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Men With a Mission: Veterans' Meanings of Peacekeeping in Cambodia

Michaela L. Schoka; Rolf J. Kleberb; Hennie R. Boeijec
a
Veterans Institute, Doorn, Netherlands b Department of Clinical & Health Psychology, Utrecht
University, Utrecht, Netherlands c Department of Methods & Statistics, Utrecht University, Utrecht,
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To cite this Article Schok, Michaela L. , Kleber, Rolf J. and Boeije, Hennie R.(2010) 'Men With a Mission: Veterans'
Meanings of Peacekeeping in Cambodia', Journal of Loss and Trauma, 15: 4, 279 — 303
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DOI: 10.1080/15325020903381873
Men With a Mission: Veterans’ Meanings

of Peacekeeping in Cambodia
MICHAELA L. SCHOK
Veterans Institute, Doorn, Netherlands
ROLF J. KLEBER
Department of Clinical & Health Psychology, Utrecht University, Utrecht, Netherlands
HENNIE R. BOEIJE
Department of Methods & Statistics, Utrecht University, Utrecht, Netherlands
Downloaded By: [Schok, Michaela] At: 13:19 1 July 2010
This qualitative study examines veterans’ meanings of peacekeeping

in Cambodia. In-depth interviews were conducted among 19
veterans. Purposive sampling distinguished between veterans with
and without stress responses. Thematic analysis showed that peace-
keeping reflected a different reality in which military performance
and comradeship provided clear sense and direction. A sense of
fulfillment and appreciation by the local people was perceived as
rewarding. Professional skills and life experience created new
opportunities in the veterans’ future careers and personal life.
Comparison of subsamples reflected different perceptions of threat,
witnessing an unjust world in Cambodia, and coming to terms
with different realities.
Many soldiers currently are being deployed to conflict areas worldwide,

including Afghanistan and Iraq. After returning home, these men and women
have to make sense of the experiences they gained by going to war.
Especially when soldiers feared for their own lives or those of their
comrades, the need to search for meaning is set in motion.
Two important and influential social-cognitive theories emphasize this
search for meaning in processing threatening events: Horowitz’s theory of
Received 11 June 2009; accepted 1 September 2009.

The authors thank the veterans for the time and effort they took participating in this
study.
Address correspondence to Michaela L. Schok, Veterans Institute, P.O. Box 125, 3940 AC
Doorn, Netherlands. E-mail: ml.schok@veteraneninstituut.nl
279
280 M. L. Schok et al.
stress responses (Horowitz, 2001) and Janoff-Bulman’s theory of assumptive

worlds (Janoff-Bulman, 1992). Both approaches are based on the idea that
individuals have mental models based on prior experiences, or schemas,
of the world and of themselves for interpreting incoming information. When
confronted with a threatening event, the individual becomes intensely aware
that bad things happen and the external world is perceived as a frightening
place. The world no longer makes sense, and this realization may be devas-
tating (Janoff-Bulman & Frantz, 1997; Kleber & Brom, 1992).
A traumatic event presents information that is incompatible with existing
schemas. This incompatibility gives rise to reappraisal and revision of the
schema. The drive to make our mental models coherent with current infor-
mation encourages assimilation and accommodation processes whereby
schemas are updated continually to fit current reality. The attempt to make
sense of the experience and to reestablish a meaningful worldview is reflected
by extensive mental rumination and cognitive processing (Janoff-Bulman,
1992). Cognitive integration succeeds when the negative impact of this new
information is reappraised to fit mental models (assimilation), or if existing

models of the world are revised to fit this new information (accommodation).
On the other hand, when individuals are incapable of integrating trauma-
related information into existing beliefs about themselves, others, and the
world, or are incapable of changing their view of the world, posttraumatic
stress disorder or related disturbances most likely will be the outcome.
In this search for meaning, two construals of meaning making play inde-
pendent roles in the adjustment process over time (Davis, Nolen-Hoeksema,
& Larson, 1998; Taylor, 1983). First, one has to make sense of the event by
determining what happened, how it happened, and why it happened.
People seek to understand the event retrospectively and try to achieve com-
prehensibility of what has happened to them (Janoff-Bulman & Frantz, 1997;
Joseph & Linley, 2005; Wong & Weiner, 1981). Second, one has to find per-
sonal significance in the event or gain from the experience for one’s present
life. People evaluate and interpret what the experience has brought them in
terms of personal skills, relationships, life philosophy, and worldview, also
referred to as benefit finding or posttraumatic growth (Antoni et al., 2001;
Helgeson, Reynolds, & Tomich, 2006; Joseph & Linley, 2005; Tedeschi &
Calhoun, 1996). Construing positive meaning from war and peacekeeping
experiences, especially related to combat exposure or high perceived threat,
has been associated with better psychological adjustment (Aldwin, Levenson,
& Spiro, 1994; Fontana & Rosenheck, 1998; Schok, Kleber, Elands, & Weerts,
2008; Spiro, Schnurr, & Aldwin, 1999). This can be explained by the fact
that high perceived threat results in a need to attribute meaning to the experi-
ence in order to master the situation (Baumeister, 1991; Rothbaum, Weisz, &
Snyder, 1982; Taylor, 1983).
Previous studies on cognitive appraisals of war and peacekeeping
experiences showed that veterans reported more positive than negative
Men With a Mission 281
effects (for a review, see Schok et al., 2008). Finding meaning in terms of
personal significance was found to be important. Veterans reported what
the military experiences had brought them regarding their self-image, social
relationships, and personal growth and priorities in life (see also Updegraff &
Taylor, 2000). Furthermore, meaning reflected independent positive and
negative psychological changes as a result of deployment (Aldwin et al.,
1994; Dohrenwend et al., 2004; Elder & Clipp, 1989; Mehlum, 1995; Spiro
et al., 1999).
Qualitative studies have focused mostly on the reconciliation of trau-
matic memories and psychological suffering resulting from war (Burnell,
Coleman, & Hunt, 2006; Harvey, 1996; Hunt & Robbins, 2001; Kilshaw,
2004). Much emphasis has been placed on the negative aftermath of
exposure to the war zone, the construction of a narrative, and perceptions
of social support in coping with trauma. For example, Harvey (1996) paid
attention to the losses and grief resulting from combat in the Vietnam War
and World War II. He described stories of veterans who recalled highly vivid
memories of events involving death and great fear. Kilshaw (2004) described
the construction of Gulf War syndrome narratives among UK veterans
emphasizing that contact with other sufferers provided a template to make
sense of life events and illness. The role of social support was highlighted
in the reconciliation of traumatic memories in two studies (Burnell et al.,
2006; Hunt & Robbins, 2001). Comradeship emerged as a common theme
and was found to be important in the creation of a meaningful narrative
among World War II veterans. However, Falklands War veterans avoided
sharing traumatic memories with their comrades and, therefore, reconcili-
ation was not supported. Burnell et al. (2006) attributed this finding to factors
such as still being in the service, being part of an elite unit, and veteran status
while serving. Furthermore, wives and families provided ongoing practical
and emotional support but not in favor of the reconciliation of traumatic
memories. Telling the story would threaten the security of the supportive,
safe environment (Hunt & Robbins, 2001).
The current study aims to explore personal meanings that veterans
assign to their deployment experiences long after they have left the service
and to what extent these meanings remain significant in their lives. As only
a minority of Dutch veterans develop problems with the reconciliation of
their war memories (Dirkzwager, 2002; Engelhard et al., 2007; Schok,
Mouthaan, & Weerts, 2003), the present study also will describe how veterans
with and without posttraumatic stress reactions differ in their personal mean-
ings regarding military deployment. Qualitative research examining the
veterans’ points of view has been chosen to examine these issues. Qualitative
methods are suited to explore the search for meaning since they enable one
to find out that the same events, such as being under fire or seeing dead
bodies, can lead to different appraisals in people experiencing these kinds
of war zone stressors.
The principle of maximization led us to choose one peacekeeping oper-

ation in which veterans clearly were at risk of being exposed to threatening
events (Morse & Field, 1996). As mentioned before, perceived threat is
important to set in motion a search for meaning and, therefore, this can be
studied best in an operation in which this occurs. Choosing one particular
military operation, peacekeeping in Cambodia, has as an additional advan-
tage that the sample is more homogeneous, which is beneficial for an
explorative descriptive study. For a better understanding of the veterans
who were interviewed, some background information on the peacekeeping
mission to Cambodia is useful.
The peacekeeping mission was called United Nations Transitional Auth-
ority in Cambodia (UNTAC) and took place from March 1992 until November
1993. It was aimed at stabilizing the security situation in Cambodia and build-
ing confidence among the parties involved in the conflict. From 1975 to 1979,
Cambodia suffered a vastly destructive regime under Pol Pot. More than 1
million people died in a brutal process of ‘‘social reconstruction.’’ This regime
was ended by the intervention of Vietnamese troops in late 1978 and the
installation of a new government.
Among many other countries, the Dutch contribution to UNTAC
consisted of 2,609 military men and women, mainly Marines and some
supporting personnel and staff members (Klep & Gils, 2005). During
UNTAC, three battalions were deployed, each for 6 months. The early stage
of the mission focused mainly on the repatriation and resettlement of the
Cambodian refugees and displaced persons. During the second phase of
the mission, starting in June 1992, UNTAC concentrated on disarmament of
the conflicting parties. The third and last phase of the mission was focused
mainly on the organization and conduct of free and fair general elections that
took place in May 1993.
METHOD
Procedure
This study is part of a mixed-method research project aimed at exploring the
attribution of meaning to military deployment. Participants were veterans
registered at the Veterans Institute (Schok, Kleber, Lensvelt-Mulders, Elands,
& Weerts, in press). First, a questionnaire study was carried out among a sam-
ple of 1,561 veterans who participated in various war and peacekeeping
operations. Second, in-depth interviews were conducted among a subsample
of veterans who were deployed during the military operation in Cambodia
(UNTAC). Of the 272 veterans who were deployed during UNTAC and filled
out the questionnaire, 75% (n ¼ 205) also gave consent to participate in the
qualitative study.
Sample Comparison
To allow exploration of differences between veterans with and without post-
traumatic stress reactions, participants were eligible for inclusion on two cri-
teria. First, the extent of posttraumatic stress reactions was measured using
the Impact of Event Scale (Horowitz, Wilner, & Alvarez, 1979; Van der Ploeg
et al., 2004). This instrument assesses the emotional impact of traumatic
events by looking at intrusive thoughts and behaviors (intrusion subscale)
and emotional numbing and avoidance (avoidance subscale). Respondents
were asked to indicate the frequency of each of 15 symptoms, related to their
deployment experiences, in the last week (0 ¼ not at all, 1 ¼ rarely, 3 ¼ some-
sometimes, 5 ¼ often). Reliability for this scale was high (a ¼ .94) for the
UNTAC veterans. A cutoff score of 26 and higher was used to indicate the
presence of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A cutoff score below 8
was indicative of no stress responses. Table 1 shows the mean scores of
the veterans with and without an indication of PTSD who participated in
the qualitative study.

A second criterion for inclusion was being exposed to war zone stres-
sors. This was measured with the comprehensive Aftercare Questionnaire
of the Royal Army in the Netherlands (Royal Netherlands Army, 2003). This
scale assessed threatening events experienced during deployment as well
as the degree of threat experienced from them. The items included, for
example, ‘‘fired (upon),’’ ‘‘being wounded,’’ and ‘‘witnessing dead bodies.’’
Eight items were added, including ‘‘I shot someone,’’ ‘‘clearing dead bodies,’’
and ‘‘presence of landmines.’’ The final instrument consisted of 24 items.
Participants also were selected based on the highest amount of exposure
to war zone stressors that was reported. Table 1 shows the mean frequency
of reported war zone stressors and the mean perceived threat related to the
war zone stressors by the participants.
After selection, 40 veterans who were prepared to participate were
approached. Twenty-one made an appointment for the interview. One
veteran canceled because he was moving and one veteran went abroad,
which made the response rate for this study 48%, consisting of 19 interviews.
All 19 interviewees were male veterans (see Table 1 for the descriptive char-
acteristics of the participants). No differences in descriptive characteristics
were found between subgroups, except for the mean score on the Impact
of Event Scale.
Data Collection
Interviews were conducted between April 2006 and February 2007 by the first
author. A semistructured topic list was used to guide the interview. The first
part of the interview focused on the time during deployment in Cambodia
and the events the veterans experienced. The second part concentrated
TABLE 1 Descriptive Characteristics of UNTAC Veterans With and Without Posttraumatic

Stress Reactions.
Without With posttraumatic

Total sample posttraumatic stress stress reactions
(n ¼ 19) reactions (n ¼ 9) (n ¼ 10)
Variable M SD M SD M SD F
Age (years) 42.47 8.78 43.44 11.02 41.60 6.65 0.66

Mean age during 27.53 8.00 28.00 8.76 27.10 7.72 0.82
deployment (years)
Time since leaving 6.13 3.39 6.33 3.24 5.96 4.68 0.82
the service (years)
Impact of Event Scale 23.95 22.23 3.22 2.64 42.60 12.89 80.56
Frequency of war zone 13.21 1.87 13.56 1.74 12.90 2.02 0.46
stressors
Perceived threat of war 44.21 13.02 44.89 11.40 44.00 14.94 0.02
zone stressors
n % n % n % v2
Married=living together 19 100.0 9 100.0 10 100.0

Education
Low 7 36.8 2 22.2 5 50.0 3.39
Middle 7 36.8 4 44.4 3 30.0
High 4 21.0 3 33.3 1 10.0
Other 1 5.3 1 10.0
Frequency of deployment
1 7 36.8 5 55.6 2 20.0 2.57
>1 12 63.2 4 44.4 8 80.0
Rank
Low 10 52.6 5 55.6 5 50.0 —
High 8 42.1 4 44.4 4 40.0
Military task
Operational 8 42.1 5 55.6 3 30.0 1.32
Logistics 6 31.6 2 22.2 4 40.0
Medical 5 26.3 2 22.2 3 30.0
Note. Due to missing data, sample sizes vary.

p < .001.
on returning home after deployment and adjustment to civilian life. The third
and last part of the interview focused on how veterans looked back on their
peacekeeping experiences and the significance of deployment to the rest of
their lives. All 19 interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed. Personal
information was deleted to protect participants’ confidentiality.
Data Analysis
The data were analyzed using fragmenting and connecting (Dey, 1993).
Fragmenting was carried out through line-by-line analysis and labeling
fragments of text with codes (Boeije, 2005; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). The
process of code-and-retrieve was conducted using the software program

MAXqda2 (Kuckartz, 2004). The coding system was created by moving
back and forth between the interviews, the preliminary findings, and the
theoretical framework.
First, the interviews of the veterans without posttraumatic stress reac-
tions were analyzed. Then the interviews of the veterans with posttraumatic
stress reactions were analyzed to explore differences in perceptions of mean-
ing. For example, themes such as ‘‘comradeship,’’ ‘‘military performance,’’
and ‘‘personal gain’’ emerged from the interviews. Later on, these categories
were further specified and connected to higher order categories.
RESULTS
When examining the personal meanings veterans attribute to their peace-

keeping experiences in Cambodia, several themes emerged. Figure 1 shows
a model reflecting the major themes. During deployment in Cambodia, the

major themes were no ordinary world, military performance, comradeship,
and rewarding efforts. After returning home, major themes also included
comradeship and professional skills, knowledge of life and self-confidence,
and increased value for life. These themes are illustrated with quotations
from interviewees, who were assigned numbers V1 to V9 for veterans
without posttraumatic stress reactions and VW1 to VW10 for veterans with
FIGURE 1 Model of veterans’ meanings of peacekeeping in Cambodia.

posttraumatic stress reactions. First, we will describe the themes from the
interviews with veterans without posttraumatic stress reactions. Then differ-
ences in processing the new experiences between veterans with and without
posttraumatic stress reactions will be described.
Themes From the Interviews

NO ORDINARY WORLD
Veterans without posttraumatic stress reactions were very anxious to go to
Cambodia and had a strong belief in the purpose of the mission. Although
they were trained for the job, especially the ones with a Marine background,
it was not possible to be prepared completely for this kind of reality. The
country’s smells and sounds were uncommon. The beauty of the country
was quite astonishing and the Cambodian culture had many treasures to offer,
for example Angkor Wat. Besides these positive impressions of Cambodia,
the country was perceived as primitive and different from home. After cross-
ing the border, these men faced ‘‘culture shock’’ by entering a strange new
world: primitive living arrangements, different natural surroundings, and
strange people. One of the participants stressed the differences with home:
You drove into the Middle Ages. We crossed the border at Poi Pet and
there the asphalt and infrastructure just stopped. Everything ends at the
border. You entered that country, and it smells, and you can’t imagine
how different it is over there. (V8)
The first battalion experienced these differences most strongly, since

these men had to build their camps in the middle of the jungle. After a while,
living in Cambodia became more of a routine, for example, when the daily
routine involved carrying out patrols on a regular basis or when medical tasks
were performed during specific hours. Furthermore, there were strict rules to
leave the camp only when on duty. During spare time, participants also men-
tioned that it was possible to watch a movie or relax by doing sports.
A significant daily stressor was the constant presence of danger created
by the conflicting parties in Cambodia. For example, shootings and killings
around the camp frequently were mentioned. Especially the veterans who
performed military operational tasks were faced with life-threatening situa-
tions, such as being ambushed or held at gunpoint at checkpoints by the con-
flicting parties. The interviewees without posttraumatic stress reactions did
not talk in large terms about dangerous events, and sometimes even referred
to them as ‘‘incidents,’’ doubting whether they really felt threatened back
then: ‘‘Did I feel threatened? No, you were trained for the job, you knew
the drill, and you know what is going to happen’’ (V2).
Veterans often mentioned seeing local people wounded or dying
because of land mines. Especially when children were victims of these
incidents, memories still were very vivid. As one interviewee described,

‘‘Most distressing were children who missed body parts, like a hand.’’ Parti-
cipants also had to confront other values about life and death. They got the
impression that human life in Cambodia was not worth as much as in
Western society. Participants described that dead people were burned and
left on the side of the road instead of being buried.
On the other hand, participants were quite impressed by the friendly
spirits of the Cambodian people after being oppressed so long by the Pol
Pot regime. Children were very pleased when participants gave them a
bottle of cold drink. Locals even invited them into their homes to share
their meals. Some participants developed close relationships with local
people by working closely together and sharing knowledge on how to
build water pumps.
In facing this dangerous but at the same time adventurous world, part-
icipants emphasized that mental preparation was important in dealing with
these unpredictable circumstances. Most importantly, they were trained
within a team, especially the ones with a Marine background, and were pre-
pared to operate in a team during the mission. Deployment was perceived as
part of their job because this is what they were trained to do: ‘‘Well, it was my
duty. To be honest, it was a trick, every time in a different country. Yes,
ready. What I said in the beginning, if it pleases the Queen’’ (V9).
These interviewees strongly believed in the goal of the mission of
supporting the Cambodian people and experienced a sense of mastery by
focusing on their tasks. This focus gave them a clear sense of purpose for
handling extreme situations. In their stories, participants described many
actions and incidents they encountered during their time in Cambodia that
clearly demonstrated this focus. When looking back, their military effort
became a driving force in making sense of peacekeeping in Cambodia,
which we will elaborate on in the next section.
MILITARY PERFORMANCE
An important aspect of military performance at the Marines Corps is operat-
ing within a team. The participants’ stories revealed that the social identity of
the group in performing the job was emphasized much more than the indi-
vidual identity. In addition, each Marine had a personal friend for protection
in case of emergencies during patrols or incidents, and for support in per-
sonal issues during the mission. Participants felt part of a bigger picture in
which everybody had his own significant duty to fulfill.
Well, if you are driving a patrol at night, and you see the enemy, and you
have to fire and the rest is watching my trace, watching where I am going
to shoot and everybody fires over there because they don’t see anything,
then I am their eyes. Well, in that way you have a big responsibility. (V8)
This interviewee emphasizes how they all watched each other’s backs
and how closely the group had to cooperate during patrols. But also he por-
trays the significance of his own contribution, as he sees himself as ‘‘the eyes’’
of the group. Without him, the rest of the group would be very vulnerable.
The attention interviewees paid to the morale of the group and the trust
they had in each other as professionals was most striking. There was good
fellowship involved when colleagues shared responsibility, respected each
other’s efforts, and tried to learn from each other. Older and more experi-
enced soldiers tried to support the less experienced ones; stronger ones
helped the weaker ones; and medics taught nonmedics to assist them with
medical operations.
As soldiers, participants were trained to fixate on spotting danger. As
one veteran described, ‘‘You were fixated. That is why I will never ever for-
get the sound of a mortar which was thrown next to me on the ground.’’ At
the same time, to handle these extreme circumstances, participants had to
distance themselves from the emotional impact. For example, one participant
said, after referring to a horrible incident in which a child was run over in
front of his eyes:
Keeping distance. Yes. Just to protect yourself from becoming too vulner-
able. That you won’t take in too much, because if you do that, yes then
you can’t perform the task that you were sent out to do. I mean, we were
there for these people. It’s as simple as that. That is the reason you are
there. (V5)
Besides keeping emotional distance in order to do the job, it was clear

that participants were anxious to make a difference by their performance.
Statements such as ‘‘If I do something I go for the best’’ and ‘‘I made myself
very useful over there’’ frequently were made during the interviews. Some
veterans mentioned feeling the need to intervene in escalating situations
during deployment, but they were not allowed to because of the restrictive
rules of engagement. Therefore, standing by and witnessing horrific acts
against the local people and being challenged by the conflicting parties
made them feel very frustrated and powerless.
Their performance was characterized by an orientation toward solu-
tions. When meeting a difficult situation, they assessed the situation and
made a decision on how best to act upon it. One example occurred when
radios were handed out to the local population so they could learn about
the results of the elections. But when the radios were being handed out,
there was so much pushing that people got crushed and even killed. Then
the Marine in charge dug a large hole and buried all of the radios. He
commented: ‘‘It was over, that problem was solved’’ (V9).
Facing these difficult situations together, trusting and relying on each
other to handle these extreme circumstances, created a very special bond
among them.
COMRADESHIP
Most striking was the comradeship that developed during the mission among
soldiers and officers of the unit, as was emphasized by most participants.
These men had a strong bond in believing in the purpose of the mission,
relying on each other, and sharing the good and the bad as a professional
team.
Comradeship reflected a strong bond among members of the team
that provided much comfort and support during their stay in a strange
new world. The intensity of this bond is expressed by the following
citation:
Yes, we went through fire for each other. We said, if something happens,
we come back with all of us. How, it doesn’t matter, but we support each
other as a group. That was an unspoken law. (V6)
Whatever happened, they would stick together. This unspoken pact

created strong positive feelings among soldiers during the mission. Solidarity
and responsibility were very effective in performing military tasks in
Cambodia, but also were missed strongly when soldiers were outside the
‘‘brotherhood’’ or were reminisced about later on in their lives. Some parti-
cipants went back home for a period of rest and recreation during the
mission. But during their short stay at home, they found it very difficult to
get along with friends and family and wanted to get straight back to their
‘‘brothers.’’ Even years after deployment, participants reminisced about and
missed this band of brotherhood.
In facing this strange new world, their military performance and the
positive feelings of comradeship gave participants a clear sense and direction
in facing difficult situations. But why did they keep on doing their job? And
what motivated them to finish the job?
REWARDING THEIR EFFORTS

As the soldiers left Cambodia, they saw with their own eyes that they made a
difference. The country revived, villages popped up, trade and commerce
emerged. The local people felt safe enough to pick up their lives. Participants
saw locals start building houses, women get pregnant, and children playing.
Taking home these images when leaving the country made participants feel
satisfied with what they had accomplished. Participants mostly felt rewarded
by being able to do something good for the local people, especially when
they made themselves very useful:
I have never regretted that I went over there, absolutely not. But I have
had a good time, despite the things we saw and experienced. I mean, we
have done a lot of good things, helped many people and made them
happy. Those things. (V5)
Helping the local people by providing schools and hospitals made their
contribution very valuable in a practical sense. The soldiers felt appreciated
by the Cambodian people for their effort. Moreover, participants who carried
out medical tasks experienced this kind of gratitude and appreciation more
closely when taking care of local people wounded by mine explosions
and preventing them from dying of malaria by giving medicines. Feelings
of fulfillment and appreciation gave participants something to look back
on with proud feelings, and they acknowledged that they had made a
difference by their performance.
A few participants received a token of gratitude for their exceptional
performance during the mission by their employer. But most interviewees
were not very impressed by getting medals for their performance. They felt
most rewarded for their efforts by feeling fulfillment about what they had
accomplished, both as part of a team and because of their own personal

contribution. These feelings of fulfillment were supported by gratitude from
the local people and seeing how the country revived.
PERSONAL GAIN
By facing difficult circumstances together as a professional team, stabilizing
the country, and providing humanitarian aid to the Cambodian people, the
interviewees developed professional skills and perspectives they otherwise
would not have had. The life experiences that interviewees gained created
opportunities in their future careers in or outside the military force.
Most participants emphasized how they developed their military skills
during their mission in Cambodia. By facing another reality in Cambodia,
they learned how to handle difficult situations, but they also realized how dif-
ficult it was to prepare for the real thing. Preparation consisted, among other
things, of lessons in shooting, lectures about culture and religion in the host
country, treatment of tropical diseases and casualties, rehearsals in curbing
riots, team building, dealing with the rules of engagement, coping with
stress, and ‘‘after action reviews’’ to evaluate the training components. While
in Cambodia, they still met surprises and they realized that reality always will
be different from exercises.
A couple of interviewees benefited from their military skills in their pro-
fession or used them in their spare time. One participant wanted to introduce
the basics of training rehearsals to improve efficiency in commercial business
by starting his own business as a coach. Another interviewee worked at an
international organization in which he otherwise would not be working.
Due to his experience with logistical tasks, another interviewee organized
large events on a regular basis in his spare time.
Participants frequently mentioned having gained more life experience.

As one interviewee put it:
I gained a lot of life experience which I can take with me in a backpack

as extra luggage. Peacekeeping was a positive experience which
increased my knowledge of man. It is an extreme situation you have
experienced, which is not experienced by everyone. (V8)
For some interviewees, this extra luggage was perceived as more

personal strength and increased independence. As their military effort gave
a sense of fulfillment, it also made them proud of what they had accomplished
far from home. When he returned home from Cambodia, one interviewee
said, he understood what values were. He recognized the affluence of our
society. Other participants recounted that they are less condemning toward
others. They have gained knowledge about life and used this knowledge to
inform others and raise their children with the wisdom that there is poverty
as well as affluence. Most importantly, they also benefited from this increased
appreciation for life that enabled them to distinguish between major and
minor personal issues. For example, as one participant expressed:
Being happy with the small things in life, instead of chasing things other
people have. If you can be satisfied with what you have, and not thinking
about what you don’t have, you will have a happier life. (V2)
Eight of the nine interviewees without posttraumatic stress reactions

referred in some way to this increased value for life after peacekeeping in
Cambodia. This change of mind by ‘‘appreciating more what you have’’
was especially present after homecoming. They reported that family and
friends were sometimes surprised by this ‘‘other person’’ who came back
with still one leg in the other world. In time, this increased value for life faded
somewhat, but memories of the misery and misfortune in Cambodia kept
reminding them of how fortunate they were in Western life.
Differences in Processing the New Experiences

Differences between veterans with and without posttraumatic stress reactions
were concentrated mainly in perceptions of danger, witnessing an unjust
world in Cambodia, and coming to terms with the different worlds.
PERCEIVED THREAT
Compared to their more resilient counterparts, the interviewees with post-
traumatic stress reactions described more life threat in their stories. They
made remarks like ‘‘now it is over’’ or ‘‘I hope I will live through this’’
and therefore realized their vulnerability. Surrounded by the unpredictable

nature of the enemy and also being restricted by the rules of engagement,
they felt more helpless and fearful during attacks or shootings. For
example, the unpredictability of the enemy was expressed by the following
comment:
We drove in a truck when passing another pickup truck. I was seated

in the front when he suddenly drove in front of us. He pointed a
weapon at me. What is happening? Yeah, then you do nothing. Every-
thing is going through your mind. Thinking now it is over. And then he
pointed the weapon down, starts to laugh, and the pickup truck moves
on. (VW9)
It appeared that veterans with posttraumatic stress reactions were less

able to keep emotional distance: Danger came closer and they feared
more for their lives. In many of the incidents seen as life threatening,
if-then thinking was found, such as ‘‘If the mortar shell had hit the camp,
then we would all have been killed’’ (VW4). This phenomenon is referred
to as overgeneralizing (Ehlers & Clark, 2000). Fate thinking also was
involved, for example, ‘‘I have escaped so often, one day it must be
my time’’ (VW6).
Some of these interviewees admit that only afterward did they realize
the danger. At the moment itself, they thought it to be adventurous. Seven
interviewees reported that adventure, in particular seeing the world, was part
of their motivation to be deployed. But the word adventure was not used
anymore when they perceived a high risk of losing their lives. As one
interviewee explained:
As a young man I did not realize. Are you talking nonsense, you go; we
have to do our job. That is why I became a Marine. Now that I am older, I
think differently about things—about the danger of being deployed to
such an area as young Marines. It can be dangerous and you go there
with other thoughts. You could think ‘‘I am a Marine’’ and you go there
as a tough guy or you go there realizing the danger you are in but that
you have to do your duty. Do you understand? If you are young, you
do things easier. (VW7)
UNJUST WORLD
Interviewees with posttraumatic stress reactions were shocked by cultural
differences in dealing with the dead. They were not able to come to terms
with the worthlessness of a human life. As one interviewee pointed out:
‘‘They just threw them on a wagon and then they burned them on the
square’’ (VW6).
They also emphasized the disastrous effects of land mines, especially for
children. They were struck by the many casualties and stressed this injustice
and misery:
Wounded children by mine accidents. Yes, that makes a deep

impression. If people are wounded or killed, they do not notice them-
selves, but if children are torn to pieces, yes that touches you. (VW3)
Moreover, veterans with posttraumatic stress reactions felt more helpless

because they were not able to reduce the poverty that resulted from what
they perceived as a corrupt regime. They had the impression that everyone
was trying to save his own skin. And when trying to help, they were
confronted with the official policy:
If you see poverty, you can’t do anything. We were forbidden to give the
children anything. No candy, no biscuits and then you see those hungry
faces. Then you think f—you and you feel powerless. (VW9)
In contrast, veterans without posttraumatic stress reactions were more

able to put these cultural differences and horrible mine accidents of children
in perspective. They empathized with the victims of mines, but they did not
feel guilty of causing the accidents. They noted that the Netherlands is pros-
perous and that Cambodia is poor, but they did not feel guilty about the
injustice because it was perceived as beyond their scope to do something
about it. Veterans without stress reactions were able to put their own per-
formance in perspective. They knew that they could relieve some of the pov-
erty, but could not take it away. They realized that they could help the
wounded but that they could not heal everyone. They could take away some
of the corruption, but not restore all injustice. In short, they perceived their
performance as doing professionally what they could.
CAUGHT BETWEEN WORLDS

Veterans returning home have seen more than others. They witnessed
humans being dangerous, cruel, unreliable, egoistic, cowardly, and merci-
less. After homecoming, the ‘‘old’’ world is astonishing by having so much
wealth and comfort:
You come home, in a nice street. You step out of the airplane, and every-
thing is nice and green, people in beautiful clothes and expensive cars.
You take a shower in your home, a nice shower. You pull open the fridge
and there is all that food. Yes, really childish actually. What a fortune do
I have here. Hup, and there you are out of the movie, back with both
feet on the ground and picking up were we left. (VW7)
Most veterans with posttraumatic stress reactions felt lost between two
worlds and disconnected from the world at home. They felt not understood
by family and friends (8 out of 10 interviews). More than half were capable of
relating to their partners, but some could not even talk to them. When talking
to others, they discovered that the audience gets bored after a while. For
example, ‘‘I made a video they could look at and after 5 minutes they were
bored. Then I think I turn it off because it is nonsense’’ (VW6).
Veterans without stress reactions also felt a strong bond with their
comrades, but they accept that others cannot relate to these deployment
experiences. They are also more willing to talk about their experiences with
others who seriously are interested.
Furthermore, veterans with posttraumatic stress reactions were irritated
with the ignorant people around them. They appeared to be angry with them
because they do not realize the prosperity they live in. Veterans felt offended
when other people act ignorant, do not eat the food, spoil water, bathe in
luxury, or make a fuss about nothing worthwhile:
Water from the tap. People can afford to discuss certain things, just as in
the hospital. There is a patient who has dementia who is 102 years old
suffering from kidney failure but we are going to operate for a new
hip. Yes, in Holland, this is possible, which is nice. But over there, there
are children, 3 or 4 years old, who are dying due to a lack of drinking
water. What are we talking about? At the beginning, I felt this way very
often. Then, when you return home you wonder how these people
can whine about things you are not allowed to whine about. (VW10)
These veterans have the impression that no one can understand them.
The participants without posttraumatic stress reactions also share the feeling
that Western people don’t realize how fortunate they are. But they are better
able to keep things in perspective and are not so agitated about spoiled
behavior of other people. They use their new perspective for their own bene-
fit, for example, to reduce stress during daily life or appreciate things they
have in life.
Furthermore, veterans with posttraumatic stress reactions felt less
appreciated for their effort by their employer. They talked about being dis-
appointed for not getting the support and care they needed after deploy-
ment and felt unappreciated for the risks they took. Some experienced
mental health problems for years after their deployment, which changed
their planned careers and future perspective. Table 2 shows the differences
in subthemes between veterans with and without posttraumatic stress
reactions.
Figure 1 illustrates the two worlds veterans face as a result of military
deployment and the meanings they attribute to peacekeeping in Cambodia.
The narratives from veterans with posttraumatic stress reactions suggest that
they could not live in the ‘‘new’’ world, and that now they cannot live in the
TABLE 2 Themes Related to Peacekeeping in Cambodia.
Veterans without Veterans with

All posttraumatic posttraumatic
Themes Subthemes veterans stress reactions stress reactions
No ordinary Primitive circumstances X

world Danger X
Feeling powerless X
Different culture X
Different values X
Seeing people wounded X
and dying
Friendly spirits X
Mental preparation X
Life threat X
Human life is worthless X
Unjust world X
Military Part of a team X
performance Fellowship X
Fixated on danger X
Distancing X
Ambitious X
Solution-focused X
Felt helplessness during X
attacks and shootings
Comradeship Strong bond X
Believing in purpose X
of mission
Comfort and support X
Solidarity and responsibility X
Rewarding Fulfillment X
efforts Appreciation by local people X
Appreciation by employer X
Not appreciated by employer X
Personal gain Professional skills X
Life experience X
Self-confidence X
Increased value for life X
Processing new In perspective X
experiences Part of the job X
Sense of mastery X
Caught between worlds X
Agitation X
Existential questions X
‘‘old’’ world, either. So they are lost in between. This is expressed in their
fascination and admiration of how the local people in Cambodia survived
and existed. They are occupied with ruminations of how they could be
happy after all this misery and people in their own country do not seem to
be happy despite the prosperity:
They don’t have anything, they do not want things and they feel it is fine
like that. People are satisfied with what they have. They aren’t upset
about that. Material things and such, they are familiar with and they are
not in need. (VW5)
Besides searching for an answer explaining these different worlds that

coexist in their minds, they also struggle with unfinished emotional business
that keeps their minds occupied, reminded about Cambodia by watching the
news or by certain smells. For example, one participant was triggered by
smells while working:
As part of my job, I replaced a boiler. When I came to the homes of for-

eigners, certain smells reminded me of Cambodia. Often when I entered
these houses, I felt not well; I felt threatened. (VW2)
Some participants became emotional when thinking back about trau-

matic experiences in Cambodia. One interviewee deliberately tries to avoid
thinking about Cambodia because he wants closure. Unfortunately, images
keep haunting him when he gets triggered by environmental cues:
I don’t want to be reminded of Cambodia. I want closure . . . . A lot of

things with other veterans. I want out, I don’t want to talk with people.
Every time these images keep coming back stronger. Things keep com-
ing back bigger than I want them to be. Because it was already gone, I
discussed it with nobody, and every time because of these reminders it
keeps coming back. That is my impression. And I don’t want that. That
is finished, I want to turn it off. I’m ready. (VW7)
For veterans without stress reactions, there were no existential questions

unanswered that relate to their time in Cambodia. Their experiences had not
shattered basic assumptions, the meaning of life, or the value of their own
lives. Behavior that they witnessed is put into perspective, as they acknowl-
edge that it is only human to behave like that in certain conditions. Experi-
ences such as like cruelty and misery are constructed in terms of
belonging to human behavior. They argued that when a nation has been ter-
rorized for years, the worth of human life diminishes. Taking bribes is a nor-
mal thing to do when one has nothing to lose. The interviewees find it quite
normal that cultures differ and that it is not like home in Cambodia.
A couple of these veterans admit to having been afflicted for a time.
When they first returned home, they were irritated by the people around
them complaining about what seemed to be trivialities. Some of them had
a confidant to talk to, but none of them felt the urge to talk over and over
again about their experiences or personal problems. One veteran noticed
emotional numbness: He could not feel love anymore, not for his girlfriend,
not for his parents, not for God, for no one. The feeling of love had gone.
Over time, he recovered and his feelings came back, although he never
became the same person as before the mission. Two interviewees said that
they have more distrust and are somewhat reserved toward others. But over-
all, veterans without stress reactions have a positive view of their deployment
experiences and are strengthened in their idea that they can master these
situations: ‘‘I have had a good time and I think that you make that time.
You can create a lot of opportunities within your work. I feel that I have
made the most of it’’ (V9).
DISCUSSION
Findings of this qualitative study show that former peacekeepers had mean-
ingful memories about their military service in Cambodia. Interviewees with-
out stress responses had found meaning in their peacekeeping experiences,
whereas interviewees with stress responses were in search of meaning. In
particular, the latter perceived more life threat during their mission; they
questioned the injustice in the world and felt caught between worlds.
All veterans without stress responses assigned positive meaning to their

deployment to Cambodia. These veterans clearly achieved comprehensibility
over what had happened to them and found personal gain from the experi-
ence for their present lives. Compared to the stories of veterans with stress
responses, their stories reflected a greater sense of personal strength,
self-reliance, and self-respect through a feeling of fulfillment for their effort
and appreciation for a successful job. They had put their experiences in per-
spective and realized that the world is not completely controllable or predict-
able. Their narratives reflected a coherent story of images, thoughts, and
feelings (Neimeyer, 2006). They had positive memories of their peacekeep-
ing in Cambodia that were part of their identity. The acknowledgment of dif-
ferent worlds that coexist and acceptance of the limitations of their military
performance allowed the generation of personal gains in their present lives
(Janoff-Bulman & Yopyk, 2004; Taylor, 1983). Moreover, they felt that their
military efforts had been rewarded and evoked positive emotions that pro-
moted esteem and well-being (Siegrist, 1996; Vegchel, Jonge, Bosma, &
Schaufeli, 2004).
The stories of the veterans with stress reactions reflected loss of basic
security as a result of exposure to a world beyond imagination with respect
to suffering and poverty: a world in which good people die either by acci-
dents or by violent acts of other people (Janoff-Bulman, 1992). These parti-
cipants were searching for answers to existential questions that kept
occupying their minds because life loses value and predictability. However,
maladaptive coping styles (Ehlers & Clark, 2000) such as overgeneralizing or
intentionally not thinking about the experiences prevented them from reap-
praising threatening incidents that they experienced during deployment. Or
they struggled with changing expectations about reality they had prior to
deployment. Therefore, they remained caught between two worlds, as
reflected in the need to understand and accept their new experiences.

According to Payne, Joseph, and Tudway (2007), this demonstrates a motiv-
ation toward accommodation. This search for meaning can be considered as
gaining secondary control over the events (Rothbaum et al., 1982).
Comradeship provided much comfort and support during as well as
after deployment. During deployment it gave participants a sense of trust
and safety to perform their job and a place to turn to for emotional support
in the absence of their families. After deployment comradeship made adjust-
ment to home easier because they could share their experiences with
‘‘brothers.’’ For participants with stress reactions, these ties seemed more
important because they felt not understood by nonveterans. They felt alie-
nated from others who had not shared the experience and the emotions.
Recent research by Laffaye, Cavella, Drescher, and Rosen (2008) confirmed
these findings. They found that veteran peers provided important and
highly valued support for veterans treated for chronic PTSD. At the same
time, this may lead to a risk of social isolation (e.g., Hunt & Robbins,
2001). Only sharing deployment experiences with other veterans may pre-
vent the reconciliation of traumatic memories. Sharing their experience with
others helps them elaborate on the traumatic memories and integrate their
experiences with other autobiographical memories (Ehlers & Clark, 2000).
In the act of sharing their experiences with others, they also may overcome
their distrust of the world and create a meaningful world again (Mooren &
Kleber, 2001).
According to Bonanno (2004), the majority of people exposed to poten-
tial trauma will recover after a short period or do not have to recover at all.
Does this mean that a subgroup of veterans may never be involved in a
search for meaning? Resilient veterans may use coping strategies more flex-
ibly, by varying perceptual and behavioral patterns across situations, having
a good fit between the nature of coping strategies and the characteristics of
stressful situations, and perceiving effectiveness in attaining their goals
(Cheng, 2001). Overall, their perception of controllability may be optimally
attuned across threatening situations.
For those in need of meaning, it may be necessary to resolve meaning as
comprehensibility before they can create meaning in the sense of signifi-
cance (Davis et al., 1998; Janoff-Bulman & Yopyk, 2004; Joseph & Linley,
2005). In the literature, much emphasis has been placed on positive changes
after adversity or so-called benefit finding, posttraumatic growth, or
stress-related growth, although the question remains if self-reports of positive
changes are beneficial for psychological adjustment (Helgeson et al., 2006;
Zoellner & Maercker, 2006). According to Janoff-Bulman and Yopyk
(2004), before personal benefits can be generated, randomness and future
vulnerability must be encoded in a new constructed assumptive world. Only
then is a change in focus possible from more existential questions about the
meaning of life to more personal issues related to meaning in life.
Resilience, or the recovery from posttraumatic stress reactions, appears

to be fostered by having a strong belief in the purpose of the mission and by
being able to keep emotional distance. Afterward, a sense of fulfillment and
feeling appreciated for their efforts gave veterans meaningful memories to
look back on. These resilient factors deserve further investigation in longi-
tudinal research on psychological adaptation after deployment. Furthermore,
keeping emotional distance during extreme situations can be trained and
optimizes mental preparation for soldiers. For example, exposure to
wounded and dead people prior to deployment prevents overwhelming
reactions when soldiers are faced with comparable circumstances during
deployment. Moreover, veterans who adapted well after peacekeeping
operations may serve as role models for the new coming generation of sol-
diers. Their expertise can inform future veterans about realistic expectations
and handling difficult situations and provide instrumental and emotional
support on mental adaptation.
Some limitations of our research have to be discussed. First, the purpos-
ive sampling procedure decreases the generalizability of our findings. Veter-

ans who experienced less extreme events and reported medium levels of
posttraumatic stress reactions were excluded. However, purposive sampling
allowed us to compare groups of veterans with and without posttraumatic
stress reactions and to explore in more depth meaning processes related to
stress responses. Second, the findings could be subject to other interpreta-
tions. However, a validity check was conducted to enhance validity by the
second and third authors to ensure that interpretations were grounded in
the text (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The third author and a methodological
expert critically examined the first author’s interpretations of links between
transcripts and the developing of recurring themes.
Future research should replicate the findings of this study in order to
increase the reliability of the results. Moreover, less successful military opera-
tions may show different relationships between themes of meaning among
resilient veterans. For example, the military operation to former Yugoslavia
in Srebrenica ended with an enormous tragedy. Veterans received little social
recognition for their military effort and were blamed for their lack of military
performance to protect the local people. An important part of creating mean-
ing in these difficult circumstances may come from comradeship instead of
feeling rewarded for their effort. Moreover, longitudinal research is recom-
mended to find out more about the psychological adaptiveness of meaning
as comprehensibility versus meaning as personal significance. As mentioned
earlier, it is not known whether some of the veterans without stress
responses also had to come to terms with meaning making as comprehensi-
bility and if they have recovered from shattering deployment experiences.
Following veterans in their meaning-making processes over time also can
shed more light on assimilation versus accommodation processes to integrate
their military experiences successfully. If accommodation requires more
psychological effort (Dalgliesh, 2004), it is important to find out more about

how changing existing beliefs can best be supported and facilitated.
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Michaela L. Schok, Ph.D., is a psychologist and researcher at the Dutch Veterans

Institute, specializing in the psychological adaptation after war and peacekeeping and
the psychological effects of deployment on partners and children.
Rolf J. Kleber, Ph.D., is Professor of Psychotraumatology, Department of Clinical &

Health Psychology, at Utrecht University and Head Research of the Institute for Psycho-
trauma, Centrum ’45 The Netherlands. His research and teaching fields are: conceptual
issues concerning traumatic stress, general processes of coping with traumatic experi-
ences, work related trauma and brief interventions, (late) sequelae of war and disasters,
and cross-cultural aspects of health, trauma, and illness.
Hennie R. Boeije, Ph.D., is an associate professor at Utrecht University in the

Netherlands and specializes in qualitative research methods. Her current research is
in meta-synthesis and mixed-methods research.

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This article was downloaded by: [Schok, Michaela]

On: 1 July 2010

Journal of Loss and Trauma

Men With a Mission: Veterans' Meanings of Peacekeeping in Cambodia

Online publication date: 29 June 2010

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf

Men With a Mission: Veterans’ Meanings

This qualitative study examines veterans’ meanings of peacekeeping

Many soldiers currently are being deployed to conflict areas worldwide,

Received 11 June 2009; accepted 1 September 2009.

stress responses (Horowitz, 2001) and Janoff-Bulman’s theory of assumptive

information is reappraised to fit mental models (assimilation), or if existing

The principle of maximization led us to choose one peacekeeping oper-

the qualitative study.

TABLE 1 Descriptive Characteristics of UNTAC Veterans With and Without Posttraumatic

Without With posttraumatic

Age (years) 42.47 8.78 43.44 11.02 41.60 6.65 0.66

Married=living together 19 100.0 9 100.0 10 100.0

Note. Due to missing data, sample sizes vary.

process of code-and-retrieve was conducted using the software program

When examining the personal meanings veterans attribute to their peace-

a model reflecting the major themes. During deployment in Cambodia, the

FIGURE 1 Model of veterans’ meanings of peacekeeping in Cambodia.

Themes From the Interviews

The first battalion experienced these differences most strongly, since

incidents, memories still were very vivid. As one interviewee described,

Besides keeping emotional distance in order to do the job, it was clear

Whatever happened, they would stick together. This unspoken pact

REWARDING THEIR EFFORTS

accomplished, both as part of a team and because of their own personal

Participants frequently mentioned having gained more life experience.

I gained a lot of life experience which I can take with me in a backpack

For some interviewees, this extra luggage was perceived as more

Eight of the nine interviewees without posttraumatic stress reactions

Differences in Processing the New Experiences

and therefore realized their vulnerability. Surrounded by the unpredictable

We drove in a truck when passing another pickup truck. I was seated

It appeared that veterans with posttraumatic stress reactions were less

Wounded children by mine accidents. Yes, that makes a deep

Moreover, veterans with posttraumatic stress reactions felt more helpless

In contrast, veterans without posttraumatic stress reactions were more

CAUGHT BETWEEN WORLDS

TABLE 2 Themes Related to Peacekeeping in Cambodia.

Veterans without Veterans with

No ordinary Primitive circumstances X

Besides searching for an answer explaining these different worlds that

As part of my job, I replaced a boiler. When I came to the homes of for-

Some participants became emotional when thinking back about trau-

keep haunting him when he gets triggered by environmental cues:

I don’t want to be reminded of Cambodia. I want closure . . . . A lot of

For veterans without stress reactions, there were no existential questions

All veterans without stress responses assigned positive meaning to their

reflected in the need to understand and accept their new experiences.

Resilience, or the recovery from posttraumatic stress reactions, appears

ive sampling procedure decreases the generalizability of our findings. Veter-

psychological effort (Dalgliesh, 2004), it is important to find out more about

Bonanno, G. A. (2004). Loss, trauma, and human resilience. Have we underesti-

associations. Aging and Mental Health, 5, 175–182.

Neimeyer, R. A. (2006). Complicated grief and the reconstruction of meaning.

en symptomen bij Nederlandse militairen en veteranen [Posttraumatic stress

Zoellner, T., & Maercker, A. (2006). Posttraumatic growth in clinical psychology—A