Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism?

Saittawut Yutthaworakool

Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neo-imperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool
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Whatever the length and tediousness of the search for new forms of work within the CIS, we mustn't put up obstacles to work in the areas where tangible achievements have already been reached. Vladimir Putin, Russian President at Kazan summit on 27 August 2005
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Since the ending process of the Cold War from the approximately 1980s until the early 1990s , global politics shifted from a bipolar system to a unipolar system which the United States has been perceived as a hegemonic power in various dimensions politically, economically and socio-culturally. The worlds first country to launch the aerospace programme, Russia, formerly Soviet Union, could scarcely project herself as a major power in the global political arena. Moreover, the U.S. hegemonic power has expanded throughout many countries across the continents as known as a new world order , and influenced them inevitably. This expansion of the U.S. role moving toward Europe, particularly the Eastern Europe and Central Asia, the old Soviet strategic umbrella so called near abroad, has been somewhat doubtful for Russia, where people are proud of their grandiose history. In addition, the ambiguous Russian geographic location contributes to Russia herself of becoming a part of Europe or apart from Europe or in the midst? Accordingly, Russia must no longer play passive foreign relations with these magnificent states; on the other hand, she needs to vigorously pursue the big brother status after she has lost since the end of powerful Soviet era.
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a 3rd year student majoring in Politics and International Relations, Faculty of Political Science, Thammasat University, THAILAND 2 "CIS leaders meet on cooperation to face up to challenges." Xinhua, August 27, 2005. http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2005-08/27/content_3409979.htm (accessed October 6, 2013). 3 The end of the Cold War is the process which had started in the early 1980s. Then it continued to many important changes in the early 1990s. For further information: Suri, Jeremi. "Explaining the End of the Cold War: A New Historical Consensus?." working paper. 4 Muzaffer Ercan, YlLMAZ. "The New World Order: An Outline of the Post -Cold War Era." Alternatives: Turkish Journal of International Relations. no. 4 (2008). Or See Baranovsky 2000 5 Baranovski, Vladimir. "Russia: a part of Europe or apart from Europe?." working paper., Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2000. http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/2625948?uid=3739136&uid=2&uid=4&sid=21102737101083.

Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool

However, Russian foreign policy has always been periodically commutated from time to time regarding international and global political circumstances, and leaders ideology and perceptions. Russias struggle with her national identity in the Post-Cold War period also supports the uncertainty of her foreign policy, whether pursuing a pro-Western ideology or the rivalry statist realism against the West, or even the old Civilizationism critical approach (See Tsygankov 2010, 7-8). Moreover, geopolitical and geoeconomic realism foreign policy (See Poonkham 2012), which has been used differently for different aspects in explaining the post-Soviet Russian relations timeline with the near abroad, are able to describe what Russia has been trying to pursue for a period of time. Furthermore, neo-imperialism is theoretically identified, and defined as well as explained with the analysis of the change and continuity of Post-Soviet Russian foreign relations with the near abroad from the beginning of Boris Yeltsin to the current third term Vladimir Putin administrations through the nonRussian lens of this transforming stance of Russia, whether or not it prefers to return to the great imperialist. Theoretical framework: Social Constructivism The struggle of the realist and liberalist theoretical approach in understanding Russian foreign policy emerges because both have too narrow views in analysing the neoimperialism foreign relations between Russia and her near abroad. Therefore, this paper employs the social constructivism as a framework to approach the answer. As it has been mentioned earlier that Russian foreign policy has been changed from time to time due to some particular constructive issues which influence the foreign policy makers to construct a policy. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russian foreign policy was more likely shaped by the liberal Westernist concept or liberalism (See Tsygankov 2010, 5 and Chapter 11). Fortunately, Russia had such a pro-Western foreign minister, Andrei Kozyrev, who, allying with Boris Yeltsin in the first term, headed Russia toward the Western international institutions to pursue Russian national interest. During this period, Russia proclaimed herself as a part of Europe or integration. The near abroad was isolated politically, economically and socio-culturally. Russia would not aim to become an empire again in the region. (See Tsygankov 2010, 77 85)

Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool

Realist thinkers supported Yevgeni Primakovs Russia as apart from Europe. Perception of Russian political elites Russia confronted with the external threat from the West, enhanced herself toward anti-Western policy (Ibid 2010). Primakov shook Yeltsins stance on his previous liberal point after the failure of the economic reforms as a result of shock therapy (See Poonkham 2012 and Tsygankov 2010, 75). In addition, Russia confronted more security challenge with the Chechnya, the enlargement of NATO and EU in the near abroad, etc. contributing to Russian concern over her national identity, which was challenged to pursue a great power status. Nevertheless, the transformation to the new leader, Vladimir Putin, in the beginning of the 21st century, the foreign policy shifted again toward the West, particularly the September 11, 2001, but this shift to engage the West was different from the past Russia was a mixture among Westernist and Statist (See Tsygankov 2010, 19). Moreover, there were more actors emerging in this period such as the oligarchs. However, this foreign policy lasted not very long, from 2004 to the present, Putin and his deputy, Medvedevs perception toward Russian foreign policy was blithely different the old days (See Shuster 2013, pp.18). The so called U.S. support in coloured revolutions in many Eastern European countries as well as the perception of leaders in terrorism led Russia recognised the Western threat return the region, and interrupted Russian interest in the near abroad. With this overwhelming issue, social constructivism tends to be employed as it does not perceive international political system in the only two international relations theories. Andrei Tsygankov defined social constructivism as the way to view international system as a social or cultural phenomenon (p.14). Therefore, questions emerge when analysing Russian foreign relations and policy - Why the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad needs to be in that particular way under neo-imperialism? How does Russia act towards these near abroad from Yeltsin to Putin administrations? How Russia foreign relations and policy have influenced by the international and local conditions? (p. 20)
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Analysis: Neo-imperialist re-emergence in the Post-Soviet Russian foreign relations with the near abroad?

See Tsygankov 2010, Chapter 1 for more details about Russian social constructivism of her foreign relations and policy

Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool

This is the analysis part of the paper. The answer for the papers question is Yes, the Post-Soviet Russian foreign relations with the near abroad can be understood as the neo-imperialism. This part aims to analyse the factors contributing to the Russian status of neo-imperialism. Neo-imperialism for the Post-Soviet Russia, from my perspective, stands on the concept of sovereign democracy, which proposes that the Western managed democracy was complex and governed by the absolute power contrasting to Russian sovereign democracy idea that governed by participation of the people. This concept was developed during the second-term of President Putin after shifting from the close relations with the West to the strengthening relations with the near abroad. The Russian State has chosen freedom and democracy, and will never be an empire, nor an older or younger brother. It will be an equal among equals. Boris Yeltsin, Russian Presidents declaration after the failure of the August 1991 coup
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Is the near abroad relevant and important for Russia? Why does Russia want to pursue her neo-imperialist status over the near abroad? These questions has sprung up when analysis about the role of Russia in the near abroad. The near abroad is the former Soviet territories which have been special strategic interests for Russia. Dmitri Medvedev, Prime Minister of Russia once said countrys spheres of privileged interests.
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The Commonwealth of

Independent States or CIS was also the outcome in the Post-Soviet Russia. It established in 1991 with the tasks of the new post-Cold War strategic architecture in various dimensions such as military, economic cooperation. The following paragraphs are analysed factors supporting the papers question. First, Russias geographic location is in the middle among the near abroad undoubtedly proclaims herself as a Eurasian state. Being the current stage of not relying on any continents is good for Russia as she can play a constructive role with both near abroad in Europe and Asia. Russia has passed the struggle of her national identity toward the liberal pro-Westernist isolating near abroad, and the statist anti-Westernist integrating near
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See Ohara 2007, p.3 and Petrov 2005 See Hosking 2012, p.605 9 Trenin, Dmitri. "Russias Spheres of Interest, not Influence." The Washington Quarterly. (October 2009): p.1.

Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool

abroad since the Post-Cold War. It has proved that there has not been any suitable foreign policy for these two decades. A Neo-Eurasianism
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for Russia is the standing point of

between Europe and Asia, which means the near abroad comprising multi-ethnic groups including Russian. Russia needs to protect her Russian race in the near abroad after they were torn apart by the national borders at the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The near abroad is also a frontline for Russia to prevent any threats to the country especially the expansion of NATO and European Union which will be discussed later. Second, Russias abundant natural resources, particularly oil and natural gas strengthen dependency of the near abroad on Russian pipelines. In this paper, a dispute over oil and gas between Russia and Ukraine is selected as a case study to deeply show the neoimperialist Russia. Oil and gas are the non-renewable natural resources which are very important for various dimensions in every country. Russia is one of many rich oil and gas countries in the world that many countries are dependent on. Strategically, Russia is on the right track of her foreign policy and relations with the near abroad for oil and gas. The old imperialist is the one who takes over other lands to exploit resources, but Russia is vice versa. Currently, Russia becomes the first-largest natural gas producer in the world, surpassing Saudi Arabia since 2011, while second-largest crude oil producer, following Saudi Arabia.
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There are many pipelines connecting Russia and the near abroad such as the Baku
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TbilisiCeyhan pipeline, which passes Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey ; Baku Novorossiysk pipeline (the Northern Route Export Pipeline) . Both are operated by the Transneft, the state-owned enterprise controlling pipelines, successful oil producer company.
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whereas Gazprom is a

A number of bilateral and multilateral agreements signed

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Smith, Graham. "The Masks of Proteus: Russia, Geopolitical Shift and the New Eurasianism." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series,. no. 4 (1999): 482. 11 U.S. Energy Information Administration. 2012. s.v. "Russia." 12 "Russia skeptical about Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline. http://en.ria.ru/business/20050602/40460669.html" RIANOVOSTI, Evening Edition edition, sec. Business, June 2, 2005. 13 "TRANSPORT ROUTES OF AZERBAIJANI OIL (BAKU-NOVOROSSIYSK, BAKU-SUPSA) ." Accessed October 8, 2013. http://www.azerbaijan.az/_Economy/_OilStrategy/oilStrategy_05_e.html. 14 Transneft, Accessed October 8, 2013. http://eng.transneft.ru/. 15 Gazprom, "About Gazprom." Accessed October 8, 2013. http://www.gazprom.com/.

Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool

between Russia and the near abroad enhance Russian national interest politically and economically. Third, Russian foreign policy herself constructs a sphere of interests over the near abroad. Russian strength enables the effective stability and security of the near abroad herself. In addition with Russian foreign policy with the near abroad that she wants to be perceived as the major power. The Yeltsin Doctrine stronger role in the near abroad, especially the CIS as Russia would protect her national interests (rossiyane) when there is something happening in these countries, it becomes a matter for Russia as well. Russia is against the expansion of NATO through other additional European states unless Russia becomes a member of NATO. There are more points in this doctrine, but from the two above are related to the relationship with the near abroad that Russia sees the near abroad as her own national interest, and does not want the external interference on Russian affairs of becoming a new imperialist in the 21st century. The new Russian doctrine initiated by Sergei Lavrov, a long-serving foreign minister of Russia is the one implication showing what Russian effort in trying to send the message to the world that Russia is now seeking a status of major power. However, Russia needs to be recognized by her near abroad first. This doctrine is said to be a political process that has a potential to change the geopolitical reality in a region of Russias strategic interest . After the Coloured Revolutions in several countries in the near abroad, Russia became to ask herself about the stability of her position in the areas. Fourth, American expansion to the near abroad and the enlargement of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) supported by the U.S. as well as European Union encourage Russia to prevent her national interest in the near abroad. Russia has always been aware of the U.S. spread of thoughts and ideas about freedom and liberal democracy. Thus, Russia produced a rhetoric interest for Russia, sovereign democracy to act against the Western
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listed those reasons of Russian

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YURI Afanasyev, Yuri. "'A New Russian Imperialism'."Perspective. no. 3 (February - March 1994). http://www.bu.edu/iscip/vol4/Afanasyev.html (accessed October 8, 2013). 17 Salukvadze, Khatuna. Central-Asia Caucasus Institute, "RUSSIAS NEW DOCTRINE OF NEOIMPERIALISM." Last modified August 2, 2006. Accessed October 8, 2013. http://old.cacianalyst.org/?q=node/3724.

Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool

active role Russia ... will decide for itself the pace, terms and conditions of moving towards democracy. We are a free nation, and our place in the modern world will be defined only by how successful and strong we are, said Putin.
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Primakov, Russian foreign minister

was against the eastward expansion of NATO in January 1994 in response to the security crisis in the Balkans (See Tsygankov 2010). Russia was challenged by the broken commitment from those Western countries when Gorbachev and Bush during 1990s had negotiated that the NATO would not expand one inch to the east. However, Clinton expanded NATO to NATO to the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland. Russia and the West established the Permanent Joint Council for the consultation between the NATO members and Russia herself, but it is ineffective at the end of the day. Why does the expansion of NATO in the near abroad threaten Russia? Russia has a number of Russian-ethnic groups residing in this area as well as its strategic business in oil and gas. In addition, Russia does not want the Western idea of liberal democracy to destabilize Russian sphere of Russian style liberal democracy. Also, when these countries in the near abroad become a member of NATO. There will be stations, troops coming near Russian national borders. Nowadays, technology is developed far more we expect. The U.S. may reach these areas through the enlargement of NATO. Russia is inevitably stuck. Fifth, a role of peacekeeper aggressive or normative act of Russia? This question is asked whether the role of peacekeeper of Russia is what Russia should do or do not. In the website of Ministry of Defence of Russia, one of the roles of Russia peacekeeping operation is in the inter-ethnic conflicts in the territories in the former USSR Republics (near abroad), for instance, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Transnistria, Tajikistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Metohija. This has shown the effort of Russia over the region as well as her capability of a member of permanent seat in the UN Security Council. This peacekeeping operation is an effort to show the power of Russian military to maintain peace and stability in the region. However, Russia proposes non-intervention, for instance the case of Kosovo and Syria. With this, it contrasts to the idea of humanitarian intervention of the U.S. Russia tries to portrait herself as a peace-loving country so that the old image of Russia would not return.

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"Putin says Russia will choose pace of reforms." The Guardian, sec. World News, April 25, 2005. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2005/apr/25/russia (accessed October 8, 2013).

Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool

A case study of Ukraine This paper chooses Russia Ukraine gas disputes since 2005 as a case study to prove neo-imperialism performed by Russia. After the demise of the Soviet Union, subsidies on energy by the big brother Russia was ended. Oil and natural gas relied on the market mechanism. Russia has used her pipelines to export oil and gas to the dependent near abroad and other countries outside the former Soviet sphere (See Tsygankov 2010, 191). Gazprom was established as the countrys oil and gas supplier. In 2005, Russia felt to be confronted by the U.S. support in the coloured revolutions staged in many countries such as Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. Russia decided to increase the price of oil and gas export through the pipelines to Ukraine from $50 to $ 230 per 1,000 cubic meters. Yes, Russia would like to punish Ukraine for her change of government in the Orange Revolution (See Kropatcheva 2006, 9) As Yulia Tymoshenko, former Ukrainian prime minister stated that The gas dispute between Russia and Ukraine has been a wake-up call for many in Western Europe and Washington, and attracted great attention to the use of energy as a post-Soviet neo-imperialist weapon, (See Ibid) it perfectly presents the use of energy factor to politicize bilateral issues which affect the whole European continent. Moreover, Russia wanted to warn Ukraine of becoming a member of the European Union and NATO pushed by President Viktor Yushchenko, who was and is pro-Western, while leaving Russia to the new cooperative friends. Russia would no longer have a buffer state if Ukraine became a member of both international institutions. As it was mentioned that the dispute affected the whole Europe, Ukraine was in the crisis whether to move against Russia or toward Russia. Ukraine, then again had dispute with Russia in 2009. Russia claimed that Ukraine stole gas from Russia during the transit through Ukraine to other European countries.
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post-Cold War neo-imperialist Russia continued to pressure Ukraine to pay for compensation. However, the new President Viktor Yanukovych was elected as a new president in 2010, which favoured Russia very much. He decided to sign the agreement with Russia which led to the reconsidering of gas price among Gazprom and Naftogaz, the state-owned gas

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ZHDANNIKOV, DMITRY, and SABINA ZAWADZKI. "Ukraine 'steals gas owned by EU' says Russia." The Independent, , sec. Europe, January 3, 2009. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/ukraine-stealsgas-owned-by-eu-says-russia-1223061.html (accessed October 8, 2013).

Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool

company of Ukraine. Both parliaments approved conflict was solved, while Ukraine is not a member of both European Union and NATO. Conclusion From the very beginning of this paper, it has presented a set of understandings PostSoviet Russian foreign policy in geopolitical and geoeconomic realism at the ending processes of the end of the Cold War. It also argues the realist and liberalist thinkers on the theoretical framework which should be dealt with the social constructivism due to several schools of thought. The paper also analyses the contributing factors to the neo-imperialist status of Russia with the near abroad I the post-Soviet until nowadays to pursue her national interest as a major power, not only for the region, but also for the global stage. I presented the case study of gas pipeline dispute between Russia and Ukraine at the end of the paper. In my opinion, Russia will continue this kind of foreign policy and relations with her near abroad regarding various reasons stated previously. Russia under Putin will more approach to the East, rather than look at the West during the economic recession of the U.S. and the Western Europe. However, Russia will continue to pursue her position as a Eurasian state with her surrounding near abroad countries in both Asia and Europe. More cooperation will be enhanced with the near abroad, particularly the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015 with two friendly states Kazakhstan and Belarus. With this, it led the free flow of economic activities or it means the national borders between Russia and these countries are cut the return of imperialism but in form of economic interest? Also, the international spotlight will catch Russian eyes more from the several conferences and the Olympic held at Sochi in 2014.

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Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool

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Can the post-Soviet Russia foreign relations with the near abroad be best understood as neoimperialism? Saittawut Yutthaworakool

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