 4.127, 8.255, 8.268, 13.424, masi Il. 15.11, 17.110, 18.223, 18.236, 18.247, 24.325, 24.379; en do 6.221, 23.89, 24.281, 24.803, Od 4.97, 5.6, 10.426, 10.449, 10.554, losin in the stores Od. 2.339; en oudoi on the 15.542, 21.33; en che si at the doors Od. 1.255; en threshold Il. 24.527, Od. 7.89; en thure isi id. Il. prothuroisi id. Od. 4.20, 7.4, 8.304, 10.220, Il. 22.71; en pule i in the corridor Il. 24.673, 12.127, 16.712, Od. 4.809; en prodomo
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i in the inner shrine Il. 5.448; en aulei Od. 4.302, 15.5, 20.1; en aduto in the courtyard Il. 4.433, 10.183; aules en chortoisi in the feeding i on place of the courtyard Il. 24.640, Od. 2.300, 18.237; en dapedo the oor, on the levelled ground Il. 4.2, Od. 11.577, 22.188, Od. i id. 4.627, 17.169; en techei on the wall Il. 13.764, 22.299; en tocho ko i on the chair Od. 2.14; en klismoi id. Od. 22.259, 22.276; en tho i id. Od. 5.86, 8.422, 20.150; en Il. 9.200, 24.597, Od. 4.136; en throno eleosin on the tables Od. 14.432; en dait at the banquet Il. 4.259, is in festivities Od. 11.603; en 10.217, Od. 3.336, 8.76; en thale i in bed Il. 22.503, Od. 1.437, 8.337, 20.58, 20.141; en eunei lektro i in the nuptial bed Il. 3.382, id. Od. 4.333, 17.124; en thalamo 3.391, 4.143, 6.321, 6.336; en lecheessi in the beds Il. 3.448, 18.233, 18.352, 22.87, 24.600, 24.702, 24.720, Od. 3.399, 7.345, 10.12, gessi in the blankets Od. 10.497, 23.189, 24.44, 24.295; en hre esin on leather mats, eeces Od. 3.38, 20.142; en 20.141; en ko steri on estheti in a cloth Od. 24.67; en chlanei id. Il. 24.163; en zo the belt Il. 4.134; en entesin in the weapons Il. 11.731, 17.197, 19.384; en teuchessin id. Il. 23.131, Od. 24.496; en sakei on the shield Il. 11.572, 13.565, 20.259, 21.241; en rhinoi on the skin of a shield Il. 7.248; en aspdi on a round shield Il. 14.377; en aspdos antugi on the rim of a round shield Il. 15.645; en belessin through i in the bow Il. 13.594, 15.463; en the arrows Il. 13.555; en toxo ruthi in the kauloi on the spear-shaft Il. 13.162, 17.607; en ko i id. Il. 3.316, 7.176, 23.861; en helmeth Il. 16.413, 16.579; en kunee dphroisi in the chariots Il. 23.132; 23.370, 24.701; en rhumoi in the shaft of a chariot Il. 6.40, 16.371; en rhutersi in the reins Il. 16.475; i in the post of a horse Il. 23.338, 23.344; en akmotheto i on en nusse a block Il. 18.476, Od. 8.274; en pnaki on a tablet Il. 6.169; en i on a bier Il. 23.236; en purei on the pyre Il. 23.165, phertro 23.216, 23.241; en choanoisin in the melting-pot Il. 18.470; en depa i id. Il. in the bowl Il. 24.285, Od. 3.40, 15.149, 20.261; en phiale ti in the kettle Od. 3.440, 19.469; en le kuthoi in a 23.243; en lebe oil-ask Od. 6.79, 6.215; en aggesi in a vessel Od. 9.248; en i in a vase Il. 5.387, Od. 10.206; en kre teri in the cauldron keramo i in a rustic cup Od. 14.78, Od. 2.330, 10. 357, 20.252; en kissubo i in wine Od. 10.234, 24.73; en sto i in the food Od. 16.52; en ono i in a basket Od. 6.76; en kaneoisi in the baskets Il. 10.290; en kste 9.217, 24.626, Od. 1.147, 3.442, 4.761, 16.51, 20.255; en talaroisin id. Il. 18.568, Od. 9.247; en askoi in a leather-bag Il. 3.247, Od. 6.78; ruko i id. Od. 5.266, 9.212; en dermasin in leather containers en ko
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Od. 2.291; en dorosin id. Od. 2.354, 2.380; en amphiphoreusi in the jars Od. 2.290, 2.349, 2.379, 9.164, 9.204; en troposi in ropes, ore isi in slings Od. 4.782, 7.53; en elledanosi id. Il. 18.553; en pare the side-traces of horses Il. 16.152; en desmosi in chains Od. 8.336, 12.54, 12.161, 12.196, 15.232, 15.444. i in return Od. 4.497, 5.108, 11.384, Abstract concepts: en nosto i in illness Od. 5.395; en ergoisin in works, matters, 24.96; en nouso things Il. 23.671, Od. 7.51, 13.301, 20.48; en algesin in pain, ti in love Il. 2.232, suerance Il. 24.568, Od. 7.212, 21.88; en philote 7.202, 14.237, 14.314, 14.331, 14.360, 24.130, Od. 8.313; en i in joy Od. 10.465; en polemo i in war Il. 2.202, euphrosune 5.117, 5.861, 8.234, 12.214, 12.271, 14.149, 15.698, 16.591, 18.106, 20.131, 21.610, Od. 10.553, 11.537, 14.222; en da id. Il. 13.286, ioteti in the 14.387, 24.739; en autei in the war-cry Il. 17.167; en de battle Il. 3.20, 7.40, 7.51, 13.207, 13.603, 15.512, 16.815, 17.2, i in the slaughter Il. 22.64, Od. 11.516, 12.257, 22.229; en phono i in the ght Il. 24.610; en phoneisin id. Il. 10.521; en husmne i in the close 11.297, 13.314, 15.340, 20.245, 20.395; en autostade i id. Il. 13.514, 15.283; en doloisi in tricks ght Il. 13.325; en stade Od. 13.292; en ponoisi in adventures, eorts Il. 10.245, 10.279; en rai in old age Od. 15.357; en kakote ti in disgrace Od. 19.360; en ge i in dream Il. 22.199, Od. 19.541, 19.581, 21.79; en pese i in onero i in justice Il. 19.186, Od. 22.54; en endurance Od. 20.23; en more isi in courage Il. 2.588; en ainotato i in danger Il. 8.476; prothume i in en doiei in doubt Il. 9.230; en timei in respect Il. 9.319; en ase honour, in destiny Il. 9.378, 22.61, 24.428, 24.750; en choroi in i in race Il. 16.590; en homado i in the dance Il. 16.183; en aethlo i id. Il. 21.9. noise Il. 19.81; en patago APPENDIX B. COMPLEMENTS
NOMINAL) OF EN AS A PREVERB
(+DAT
Personal pronouns. First person, SG: moi Il. 1.353, 2.490, 2.761, 8.408, 8.422, 10.447, 14.470, 19.88, 23.278, 24.388, Od. 1.1, 2.79, 3.101, 4.314, 4.317, 4.331, 4.642, 11.492, 12.112, 12.266, 14.185, 19.117, 19.138, 22.166, 23.35; Second person, SG soi toi: Il. 9.98, 11.207, 15.554, 16. 206, 17.206, Od. 1.60, 2.271, 5.98, 9.37, 11.102, 11.148, 13.342, 16.66, 19.485, 23.260; PL humn hummi: Il. 6.78, 24.240. Third person, humans, SG: oi Il. 11.192, 14.218, 15.451, 16.348, 16.529, 17.570, 19.385, 20.80, Od. 2.37, 8.319, 18.103; toi Il.
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10.482, Od. 10.164. PL: sphin Il. 4.444, 6.438, 8.412, 13.82, 17.118; tosin Il. 16.449; teisin Il. 6.499; autosi Il. 15.366; hoteoisin Il. 15.491. Third person, non-humans, SG: toi (tree) Il. 23.334; PL: autos (clothes) Il. 22.513; teisin (cities) Od. 15.413; heisi (pigs) Od. 15.557; local adverb: tei there Il. 11.149; hoti where Il. 2.572, 4.217; hna id. Od. 4.272; entha id. 9.187. Proper nouns, humans, SG: Achilles Il. 11.839; Peleides Il. 19.83; Hector Il. 11.186, 15.644, 16.656; Tydeides Il. 10.366; PL: Achaeans Il. 11.11, 14.151, 15.62; Pylians Il. 11.753; Trojans Il. 16.783, 17.156, 17.613; Cyclops Od. 9.126. Common nouns, humans, SG: poimeni laon shepherd of people i daughter Od. 17.561; omlo i crowd Il. Il. 15.262, 20.110; koure 15.623; phalagxi phalange Il. 13.145; PL: athanatoisi immortals Il. 7.447; theoisi gods Il. 1.599, Od. 8.326; phloisi friends Od. 8.101, 8.251. Common nouns, animals, PL: hppoisin horses Il. ` oessi goats or sheep Il. 10.486. 5.199, 17.456, 23.390; agesin e i head Il. 8.84; Common nouns, inanimates. Body parts: krano ophthalmoi eye Od. 9.383, 11.452; thumoi soul, mind Il. 3.139, 6.326, 9.436, 14.207, 14. 306, 17. 625, 23.313, Od. 1.361, 21.355, i back Il. 24.248; chersn hands Il. 21.47, Od. 1.438; metaphreno i hip Il. 5.306, Od. 17.233; osteo i bone Il. 5.662. 17.502; ischo i middle Il. 21.233. Natural landmarks: Relational positions: messo i sea Il. 14.258, 24.79, Od. 2.295, 4.508, 5.50, 5.318, 5.431, ponto i whirl Od. masin waves Od. 12.419, 14.309; dne 12.293, 12.401; ku i ditch Il. 12.72, 15.344; petre i stone Il. 4.108; gae i 6.161; taphro ground Il. 21.168; oudei ground, path Il. 16.612, 17.437, 17.528; isin gates Il. spodiei ashes Od. 5.488. Articial landmarks: pule essi ship s 12.441, 13.320, ne 17.405; herkei fence Od. 22.469; ne i 15.598, 16.113, 16.122, Od. 4.656, 12.415, 14.305, 15.218; antlo pe i sail Il. 15.627; ko is oars Od. ship-hold Od. 15.479; histo i house Od. 2.45, 15.375; aithouse isin rooms Il. 9.489, 10.129; oko 20.11; eunei bed Il. 18.85; lecheessi beds Il. 21.124, 22.353; askoi container Od. 10.45; depas bowl Od. 9.10; aspdi shield Il. 7.272; himasin belts Il. 5.728, 10.263; purei pyre Il. 23.172, 23.174; pur re Il. 8.182, 8.217, 8.235, 12.198, 14.47, 15.417, 22.374. Abstract i ruin Il. 2.111, 9.18; ponoisi eorts Il. 10.89; concepts: ate isin harmony Od. 15.198; timei honour Il. 4.410; homophrosune nore sin proud Il. 9.700. age
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APPENDIX C. COMPLEMENTS
OF PREVERBED VERBS GOVERNED BY
THE VERB BASE RATHER THAN BY THE PREVERB (I.E. NOMINALS INFLECTED IN GRAMMATICAL CASES OTHER THAN THE DATIVE, WHICH WOULD BE REQUIRED BY EN), AS IN
(3)
Personal pronouns. Third person, SG: tou Od. 9.212, min Od. n Od. 12.65; PL: autas 21.150, 21.247, 21.338, touto Od. 21.403, alle Il. 9.242, allous Il. 14.131. Common nouns. Animates: andron men Od. 8.495. Inanimates: dun stomach Od. thumon soul Il. 9.639; ker heart Il. 22.504; ne n knees Il. 1.513; knse s te 9.296; kolpon breast Il. 20.471; gouno ka` hamatos fat and blood Od. 18.45; chitona tunic Il. 2.42, 5.736, 8.387, 10.21, 10.131; toxon bow Od. 21.92, 21.286, 21.306, n bow-string Od. 19.587, 21.97, 21.127, 21.315, 21.326; neure 24.171; tharsos courage Od. 9.381; menos strength Il. 15.60, Od. 24.520; aethlous (embroidery of) battle-prizes Il. 3.126; esthlon noble objects Od. 10.523, 11.31; depas bow Od. 9.209; amphiphoreusi (implied by the numeral twelve) Od. 2.353; hreethra streams Il. 21.311; neas ships Il. 13.319, 15.507, 15.702, 16.82; histon sail Od. 2.427; astu citadel Il. 9.589; epaulous stables Od. 23.358. APPENDIX D. COMPLEMENTS OF VERBS MODIFIED BY THE ADVERB EN
IN TMESIS
Personal pronouns. Third person, SG: min Il. 24.787. Common nouns. Inanimates: stoma te hrnas te mouth and nose Il. 23.777; opsa food Od. 5.267, 6.77; onon wine Od. 6.77, 20.253, 20.260; ston ka` onon bread and wine Od. 3.479; askon melanos onoio jar of black wine Od. 5.265; amphiphoreas jars Il. 23.170; r water Il. 18.347, Od. 8.436; pharos chitona cloak and hudo tunic Od. 8.425, 8.441; himanta belts Od. 23.201; lepadna reins Il. 5.730; mela cattle Od. 11.4; noton oios ka` ponos aigos back of a sheep and of a goat Il. 9.207; sialoio hrachin hog-piece Il. 9.208; mata houses Od. 1.51; kle da key Od. 21.47; stathmous stables do n te ka` aigon dermata skins of sheep and goats Od. Od. 21.45; oo 14.519; agalmata richness Od. 12.347; throna poikla colorful embroidment Il. 22.441; chalkon bronze Il. 11.16; phobon fear Il. 14.522; kudoimon confusion Il. 11.52; pharmakon poison Od. teilas wounds Il. 18.351; kere tha natoio goddesses of 9.317; o
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death Il. 8.70; pur re Il. 24.787; theeou smoke Od. 14.307; gaan earth Il. 18.483; ouranon sky Il. 18.483; thalassan sea Il. 18.483; terea constellations Il. 18.485; arouran eld Il. 18.541; poleis n herd Il. 18.573; cities Il. 18.490; temenos estate Il. 18.550; agele nomon grazing ground Il. 18.587; choron oor Il. 18.590; sthenos rous lots Il. might Il. 18.606; menos strength Il. 23.177; kle 23.352.
Via Corsini 29 56030 Orciatico (Pisa) Italy Email: c.viti@ling.unipi.it

References
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Transactions of the Philological Society Volume 106:3 (2008) 375413

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

Table 1. Complements of the preposition en

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Table 2. Complements of the preverb en

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

PREVERBS AND APPLICATIVES

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

OF PREVERBED VERBS GOVERNED BY

TRANSACTIONS OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Via Corsini 29 56030 Orciatico (Pisa) Italy Email: c.viti@ling.unipi.it

THE CASE OF ANCIENT GREEK EN IN

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