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Tourism in Ghana: The Representation of Slavery and the Return of the Black Diaspora Author(s):
Tourism in Ghana: The Representation of Slavery and the Return of the Black Diaspora Author(s):

Tourism in Ghana: The Representation of Slavery and the Return of the Black Diaspora Author(s): Edward M. Bruner Source: American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 98, No. 2 (Jun., 1996), pp. 290-304

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EDWARDM. BRUNER /

UNIVERSITYOFILLINOIS

TOiUrm in

ahria

The

Representationof

Diaspora

Slavery

and

the

Return

of

the

Black

hy-

bridity, and exile has taken us ever further from the

concept of culture as stable and homogeneous and has opened up new theoretical and research vistas (Gupta and Ferguson 1992; Rosaldo 1989). The postmodern

of

people, capital, goods, and ideas (Appadurai 1991), as the series of recent symposia devoted to the topic attest (e.g., Harding and Myers 1994; Lavie and Swedenburg in press). As with many new intellectual currents, the first wave of enthusiasm is followed by more critical assessments and efforts at conceptual clarification. Paul Gilroy (1993:205-212) and James Clifford (1994), for example, thoughtfully reexamine the term diaspora by comparing the Jewish and the black diaspora expe- riences and trajectories. As George Marcus (1994:424)

what we need in this field is theory that con-

suggests,

structs our objects so that they may be studied by fieldwork and the more traditional methods of ethnog- raphy. The literature on diaspora and hybridity has on the whole neglected tourism, perhaps because tourist visits are thought to be temporary and superficial. But travel- ers such as migrants, refugees, exiles, expatriates, emi- gres, explorers, traders, missionaries, and even ethnog- raphers may also travel for limited periods of time. To develop traveling theory, we need to know more about

all patterns of travel (Clifford 1989), including tourism (Bruner and Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1994). My essay con- tributes to this emerging discourse by describing the meeting in the border zone between African American

tourists

Elmina Castle

Akan-speaking Fanti who receive them.1 In recent years, Ghana has become

cally promising West African nation (Carrington 1994)

RECENT LITERATUREON diaspora, borderlands,

world is characterized

by vast transnational

flows

who return to mother Africa, specifically

on the coast

to

of Ghana, and the local

an economi-

EDWARDM.BRUNERis ProfessorEmeritus,Departmentof Anthropology, Universityof IllinoisatUrbana-Champaign,Urbana,IL61801.

that now encourages a nascent tourist industry in the Central Region as a route to economic development.2 Attractions include pristine beaches, a rain forest, and

local cultures and rituals, but the star features are the historic castles of Elmina and Cape Coast, which were used as staging areas for the mid-Atlantic slave trade.

Elmina Castle (Figure

1) was constructed in 1482 by the

Portuguese (van Dantzig 1980). One of the great medie- val castles, it was the first major European building in tropical Africa and has been designated a World Heri- tage Monument under UNESCO. In 1993, there were 17,091 visitors to Elmina Castle; 67 percent were resi-

dents of Ghana, 12.5 percent were Europeans, and 12.3 percent were North Americans. An important and grow- ing segment consists of blacks from the diaspora, and includes many African Americans. Some are upscale tourists in organized tour groups, others are inde- pendent travelers. Some make the journey on a budget, and still others prefer to stay in African homes and to eat local food, for a more intimate African experience. In general, however, they are a class-privileged and more educated segment of the larger African American population, consisting mainly of those with the money and the leisure time to make the long and expensive journey.

The Struggle over Meaning

project, much

effort has gone toward the rehabilitation of the historic castles and the construction of a museum in Cape Coast Castle. The increased attention has precipitated discus- sion over the interpretation of the castles, particularly over which version of history shall be told (cf. Bruner and Gorfain 1984). What most Ghanaians want from tourism is eco- nomic development, including employment, new sources of income, better sanitation and waste dis-

As part of the tourism development

AmericanAnthropologist98(2):290-304.Copyright ?

1996,AmericanAnthropologicalAssociation.

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TOURISM AND SLAVERY

/

EDWARD M.

BRUNER

291

SLAVERY / E D W A R D M . B R U N E R

Figure1

ElminaCastle. Photo by EdwardM. Bruner.

posal, improved roads, and a new harbor. Expectations are high. The regional planning agency wants the tourist dollars to remain in the Central Region for the benefit of the community. Funds from tourism have already begun to flow into the local community, and there are numerous plans for small-scale business enterprises that depend on the

tap

tourist trade. Many young people in Elmina want to

into the market by offering themselves

Some have plans for selling food and crafts, others want to provide home stays and even to organize perfor-

mance groups for the tourists. Local people

from such contacts with tourists in ways besides the

financial remuneration. In addition to money, they may receive presents, and some have become pen pals or gone abroad with tourists. The young Africans benefit most; those over 45 years of age interact with foreign

tourists

the Afri-

can American tourists have a different perspective.

tourism primarily as a route to development,

as local guides.

may benefit

much

less

frequently.

While Ghanaians

see

African Americans focus

on the dungeons

at the

500-year-old Elmina Castle because, understandably,

the slave trade is of primary interest to them. Indeed, many African Americans come to Ghana in a quest for

one of the very sites from

their roots, to experience

which their ancestors

may have begun the torturous

journey to the New World. It is for them a transition

point between

the barbarism of slavery in the New World. One woman is reported to have fasted in the dungeon for three weeks and afterward stated that she achieved a spiri- tual reunion with her ancestors. For many African Americans, the castles are sacred ground not to be desecrated. They do not want the castles to be made beautiful or to be whitewashed. They want the original stench to remain in the dungeons. In Dr. Lee's eloquent words, a return to the slave forts for

diaspora blacks is a "necessary act of self-realization,"

for "the spirits of the Diaspora are somehow

the civility of their family in Africa and

tied to

these historic structures" (Report 1994:3). Some dias- pora blacks feel that even though they are not Ghana- ians, the castles belong to them.

Richard Wright presents the meaning of the slave

dungeons

to African

Americans

in his book

Black

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292 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST* VOL.98,

NO. 2 * JUNE1996

Power, where he describes his own return to Ghana and

his visit to Elmina Castle. He refers to the "awe-inspir- ing battlements of the castle with [their] somber but

resplendent majesty," and says

most impressive castle or fort on the Atlantic shore of

the Gold Coast" (1954:340). Reflecting on the slave dungeons, he pictures

that Elmina is "byfar the

a tiny,pear-shaped tear that formed on the cheek of some black woman torn away from her children, a tear that

gleams here still, caught in the

light-a shy tear that vanishes at the sound of approaching footsteps, but reappearswhen all is quiet, a tear that was hastilybrushedoff when her arl was grabbed andshe was led towardthose narrow,danksteps that guided herto the tunnelthat directed her feet to the waitingship that would bear her across the heaving, mist-shrouded Atlantic.

feeble raysof the dungeon's

[1954:341-342]

is the sense of strength and pride

Balancing this sadness

many African Americans feel at the recognition that their ancestors must have been strong people to have survived these inhuman conditions (Jones 1995:1). Most Ghanaians, on the other hand, are not particu- larly concerned with slavery. Although there was do-

mestic slavery in Africa, that experience

from the one undergone by those who were transported

to the New World and suffered the indignities of the black diaspora. For Ghanaians, Elmina Castle repre- sents a part of Ghanaian history, from the Portuguese who built Elmina in 1482 primarily to facilitate trade on the Gold Coast, to the Dutch who captured the castle in 1637, to the British who gained control of Elmina in

in 1957. After

independence,

it was

School, the office of the Ghana Education Service, the

District Assembly, and a police training academy before

Figure 2). From

it became

trading post to slave dungeon to military fortification to colonial administrative center to prison, school, and office, Elmina Castle has had, over a period of 500 years, a long and colorful history. First came the Portuguese, then the Dutch, followed by the British, and now the tourists.

was different

1872, through to Ghanaian independence

the

Elmina Castle served various functions:

of the

Edinaman

attraction

(see

Day Secondary

home

a tourist

Generally Ghanaians focus on the long history of Elmina, while diaspora blacks focus on the mid-Atlantic slave trade, which reached its height between 1700 and

, which reached its h e i g h t between 1700 and 2 Fig Touristsin

2

Fig Touristsin Elmina Castle,viewfromthewomen's dungeon. Photo courtesy of FrankFournier.

ure

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1850. Ghanaians want the castles restored, with good lighting and heating, so they will be attractive to tour- ists; African Americans want the castles to be as they see them-a cemetery for the slaves who died in the dungeons' inhuman conditions while waiting for the ships to transport them to the Americas. Ghanaians see the castles as festive places; African Americans as som- ber places. Of course, some Ghanaians did express the hope that the restoration would not change the charac- ter of the castles and the dungeons. In interviews and focus groups, many Ghanaians noted that African Americans become very emotional during visits to the castle and dungeons. From a Ghana- ian perspective, they become almost "too emotional," which suggests that the Ghanaians do not understand the feelings of diaspora blacks. Obviously, Ghanaians

have not shared the diaspora experience,

and they may

not have read works by such writers as Maya Angelou, Richard Wright, or Eddy L. Harris. In black diaspora

literature, there is an almost mythic image of Africa as

a Garden of Eden. For black American men in that popular literature, a return to Africa is a return to manhood, to a land where they feel they belong, where

they

reconnect

and paramount chiefs of West Africa represent royalty and dignity, resonating powerfully in the diaspora imagination. In Africa, black people are in control, are free and independent, as opposed to the condition of

being a disempowered minority in America. These themes pervade black diaspora literature: "Africa as

motherland. Africa as a source of black pride, a place

of black dignity" (Harris 1992:13). Often the identifica-

tion is intimately personal: "Somewhere deep in the hidden reaches of my being, Africa beats in my blood and shows itself in my hair, my skin, my eyes. Africa's

rhythms are somehow my rhythms, and Africa speaks to me its languages of love and laughter" (Harris 1992:27). Or as Maya Angelou writes, "Iwas soon swept into an adoration for Ghana as a young girl falls in love" (1986:19).3 In addition to Maya Angelou, other African

American intellectuals such as W. E. B. DuBois

anthropologist

in Ghana.

Kwame Anthony Appiah, a Ghanaian philosopher now teaching at Harvard University, describes some of the differences between the African and the black dias- pora understandings of race in his book In My Father's House. He writes that many African Americans, raised

in a segregated society and exposed to discrimination,

found that "social intercourse with white people was painful and uneasy" (1992:6). But since Africans "came from cultures where black people were in the majority and where lives continued to be largely controlled by

indigenous moral and cognitive conceptions, they had

can protect

their women,

and where they can

with their ancestry. The kings and queens

and the

St. Clair Drake have taken up residence

TOURISMANDSLAVERY/

EDWARDM. BRUNER 293

no reason to believe that they were inferior to white people and they had, correspondingly, less reason to resent them" (1992:6-7). Although there was resent-

ment and resistance against colonialism, he continues, "the experience of a colonized people forced to accept the swaggering presence of the colonizer" must be seen

in its African cultural context,

for even educated Afri-

can children "were fully enmeshed in a primary experi- ence of their own traditions" (1992:7). Appiah is correct that the struggle against colonialism was conducted from within the base of a secure African family system

and an active African religious tradition, although there were changes due to the colonial presence. However, colonial penetration was not so deep that it led to a failure of self-confidence or to alienation, a claim Ap- piah supports by reference to the works of such African writers as Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, and Camara Laye. Interpreting the African and the diaspora experi- ences as similar, Appiah writes, would be to misread the psychology of postcolonial Africans.

ConflictingInterpretations

In addition to the tourists and the ordinary Ghana- ian citizens, museum professionals have an interest in the castles. Members of the Ghana Museums and Monu- ments Board and their Smithsonian consultants strive for authenticity and historical verisimilitude (Bruner 1994). They want the castles to be represented and interpreted as "accurately" as possible. But the 500-year history of Elmina Castle raises a difficult question:

Which period will be presented for any given section in the restored castle? Particular rooms and locations changed in function over time. The site of the Portu- guese church inside Elmina Castle-one of the oldest Catholic places of worship in Ghana-was converted by the Dutch in 1637 into a slave auction market. The restoration could emphasize the early church, the place used for the selling of human beings, or the transition from place of worship to slave market. As a solution to the problem of restoring a castle that changed over five centuries, one museum professional suggested con- structing a 15th-century Portuguese room, followed by

a 17th-century Dutch room and then a 19th-century British room, but others felt this might compromise the integrity of the restoration. Which story shall be told? Vested interests and strong feelings are involved. Dutch tourists are inter- ested in the two centuries of Dutch rule in Elmina Castle, the Dutch cemetery in the town, and the old Dutch colonial buildings. British tourists want to hear about colonial rule in the Gold Coast. Many Ashanti people have a special interest in the rooms where the Asantehene, their king Prempeh I, was imprisoned in

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294 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST* VOL. 98,

NO. 2

* JUNE 1996

Elmina Castle in 1896, after the defeat of the Ashanti

forces by the British army. The king was later exiled to the Seychelles Islands and only returned to Ghana in

to all Ghanaians as a repre- to British colonialism.

The government guides at the castle are aware of and sensitive to their varied audiences. They know that all visitors are not alike and that different groups may bring their own constellation of interests. The guides cater to these varied interests by shifting the emphasis of the tour. If a group expresses a special concern with

the architecture of the castle, for example, the guides will emphasize that aspect.

are

made simultaneously. The problem became so intense that the National Commission of Culture held a confer- ence on May 11-12, 1994, to decide on guidelines for the conservation program. A restaurant-bar had been opened above the men's dungeons in Cape Coast Castle. The museum profes- sionals saw the castle as a historic monument and mu- seum, and, as in similar institutions in other areas of the world, they wanted to have a restaurant where the tourists could go for rest and refreshments. Their view was that the restaurant would make the castle a more

pleasant place, so that the tourists might stay longer, have a more leisurely visit, and thereby learn more. But objections were raised that it was inappropriate to have

of

a sacred site. The recommendation of the commission

a restaurant at a cemetery, that it was a desecration

1924. He is important sentation of resistance

The difficulty

arises

when

different

claims

was that "facilities for restaurant, restrooms and shops could be located outside Elmina and Cape Coast Castles

but appropriate musical performance and religious services should be permitted in the monuments" (Re- port 1994:ii). The restaurant was closed. An African American view has been expressed by ImahkuisVienna Robinson in a widely circulated news-

paper article entitled "Isthe Black Man's History Being

'White Washed?' "4 Robinson is an

American from New

York who has moved permanently to Ghana with her husband, to a home on the coast with a view of Elmina Castle. The couple has established an organization called One Africa Productions, dedicated to the reunit- ing of Africans from the diaspora with Africans from the

continent, and, for a fee, they also conduct perform- ances in the dungeons, primarily for African American tourists. In addition, they have other development pro- grams and contribute to the support of a local village. In her article, Imahkuis Robinson describes the first time she visited the Cape Coast dungeons in 1987.

As I stood transfixedin the Women'sDungeon,I could feel

and smell the

dampcomers

crying of tormented Mothers and Sisters being held in

inhumanebondage, never knowingwhat each new day

presence of our Ancestors. From the dark, of that hell-hole I heardthe whimperingand

would bring.Strangewhite men that kept coming in to look at them, feeling them, examiningtheir private parts as if they were some kind of animals;removingthem for their own sick pleasures, while awaiting the Devil ships that would take them into a fourhundred(400) year long hell.5

After describing her own transformative experience in the dungeon, she comments on the restoration, "And

here I am today witnessing the 'White Wash' of African History. But I cannot sit in idleness and watch this

happen without sounding an alarm

serve, renovate, maintain? Exactly what is being done?" Robinson is objecting specifically to new glass win- dows, to the walls of the castle being covered with fresh

paint, and most important, to finding that the Men's

Dungeon had been "painted a bright yellow."6 She con- tinues about the dungeon, "Gone was the musty, linger- ing smell of time and of Black male bodies, the lingering feel of the spirit of these ancestors who had been forc- ibly removed from their 'Mother' land."

Restore, pre-

The recommendation

of the May 1994 conference

was that the cultural heritage of all the different epochs

and powers should be presented, but also that the area symbolizing the slave trade be given reverential treat- ment. In keeping with this, there was a proposal to change the name from Elmina Castle to Elmina Castle and Dungeons, and the same for Cape Coast.

of the Ghana Tourist Board

and the tourism industry, an admittedly economic per- spective, the issue, at least in part, is one of tourism marketing. In May 1994, for example, 500 members of

the African Travel Association, including many Ameri- can representatives, held their convention in Ghana. Tours and visits to the castles were arranged as part of

a conscious

African American market only or primarily is targeted, the emphasis could be to satisfy that market. But if the market is a broader American and European one, then the emphasis might be placed differently. Beyond mar- keting efforts, of course, there are larger issues of his- torical representation, and the key question becomes, What is best for Ghana?

From the perspective

marketing and advertising

effort.

If the

The Representation of Slavery

and in-

of tourism. The

terpretation,

attention

slave experience

troducing into Ghanaian society

tween African Americans and Ghanaians, and possibly

a

a heightened

sensitive

are not asking that only the slave dungeons be discussed by

Aside from the struggle over presentation

there are other impacts

of diaspora blacks to the dungeons

has the potential

awareness

of black-white

and possibly controversial issue.

The Robinsons

and the

of in-

consequence increased tension be-

opposition,

and other African Americans

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the government guides; they have no intention of sup- pressing history and want the guides to present the entire history of the castles. They understand that Afri- cans themselves were active participants in the slave trade, that at first the Gold Coast was a slave importing area, that the Europeans established positions on the coast and did not themselves conduct slave raids into the interior. It was other African peoples who brought the slaves to sell to the Europeans on the coast. There was domestic African slavery and an earlier period (1400 to 1600) of Arab slave trading across the Sahara to the Middle East and the Mediterranean. But emphasizing the dungeons and the slave trade

calls attention

to the European whites

and the diaspora blacks as victims. The opposition be- tween blacks and whites certainly exists in Ghanaian society but it is not currently prominent. All parties recognize that Africans and diaspora blacks have had a different historical experience, but some groups of Af- rican Americans, including the Robinsons' One Africa, see the need to "educate" the Ghanaians about slavery and life in the diaspora. To help achieve this goal, on June 19, 1994, the Robinsons sponsored a ceremony in Cape Coast Castle called Juneteenth (see Figure 3) to commemorate the last day of slavery in America, which

was June 19, 1865. In addition, American blacks have

gone into schoolrooms

subjects. The youth of Elmina-and other areas of Ghana-are very taken with the black American life-

style, which they regard as current and "cool," and are

open to its influences.

education might also be considered a rewriting of Gha-

naian history.

as oppressors

to teach Ghanaians about these

What one point of view sees as

The situation

is full of ironies. When diaspora

blacks return to Africa, the Ghanaians call them obruni,

which means "whiteman," but the term is extended to Europeans, Americans, and Asians regardless of skin

color, so it also has a meaning of foreigner. This second meaning is also ironic, since the diaspora blacks see

themselves

labels the African Americans as both white and foreign, whereas they see themselves as black and at home. A white South African will be called an obruni, but black South Africans, as well as blacks from other countries of Africa south of the Sahara, such as Nigeria, Burkina Faso, or Kenya, will not be called obruni but will be

referred to by another term which means "stranger." Some African Americans who live or work in Ghana

have confided to me that they find it especially galling

that they are called obruni but a black person

Nigeria, who is also

stranger. When we asked the people of Elmina who the tour- ists are, they mentioned, among others, Americans, Dutch, British, Germans, and Portuguese. (The Portu-

as returning "home." So the term obruni

from

a foreigner,

is called simply a

TOURISMANDSLAVERY/

EDWARDM. BRUNER 295

guese built Elmina Castle in 1482, though there are not many tourists from Portugal these days.) The term obruni is applied to all. It suggests that in Elmina con- ceptualization, the entire stream of foreign visitors over the last 500 years, including African Americans, are seen as similar. We in the West make many fine distinc- tions between traders, missionaries, colonialists, eth- nographers, and tourists, and the Elminas do under- stand these differences. But the differentiations we make between types of travelers, between black broth- ers and white oppressors, between Europeans and Americans, are merged by the Ghanaians into a single inclusive category: we are all obruni. Many Ghanaians have told me that they consider some African Americans to be racist.7 They include the Robinsons in this group, though during my discussions with the Robinsons I did not hear one word of racism or hate against any other person or group. One reason for the accusation is that the Robinsons' company, One Africa Productions, puts on a performance in the castle

puts on a p e r f o r m a n c e in the

Figure3

Juneteenthcelebration,1994, CapeCoast Castle. Photo by Edward M.Bruner.

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296 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST* VOL.98,

NO. 2 * JUNE1996

dungeon called "Through the Door of No Return-The

Return," a reenactment

When the performance is held for an African American tour group, the Robinsons exclude whites, on the not unreasonable basis that the African Americans are pay- ing for the performance and feel more comfortable that

way. The African American tourists understandably want to share the moment among themselves, as it is their historical experience. On other occasions, the

Robinsons do allow whites to participate. "Throughthe Door of No Return-The Return"is a fascinating performance. After a tour of the castle, the group assembles in the dungeon, where they hold hands, light candles, pray together, usually weep to- gether, pour libation as a homage to the ancestors, and then pass through the door that the slaves went through to the slave ships taking them to the Americas. For the

of the capture

of the slaves.

slaves, after going through that infamous

door, there

was no return, and it was the beginning

of diaspora

history. But in the Robinsons'

tour group gets to the other side, they sing "We Shall Overcome" and the Negro National Anthem, which are diaspora songs. Then they reenter the castle, singing and dancing African songs to the beat of the drums, festive songs, to celebrate their joyous return to mother Africa. Another production company enacts a different "Through the Door of No Return." In the version of a Ghanaian tour operator in Accra, the performance ends after going through the door, and there is no reentry to the castle, or symbolically, no return to Africa. Thus, the African American production and perspective end with a return to Africa, while the Ghanaian production and

perspective end with the slaves going through the door and not returning. The different performances and end- ings enact different versions of black history and dra- matically reveal the disparate understandings of Afri- can Americans and Ghanaians.8 A further irony is that when African Americans return to Ghana, they find a kind of racism that they already have overcome in America. For example, if there is a long line of people waiting in a shop and a

white person

serve that white person

further complexity is that it was peoples

captured the slaves and sold them to the Europeans in the castles, so that from an African American perspec- tive, one could say that the Ghanaians were not only

their brothers and sisters but also their oppressors. Thus an African American tourist who meets a Ghana-

ian may secretly wonder, Did his ancestors sell my ancestors?9 Further, some Ghanaians, seeing that dias-

pora blacks

were

because now they are economically well off and have a higher standard of living than the Ghanaians.1?African

reenactment,

once the

enters,

the shopkeeper

ahead

of the

will frequently Ghanaians. A of Ghana who

are prosperous

fortunate

and educated,

in being

feel they

in a sense

taken as slaves,

Americans too may ask, What would my life have been like had my ancestors not been taken as slaves but remained in Africa?

Another

view

expressed

was

that

the

African

American interest in slavery and the dungeons focuses on one event and one time range in the past, as opposed to a return to all the expressive cultural aspects of contemporary African culture. In this perception the return should be multifaceted and fully open to all dimensions of the present-day African experience. This concern is reflected in current African American schol-

arship. Slavery in America was once treated as part of Southern history, but in the last 25 years, with revision- ist scholarship, the darker side of slavery has been more

fully exposed

correlates

slavery with ethnohistorical sources. David Scott (1991), however, is critical of this effort to verify an authentic past rooted in slavery, and proposes to

change the problematic to ask how the figures of "Af- rica" and of "slavery"are utilized by contemporary peo- ples to construct a history, to provide an identity, and to create narratives and practices. Rather than aim for an ever-more-accurate reconstruction of slavery, Scott shifts the problematic to ask about the meaning of slavery to contemporary peoples. At the May 1994 conference in the castle, a promi- nent African American referred to Anthony Hyland, an architect working on the restoration, as a "white slave master." In Elmina a diaspora black, after visiting the dungeons, physically attacked a Dutch tourist. One Ghanaian woman, who had seen the Robinsons' produc- tion of "Through the Door of No Return-The Return," told me that after viewing the performance she wanted to go out and strangle a white person.

and revealed. Price (1983), for example,

about their past in

Saramakas's statements

After my return from Ghana, while

writing this

essay, I read a New York Times article written by Mi-

chael Janofsky entitled "Mock Auction

of Slaves Out-

rages Some Blacks" (1994). At Colonial Williamsburg,

an enactment

four slaves were to be sold to the highest bidder. The

performance had been organized by the African-Ameri- can Department of Colonial Williamsburg, which in- cludes 13 black museum professionals.1~ The director of the department, a black woman, argued that open display and discussion was the only way for people to

understand the degradation of slavery, a horror that had

to be faced.

of Jews, why not a slave auction of blacks? But critics said the "slave auctions are too painful to bring to life

in any form" (Janofsky 1994:7), and the Richmond branch of the NAACP reported that their phones were ringing off the hook in protest and outrage. The per- formance of the slave auction was canceled. America

of a slave auction had been scheduled;

She asked, If museums depict the Holocaust

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TOURISM AND SLAVERY

/

EDWARD M.

BRUNER

297

TOURISM AND SLAVERY / EDWARD M. BRUNER 297 Figure 4 ElminaCastleand s u r r o

Figure 4 ElminaCastleand surroundings, viewfromthetown.Photo by EdwardM.Bruner.

has not yet come to terms with slavery or its repre-

sentation.12

Who Ownsthe Castles?

Aside from the issue of representation and inter- pretation, there is the question of who should control the castles. The Ghana Museums and Monuments Board is the designated custodian of all national monuments, but traditional chiefs also have a claim. In my meeting with the Council of Chiefs ofEdina (Elmina), they noted that artifacts and furniture from Elmina Castle had been relocated to museums and sites elsewhere in Ghana, and they wanted the objects returned. The chiefs com- plained that when the African Travel Association brought 500 travel agents and officials to the area, they did not even pay a courtesy call on the Elmina tradi- tional chiefs, who felt embarrassed and offended. Fur- ther, they said that CEDECOM (Central Region Devel- opment Commission), the regional planning agency, does not inform them of its plans for tourism develop- ment, even though that development is taking place in their area of jurisdiction. The chiefs also suggested that the land on which Elmina Castle is located belongs to them, to the stool (the emblem of the traditional chiefs), so they should get royalties. This very issue is what

precipitated warfare between the British and the Ashanti in 1872 after the transfer of the West African settlements from the Dutch to the British. The Ashanti claimed that Elmina belonged to them, therefore, the British should pay them ground rent. The British re- fused, so in 1873 the Ashanti attacked.

The people

of Elmina at the time sided with the

Ashanti, so the British demanded that the Elminas give

up their weapons. When they refused, the British bom-

barded and destroyed the part of Elmina located along

of

Elmina has never been rebuilt and is now an archae- ological site. Since 1873, all the residents of Elmina have lived on the other side of the Benya River, away from the castle. We could say that British military might

the sea coast,

adjacent to the castle. That section

moved the local population away from the castle, so that the British and the Elmina peoples were separated by the river.

of separation has continued to the

present. Before the restoration, in the area surrounding the castle, there was a market with small stands and food stalls. All of these sellers and market people have

been relocated away from the castle grounds (see Fig- ure 4). Previously the markets served the needs of the local residents, but now the castle serves the tourists. In our focus group discussions there was no objection

The process

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298 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST* VOL.98,

NO. 2 * JUNE1996

to the removal of the food sellers, and in fact the major- ity of Elminas approved of it. They understood that the castle area had to be cleared and cleaned for the tour- ists.

When I first went to Elmina Castle in June 1994, I was shocked to find a sign at the entrance to the castle that read, in English and in Fanti, "THISAREAIS RE-

STRICTEDTO ALLPERSONSEXCEPTTOURISTS" (Figure 5).

The local people, the residents of Elmina, were not to go beyond the castle wall and were restricted from entering the castle grounds. It was explained to me that this was to keep the locals from defecating in the area around the castle and on the beach, and also to protect the tourists from being hassled. Elmina residents are

able to enter the castle only as tourists-they are sup- posed to pay a 300 cedis (about U.S.30?) admission fee, though the guides told us that not all do so. One Elmina resident, refusing to pay the entrance fee, stated that the castle and the land belonged to the Elmina people, so why should they pay an admission fee? Some African Americans also refuse to pay the fee, saying they didn't pay to leave here, so they shouldn't have to pay to come back. To return to my argument, the Elmina people have again been separated from the castle, their castle,

which has been dedicated

local people not only are excluded from their major tourist site but have become the objects of tourism themselves, for the tourists look at and photograph the people as well as the sites. As one enters the grounds and approaches the cas- tle at Elmina there is a second sign (Figure 6)-a huge one-which lists the donors and agencies involved in the restoration project (the Monuments and Cultural Heritage Conservation project) as follows: United States Agency for International Development (USAID), United Nations Development Programme (UNDP),

to tourism. The

completely

Shell (Ghana) Limited, Ghana Museums and Monu- ments Board, International Council on Monuments and

Council on M o n u m e n t s a n d Figure5 S

Figure5

Signby theentranceto ElminaCastle.Photo by EdwardM.Bruner.

b y E d w a r d M . B r u n e r

Figure 6 Sign on the groundsof ElminaCastle.Photoby EdwardM.Bruner.

Sites (U.S. Chapter), and Smithsonian Institution. Fi- nally, in a smaller type size at the bottom, it states that the project is being implemented by the Central Region Development Commission and the Midwest Universi- ties Consortium for International Activities (USA). The latter, MUCIA,includes my university, the University of Illinois. These signs suggest that the people of Elmina are restricted from entering the castle and that the project has been given over to a blue ribbon list of international aid agencies and is controlled by their staff and hired consultants, of which I am one. The United States is mentioned in the sign three different times. The govern- ment of Ghana is not mentioned except through two of its agencies, which are themselves dependent upon USAID and United Nations money. So who "owns" the castle? Who has the power to represent one of Ghana's greatest historical monuments?13

Tourismas Commerce

Ghanaians generally welcome tourists but, in the

focus groups, some tourists were considered

"dirty,"and "drugaddicts," and some of their behavior

was considered

some

madmen." A 44-year-old male said, "The way some of them dress, the way some of the men have their ear- lobes pierced, the very short dresses of some of the women which expose their private parts, are what I don't like about them." A 19-year-old female said, "Some are Rastafarians and I think they do not normally bathe. We don't like that." There is also distrust, and I quote from the transcriptions of the focus group discussions:

"ruffians,"

"shocking." A 46-year-old female said

"look like

tourists are "really dirty," and some

Some [tourists]are CLAagents, but come underthe cover of tourismand help their governmentto deal with African governments.Theynormallyhelptheirgovernmentto over-

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throwAfricangovernments.Ourgovernmentshouldwatch these people very well. [male,age 36]

Myworry is that we are near the sea. And we receive a lot of foreign boats on our shores. And in these days of many stories aboutwars,we couldbe taken unawareby enemies. Before we could do anything,we would be surroundedby enemies. [male,age 18]

There are also aggressive acts toward tourists, mugging and stealing, to such an extent that the local government has assigned guards to protect the tourists. We heard over and over again about the need for pro- tection of the tourists.T4 The district chief executive expressed the hope that the tourists coming to Elmina would register with the Ghana Tourist Board, who would then inform the assembly, who would then know

of their coming so that they could be guarded.

The term protection appeared repeatedly, so we probed for shades of meaning to better understand how the word was being used locally. We found three mean-

ings: first, it means protection in the sense of guarding against theft; second, it means protection in the sense of guiding and helping the tourists find their way in Elmina town; third, it means protection from harass- ment and from the annoyance of those who come up to the tourists requesting money, or a pen, or an address.

A protector then is not only a guard but a cultural

broker, a mediator between the citizens and the tour-

ists. When a tourist walks through the town accompa-

nied by a guard-guide-protector, much safer, as the other residents

recognize the Elmina person serving as protector and do not disturb the tourist.

then that tourist

is

of the community

there is one

behavior most offensive to the local Ghanaians.15 The people of Elmina object strenuously when tourists take

without permission. We heard this senti-

photographs

ment frequently in the focus group discussions and

interviews.

Above all other negatives,

however,

I am ever ready to destroy the camera of any obruniwho takes my picture withoutmy permission. [male,age 40]

Onetourist at one time took a picture of a fishermanwho was changinghis clothing.Thiswas not good. At that time

I even called a police officer to intervene but he did not mind me. We wish this attitude of tourists should be checked because we blacks cannot take such pictures in Europeor America. [male,age 37]

Theytake pictureswithoutthe consent of the people. Some intentionally take pictures of naked and badly dressed people. Thesepicturesgivea badimpressionaboutus when they are sent abroad. [female,age 63]

Some tourists take pictures without our consent. I once struggledwith a touristwho took mypicturewithouttelling me. I seized the cameraandremovedthe film fromit. I had wanted to destroy the camerabut I did not. Wewant them

TOURISMANDSLAVERY/

EDWARDM. BRUNER 299

to make us aware before taking our picture so that we may charge them because in their countries, people pay for everything. [female, age 19]

There are two factors involved in the strong objec- tions to tourists taking photographs without permis- sion. One view expressed is that tourists take photo- graphs of naked children and dirty places, and the tourists return home displaying a very negative image of Elmina and Ghana. The issue here is the poor repre-

sentation of the Elmina people, a derogatory image. The

factor is that the taking of photographs is not

second

reciprocal. Citizens have complained that those taking the photos return home and sell the photographs for a profit, but the people of Elmina get nothing in return. The observation was made a number of times about a

local person traveling abroad who saw pictures of Elmina people on calendars, postcards, and in maga- zines. It was asked, If the photographers profit why shouldn't their subjects? The concern about photography on the part of Gha- naians is indicative, almost metaphoric, of the perva- sive commercial nature of the transactions between tourists and locals in Elmina. Little children continually ask for money, as do many adults. One constantly hears the phrase, "Obruni,money money." The illiterate, less- educated people ask for money directly, while educated persons also request payment, but do so in a more subtle and indirect manner. Ghanaians resent the image of African poverty reported by Westerners, yet the prac- tice of begging for money from Westerners is wide- spread, possibly a consequence of the tremendous dis- parity in wealth between the tourists and the locals. Asking for payment may, however, be a cultural charac- teristic-in some situations, those in Elmina ask for money from other members of their own community. A local elder as well as one of our research assistants had both completed papers for their B.A. degrees at the University of Cape Coast. Their papers were on Elmina festival and culture, and in both cases they had to pay for the information they received. The consequence of this practice from the tourist perspective is that it exposes the commercial nature of tourism. We know that tourism is a business, indeed an industry, and that the tourists do have to pay for their experience, but the commercial aspect is frequently disguised. When tourists go on organized group tours they usually pay for everything in advance, and thereaf-

ter no money incidentals.

there are few reminders of this on the organized tour. Individual budget travelers too have the myth that they

do not pay for their touristic adventures and that they

become

believe the myth, encouraged by the tour operators,

changes

hands except

experience

for drinks and

is bought,

but

Many tourists

The touristic

"friends" of the local people.

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300 AMERICANANTHROPOLOGIST* VOL.98,

NO. 2 * JUNE1996

that they are guests and that the locals are their hosts. But if in Elmina tourists are constantly asked for

it re-

money,

minds the tourists

paying customers. It destroys the illusion that the tour-

ist is simply a visitor and an adventuresome traveler. For those African Americans who return to Africa for self-realization, or to experience the slave dungeons, the commercial nature of the encounter may be disap- pointing.

further about the mercantile nature

but are

for everything,

including

photographs,

that they are not guests

We speculated

of tourist-local interactions in Elmina. A member of our research team thought that as politicians in Elmina pay for votes, and missionaries pay for converts, why shouldn't tourists pay for photographs? After all, this is capitalism, and isn't tourism the commodification of social relations and experience? The citizens of Elmina may have it right, that tourism is a business, based on

exchange, and to trade money for photographs is appro- priate and realistic. There are other objections to the behavior of tour- ists. Locals are offended when tourists walk through the town in swimming suits, or bikinis, or when they wear see-through clothing. Giving or receiving with the left hand is considered impolite in Ghana, yet tourists do it. We received some comments, especially from older people, that it was inappropriate for tourist couples to walk hand in hand, or to touch or kiss in public. A Ghanaian woman will usually walk behind her husband. But some of the Elmina youth did not object to this aspect of tourist behavior, and they found themselves explaining to their elders that touching or kissing in public is just part of Western culture, and that the Elmina folk should learn to understand it. Still others said that for couples to walk together and to touch each other showed affection, respect for one's partner, that it was better than the Elmina way, and that in this regard, the people of Elmina could learn from the tour- ists.

CulturalRevival

A final consequence

of tourism is that the tourist

interest in Ghanaian culture has led to an increase

in