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The Mendoza Family in the Spanish Renaissance 1350-1550 Helen Nader 3 Pedro Lpez de Ayala and the For at!on o" #endoza Att!t$de%
&'() The Mendoza's political behavior during the Trastmara revolution and immediately afterwards was an improvised response to a series of exceptional situations. Later generations of the family, by adapting to changing conditions, matched the success of their ancestors but they began to see their own actions as part of a consistent pattern of behavior and values, a family tradition that could be traced bac! to the foundations of the Trastmara dynasty. The fifteenth"century Mendoza imbibed this family tradition principally from the historical wor!s of their ancestor, #edro L$pez de %yala &d. '()*+, canciller mayor of ,astile and the pivotal intellectual figure of early Trastmara ,astile. %yala utilized the literary and rhetorical s!ills he learned as a boy in %vignon to write the political propaganda of the triumphant Trastmara revolution and in the process, he wrote the first -enaissance history in ,astile, the Crnica del rey don Pedro. %yala's lifelong contacts with %vignon his political involvement in the illegitimate Trastmara monarchy his study, translation, and imitation of classical and modern models, all prepared him for the writing of -enaissance historical propaganda. Li!e his .talian contemporaries, #etrarch and /alutati, %yala, through his genius shaped the esthetics and opinions of generations of his descendants in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. #edro L$pez de %yala was educated under the influence of two men0 his father, 1ernn #2rez de %yala &d. '345+, and his great"uncle, cardinal #edro 6$mez 7arroso &d. '3(4+. #edro L$pez was exceptionally close to his father "" 1ernn #2rez says that his son's attentions and obedience to &'*) his parents far exceeded the ordinary bonds of filial duty "" who was a man of exceptional political and intellectual abilities.&'+ 1ernn #2rez's grandfather and his oldest brother were both !illed in ambushes in %lava and his father &d. c. '33)+ moved to ,astile and became the adelantado mayor of Murcia, first for don 8uan Manuel and then for %lfonso 9.. %s a young man, 1ernn #2rez served in the household of Leonor de ,astilla and in '3(:, %lfonso 9. sent him to %ragon to negotiate a marriage settlement between Leonor and the %ragonese !ing. %fter successfully arranging the marriage terms, 1ernn #2rez went on to %vignon to negotiate the necessary papal dispensation. There he visited his uncle, cardinal #edro 6$mez, and his son, who was being educated in the cardinal's household. .n '3(;, at the siege of 6ibraltar, 1ernn #2rez bought from the !ing's mistress, Leonor de 6uzmn, most of the lands, fortresses, and seigneurial <urisdiction in several valleys of %lava, thus becoming the largest landlord and most powerful se=or of the area.&>+ /oon afterward, !ing #edro named him alguacil mayor &chief constable+ of the city of Toledo and 1ernn #2rez began to form marriage alliances between his numerous children and those of 1ernn 6$mez de Toledo, one of the most influential &and prolific+ members of the city government. %lthough 1ernn #2rez's political interests were focused on Toledo, he tried to maintain some !ind of rational authority over his %lavese territories by drawing up a fuero defining the <udicial structure of the lands of %yala. This Fuero de Ayala "" a valuable example of seigneurial legislative activity "" and a genealogical history of his family that he probably wrote in imitation of don 8uan Manuel's history of his own royal lineage are the only !nown writings of 1ernn #2rez de %yala. 7oth the Fuero and the genealogy were read, copied, added to, and commented upon by generations of 1ernn #2rez's descendants, even those who had no seigneurial

<urisdiction in %lava.&3+ .n addition to his political role in forming the biological and political Mendoza family in the wa!e of the Trastmara wars, 1ernn #2rez through his writings exercised an intellectual influence in forming the family's sense of itself as an ancestral reference group associated with the province of %lava. 1ernn #2rez intended #edro L$pez de %yala for a career in the church, and to this end he sent his son to %vignon to be educated and advanced in his career by cardinal #edro 6$mez 7arroso. 1ernn #2rez was the legal heir and favorite nephew of the cardinal and the boy immediately benefited from the patronage of his great"uncle by receiving a benefice in the cathedral of Toledo. #edro L$pez's tutelage under the cardinal did not last long, for the cardinal died in the plague of '3(4, &'+) when #edro L$pez was sixteen years old but the youth was deeply influenced both by his education in the cardinal's household and by the cultural and intellectual ambience of %vignon at midcentury. .n the fourteenth century, %vignon was a focal point of the ?uropean world. @hen ,lement A &'3)5" '3'(+ fled -ome and settled in %vignon with his curia and chancery, %vignon replaced -ome as the center of an international bureaucracy. %lmost overnight the city attracted some of the best minds in ?urope "" and their libraries. .n the next twenty years, it became one of those massive concentrations of population, activity, and resources so conducive to intellectual and artistic ferment. 1rancesco #etrarch was the most brilliant product of this milieu, but he was not alone. .f we read between the lines of #etrarch's correspondence, it seems as if the whole city had filled up with enthusiastic lovers of the -oman classics. 7y '3(4, /eneca's tragedies had all been presented on stage there #etrarch and his fellow university students read not only law but also ,icero, Aergil, and Bvid. The most eagerly read 1athers were 8erome and %ugustine, who would become the favorites of the 1lorentine -enaissance because of their reputation as rhetoricians and the many manuscripts of Livy that Crban A &'3:>" '3*)+ added to the papal library show that even the <urists in the papal court were enthusiastic students of classics other than the law. #etrarch and his friends in %vignon set out to imitate and translate the classics and two of these friends, #ierre de 7erDuire and 6iovanni ,olonna, were to provide the models for /panish translations and imitations of the classics. #rior of the 7enedictine house of /t. Eilarion in #aris, 7erDuire lived in %vignon from '3>) to '3() and his 1rench translation of Livy inspired and guided %yala's later translation of Livy into ,astilian. ,olonna &d. '3(4+ devoted himself to imitating the classics with a Liber de Viris Illustribus and a Mare Historiarum, both of which served as literary models for %yala's nephew, 1ernn #2rez de 6uzmn.&(+ Modern historians tend to assume that the #yrenees were a serious barrier to travel between /pain and the rest of ?urope but fourteenth"century /paniards evidently did not find them particularly difficult to cross. Throughout the %vignon papacy, there was a steady flow of ,astilians to the papal court, see!ing patronage, political refuge, and education. .n '3;(, when %yala made his embassy to %vignon, there were about two hundred /paniards, including sixty"one ,astilians, studying law there. 1or educated /paniards, %vignon became more than a place of study and a papal court, it was a preoccupation. The ecclesiological problems posed by the papacy's transfer from &',) -ome to %vignon and the even more difficult problem of the 6reat /chism after '3*4 occupied an important place in the writing and policyma!ing of both ,astilians and %ragonese.&5+ /paniards traveled to %vignon to form alliances or negotiate settlements, and many remained to ma!e their careers in %vignon. 7ut the traffic went both ways. Most /paniards returned to /pain after completing their studies or diplomatic missions, and each might bring bac! with him a new treatise on rhetoric, a translation of Livy, a new appreciation of /eneca's tragedies, or a determination to match the -oman historians with a history of ,astile or %ragon. 7y the end of the fourteenth century, /paniards were among the most important figures at the papal court and ,astilians who had resided in %vignon were the political leaders of ,astile, including

?nriFue de Trastmara himself, who had sought refuge and assistance in %vignon during the most desperate moments of his career. The ,astilians at the papal court were greatly outnumbered by the 1rench and .talians. #ositions at the court depended upon patronage by the college of cardinals, and there were only five ,astilian cardinals throughout the entire fourteenth century. The /paniards at %vignon nevertheless played an administrative and intellectual role far greater than their insignificant numbers would lead us to expect. Most of what we !now about the %vignon papacy we owe to 1rench historians who regarded the /panish as intruders, so the effectiveness of /panish administrators and their influence on papal policy have not been appreciated by modern historians. @hile %yala was studying in %vignon, 7arroso's household was both the focus of the /panish community there and one of the political and cultural centers of the entire court. #edro 6$mez 7arroso had been a favorite of /ancho .A and was named bishop of ,artagena by %lfonso 9.. .n ,artagena, #edro 6$mez and his brother"in"law, #edro L$pez de %yala &d. c. '33)+, adelantado of the !ingdom of Murcia, tried to settle the differences between don 8uan Manuel and his nephew the !ing. .f the two brothers"in"law did not achieve the impossible in this tas!, they did accomplish something almost as difficult "" their own political survival in a situation that reFuired a delicate balance between serving the !ing and serving the rebellious don 8uan Manuel without incurring the enmity of either. .n '3>*, #edro 6$mez was named cardinal by 8ohn 99.., and he immediately established a household in %vignon. 7arroso played an important role in the papal curia from the very beginning. To the astonishment of 1rench historians, the 1rench pope, 7enedict 9.. &'33("'3(>+, appointed this G2trangerG to negotiate a truce between 1rance and ?ngland in '33*. 7arroso was also one of the inner circle of &(-) six cardinals who effectively conducted the affairs of the papacy under another 1rench pope, ,lement A. &'3(>"'35>+. %s far as we !now, 7arroso was the only cardinal to maintain a painter in his household along with the usual complement of chaplains, chamberlain, physician, servants, legal aides, and relatives. Bne of the religious currents at %vignon was a pietism that emphasized the <oys of good wor!s, and 7arroso appears to have been an enthusiastic participant. Eis good wor!s included founding the Hominican convent at /ainte"#raxIde. 7arroso also acted as patron to %lvaro #elayo, a 1ranciscan from 6alicia who had studied with Huns /cotus in #aris. .n '3>*, #elayo dedicated his ma<or wor!, Super Statu et Planctu Ecclesiae, to 7arroso.&:+ The most respected if not the only ,astilian theologian of any note during the fourteenth century, #elayo was a pioneer in grappling with the most pressing ecclesiological problem of the day, the legitimacy of a papacy not resident in -ome. The wor! dedicated to 7arroso was the first treatise to deal with this topic in depth, and it became the cornerstone of the %vignon papacy's claims to legitimacy. %yala reacted to the theologians' disputes the way #etrarch did0 he condemned them as irrelevant to the problems of ,hristian life.&*+ Ee was more favorably impressed by another /paniard active in %vignon, 6il %lvarez de %lbornoz, archbishop of Toledo, with whom he and his father later formed political alliances.&4+ %lbornoz succeeded #edro 6$mez as the /panish cardinal &'35)"'3:*+ and was in turn succeeded by %yala's cousin, #edro 6$mez 7arroso &'3*'"'3*(+, who had also been educated by his great"uncle and namesa!e, the first cardinal 7arroso. Through these intellectual and political connections, %vignon exercised a significant influence over the culture of early Trastmara ,astile. %fter cardinal #edro 6$mez died, #edro L$pez, finding himself without a patron at the age of sixteen, returned to ,astile where he abandoned his clerical status and began a career as a caballero. %yala served a military and political apprenticeship in his father's household, and in '35; he outfitted a galley which he commanded in !ing #edro's naval expedition against Aalencia and ,atalonia. %s a reward for this service, #edro appointed him alguacil mayor of the city of Toledo to replace his father, who had

been elevated to the highest office of the city, alcalde mayor. %mong the difficulties of his new office, #edro L$pez encountered the tas! of executing the often un<ust orders of !ing #edro against his vassals in Toledo, many of them %yala's relatives. .n '3:), #edro ordered %yala to evict his own brother"in"law, Aasco the archbishop of Toledo, &(.) and send him into exile. .n the next few years, #edro summarily executed several of %yala's Toledo relatives, but he remained loyal to the !ing until his desertion of 7urgos in '3::. %yala was ta!en prisoner fighting against #edro at J<era and ta!en captive fighting against the #ortuguese at %l<ubarrota in '345. Ee Fuic!ly rose to prominence under the Trastmara !ings, for whom he led several embassies to 1rance, %ragon, and %vignon, and became canciller mayor of ,astile in '3;4.&;+ Huring his long and active career and after his retirement to a 8eronimite monastery, %yala was a prolific author and translator. Huring his year"long captivity in Lisbon after the battle of %l<ubarrota, he wrote a manual of falconry, the Arte Cetreria, and most of the four hundred verses of his most famous wor!, the Rimado del Palacio. Ee later translated Livy, 7occaccio's e Casibus Virorum Illustrium, 6uido delle ,olonne's Historia !roiana, and /t. 6regory's Moralia in "ob. Ee also added some sections to his father's genealogy of the %yala family and after his last visit to %vignon in '3;:, he wrote chronicles of the reigns of the four !ings he had served "" #edro, ?nriFue .., 8uan ., and ?nriFue .... Eis translation of Moralia in "ob is particularly interesting as an example of his humanist approach to the classics, for %yala not only translated the wor! but also went bac! and made a second translation in order to correct some unintelligible passages.&')+ .nstead of trying to rationalize these passages by discovering some obscure meaning in the apparently nonsensical or contradictory words, %yala assumed that the Latin of the texts he was using was corrupt. 7y comparing different copies and guessing at how a copyist might have mista!en one word for another, he was able to produce a purified, elegant text. .n this endeavor, he seems to have gone beyond his translation of Livy, in which he says he tried to clarify some obscure and difficult words. .n his second translation of Moralia, %yala wor!ed on the humanist assumptions that the original Latin had been clear and elegant and that obscurities must be attributable to errors in the medieval texts.&''+ %yala's humanist s!ills and -enaissance attitudes reached their fullest expression in Crnicas de los reyes de Castilla, especially in the first of these, Crnica del rey don Pedro. %s a wor! of art and as political propaganda, Crnica del rey don Pedro became both the rhetorical model and the political 7ible of the ,astilian -enaissance but for the past four centuries it has been one of the most controversial wor!s of ,astilian literature. Huring the century after it was written, especially during the reign of 8uan .., %yala's history was accepted as an accurate account of the reign of #edro the ,ruel.&'>+ .ts popularity among the &(/) reading public is attested by the fourteen manuscripts surviving from the fifteenth century and the early and freFuent printings in ,astile.&'3+ .n '5*), don Hiego de ,astilla, dean of the cathedral of Toledo and a descendant of #edro the ,ruel by way of an illegitimate son, claimed that #edro had been a <ust and benevolent monarch and charged that %yala had distorted the truth in order to excuse his own disloyalty to the !ing. Hiego de ,astilla had <ust met 6er$nimo Kurita &'5'>"'54)+, royal chronicler of the crown of %ragon, while Kurita was traveling through ,astile loo!ing for manuscripts. @hen the dean tried to persuade Kurita to discredit and discard %yala's version of events, Kurita thoroughly investigated the charges against %yala. %fter examining a wealth of archival and manuscript evidence, he informed the dean "" in polite but firm language "" that %yala's account was substantially correct. Kurita collated several manuscripts of %yala's account and edited the chronicle for publication. .n his critical notes, he amplified and clarified many details and pointed out several passages %yala had redrafted to soften his vivid account of #edro's cruelties "" probably, Kurita thought, after #edro's granddaughter, ,atherine of Lancaster, married ?nriFue ... and it became politic to smooth over old antagonisms.&'(+

Hespite Kurita's careful analysis, %yala's Crnica del rey don Pedro continues to be praised as impartial and vilified as self"serving. .n the nineteenth century, #rosper Merim2e romanticized #edro and claimed that %yala's chronicle was a tissue of lies.&'5+ .n the twentieth century, %yala's most enthusiastic admirers consider him to be totally impartial,&':+ whereas his severest critics accuse him of Gsinuosity.G&'*+ More moderate critics consider %yala biased but generally reliable, attempting to G<ustify his own career while violating the historical truth as little as possible.G&'4+ Modern historians cannot chec! %yala's account against external sources0 there is no other ,astilian chronicle of the reign of #edro, and most of the archival documents available to Kurita in the sixteenth century have since disappeared. @e also have little internal evidence to use in examining the charge of bias "" %yala scrupulously avoids ma!ing any explicit statement condemning #edro or his actions. %nyone who reads the chronicle must nevertheless come away from the wor! with a vague feeling of uneasiness "" of being manipulated into a critical <udgment of #edro without any evidence to support this condemnation. To explain how %yala achieves his effect without distorting the material, modern scholars have focused on the content of the chronicle. The dispute has centered on the extent to which %yala omitted material damning to his own purposes while including material damning to &(3) #edro's reputation.&';+ %yala's success as a propagandist, however, does not lie in anything so superficial. Eis genius lies rather in his rhetorical control over the material, which enables him to play upon the emotions of the reader so subtly that he is not aware of how he is being manipulated. Eistorians have long recognized that %yala imitated the ancient -oman historians "" especially Livy and Tacitus "" in his descriptions of military affairs, in his chapter organization, in his use of speeches, and in his brief character s!etches.&>)+ %yala's use of classical models is, however, much more extensive and sophisticated than scholars have recognized. .n his chronicles "" as in .talian -enaissance historiography "" classical forms serve political purposes. This intimate association of classical models with ?nriFuista propaganda shaped the humanist and -enaissance attitudes of %yala's descendants. Throughout the fifteenth century, they read the Crnica del rey don Pedro and absorbed %yala's attitudes toward the classics, religion, and politics, along with his apologia for the family ancestors. %yala's chronicle begins with the death of #edro's father, %lfonso 9., and ends with the death of #edro himself. This is the only chronicle %yala begins with the death of the previous !ing, and the device of beginning and ending with the two superficially similar scenes frames the chronicle and gives it dramatic symmetry. The contrasts between the two death scenes serve a political purpose "" suggesting a subtle and effective argument in defense of %yala's desertion of #edro. The death and funeral of %lfonso 9. occupy five long chapters, describing the ma<esty of %lfonso's accomplishments and the nobility of his companions, the grief of both the ,astilian !nights and the Muslim enemy, and the respect and honor %lfonso commanded even in death. These chapters provide a great contrast to the last, which describes #edro's death in a furtive escape attempt, betrayed by those he trusted, stabbed on the ground by his own half"brother while none of the spectators came to his aid, and dismissed by the chronicler unmourned and without mention of a funeral. The death and funeral of %lfonso 9. are also used to introduce the ma<or personages and factions of #edro's reign "" the new !ing his mother, Maria his illegitimate half"brothers and their mother, Leonor de 6uzmn and the principal military and political figures of the !ingdom. .n his description of the funeral cortege accompanying %lfonso's body from 6ibraltar to /eville, %yala displays the factions surrounding Leonor de 6uzmn and her sons. The near"fatal illness of #edro in /eville serves to introduce the factions surrounding #edro's cousins and &(0) favorite. .n describing the first year, which appears superficially to be a slow"moving account of an irrelevant royal funeral, %yala thus establishes a standard of !ingship against which #edro is to be <udged, introduces the ma<or characters, delineates

the conflicts that will ma!e up the tragedy of #edro, and provides the dramatic framewor! in which the tragedy will be played. .n the next year of the chronicle, %yala uses three historical digressions to present the historical, political, and religious bac!ground against which the !ing and his enemies will operate. The first is a short treatise on the calendars of ,hristians, -omans, 8ews, and Muslims a history of their usage in /pain and instructions on how to compute the year in each calendar. The second is a capsule history of the lands under the system of <urisdiction !nown as be#etr$as, in which %yala traces their origins, speculates on the etymology of the word, and describes changes in their tenure. The third is a history of the <udicial, military, fiscal, and religious institutions of the city of Toledo.&>'+ %yala ma!es the point that many factors outside the chronological scope of his chronicle had a decisive effect on the events he is about to describe. Ee preserves the dramatic structure of the chronicle by compressing these chronological digressions into one year at the beginning of the wor! and by introducing each digression as the bac!ground for an event occurring in that year. This digressive and slow"moving year at the beginning of the chronicle is balanced by the eFually slow"moving and digressive eighteenth year near its end.&>>+ .n this year, the rapid flow of the narrative shifts to a slow"paced series of chapters filled with speeches, dialogues, and an exchange of letters between #edro and a wise Muslim. Eere %yala ma!es his fullest exposition of the political grievances, rationale, and ambitions of both the !ing and his enemies. /ince this is the year of the battle of J<era, this change of pace builds suspense by prolonging #edro's greatest moment of military triumph. .t also creates a strong parallel between %lfonso 9., struc! down by the plague in his moment of military glory at 6ibraltar, and #edro, soon to be struc! down by his bastard brother after the military victory of J<era. 7y reintroducing themes from the first year "" the vanity of worldly glory, Muslim respect for a <ust !ing "" %yala prepares the way for regicide in the twentieth year and reinforces the symmetry of the chronicle's overall structure. The rest of the chronicle consists of a roughly chronological history of internal conflicts, diplomatic relations, and wars against the Muslims, with accounts of fiscal policy and events in foreign countries added to the ends of most years. Throughout the chronicle, %yala uses literary and rhetorical devices to argue his thesis that #edro's political fate was &(') the conseFuence of un<ust actions. Hialogue, speeches, and letters "" interspersed with narrative and placed in the mouths of the principal actors "" develop logically out of the action in a manner that enhances the impression of cause and effect. .n only two instances does %yala use extraneous material without integrating it into the action0 in years eleven and twelve he inserts stories about a Hominican and a shepherd who prophesy disaster for #edro if he does not change his ways.&>3+ These prophecies are a repetition of %yala's thesis, but they do not arise out of the action0 the prophets appear to in<ect a note of doom and foreboding, only to disappear into the oblivion from which they came. The most memorable parts of the chronicle, and those which still arouse the most antagonism, are a half"dozen murder scenes in which suspense and pathos are s!ilfully combined for emotional effect. The classic example of this is the murder of #edro's half"brother, 1adriFue, master of /antiago.&>(+ %yala builds the suspense by moving the action forward only to delay it, alternating the swift pace of the !ing's actions with the slow reactions of the other actors. The !ing's headlong rush into fratricide is interrupted by a maneuver intended to calm 1adriFue's suspicions and isolate him from his companions by a barred door by the confusion of the chief guardsman over which master is to be arrested by the hesitation of the other guardsmen in obeying the !ing's orders by 1adriFue's flight and finally by his stubborn clinging to life even after he has been beaten. There is a strong similarity between the construction of this scene and that of the last scene, in which #edro is murdered by ?nriFue, 1adriFue's twin.&>5+

.n both scenes, there is conflict between brother and brother the victim is put off guard and separated from his companions he becomes suspicious because of the behavior of those around him there is confusion about his identity and death is administered on the ground, by dagger, after a struggle. Through these parallels, %yala lin!s #edro's death to that of 1adriFue, minimizing the regicidal character of the final scene and emphasizing fratricidal revenge. %ll these devices attest to %yala's artistry and to the soundness of the classical education he received in %vignon. The speeches and letters he uses liberally in this chronicle are probably the fruit of his observations while translating the many speeches in Livy and in 6uido delle ,olonne's Historia !roiana. The rhetorical device that gives form to the entire wor! "" its overall structure as dramatic tragedy "" as well as the careful balancing of parallel scenes, the use of dialogue to heighten suspense, the prophecies of the ghostli!e mon! and shepherd, the &(() suspense of the murder scenes, and the careful attention to detail in these scenes, bear a strong resemblance to the /enecan tragedy he had seen on stage. There is also a classically humorous flavor to the chapters in which the noble ladies of Toledo, indignant over the !ing's treatment of the Fueen, mobilize their husbands in her defense.&>:+ ?ven more significant than his use of classical models is %yala's s!ilful use of rhetorical and literary devices to arouse emotional reaction in the reader. This appeal to the will, typical of the humanist writers of -enaissance .taly, is most prominent in the Crnica del rey don Pedro. .n the later Crnica del rey don "uan, %yala characterizes the reign of #edro the ,ruel as beginning with expectations of peace and stability but degenerating into a series of civil disorders.&>*+ .n contrast, the Crnica del rey don Pedro gives the impression that all the political disasters of the latter part of #edro's reign were the inevitable conseFuence of the un<ust acts committed at the beginning of the reign. %yala states this thesis twice, once at the beginning of the chronicle and once at the end, but these are simply clarifications or summations, rather than attempts to convince.&>4+ The emotional truth of the thesis, the implacability for which %yala is so famous, the impression that the final tragedy is the logical and inevitable result of the first chapters, is achieved through %yala's use of irony and emphasis on emotion rather than reason. .n the scenes describing the murder of 6utier 1errndez de Toledo, %yala uses his usual method of changing pace to build suspense, and then he adds an ironic twist to the event by inserting a flashbac! that repeats an important element of the murder scene0 @hen they arrived at the lodging of 6utier 1errndez they dismounted there and entered with him into a room, and arrested him, and too! him prisoner to the lodging of the master of /antiago. %nd when they arrived there, MartLn L$pez de ,$rdoba told him that the !ing had ordered his death0 and 6utier 1errndez said0 G. have never done anything to deserve death.G Then MartLn L$pez told him that the !ing had sent to command that he surrender the alcazar of Molina and the castles which he held in tenancy and that he was to send letters to those who held the said castles so that they would surrender them to whomever the !ing would send with the letters, which they would bring and present there. %nd 6utier 1errndez said that it would please him to surender all the castles which he held from the !ing0 and he then ordered a secretary to write letters for the commanders of the alcazar and castles of Molina.... %nd this done, they made the said 6utier 1errndez enter a chamber, and there they cut off his head.... This day, the said 6utier 1errndez being &(*) prisoner in the lodging of the master of /antiago, he told the masters of /antiago and %lcntara and MartLn L$pez de ,$rdoba that if it please them he would li!e to send a letter to the !ing. %nd they told him to go ahead, and then he dictated a letter to a secretary which said this, GLord, ., 6utier 1errndez de Toledo, !iss your hands and ta!e leave of your grace, and go to another Lord even greater than you. %nd lord, surely your grace !nows that my mother

and my brothers and . have always been in your service since the day you were born, and we incurred many evils and suffered great fear for the sa!e of your service in the days when do=a Leonor de 6uzmn had power in the !ingdom. Lord, . have always served you however, . believe that because of telling you some things which complied with your service you are ordering me !illed, which, lord, . believe that you do to satisfy your will0 for which 6od pardon you for . never deserved it from you. %nd now, lord, . say to you so close to the point of my death &for this will be my last counsel+ that if you do not put up your !nife, and if you do not stop doing such !illings as this one, you will lose your !ingdom, and place your person in danger. %nd . as! you as a favor to guard yourself, for . spea! loyally with you, for in such an hour as this . must say nothing but the truth.G %nd this letter was given to the !ing, and he was very angry that they had let him write it.... %nd after this the !ing left /eville and went towards %lmazn, and arriving at a village of %tienza which is called -ebollosa, he heard that 6utier 1errndez was dead, and they brought his head to him there, and he was very pleased by it.&>;+ .n this example, %yala varies the pace of the action by dwelling on the letters, also using them to develop an ironic contrast between #edro's performance as !ing and 6utier 1errndez's as vassal. #edro condemns 6utier to death and orders him to cooperate in his own destruction by writing to his subordinates. 6utier obeys with alacrity, writing first the demanded letters and then a letter of advice to the !ing. %side from its content, this letter by giving advice to the !ing fulfills 6utier's duty as a vassal and #edro's angry reaction is the opposite of what a !ing's should be. .rony pervades the chronicle. .n the slow"paced year eighteen, for example, %yala contrasts #edro's speeches with his behavior and his boasting with the wise Muslim's criticism. The irony stems not only from #edro's exultation in military victory <ust when he is on the verge of political disaster but also from the contrast between Muslim respect for %lfonso 9. in the first year of the chronicle and the wise Muslim's criticism of #edro in this last year of his success. %s a general rule, %yala uses parallel construction to draw ironic comparisons and only through &(+) these ironic contrasts does he criticize #edro. Ee does not argue political theory, he does not moralize, he does not condemn0 he simply draws ironic contrasts. %yala uses irony to reinforce the theme of the fall of great men "" a topos that allowed him to draw on biblical overtones, on the popular Libro de Ale%andre "" with its story of %lexander the 6reat's fall through soberbia &pride+ and cobdicia &lac! of restraint+ "" and on his own experience in translating 7occaccio's e Casibus Virorum Illustrium.&3)+ %yala's use of these classical rhetorical devices for political purposes is unprecedented in ,astilian historiography. Eis predecessor, the anonymous author of the chronicle of %lfonso 9., has no concept of history as a wor! of art. Eis chronicle has no dramatic structure0 it recounts a series of events strung together by chronological proximity. There are no speeches or letters to focus issues or dramatize conflict "" no irony, no innuendo, no change of pace to highlight critical moments. The artistic differences between the two wor!s are startling when we compare the murders of 6arcilaso de la Aega father &d. '3>:+ and son &d. '35'+. The murder of 6arcilaso the elder has all the ma!ings of a great dramatic scene, since the victim was !illed while attending mass. 7ut the anonymous chronicler dispenses with it in two sentences0 %nd 6arcilaso was hearing mass in the monastery of /an 1rancisco, with the caballeros and escuderos who had come with him from the !ing's household and many eminent people of the town and they entered the monastery and there inside the church they !illed 6arcilaso, and %rias #2rez de Mui=ones, and one of 6arcilaso's sons, and most of the caballeros and escuderos who had come there with him, so that twenty"two infanzones and hidalgos died there with him. %nd the few who remained alive escaped disguised in mon!s' habits so that

they could not be recognized. %nd now the history leaves this sub<ect.&3'+ .n comparison with this colorless catalog of events, %yala's description of the murder of 6arcilaso the younger is a dramatic scene worthy of /eneca himself. The victim ma!es a stage entrance, engages in dialogue with #edro, and states his defense to the court in a speech charged with piety, loyalty, and tenderness. 6arcilaso as!s for a priest to hear his confession, and the priest later reports that he searched 6arcilaso and found no weapon. 6arcilaso's brutal murder before the very eyes of the court is then described in bloody detail. Eis body is thrown into the street for the festival bulls to trample and then left in a field outside the city wall.&3>+ %yala uses such rhetorical devices as pacing, dialogue, and innuendo to build suspense and empathy, arousing pity and fear in his &(,) audience. Eis anonymous predecessor, wor!ing with inherently more dramatic material but lac!ing rhetorical s!ill and political motive, was satisfied with a bland recitation of facts. Literary critics have long recognized %yala's s!ill in character assassination through the accumulation of details. Eis ability to ma!e #edro loo! bad without ever explicitly stating this <udgment is the basis of his reputation for Gsinuosity.G More important are the rhetorical devices %yala uses to ma!e this accumulation of details seem convincing and those he uses to excuse his own behavior. Eis ob<ective as a propagandist, after all, was principally to excuse his own desertion of #edro rather than to condemn #edro himself. %yala's principal achievement is his success in placing his narrative in a political context that ma!es his own actions loo! normal and #edro's actions abnormal. %yala had to deal with four ma<or problems in writing his apology0 he had to explain why he deserted the legitimate !ing #edro he had to explain why he loyally served the same !ing for sixteen years he had to explain why he gave the oath of loyalty to the illegitimate pretender, ?nriFue de Trastmara and he had to convince his intended audience that it was in their interest to accept his interpretation of the Trastmara revolution. The context %yala presents is one of deudo "" the bond of family, friendship, and vassalage that binds men together and obligates them to one another. 1or %yala, deudo was the cement that bound society into a cohesive and peaceful state. @ithout it, there would be a state of predatory violence, and each man would be left to fend for himself. %lthough deudo within a nuclear family was legally imposed, the deudo that bound friend to friend and !ing to vassal had to be initiated by the persons involved and reFuired a persistent mending of the relationship. Heudo was built upon love, loyalty, and gratitude "" fragile motives easily destroyed by a single act of cruelty, insult, or aggression. @ithout the assurance of deudo, a man would feel isolated, vulnerable, alone in the world. 1or %yala, the most pressing problem in writing his history of the reign of #edro was explaining what drove him to brea! the oath of fealty to #edro "" to rupture the bond of deudo that gave him his status as a vasallo del rey. The enormity of %yala's act was such that he could offer only one excuse "" that in brea!ing with #edro he was honoring a higher obligation to familial deudo. %yala does not pretend that his desertion was not serious. .nstead he argues that the alternative was even more serious "" to fail in his deudo to his family. Throughout the chronicle, %yala shapes the material to show that his choice was not between right and wrong but between the lesser of two evils. &*-) % second problem %yala faced was explaining why he waited sixteen years "" from #edro's accession in '35) to his desertion of 7urgos in '3:: "" to brea! his oath. %yala had to explain his loyalty as well as his disloyalty. .f #edro was a tyrant, or had no right to the throne, or did not fulfill the obligations of !ingship, %yala should not have waited sixteen years to do his duty as a citizen and oppose him. Throughout the chronicle, %yala avoids attac!ing #edro's right to the throne or his fulfillment of the office. Ee shows #edro as an excellent military leader, an astute policyma!er in foreign affairs, and a frugal manager of the !ingdom's fiscal affairs. %yala, in fact, so insists upon #edro's abilities in most aspects of government that he has provided his detractors with the evidence used to accuse him of defaming the !ing's character. @riters who call #edro a good !ing insist upon

referring to him as #edro the 8ust, using material from %yala's chronicle to support their position. %yala's third ma<or problem was accounting for his oath of loyalty to ?nriFue de Trastmara, a man who could never legally have inherited the throne. ?nriFue was illegitimate and not even the eldest brother. %yala could neither espouse ?nriFue as a superior claimant by right of inheritance nor argue that ?nriFue was morally superior or politically or militarily more competent. Bn the basis of the evidence presented in his chronicle, %yala did not thin! ?nriFue was much better than #edro, if he was any better at all. %gain, %yala's solution was to show that the choice between ?nriFue and #edro was a choice between the lesser of two evils, not between right and wrong. %yala had to ta!e into account one final consideration in excusing his own behavior "" the audience to whom he addressed his apology. They were, in fact, his own descendants, the people who benefited most from ?nriFue de Trastmara's usurpation of the throne and %yala's desertion of #edro. .n a sense, %yala designed his tract to solidify his family's loyalties to the Trastmara dynasty. .n order to do this, he tried to show that the very survival of the family had been at sta!e in the conflict between #edro and ?nriFue. .n the most horrifying and dramatic moments in the narrative, #edro's murder victims are %yala's relatives. %lthough this aspect of the chronicle is largely lost on modern readers who do not have a grasp of the family's genealogy, it must have been obvious to %yala's descendants. 8ust in case they missed the point, %yala spelled it out for them. %t the end of the scene in which #edro !ills 1adriFue, %yala adds the following information0 %fter this was done, the !ing sat down to eat there near where the master lay dead. This master don 1adriFue left the following children0 &*.) count #edro, whose son is count 1adriFue, son"in"law of the admiral Hiego Eurtado Nde MendozaO and %lfonso ?nrLFuez, the one who died and %lfonso ?nrLFuez, admiral of ,astile, son"in"law of #edro 6onzlez de Mendoza and Leonor, wife of Hiego 6$mez, mother of ,onstanza wife of ,arlos de %rellano, and of Hiego #2rez son"in"law of Hiego L$pez de /tP=iga, and of 1ernn /nchez /armiento Hean, and of the wife of #ero #2rez de %yala.&33+ .n no case does %yala explicitly state these political theses. They are presented by innuendo through rhetorical devices repeated and amplified throughout the chronicle. Bn a political level, as a history of conflict between the !ing and his sub<ects, %yala's chronicle offers no answers. %yala ma!es no rational or theoretical case against #edro to <ustify the desertion after 7urgos or the regicide. There is no political theory of monarchy, no ,hristian theology, no universal standard of morality to guide the reader in <udging the !ing and his vassals. .t is on another level, that of moral conflict within each vassal who struggled to choose between eFually compelling values "" loyalty and survival "" that the chronicler offers his apology. .n '3::, %yala himself chose survival rather than loyalty, but the decision involved years of doubt and Fuestioning. @hen he wrote the chronicle thirty years later, he was most interested in the events of the reign of #edro that led the !ing's vassals to this decision. .t is the loyal vassals, rather than the !ing himself, who become deserters and regicides and undergo historical change. #edro's behavior and attitudes remain the same, only becoming more extreme throughout the chronicle but the behavior and attitudes of his sub<ects gradually reverse themselves until those most loyal in the first chapters finally support the ultimate act of disloyalty "" regicide "" in the last. %yala is at his best when he traces the excruciatingly slow development of this reversal. Throughout the chronicle, and with increasing freFuency as events pile up near the end, he describes the fear and doubts that assailed the !nights as the !ing's choice of murder victims became more unpredictable. %yala does this with a few short sentences at the ends of murder scenes0 G%nd some other !nights of Toledo did not want to be in the plot, and remained loyal to the !ing. %nd the plot was very dangerous, as it later became clear.G&3(+ The !ing Gordered that his aunt, Fueen Leonor of %ragon, be !illed... and it

was done... and all those who loved the service of the !ing were very grieved by this.G&35+ #edro murdered his two teenage half"brothers, Gand it saddened many of those who loved the !ing's service that they should die this way, for they were innocent and never harmed the !ing.G&3:+ #edro &*/) captured don #ero JP=ez de 6uzmn and Ghad him !illed very cruelly in /eville, and the manner of his death was too ugly and cruel to describe, and those who truly loved the !ing's service were very grieved by it and they were not pleased by such acts.G&3*+ %fter #edro exiled the archbishop of Toledo, Gall those who were there in Toledo held this to be a very great insult, although they did not dare to say a single thing, so great was the fear that they had of the !ing.G&34+ 1inally, when #edro abandoned the city of 7urgos in '3::, %yala explains that Gvery few of the !nights and sFuires of ,astile went with him, while all the others remained in 7urgos, for they did not li!e him, rather they were pleased by all of this for there were some whose relatives he had !illed and they were always afraid of him.G&3;+ .f %yala had wanted to defend his desertion of #edro by showing that #edro was a bad !ing, #edro's desertion of 7urgos was the perfect incident on which to build such a case. 7ut %yala does not attempt to <ustify his actions on a political or moral basis he ma!es them understandable as acts of passion0 the desertion was motivated by fear and the regicide by vengeance. The !ing !illed the relatives of some of his vassals, and they were afraid of him. This action based on fear is convincing because the entire chronicle has been constructed to support it. %yala dwells on the murders and shapes them into dramatic scenes because they were crucial incidents in alienating the vassals from the !ing by increasing their fear of him. The regicide presented a different rhetorical problem, since %yala did not participate in it and since it was committed after he had given his loyalty to ?nriFue. 7y constructing the regicide to echo the death of 1adriFue, %yala points out the personal nature of the conflict between #edro and ?nriFue and implies that ?nriFue's vassals had nothing to fear from him. %s revenge for #edro's murder of his twin, ?nriFue's murder of #edro seems understandable. 7ut %yala does not <ustify its regicidal aspect in any way he detaches himself from the scene by depersonalizing his account of its climactic moments. .n all the other murder scenes, %yala introduces dialogue with the words, Ghe saidG but in the final moments of the regicide he uses the more distant Gthey say that he said.G 7y placing a third person between himself and the action, %yala dissociates himself from the event and minimizes the reader's involvement. Csing all these devices "" dramatic structure, ironic comparison, appeal to the emotions "" %yala wrote a tightly constructed literary masterpiece which also serves as an apology for his own actions. /trong as their &*3) emotional impact is upon the modern reader, these devices must have affected %yala's fifteenth"century descendants even more strongly because %yala used still another device to impress his ideas upon them. Ee always spea!s of himself in the third person, and he spea!s of his relatives without mentioning their relationship to him. Ee never mentions that 6utier 1errndez was his brother"in"law twice over, but this must have been as obvious to his descendants as the fact that except for 1adriFue and #edro the victims in the murder scenes %yala described in detail were his own relatives. @e can imagine 1ernn #2rez de 6uzmn or the marFuis of /antillana reacting to the !ing's murder of HLaz 6uti2rrez, %yala's uncle &()+ or of 6utier 1errndez, 6uzmn's uncle or of 6arcilaso de la Aega, /antillana's great"grandfather.&('+ %yala relies heavily on the reader's !nowledge of family relationships to increase the force of his thesis. Bnly with some awareness of these relationships can we understand the direct connecton between 6utier 1errndez's warning to #edro that Gif you do not stop doing such !illings as this one, you will lose your !ingdom, and place your person in danger,G and %yala's laconic statement that Gthere were some whose relatives he had !illed and they were always afraid of him.G %yala's use of the forms of dramatic tragedy was peculiar to his Crnica del rey don Pedro. Eis chronicles of !ings ?nriFue .., 8uan ., and ?nriFue ... are written in the more usual narrative form, with

little manipulation of the material into dramatic climaxes and without the irony that pervades the chronicle of #edro. .n all four of the chronicles, however, %yala's critical approach to the sources of historical information and his concern with historical change remain consistent. 1or his few excursions into history before his own lifetime, %yala relied on Gwhat the ancient ,hronicle tells us, and what is found in other ancient boo!s which are authentic, and even what has survived by memory from generation to generation until today.G&(>+ .n writing the history of his own lifetime, he depended on his own observation and on reliable eyewitness accounts, which he claims to use with the greatest caution. &(3+ Eis s!epticism toward even the most venerable historical wor!s and his belief in the superiority of eyewitness accounts seem to have been ta!en directly from 6uido delle ,olonne's prologue to Historia !roiana.&((+ ,itation of sources is a common feature of ,astilian chronicles since the thirteenth century, but %yala's critical approach to the sources for ancient history and his insistence on reliable eyewitness accounts for contemporary history are important innovations. %yala's attitudes toward the ,astilian past and toward historical &*0) change were also innovations they seem to have been shaped as much by his methods as by the political circumstances in which he wrote. Eis attitude toward the Aisigothic period, for example, stands in sharp contrast to the attitudes of earlier chroniclers, who filled page after page with fabricated genealogies of Aisigothic rulers and incredible stories of their reigns. %yala dismisses the Aisigothic period, apparently because he could not find reliable sources for it,&(5+ and he ridicules what was !nown of the Aisigoths in an ironic summary of their history0 G%nd you must !now that from the first 6othic !ing in /pain who was a ,hristian, who was called %tanarico, until the !ing don -odrigo, who was the last !ing of the 6oths, there were thirty" five !ings.G&(:+ The chroniclers wor!ing under %lfonso 9 lamented the lac! of written accounts for the pre"-oman period but accepted mythologies li!e Bvid's as reliable historical accounts.&(*+ .nstead of relying on these, %yala used -oman historians as sources for the -oman period and declined to write about pre"-oman /pain or the Aisigoths. Ee did not attribute the origins of any /panish institutions to the Aisigothic period0 he traced words, taxes, and calendars to the -oman period and political, military, and legal institutions to the -econFuest.&(4+ 1or %yala, /panish history began with the -omans the Aisigothic period, with its lac! of written records, was a dar! age and the period of the -econFuest was the formative period for most ,astilian institutions "" institutions shaped by the frontier society that still existed in %yala's lifetime. %yala was not familiar with the historical writing of the .talian -enaissance, but he developed a historical perspective parallel to that of the .talian humanists. The centuries separating the -oman ?mpire from the fourteenth century did not lin! the present with the ancient past they were a gulf separating /pain from its classical past. %yala also departed from the norm of earlier ,astilian chronicles by urging institutional changes as a response to changing religious, political, and military conditions. .n the Crnica del rey don "uan I, he urges the !ing to change the method of dealing with treasonable members of the royal family, describing how 1rench !ings called legists from the university to hear both sides of such a case and suggesting that 8uan also call together a panel of letrados to hear the case of his half"brother, count %lfonso.&(;+ %yala seems to be suggesting that ,astilian <ustice was primitive compared to 1rench <ustice and his speech concerning the incident of count %lfonso is typical of many urging !ings to measure the benefits of an outmoded traditional institution against those possible under a new institution established through the !ing's initiative. .t is significant that %yala is not responding to abuses0 he suggests that the need for change &*') arises not because of a falling"away from an ideal state but because old solutions become anachronistic in a society continually changing, and even improving.

This -enaissance assumption that institutions must be <udged in their historical context is particularly stri!ing in the three digressions in year two of the Crnica del rey don Pedro. .n all three, %yala is writing institutional history and he describes the historical education of these institutions. .n the treatise on calendars, he describes the origins of each dating system used in ,astile and although he is obviously proud that the ,astilians have continued to use the era of ,aesar in dating their official documents, he approves of the !ing's decision to discard this usage because it was meaningful only in the context of the -oman ?mpire. This treatment is consistent with his handling of political history "" devoid of attempts to explain political action in terms of theory or of any other system of rational explanation. .n the Crnica del rey don Pedro, %yala freFuently presents whole letters and speeches arguing political theory but these are presented in pairs, so that an argument that #edro has become a tyrant, for example, is inevitably followed by a parallel argument that #edro is !ing by all legal standards.&5)+ /ince every logical argument is nullified by an eFually logical counterargument, all theories of political behavior are implicitly discredited as useful explanations of the course of events. %lthough %yala offers an explanation of political behavior and historical causation, it appears only in his assumption that actions can best be <udged by their conseFuences. 6utier 1errndez's letter to #edro "" the only letter %yala allows to stand unchallenged by a counterargument "" specifically argues that #edro should change his behavior because it will lead to disaster. .n the Crnica del rey don "uan, he warns the !ing against un<ust executions by citing the evil conseFuences they have produced in the past.&5'+ Much of the implacability of %yala's chronicles arises from his assumption that the conseFuences of political actions are predictable because human behavior is predictable. .n %yala's view, all people, whether !ings or vassals, want to behave in a loyal and dignified manner but consistently misinterpret other people's behavior and miscalculate the effects of their own words and actions, thus beginning to act out of fear and a desire for vengeance. Aengeance and fear are the only motives he suggests for #edro's behavior, the only explanations he offers for the regicide and desertion. %yala does not condemn action based on such emotional motives. .n fact, the whole purpose of the Crnica del rey don Pedro is to show that the ?nriFuista party's fear and ?ririFue's desire for vengeance &*() were based on a realistic and correct assessment of #edro's behavior. Brdinary emotions, indeed, appear to be virtues in %yala's wor!. The most damning indictments of #edro, for example, are scenes in which he fails to display any emotion at all "" calmly eating a meal in the presence of his brother's body "" or his response is perverted "" receiving 6utier 1errndez's letter with anger and his head with pleasure. .n this, as in every aspect of his wor!, %yala's approach to the writing of history is that of a -enaissance humanist0 he uses a classical rhetorical device, ampli&icatio,&5>+ to present his case he avoids explanations based on logic, theory, or morality, in favor of explanations based on historical context and emotional motivation. .n 1lorence, only 1rancesco 6uicciardini "" that most -enaissance of all .talian historians "" matched %yala's freedom from the traditional schematizations of history and his penetrating psychological analyses. .n ,astile, %yala's achievement was uniFue0 none of his successors achieved his psychological insight or his rhetorical genius. Qet %yala's descendants absorbed his most important innovations "" his historical perspective, his love of the classics, his distrust of theoretical systems of thought and his apologia for the family's political past. Eis intellectual inheritance shaped the caballero renaissance in the fifteenth century.

Jotes for ,hapter Three '. G1undaci$n del mayorazgo de %yala,G in MarFu2s de Lozoya N8uan de ,ontreras y L$pez de %yalaO, Introduccin a la biogra&$a del Canciller Ayala, #rov. de Aizcaya, ';5), p. :'. %mada L$pez de Meneses, GJuevos datos sobre el canciller %yala,G Cuadernos de Historia de Espa'a, ') &';(4+, '''" '>4 idem, G?l canciller #ero L$pez de %yala y los reyes de %rag$n,G Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragn, 4 &';:*+, '4;">:(. >. Criarte, El &uero de Ayala, p. 3;. 3. The genealogical history, with an appendix by #edro L$pez de %yala, is printed in Lozoya, p. '(* the fuero in Criarte, pp. '4*">':. The fuero was revised and amplified in '(:; by 6arcLa Lopez de %yala. Criarte, pp. >';">>4. (. Maurice 1aucon, La Librairie des Papes d(A)ignon* sa &ormation* sa composition* ses catalogues +,+-.+/01, #aris, '44:"'44*, 7ibliothIFue des ?coles 1ranDaises d'%thInes et de -ome, fasc. (3, pp. >3"(4 @. 7raxton -oss, 8r., G6iovanni ,olonna, Eistorian at %vignon,G Speculum, (5 &';*)+, 533"5:3 %nthony Luttrell, GThe %ragonese ,rown and the Rnights Eospitallers of -hodes, '>;'"'35),G Englis# Historical Re)ie2, *: &';:'+, '"'; idem, G1ourteenth",entury Eospitaller Lawyers,G !raditio, >' &';:5+, ((;"(5: Mario /chiff, La 3ibliot#e4ue du mar4uis de Santillane, 7ibliothIFue de l'?cole des Eautes ?tudes, fasc. '53, #aris, ';)5, p. 4*. 5. 8osep -ius /erra, G?studiants espanyols a %vinyS al segle 9.A,G Miscel5nea Mons6 "os7 Rius Serra, ., (:;"5'' &first published in Analecta Sacra !erraconensis, ') &';3(+, 4*"''>+ /urez 1ernndez, G#roblemas polLticos.G :. Bn 7arroso, see Lozoya, Ayala, pp. >', >*"3) 7ernard 6uillemain, La Cour Ponti&icale d(A)ignon 8+,19.+,:-;, 7ibliothIFue des ?coles 1ranDaises d'%thInes et de -ome, fasc., >)', #aris, ';:>, pp. ';), >'', >>;, >3(, >5:, >5*, >:;, >*3, >*5. Bn %lvaro #elayo, see 1aucon, Librairie, prol. pp. >>, 35, 3: Jicholas .ung, <n Franciscain t#7ologien du pou)oir ponti&ical au =IVe si>cle? Al)aro Pelayo, #aris, ';3'. *. %FuL estorvaron mucho algunos sabidores #or se mostrar letrados e muy disputadores, 1isieron sus Fuestiones como grandes dotores ? por esto la eglesia de sangre fas sudores Poes$as* ed. ?.%. Ruersteiner, Jew Qor!, ';>), .., 3*. 4. Bn the educational and intellectual activities of %lbornoz, see ,harles 1aulhaber, Latin R#etorical !#eory in !#irteent# and Fourteent# Century Castile, 7er!eley, ';*>, p. 3( 7erthe M. MartL, !#e Spanis# College at 3ologna in t#e Fourteent# Century, #hiladelphia, ';::, pp. 3'"3> 8osep -ius /ena, G7ibliotecas medievales espa=olas,G Re)ista Eclesi5stica, .. &';3)+, 3'4"3>: &Miscel5nea, ., '3;"'(;+ ?milio /ez and 8os2 Trenchs, G8uan -uiz de ,isneros &'>;5T'>;:"'35'T'35>+ autor del 7uen %mor,G in El Arcipreste de Hita? El libro* autor* la tierra* la 7poca, ed. Manuel ,riado de Aal, %ctas del . ,ongreso .nternational sobre el %rcipreste de Eita, 7arcelona, ';*3, pp. 3:5"3:4 ?velio Aerdera y Tuells, ed., El Cardenal Alborno@ y el Colegio de Espa'a, > vols., /aragosa, ';*>. ;. L$pez de Meneses, GJuevos datos,G pp. ''>"'':.

'). Las &lores de los Morales de "ob, ed. 1rancesco 7ranciforti. %yala's translation of Livy was published anonymously in /alamanca, '(;*, but was superseded by that of fr. #edro de la Aega, /aragosa, '5>). /chiff, La 3ibliot#>4ue, p. ')). ''. 1or a different interpretation of %yala's intentions in translation, see -obert 7. Tate. GL$pez de %yala, Eumanist EistorianUG Hispanic Re)ie2, >5 &';5*+, '5*"'*(. '>. -obert 7. Tate, Ensayos sobre la #istoriogra&$a peninsular del siglo =V, Madrid, ';*), pp. (:"(*. .n '(>(, %lfonso A of %ragon, holding his younger brother, 8uan of Javarre, responsible for a recent political incident, wrote to 8uan reproaching him and advising him to read the Crnica del rey don Pedro. ,ited by /urez 1ernndez, Aoble@a y monar4u$a, pp. ::":*. '3. The Crnica del rey don Pedro was published in /eville, '(;5, '5(>, '5(; and in Toledo, '5>:. 1rancesco 7ranciforti, G-egesto delle opere di #ero Lopez de %yala,G in Saggi e ricerc#e in memoria di Ettore Li Botti, #alermo, ';:', pp. >4;"3';. '(. 6er$nimo Kurita y ,astro, Emiendas y ad)ertencias a la Crnica del rey don Pedro, ed. Hiego 8osef Hormer, /aragosa, ':43, n.p. '5. #rosper M2rim2e, Histoire de don P>dre +er Roi de Castille, #aris, ';:' 1ranDois #i2tri, Pierre le Cruel? Le )rai et le &au%, #aris, ';:' 6onzalo #intos -eino, El rey don Pedro de Castilla? Vindicacin de su reinado, /antiago, ';>; J. /anz y -uiz de la #e=a, on Pedro I de Castilla? llamado el CCruel*C Madrid, ';(3 1ranco Meregalli, Pietro di Castiglia nella letteratura, Milan, N';5'O. ':. ,laudio /nchez"%lbornoz, in Tate, GLopez de %yala,G pp. '54, ':). '*. GQa aludimos a la sinuosidad de espLritu del ,anciller,G in %ngel Aalbuena #rat, Historia de la literatura espa'ola, 7arcelona, ';3*, ., ';)"';'. '4. -ussell, Englis# Inter)ention, p. '4. ';. The best critiFue of %yala's chronicles is still 8os2 %mador de los -Los, G#rotexta del sentimiento nacional contra la innovaci$n aleg$rica,G Historia crit$ca de la literatura espa'ola, Madrid, '4:>"'4:5, A, ;;"'5;. >). /ee ?ntwistle, G/panish Literature,G p. ''5. >'. Crnicas de los reyes de Castilla, ., 3'"35, 5'"5> &the be#etr$as were lands whose tenants had the right to elect their seigneurial lords+, 5(":5. >>. .bid., pp. (43"(;3. >3. .bid., pp. 3)("3)5 3>;"33). >(. .bid., pp. >3;">(>. >5. .bid., pp. 55("55*. >:. .bid., pp. '()"'((. >*. G,a, se=or, algunos -eyes vuestros antecesores en ,astilla e en Le$n ficieron algunas obras destas por las Fuales sus famas se da=aron e les vinieron grandes deservicios.G .bid., .., >)*">)4. >4. %fter #edro's mother has murdered her rival, Leonor de 6uzmn &the first murder in the chronicle+, %yala comments0 G? desto pas$ mucho a algunos del -egno ca entendLan Fue por tal fecho como este vernLan grandes guerras e escndalos en el -egno, segund fueron despues, por Fuanto la dicha do=a Leonor avLa grandes fi<os e muchos parientes. ? en estos fechos tales, por poca venganza, recrescen despues muchos males e da=os, Fue seria muy me<or escusarlos0 ca mucho mal e mucha guerra nasci$ en ,astilla por esta raz$n.G .bid., ., 3:"3*.

.n the last paragraph of the chronicle, describing #edro, he says0 G? mat$ muchos en su -egno, por lo Fual le vino todo el da=o Fue avedes oido. #or ende diremos aFui lo Fue dito el #rofeta Havid0 %gora los -eyes aprended e sed castigados todos los Fue <uzgades el mundo0 ca grand <uicio, e maravilloso fue este, e muy espantable.G .bid., p. 55*. >;. .bid., pp. 3'3"3'5, 3'*. 3). 1or the themes of soberbia and cobdicia in the Libro de Ale%andre, see Heyermond, Literary History, p. :: .an Michael, !#e !reatment o& Classical Material in t#e Libro de Ale%andre, Manchester, ';*). 3'. Crnica del rey don Al&onso Dnceno, 7%?, ::0 >''. 3>. Crnicas de los reyes de Castilla, ., ('("('5. 33. .bid., p. (43, n.>. 3(. .bid., p. '(3. 35. .bid., p. >*>. 3:. .bid., p. >;3. 3*. .bid., p. 3'>. 34. .bid., p. 3>'. 3;. .bid., p. ()(. (). .bid., p. '((. ('. .bid., pp. 34"(3. (>. .bid., p. 54. (3. G? por ende de aFui adelante yo #ero Lopez de %yala con el ayuda de Hios, lo entiendo continuar asL lo mas verdaderamente Fue pudiere de lo Fue bL, en lo Fual non entiendo decir si non verdad0 otrosi de lo Fue acaesce en mi edad e en mi tiempo en algunas partidas donde yo non he estado, e lo supiere por verdadera relacion de se=ores e ,aballeros, e otros dignos de fe e de creer, de Fuienes lo oL, e me dieron dende testimonio, tomandolo con la mayor diligencia Fue yo pude.G .bid., p. xx. ((. 6uido delle ,olonne, Historia !roiana N/trassburg, '(4:O. This edition is not paginated, but the reference is to a passage in the first column of the first page of text. (5. This reservation is stated in his addition to the genealogical history written by his father, 1ernn #2rez de %yala. 1ernn #2rez traced the family and its position in %lava all the way bac! to the Aisigothic period. Much of his material must be considered myth, but 1ernn #2rez used it with no Fuestions about its reliability. #edro L$pez de %yala, treating the same period on his mother's side of the family, was extremely cautious about using this material and carried the genealogy bac! only seven generations to don 6onzalo 1ernndez, explaining that he could not find documents for earlier generations0 G? todo esto fall2 yo don #ero Lopez por escrituras del solar de ,evallos e de los demas solares. ? non pude fallar el padre e la madre deste don 6onzalo 1ernndez mas de Fue venien de padre en padre del se=or del solar de ,isneros desde mui luengo tiempos, e su divisa esta en la .glesia de /an MartLn de Aaldecayon.G Lozoya, Introduccin, p. '(*. (:. Crnicas de los reyes de Castilla, ., xxx. (*. .bid., pp. 3'"35. (4. .bid., pp. 5'":5.

(;. .bid., .., >):">'3. 5). .bid., ., ((;"(53 5'. .bid., .., >):">'3. 5>. Ampli&icatio is the device of dwelling on a minor detail in order to emphasize by implication the magnitude of the main ob<ect. Muintillian, Inst. 4.(.; ff.

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