7

Dialogicality, Conflict and Memory in Siona Ethnohistory

E. Jean Langdon!

In past works, I have argued that the Siona Indians of the Colombian Amazon tell an alternative version to that of official history about the violent events of the colonial encounter with Europeans. From the first contact in 1562 to the beginning of the twentieth century, missionary activities were discontinuous, due to native resistance, epidemics and isolation of the region. Many of the encounters with the Western invaders registered in their oral history can be found also in the diaries and articles written by the missionaries, traders and adventurers that passed through the region. Contrary to the logic of the written texts, Siona narratives about contact reconstruct the events in the context of their larger cosmological scheme that accords their shamans the key role in defending their communities from the invaders in armed combat as well as from the epidemics that accompanied their arrival (Langdon, La historia). This paper discusses a narrative that differs significantly from those that inform about the shamanic resistance and struggle for power in the changing context of the region. Here, language identity and discursive forms are at the center of the dispute for power and leadership. The conflicts related may be less dramatic than shamanic battles, but this narrative is important in understanding the Amerindian perspective of history and the place of language in the construction of past and present identities. It is about speech strategies, interactive processes and dialogicality. These issues and the construction of identity are accomplished through the use of quoted speech, in which the historical dramas of three hundred and fifty years of contact with Europeans (15621920) are presented as critical episodes of speech events. In order to consider individual subjectivity in the construction of collective memory, this paper also includes reflections on the importance of the narrator and of the context of the narrated event.

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The Narrative Aurelio Maniguaje, a Siona elder in his mid-fifties, narrated this history to me in 1972. It is one of a number of his narratives that I recorded in the Siona language. The themes of most of his narratives emphasize the correct way of living with little focus on shamanic activity in comparison to those told by older Siona with deeper identity and experience in shamanic practices. Aurelios narrative, as the other historical narratives, reconstructs the Siona response to the arrival of the Franciscans in the 16th Century up to the 20th Century when permanent missions were finally established by the Capuchins on the lower Putumayo River. During a span of 350 years, missionary and Spanish presence was intermittent in the region. The missionaries confronted native resistance via armed conflict, and several died at the hands of the Indians. Epidemics raged through missions, killing most of the Indians gathered for the purposes of conversion and causing the others to flee. Indian settlements around the missions were transitory, and there was constant abandonment of old villages and migration to new ones. Resistance and illness along with the problems of isolation and lack of communication with the Andean highlands contributed to an interruption of missionary activity by 1800. A hundred years later Capuchin priests returned to take control of the area in response to the invasion of the Peruvian rubber patrones in the lower Caquet and Putumayo regions (Casement). A mission school (internado) was established in Puerto Asis in the 1920s in order to catechize and educate the Indian children of the region. It maintained that function until the 1960s, when the education of the children of the growing colonist population became a priority and the Indian children scattered along the rivers ceased to attend. This is the relevant background to understand the events related in the narrative. Encounters with the Missionaries as told by Aurelio Maniguaje, 1972.1
Scene 1 1. In that time, in this place our people lived. 2. Only our people were here, and others came, white creatures. 3. They came, gathered our people, spoke, and taught. 4. They taught, and the elders who wanted listened. Those who didnt want to hear, didnt listen to their words.

104 5. Then, Why are you not listening? spoke the whites who had come. 6. Being lazy, you dont want to listen. You just wander in the jungle. Why are you only wandering in the forest? While you work think, in God always think. 7. When speaking such, No, you only speak deception, the people said. 8. In the jungle they fished, they went about doing their tasks. 9. As they went about, the Spanish spoke, Okay, adults do your work. Young men, young women listen to our words, they said. 10. They said, then Okay, youths, those who are grown, will plant cotton, coffee, and cacao. 11. Young women listen to our words, since you are women, they said in their language. 12. Having spoken, they then gathered up only the young women and shut them in a house; they spoke only to the young women gathered together. 13. They spoke, and What are they intending (thinking) to do? They took them from their husbands, for all of them listen to their words. Why are they speaking only to those who are locked in? Doing this is bad for us. It is bad for us who have never seen this. Why do the white creatures come and do this? speaking, thinking, and seeing, now their hearts were angry and they spoke to them. 14. Then they spoke No, dont think that. We give counsel to young women, adults dont think; Young girls learn rapidly. 15. No, we dont want it that way, young women taken from their husbands and shut in a room. That is not speech, those words are not conversation. 16. We dont want to see this, they said, and went to live in another place. 17. No, it is bad working that way, they said and left for a new village, they established a village and abandoned the Spanish. Scene 2 18. Thus they did, and the Spaniards followed those who had left. At that place the Spanish spoke.

105 19. You people, you are very bad for not wanting to listen, the Spanish said. 20. No, we want to listen, we all want to learn. It is you who do bad to us, taking the young women, shutting them in a house and teaching only to them. You only order the men to work. We have never seen such, it is bad. We want you to teach correctly, to everyone you must teach. The way you work is wrong. Scene 3 21. They left them for another village, another new village they established and went and lived there. 22. They did and stayed there, then, another village they established, and a new person arrived. 23. He arrived, likewise he gathered the Siona and spoke. 24. It is good, he who has arrived is a good person, he counsels well, he counsels everyone. Children, listen well. He comes speaking our language, these words, children, adults, everyone listen well. Like our elders he speaks. He who arrived today is a good person, they said when others arrived. 25. In that place time passed, now again they began to do wrong. 26. Then again time passed, again they began to do bad. 27. Another said, Huh? Why are we working thus, why are we suffering if we are strong? 28. The village they abandoned, at another place, a new village they established, and the people went to live. Scene 4 29. Those ones were doing wrong they said. Those people are bad. They dont want to listen. They are lazy. They only want to go about alone, they said, those teachers. 30. No, it is bad for our women to be shut in a room, we are not accustomed to seeing this, it is hateful to us. To another place, we go, they said. 31 It is bad for us and we leave. We are not argumentative, We do not kill. We are just leaving for another village? they said. They spoke to the Spanish. 32. Then We have suffered much they said.

106 33. Oh, how will we learn to write. When the whites enter this river, our children will be backward. Oh this work, whatever job they do, the whites will only deceive. Whites wont deceive if we study, they said to the white leaders. 34. They spoke, For this you want to learn? 35. Yes, this is what we want for our children, we are going to die. They will only be deceived when working. There will be little food to eat working in this way. We want to read books. 36. How do you want to learn then the priests asked. 37. Just ones we want, they said. 38. They said, Just ones we want, those who teach writing. We collect rubber, some rubber collectors pay, but others deceive us a lot, they said. 39. For this we want to learn to read, they asked the leaders. For priests to come to this river and read books. Now our generation is ending, the children, after us, will write. When the important people come, they will speak, when we are dead, they said. When the priests, the nuns, the white leaders arrive, having learned to write, they will speak well, when we are dead and lost, they requested. 40. While we are doing our work, you children learn, converse, all things learn. In the time of our death they said to the priests, the nuns, the priests ones themselves, they said. 41. Today we only call them priests, in those times just creature we called them. Thus spoke those who have gone. Today the remaining ones will die. These last words alone speak, we are ending. That is all.

The narrative divides into four scenes, based on two criteria: geographic movement from one settlement to another and speech events, marked primarily by quoted speech containing the dialogue between the Indians and the Spaniards that transpires at each location. In the first scene, the Spaniards arrive and gather the Indians in order to speak to them. Some listen and some do not. The dialogue between the Spaniards and the Siona captures their conflicting views of what characterizes work and laziness. For the missionaries, the Indians who do not submit to their control by working for the mission are accused of being lazy and of simply wandering aimlessly about in the jungle. The Indians affirm that their work is in the jungle. The Spanish order the young men to plant

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mission crops (coffee, cacao) and shut the young women away in a room in order to listen to their teachings. The Indians contest this, complaining that they have never seen such a practice, in which the women are taken away from their husbands and are the only ones who hear the words of the Spanish. The Spanish justify their actions by affirming that women learn rapidly. Men do not, since they do not concentrate (expressed as think in the narrative). The Indians insist that public oratory does not occur in private. Line 15 is key to their view, That is not speech, those words are not conversation. They move to a new village. Scene 2 is short, and consists basically of a dialogue in which the Spanish accuse the Indians of being bad for not wanting to listen, and the Indians reply that they want to learn, but not when the men are ordered to work and the young women are shut away. They demand that all of them be taught and condemn the Spanish practice of speaking only to the women. They move to a new village. Scene 3 initiates with migration to a new village. There one good priest arrives and speaks correctly. He speaks in their language and counsels as in the discursive tradition of the Siona elders. After a while, he and his companions begin to behave incorrectly towards the Indians, and once again, via dialogue, the Indians question the work they are forced to do for the priests. They move to another location. This priest mentioned in this scene is well remembered by the Siona as being their pacifier because of his capacity to speak the native language. He is probably Padre Ferrer, who lived among the Kofan, close allies of the Siona, learned various native languages and traveled extensively in the region converting the Indians. The Indians drowned him after some twenty years (Prez 296). Scene 4 is the longest and consists of a lengthy dialogue that repeats the conflicts, but it is clearly indexed as occurring in the early 20th century by the reference to rubber collecting. The Spanish accuse the Siona of being lazy for not obeying their orders to work. The Siona accuse the priests of wrongly shutting up the women. They threaten again to leave, defending themselves as peaceful people who do not argue or kill. They express their need to read and write in order to protect themselves from being deceived in commercial interactions with the whites. Toward the end of the dialogue, the Siona ask for priests and nuns who will teach their children, since the elders are dying, and it is the children left behind who must know how to interact with the whites, either to obtain fair prices for the goods they sell or to receive and speak correctly to the white leaders who arrive.

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Dialogicality Basso (Cannibals) and more recently Oakdale have pointed out that history, as presented in South American Indian biographies, is not presented through general descriptions of events or of groups of people that form a temporal continuity, as is the case of Western history. Instead, lowland Amerindian texts are composed of critical events that relate the strategies people use with one another for enacting emotions and formulating motivations. These critical events are speech centered in the sense that they are presented as dialogues, using quoted speech as a device to present the communicative interactions and which reveals different points of view, emotional agency, motivations and special goals, as well as changes in subjectivity. The Siona are no exception to Bassos observations. Quoted speech permeates their narratives, generally expressing differing views and offering justifications for actions (Langdon, A Doena). Aurelios narrative is characterized by a predominance of quoted speech. More than two-thirds of the text consists of speech events which report the dialogues between the Spanish and Indians. Narrative action occurs through the dialogues in which conflicts are revealed and negotiated. Accusations against the other are made, control over women and work is contested and divergent views of proper social interaction are expressed. A key theme in the plot is the struggle for the legitimization of power between the Spanish and the Indians via the conflict over what is adequate discourse performance from a native perspective. Basso (Cannibals 296) has remarked that the focus on speech centered events is a crucial element distinguishing Western and Kalapalo forms of historical consciousness. Oakdale has recently demonstrated this for the Kayabi, and I suspect that examination of translation of narrative performances in other groups would show this to be a characteristic of the Amazonian region in general. Research on discourse strategies, oral performance and adequate translation over the last thirty years has demonstrated that these cultures share various discourse forms that are central to their social processes (Beier, Michael and Sherzer). Here, Aurelio highlights the importance of discourse forms in the interactive processes of the colonial encounter. Speech and power The Siona Indians demonstrate a preoccupation with correct speech in face to face encounters, since speech is a strategy of defense and power. One must learn to speak well in conflictive situations, as well as in

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leadership positions to persuade others. The Siona administered remedies to strengthen ones speech performance in conflictive situations. In addition, speech forms a triad with thinking (rota-) and hearing (a!a-), which are integral in acquiring power and in the processing social interaction involving the emotions and intentions of the actors. Thus, as in this narrative, thinking is associated with intention; hearing is associated with attention, awareness and the acquisition of knowledge. In line twenty four, the children and adults are admonished to listen well, expressed literally as think and listen. Not speaking or not replying in discursive interaction breaks the implicit reciprocity present in all speech events and indicates secrecy and possible evil intent. Speech and thinking have power in J. Austins sense of illocutionary force. Shamanic ritual language is performative in that it is the enactment of what is said. This is also true in other performative contexts. Political oratory evidences ones knowledge, and, consequently, ones power, as pointed out by M. Bloch three decades ago. The importance of oratory as constitutive of lowland Amerindian leadership has been recognized by several authors (Basso A Musical View of the Universe, Clastres A Sociedade, Seeger; Sherzer Kuna, Urban; Hendricks). Legitimacy and the power of public speech, of oratory, are at issue in Aurelios narrative. The Spanish do not meet the performative requirements to construct a speech event that legitimates their speech and is deemed necessary for persuasion and the attainment of consensus among the group. They do not speak Siona (excluding the priest who is favorably received). They do not address the entire community, but only the women whom they have shut away. Thus the affirmation, That is not speech, references the improper context for oratory and expression of political legitimacy. The Spanish do not interact in recognizable discursive forms in order to legitimize their authority and leadership. Speech as identity Language, for the Siona, is an expression of identity. All animate beings, be they human or not, have their own language. Shamans build their knowledge through hearing and learning the language and songs of other entities. Shamanic power means knowledge and experience acquired through the interaction with alterity (Langdon Dau), and narratives about these encounters are characterized by quoted speech, in which the different languages spoken are indexed by the comment, speaking in his language, as is pointed out on line eleven. Another recourse for signaling multilingual contexts is using the register of the other language. In a similar way, they use quoted speech to indicate different

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performance genres in narrative, such as quoting ritual language when describing a shamanic ritual. Language identity is part of the corporal identity that marks differences between social categories and entities of the universe (Viveiros de Castro).2 Seeger, DaMatta and Viveiros de Castro have pointed out the importance of the body for understanding Amerindian cosmology and argued that the body is fabricated through ritual and other social practices. Eating together and sharing the same residence creates substantiality between individual bodies. Food, which nourishes the body, also capacitates language ability. I was often chided by my Siona family to eat more of their food in order to speak their language better. Shamanic knowledge, in the form of language and songs learned from other entities, forms a substance in the shamans body that diferentiates his body from those of others (Langdon Dau: Shamanic Power, A Morte). Context of the Narration I initiated my recordings of Siona narrative in an attempt to learn their language, perceiving it as a key to understanding their shamanic universe. At the time of my research, all of the Siona were bilingual, with the exception of the eldest living woman, and they easily spoke to me in Spanish. However, they expressed difficulties in translating key cosmological concepts and the logic of their relations into Spanish. Consequently I initiated individual recording sessions with several elders, asking them to tell me stories of the old ones. I subsequently transcribed the texts and then met again with the narrator to replay the recording and clear up doubts in my transcription and understanding of the text. In the beginning, I asked for a synopsis of the narrative Spanish, but I did not ask for a line-by-line translation. Each elder had a different repertoire, but the majority of narratives involve shamanic experiences. Although they share recurrent motifs, the individual and subjective experiences of each narrator are evident (Langdon Shamanismo). The sharing of motifs attests to the existence of a collective memory, particularly in reference to the contact experience. Aurelios narrative is related to a number of others told to me by different narrators, which centered on the same eventsthe practices of the Spanish missionaries, the arrival of Padre Ferrer, and the discontent of the Indians (Langdon A Histria). Different from the others, his narrative focuses less on shamanic powers and activities and more on correct discourse, proper relations, work and education. To understand these differences, it is necessary to examine the role of

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context and of individual subjectivity in the construction of historical consciousness. In 1972, contact and interaction with the larger society was increasing. In the 1960s, a highway linking the mission settlement of Puerto Asis on the Putumayo River to the Andean highlands was completed, resulting in increasing commerce in the area and the migration of thousands of colonists from the highlands in search of land. In this decade, the Siona began to raise corn and rice as cash crops to sell to traders who traveled up and down the river in order to supplement their traditional subsistence practices. By the time I arrived, they were transporting their crops upriver to Puerto Asis in order to receive better prices. These crops became a primary means of subsistence, although they continued hunting and gathering practices that enabled them to live better than many of the colonists settling around the reserve. The Siona were well aware of their marginal position in Colombian society and, as expressed in Aurelios narrative, were concerned with how their ignorance of reading and writing left them vulnerable to the deceptions of the traders. More than once, when discussing prices of corn and rice, my speculations as to the going price were met by such comments as But not for us, they dont pay those prices to Indians. There was generalized distrust of the whites and the Siona had two strategies for attempting to obtain favorable results in their transactions with non-Indians. One was to dissimulate Indian identity by dressing as the rural colonists and speaking Spanish in the presence of non-Indians. The other was to seek education. While most adults were illiterate, parents valued highly education as a way for their children to defend themselves in adult life. As mentioned, schooling was no longer an option for most Siona children since the 1960s. In 1968, a representative of the Departamento de Asuntos Indgenas, the Colombian Indian Affairs department, visited the Siona and told them that they would supply a teacher if the Indians would build a school with resources provided by the Junta de Accin Comunal, a commission created to stimulate community development projects. Evidently once received, these financial resources were squandered by the elected governor of the community, and Aurelio organized a series of mingas (communal work group) to build a school out of split palm and thatch, their traditional housing materials. Each parent built wooden desks and benches for his children. When I arrived in 1970, the school was completed, desks and all, but the Siona had been informed by both the governmental school authorities as well as by the Catholic church that there were no teachers currently available.

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During my first exploratory visit, I was made aware of this situation and of strong discontent with the current governor who wasnt conversing properly with them or with outsiders to resolve the problem. He wasnt doing anything. One afternoon, Aurelio came to me and spoke about the importance of schooling and escorted me to the school to see their work. Aurelio was so persuasive in his discussions about the parents anxiety to have a teacher that I volunteered to initiate my fieldwork as the teacher of forty Indian children from approximately eight to eighteen years old. Although a legitimate teacher replaced me after a month, Aurelio never failed to point out that I was the first schoolteacher throughout my twenty-two years of contact with him. Aurelio was born around 1920 and attended the internado in Puerto Asis with the other youths of his age. The priests were harsh with them, forbidding the use of their language and traditional clothing and condemning their shamanic practices. Aurelio was part of a generation that learned to negotiate with outsiders and one that abandoned the shamanic apprenticeship expected of all Siona young men as a right of passage to adulthood (Langdon, Interethnic). He told me that he did not have a good experience the first time that he took yag (Banisteriopsis sp.), the tea-like substance that is the basis for their training, and that he never had interest in becoming a shaman. Such indifference to the shamanic career was uncharacteristic of the generation of men some twenty years older than he, but was common for his age group and those younger, who found the discipline and taboos associated with the apprenticeship difficult to follow in the face of increasing non-Indian presence and new opportunities. While rejecting shamanism as a path to leadership, his generation became the leaders in mediating with the external authorities. In order to facilitate negotiations with the Indian communities, the Colombian government instituted the position of governor in each Indian community to serve as a mediator between the Indians and the governmental agencies. The governor was to be an Indian from the community elected by his peers to serve in the office for a year and receive a salary as payment for his work and journeys outside the Indian reserve to deal with governmental officials. The Siona elected their first governor in the late 1960s, about the same time that the school project was conceived. Aurelio was the first elected governor and may have been the one who negotiated with the Junta de Accin Comunal for resources for the school. His year in office was met with criticism by the community, which was inevitable during that period for anyone holding the office. I witnessed the coming and going of at least five governors, including Aurelios second term. Their

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activities inevitably were met with criticisms, tending to come from nonallied families. The most common accusation was that the governor did not speak properly to all of the community, failing to stimulate them into cooperation, similar to what Aurelio affirms about the newly arrived Spanish leaders. This post passed among several of Aurelios generation as well as among those younger. The elders, who identified more with shamanic activities as a form of leadership, didnt want the role, alleging that they couldnt fulfill it properly by not being able to read or write. In addition, they had no desire to make the necessary journeys to interact with non-Indians, which would expose them to certain situations that could place them in contact with polluting substances harmful to their shamanic practices. The events related by Aurelio compose an extremely rich narrative. It is relevant to various aspects characteristic of the Colonial experience in the Putumayo: the Sionas struggle to maintain a relative autonomy until the 20th century, the domination of the Catholic church (Bonilla), patron/client relations; commercial interactions between Indians and rubber collectors (Taussig); and the introduction of cash crops. In this paper, I have explored dialogicality as presented through quoted speech and its implications for communicative interaction from the Amerindian perspective of history; the relation between language, identity and power; and finally the question of subjectivity and collective memory by considering the context of the narration and the biography of the narrator. The importance of Aurelios narrative lies not in the affirmation of a shamanic universe, providing answers to existential questions about misfortunes brought by the colonial encounter, be these in the form of epidemics, accidents, wars or other critical events. It is important because its theme is about discourse strategies and their role in the unfolding of history and the construction of leadership and identity. The importance of discourse forms as a characteristic of Amazonian Indians has been recognized by linguists and anthropologists (Beier, Michael and Sherzer). Discourse strategies are complex and highly developed, and among these political oratory and shamanic language are important performative genres used as strategies for access to power, control and persuasion. This narrative deals with political oratory and its legitimacy in the course of the colonial encounter. It reveals the interactive processes between the Spanish and Indians from the perspective of a Siona leader involved in a secular political struggle. It reveals the change of relations with the Spanish, from one of indifference in scene one in which some paid attention to the missionaries discourse and others not, to the recognition of the permanence of non-Indians. In the 1970s the Siona

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were concerned with how to speak properly to the outsiders as well as to the community, how to avoid being duped and deceived in the newly acquired commercial activities. Those occupying the newly created position of governor were perceived as failing in their discursive practices. With the recognition of permanent non-Indian presence in their world, the Siona viewed education as a means for acquiring proper discourse strategies with outsiders. Writing, along with speaking, becomes an element important in access to power. Focus on the context of the narration and subjectivity of the narrator makes an important contribution in understanding the role of the individual in collective memory. Aurelios narrative does not negate what I have previously treated as the metanarrative of Siona ethnohistory, that of the colonial encounter as a struggle for power between shamans and missionaries. The events treated in his narrative are part of this metanarrative, but are presented with an alternative understanding of these events and their impact upon the present. Examination of Aurelios biography, the context in which the narrative was told and to whom it was told explains why he highlighted the role of discourse in the colonial encounter and the desire to incorporate education as a discourse strategy. This narrative, a historical narrative with important subjective influence, captures aspects of the process by which the Siona have come to define themselves and others and how they have come to change their senses of how to survive in the face of non-Indian permanence in their territory.

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Notes 1. I transcribed and translated the narratives. I confirmed the transcriptions and translations with the
narrators, but I did not ask them to translate their texts, since their Spanish translations omitted the poetic mechanisms found in Siona oral performances. Following Sherzer, I have focused on the line and attempted to maintain line breaks according to the structure of the native language and pauses in the narration. Quoted speech tends to break the rhythm of the poetics of oral narrative in that it captures daily speech, which is not a performative genre, and the lines tend to be much longer. 2. The idea that all creatures have their language is in contrast to Clastres (A Fala 26) statement about the Guarani, in which he affirms that only humans possess language.

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* Published in Oral and Written Narratives and Cultural Identity. Interdisciplinary Approaches. Eds. Franciso Cota Fagundes and Irene Maria F. Blayer, New York, Peter Lang. 2007.