The

Social Structure of a Tanjore Village

Kathleen Gough
serve the village temple. K u m b a p e t t a i is a f a i r l y t y p i c a l " B r a h m a n village ". One-and-ah a l f miles square, w i t h a p o p u l a t i o n of a b o u t 1200, it lies on a bus route eight miles f r o m a t o w n . B e h i n d each house in the streets is a small garden of coconuts and vegetables, w h i l e r o u n d the w h o l e village, f o r about h a l f a m i l e , stretch its double-crop p a d d y fields, w a t e r e d by the i n t r i c a t e system of i r r i g a t i o n channels f r o m the K a v e r i a n d its tributaries. j u s t o f f the m a i n r o a d , i n the northeast of the village, lies the B r a h m a n street of forty-six houses, ten of w h i c h are n o w e m p t y , their owners h a v i n g m o v e d to the towns. The tiled-roofed houses adjoin, a n d the t w o l o n g rows face each other across the narrow road. B e h i n d the houses, on each side of the street, the gardens lead d o w n to i r r i g a t i o n channels b o r d e r i n g the p a d d y fields. T w o temples stand near the agraharam: t h a t to Siva, i n the northeast, a n d that to V i s h n u , in the west. N e a r b y are a b a t h i n g t a n k , a shrine to G a n a p a t h i near w h i c h the B r a h m a n s recite daily jabams after p e r f o r m i n g t h e i r ablutions, a n d a second shrine b u i l t over the t o m b of a B r a h m a n sanyasi of the village. The Brahmans, w i t h t h e i r gardens, temples, bathing pool and caste-shrines, thus occupy the northwest corner of the village. A single n o n - B r a h m a n house of K u t t h a d i s , a caste whose m e n formerly performed religious p u p p e t plays a n d whose women are d a n c i n g girls,, stands alone on the northwest b o u n d a r y of the village. Southwards, across garden and p a d d y l a n d , lie t w e n t y houses, i n t w o streets, of the non-Brahman K o n a r caste. T h e K o n a r are cowherds by t r a d i t i o n . Their houses are smaller t h a n the Brahman houses, t h a t c h e d , a n d set slightly apart i n t h e i r gardens. Today, the i n c o m e ( d e r i v e d f r o m a l l sources) of B r a h m a n families living entirely in the village, varies f r o m about Rs 80 to about Rs 900 a month. T h e average K o n a r househ o l d , by contrast, appears to earn one kalam of p a d d y per a d u l t per m o n t h , plus Rs 20 to Rs 60 in cash' thus b r i n g i n g the value of the t o t a l in co m e to between Rs 50 a n d R s 100 per m o n t h . A d i D r a v i d a 531 families, by contrast again, appear t o d e m a n d rather more p a d d y a n d less cash; the average income of an Adi D r a v i d a household may be estimated very r o u g h l y at a value of between Rs 40 a n d Rs 80 per m o n t h . M o s t K o n a r families keep one o r t w o cows, a n d i n a d d i t i o n m i l k the cows a n d d o garden w o r k for Brahmans. T h e i r service was f o r m e r l y h e r e d i t a r y : the same f a m i lies served B r a h m a n families f o r generations a n d c o u l d not change t h e i r allegiance w i t h o u t consent f r o m their o r i g i n a l masters. T o d a y , i n d i v i d u a l K o n a r m e n , like A d i Dravidas, sometimes become " attached " for a p e r i o d to a p a r t i cular B r a h m a n l a n d l o r d t h r o u g h indebtedness; they b o r r o w money f r o m the l a n d l o r d a n d must t h e n w o r k o n l y for h i m u n t i l the debt is repaid. In the o l d type of service, i n w h i c h families o f K o n a r a n d A d i Dravidas w o r k e d b y hered i t a r y r i g h t f o r B r a h m a n families, the servants were called adirnai (serfs). T h i s w o r d is n o w seldom heard, A few people, b o t h K o n a r a n d A d i D r a v i d a , d o however still w o r k f r o m choice for their t r a d i t i o n a l masters, w h o distinguish between hereditary servants a n d h i r e d labourers, and feel greater responsi b i l i t y for the former, g i v i n g t h e m gifts at marriages and sending f o o d d u r i n g sickness. H e r e d i t a r y servants are p a i d at least p a r t l y in p a d d y , w h i c h they prefer. An ordinary h i r e d labourer m a y be paid daily i n the same way, o r m o n t h l y in cash: he is called a pannaiyal (workman). K o n a r are also tenants to B r a h m a n landlords, usually t o the m e n w h o m they serve. T h e tenure is called kuthakau An annual rent in p a d d y is fixed a c c o r d i n g to the f e r t i l i t y o f the soil, a n d p a i d i n t w o instalments, after the t w o harvests i n February a n d October. In a b u m p e r year, the t e n a n t m a y r e t a i n one-third or even h a l f the c r o p after his rent is p a i d ; in a bad year ( l i k e the present one) he m a y lose a l l or r e t a i n just enough f o r the next year's seed a n d c u l t i v a t i o n expenses. T h e landlord may theoretically d e m a n d the whole rent i n p a d d y or its equivalent in cash at the c o n t r o l l e d price, whatever t h e harvest, a n d a very few do so. M o s t k n o w t h e i r tenants' circumstances a n d give small concessions

This is the seventh of a series of village studies published in the earlier issues of The Economic Weekly.

W O types o f village structure appear t o b e present i n T a n j o r e district. T h e most prevalent is the mirasi village, where the l a n d is o w n e d in small amounts by a number of separate patrilineal joint-families. T h i s type appar e n t l y dates in its essential features f r o m the p e r i o d o f the T a m i l C h o l a kings, whose p o w e r declined with the M u s l i m invasions of the early f o u r t e e n t h century, a n d ended w i t h the invasion f r o m V i j a y a n a g a r i n 1534. T h e other type, the in am village, dates f r o m the M a h r a t t a conquest (1674-1799) when the a l i e n M a h r a t t a kings m a d e grants o f w h o l e villages t o i n d i v i d u a l families o f T a m i l Brahmans a n d immigrant Mahrattas and to religious institutions. H e r e , I a t t e m p t to o u t l i n e the social o r g a n i z a t i o n of a mirasi village in the northwest of the d i s t r i c t , a n d t o i n d i c a t e w h a t seem, after f o u r m o n t h s of observation, to be the most i m p o r t a n t trends of change. T a n j o r e village people d i v i d e the m a n y castes of H i n d u s i n t o three sub-divisions: B r a h m a n , n o n - B r a h man and A d i Dravida ("original D r a v i d i a n s " , sometimes called H a r i jans, most of w h o m were once serfs of the s o i l ) . T h e structure of a mirasi village varies a c c o r d i n g to w h e t h e r it is a " B r a h m a n " or a " non-Brahman village". I n the " B r a h m a n village ", the l a n d is o w n e d by the several families of a B r a h m a n street {agraharam). Some of this l a n d is leased in small amounts o n a n a n n u a l tenure t o landless families of one or m o r e n o n - B r a h r n a n streets, usually of the " l o w e r " n o n - B r a h m a n castes o f A h a m b a d i y a s , Padayacchis, K o n a r , Muppanar or Vanniyar. Other land, retained by the landlords ( w h o are called mirasdars), is c u l t i v a t e d d i r e c t l y b y labourers f r o m a n A d i D r a v i d a street situated a t some distance f r o m the rest of the v i l l a g e . I n the " n o n - B r a h m a n v i l l a g e " , the l a n d is o w n e d by j o i n t - f a m i l i e s of a street of non-Brahmans, usually of one of the " higher " n o n - B r a h m a n castes of V e l l a l a r or Kallar. Some l a n d m a y b e t h e n leased t o other, " l o w e r c a s t e " n o n - B r a h m a m , or more frequently c u l t i v a t e d d i r e c t l y w i t h the a i d o f A d i D r a v i d a servants' I n these villages there is usually only a single Brahman f a m i l y , o f priests who

May 24, 1952 i n a b a d harvest. A l w a y s , h o w ever, the p o w e r of e v i c t i o n puts the tenant at his landlord's mercy. A few fields in K u m b a p e t t a i are g i v e n on varam tenure. T h e tenant takes a fixed f r a c t i o n of the c r o p , usually one-fifth, a n d surrenders the rest to the owner. T h o u g h unprofitable, the tenure is a m o r e c e r t a i n one for the tenant in a b a d year, a n d w i t h the recent succession of p o o r harvests some tenants have come to prefer i t . Also in the K o n a r streets l i v e the village servant castes: one family each of barbers, washermen, carpenters a n d blacksmiths, a n d three of potters. These a l l i n t e r m a r r y a n d i n t e r d i n e only i n their o w n castes, a n d so have links w i t h other villages. F o r m e r l y , a l l landlords and tenants paid them twice a n n u a l l y in p a d d y : today, they are o f t e n p a i d i n cash after each j o b of work. These n o n - B r a h m a n streets are t r a d i t i o n a l i n the v i l l a g e , b u t t w o other streets of n o n - B r a h m a n s have g r o w n up in the past fifty years. T h e y live on the eastern b o u n d a r y of the village, on a tract of garden land once granted as inam to a Mahratta servant of the Rajas. T h e M a h r a t t a f a m i l y lost its w e a l t h d u r i n g B r i t i s h rule a n d sold the l a n d fifty years ago to r i s i n g n o n B r a h m a n families f r o m other villages. These n o w include six houses of N a d a r , a " l o w " n o n B r a h m a n caste of toddy-tappers; five houses of K a l l a r paddy merchants; a p o o r B r a h m a n f a m i l y w h o have set up a " h o t e l " ; a n d single houses of M a h r a t t a s , Padayaeehis and Konar from neighbouring v i l lages w h o serve Brahmans or o u t side landlords for a m o n t h l y wage i n cash. Both Kallar and Nadar lease some l a n d f r o m the Brahmans, but families of b o t h also n o w o w n a few acres of t h e i r o w n , and lease other l a n d f r o m M u s l i m traders o f the nearby t o w n who have recently b o u g h t l a n d from emigrating Brahman households. T h e Nadars before p r o h i b i t i o n tapped toddy, a n d still w o r k as coolies, for a w e a l t h y trader of t h e i r o w n caste some six miles away; w h i l e the K a l l a r depend m a i n l y for t h e i r l i v i n g o n transp o r t i n g the landlords' p a d d y to a r i c e - m i l l , three miles away, whence the rice is passed on to the district supply office. These t w o streets of newcomers, o n l y p a r t l y integrated in the village economy, w i l l be .seen to be i m p o r t a n t w h e n we consider trends of change in Kumbapettai. F i n a l l y , h a l f a m i l e south across p a d d y fields, lies a large A d i D r a v i d a , street of about eighty houses. These are the Pallas, a caste of adimai (serfs) w h o were f o r m e r l y " o w n e d " by the landlords. T o d a y , they too lease kuthakai lands a n d work in the p a d d y fields for a daily wage, in some cases for t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l masters. U n l i k e the Konar, they were traditionally p r o h i b i t e d f r o m e n t e r i n g the B r a h m a n street, a n d none do so today. Conversely, Brahmans may not enter the A d i D r a v i d a street; t o d o so w o u l d , it is believed, b r i n g misf o r t u n e o n its inhabitants, Also i n the south is a small street of Parayas, the " lowest " A d i Dravida caste whose t r a d i t i o n a l w o r k is to remove a n d sell the carcases of dead animals a n d to w a t c h over the c r e m a t i o n grounds at n i g h t . Parayas, l i k e Pallas, w o r k f o r day wages in the fields, t h o u g h , u n l i k e Pallas, they are not " attached " to p a r t i c u l a r families of Brahmans. H a v i n g o u t l i n e d the caste groups, we m a y see w h e r e lie the most f u n d a m e n t a l unities a n d cleavages w i t h i n the village structive. M o s t s t r i k i n g in a T a n j o r e village is the u n i t y of the i n d i v i d u a l caste g r o u p : this was usually, u n t i l recently, the u n i t y of a single street. T h e m e m bers of a caste w i t h i n one village are first u n i t e d by s i m i l a r i t y of o c c u p a t i o n , o f rights i n the land, o f income, a n d o f r i t u a l beliefs a n d practices. F o r m e r l y , a l l the B r a h mans were mirasdars, a l l the K o n a r kuthakai tenants, and a l l the A d i D r a v i d a s , landless labourers. The n o n - B r a h m a n s are set off f r o m the B r a h m a n s by numerous differences of custom, chief of w h i c h are t h a t Brahmans, u n l i k e most non-Brahmans, eschew meat, fish a n d eggs, a n d d o n o t p e r f o r m a n i m a l sacrifices in temples. We have already m e n t i o n e d the B r a h m a n i c a l t e m ples; these, n o w officially open to a l l castes, are still almost e x c l u sively used by B r a h m a n s , though non-Brahmans (but not A d i D r a vidas) occsionally enter the outer court at a festival of the Sanskritic deities. T h e K o n a r have their o w n village goddess (grama devata) housed in a shrine between the K o n a r streets. H e r name means " K o n a r m o t h e r o f the v i l l a g e " ; she is outside the B r a h m a n i c a l pantheon of deities; a n d she is p r o p i t i a t e d daily by a n o n - B r a h m a n priest a n d a n n u a l l y , w i t h sacrifices, at a festival peculiar to K o n a r . T h e Pallas, s i m i l a r l y , have a shrine t o the goddess K a l i a m m a n which stands at the end of their street.
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O n l y they m a y w o r s h i p her, and she has a separate priest a n d a n n u a l festival. O t h e r r i t u a l symbols a n d i n s t i t u tions emphasize the u n i t y of the caste. B r a h m a n s possess a single c r e m a t i o n g r o u n d ; K o n a r n o w share theirs w i t h the other i n c o m i n g n o n B r a h m a n castes; a n d b o t h Pallas and Parayas have t h e i r separate b u r i a l grounds. B a t h i n g pools, again, are d i s t r i b u t e d between the three major groups of castes. Births, marriages, deaths, a n d p r o p i tiations of ancestral spirits, associated as they are w i t h the intim a c y of f a m i l y l i f e , are intra-caste events. T h i s is of course in harmony w i t h caste endogamy and w i t h the fact t h a t ( w i t h the exception of the servant castes who m a r r y between villages) each caste street f o r m e d u n t i l recently a g r o u p o f i n t e r m a r r y i n g k i n . I n the B r a h m a n street, caste u n i t y is even m o r e apparent than among non-Brahmans. Houses a d j o i n , a n d there are even holes in the dividing walls t h r o u g h w h i c h w o m e n may pass messages to each other. Caste u n i t y , a n d the a u t h o r i t a r i a n role of the landlords, appears again i n village a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The village forms a local revenue unit u n d e r a village h e a d m a n a p p o i n t e d by government. The headman must collect the revenue f r o m mirasdars, a n d has the r i g h t to t r y small c i v i l cases w i t h i n the village. He is assisted by a clerk, a n d c o m mands the services of t w o revenue collectors a n d a peon. T h e o r e t i cally, these officials may be of any caste; actually, of course, the headm a n a n d clerk are Brahmans a n d the three servants, non-Brahmans. In a d d i t i o n , the village forms a panchayat u n d e r an elected panchayat b o a r d w i t h a president and seven members. T h e b o a r d c o n t r o l a h i n d derived f r o m a small port i o n o f the village revenue; t h e i r chief w o r k is to m a i n t a i n roads a n d wells. As m i g h t be expected,, a l l are Brahmans, since Brahmans o w n the l a n d o f the village. T h e relatively m o d e r n institutions o f village headman and panchayat b o a r d have, in fact, been w e l d e d i n t o a m u c h older f o r m of a d m i n i s t r a t i o n w h i c h is still of great importance. W i t h the exception of the B r a h m a n s , each caste street annually elects two headman (nattanmakkar or talaivar) who are responsible for maintaining order i n the street. Any offence such as theft, adultery, assault, cr encroachment o n another's l a n d , demands the a t t e n t i o n of the head-

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m e n , w h o h a u l the c u l p r i t before an assembly of m e n of the street. Pallas h o l d their meetings before the K a l i a m m a n shrine; K o n a r , i n the y a r d of the village goddess temple. If the offence is slight, the h e a d m e n m a y p r o n o u n c e justice, themselves a d m i n i s t e r i n g a fine or a p u b l i c w h i p p i n g . In a m o r e serious dispute, the B r a h m a n l a n d lords of the culprits must be called to r a t i f y the headmen's conclusions a n d themselves execute judgment. I n p a r t i c u l a r , any dispute affecting the r e p u t a t i o n or the general peace of the village requires Brahman intervention. In a recent case, a Palla stole a brass vessel f r o m the n o n - B r a h m a n street of a neighbouri n g village. H a v i n g caught h i m , the o w n e r sent h i m . b o u n d and escorted by t w o Pallas of the offended village, back to his o w n l a n d l o r d for justice. T h e B r a h m a n landlord of o u r Palla called a m e e t i n g of the thief's caste fellows in the y a r d of the village goddess temple. There he elicited the facts of the case, exacted a fine of Rs 10, a d m i n i s t e r e d a w h i p p i n g , a n d obliged the c u l p r i t to d r i n k a pot o f c o w d u n g m i x e d w i t h w a t e r , " to h u m b l e h i m " , as he said. T h e w h o l e caste g r o u p r e t i r e d , satisfied that justice h a d been done. T h e Brahmans themselves have no h e a d m e n , a n d rely less on a r b i t r a tors to settle their p r i v a t e disputes. T h i s i s i n keeping w i t h their posit i o n o f a u t h o r i t y i n the v i l l a g e a n d w i t h the fact t h a t i n general, B r a h mans a d m i t no superiors a n d pay less f o r m a l respect to their elders w i t h i n the caste. I t i s difficult t o say h o w B r a h m a n disputes are settled. A few go n o w to the u r b a n courts; m a n y d r a g o n tor months, kept in check by the need to maintain Brahman unity and a u t h o r i t y before the lower castes, u n t i l a t last the r i t u a l obligations of kinship force the opponents to co-operate. I n a T a n j o r e village, the u n i t y of the. caste street overrides the i n d i v i d u a l i t y o f the d w e l l i n g - g r o u p , thus contrasting w i t h the situation in a M a l a b a r village. T h e r e , as D r M i l l e r has described, the l a n d of a w h o l e village m a y be o w n e d by a single l a n d l o r d f a m i l y , often o f the N a m b u d i r i B r a h m a n subcaste. A m o n g the N a y a r l a n d holders of the village, each large matrilineal dwelling group stands supreme in its ancestral garden, shut in by walls or hedges and w i t h its o w n c r e m a t i o n g r o u n d , ancestor shrine, snake-grove, and often, goddess temple. I n T a n j o r e ,

despite the o w n e r s h i p o f l a n d b y p a t r i l i n e a l j o i n t - f a m i l i e s , the d w e l l i n g - g r o u p has no such i n d i v i d u a l strength. K i n s h i p ties, instead of b e i n g strongly u n i l i n e a l , a s i n Malabar, ramify widely in both p a t e r n a l a n d m a t e r n a l lines; the j o i n t f a m i l y divides every generat i o n ; a n d the local g r o u p o f agnatic kin [koottamcomparable to the N a y a r m a t r i l i n e a l taravad) lacks corporate u n i t y a n d is b o u n d o n l y by the observance of death pollution. Houses a n d ancestral l a n d are readily b o u g h t a n d sold. T h e history o f l a n d rights i n T a n j o r e villages is relevant to this contrast. F o r u n t i l 1865, the l a n d i n mirasi villages was n o t o w n e d by patrilineal joint-families at all, but h e l d i n c o m m o n b y the w h o l e caste g r o u p of mirasdars of the v i l lage, w h o p e r i o d i c a l l y a p p o r t i o n e d shares by m u t u a l consent for the m a i n t e n a n c e o f their separate f a m i lies. I n K u m b a p e t t a i , this i n s t i t u t i o n persists in the " c o m m o n lands " a n d " c o m m o n money " of the Brahmans. Their cremation g r o u n d , c e r t a i n threshing grounds, a stretch of garden l a n d , a n d the fishing rights i n t h e i r b a t h i n g p o o l all f a l l under this category, the income d e r i v e d f r o m these c o m m o n possessions b e i n g devoted to the temple funds. I n short, the H i n d u j o i n t - f a m i l y o r g a n i z a t i o n appears to be at its weakest in T a n j o r e , a n d a t its strongest, i n M a l a b a r , the reverse being t r u e of the u n i t y o f the local caste g r o u p . T h e t w o areas p r o b a b l y represent the extremes of v a r i a t i o n w i t h i n a basically common South I n d i a n pattern. A s i n a l l I n d i a n villages, h o w ever, a u n i t y of the w h o l e village overrides the separateness of each caste. T h e basis of this u n i t y is the economic interdependence of landlords, tenants, labourers a n d village servants, a n d its perpetuat i o n , i n m y v i e w , depends o n the maintenance of these economic arrangements. I n everyday l i f e , this u n i t y of the village is h i d d e n beneath the separate economic, social a n d r i t u a l activities of each caste a n d each d w e l l i n g - g r o u p ; it is sometimes t e m p o r a r i l y r e n t by quarrels between i n d i v i d u a l s or between kin-groups. Periodically, however, some event, ceremonial or haphazard, occurs at w h i c h the u n i t y of the village is affirmed. Such events always relate to the welfare of the v i l l a g e as a w h o l e r a t h e r t h a n of any single p a r t of i t . C o n c e r n for the welfare of the v i l l a g e is expressed in the i n s t i t u t i o n of the grama devata or village 584

T H E ECONOMIC WEEKLY deity. This d e i t y is always prirnarily a possession of the n o n Brahmans of the village: in K u m b a p e t t a i , the goddess is herself a K o n a r w o m a n w h o died of smallpox, a n d the t e m p l e priest is a n o n - B r a h m a n . B u t besides b e i n g a deity o f the K o n a r , p r o p i t i a t e d b y t h e m a t t h e i r o w n a n n u a l festival, the goddess c o m m a n d s the allegiance o f b o t h B r a h m a n s a n d A d i D r a v i d a s at specific times of t h e year. H e r shrine stands on a b o u n d a r y o f the v i l l a g e a n d her i d o l is believed to protect the w h o l e c o m m u n i t y f r o m c r o p - f a i l u r e , infectious diseases, female barrenness a n d deaths i n c h i l d - b i r t h . Households of a l l castes p r o p i t i a t e her, in terms o f t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r r i t u a l idioms, in cases of insanity, b a r r e n ness or disease. By far the chief event in the village calendar is t h e larger, fifteen day festival to the goddess celebrated by the whole village in the s u m m e r season. At this festival, the image of the deity is n i g h t l y taken in procession t h r o u g h o u t the streets of the v i l l a g e a n d p r o p i t i a t e d i n every street i n a m a n n e r peculiar to the caste. As i n a l l parts o f South I n d i a , the village temple festival dramatizes the separateness a n d also the interdependence between castes a n d the need for t h e i r co-operation. Of recent years, since newcomers of diverse n o n - B r a h m a n castes came to K u m b a p e t t a i , there have been disputes c o n c e r n i n g precedence in the rites. These once settled, t h e r a n k of a p a r t i c u l a r f a m i l y in the t o t a l v i l l a g e structure becomes p u b ' liely accepted. O t h e r events a n d festivals u n i t e the village as a w h o l e . C h i e f of these are Pongal, the a n n u a l festiv a l f o r the harvest of the second c r o p i n J a n u a r y , a n d the day o f the first c e r e m o n i a l p l o u g h i n g , at the start o f the T a m i l N e w Y e a r . I t i s interesting t o note t h a t f i g h t s between n e i g h b o u r i n g villages often take place on one or another of these festival days, thus f u r t h e r r e i n f o r c i n g the u n i t y o f the village as a w h o l e . Spectators f r o m n e i g h b o u r i n g villages, c o m i n g t o w a t c h the f u n after t h e i r o w n celebrations are over, o r i f t h e i r , o w n take place on another day, have several times recently f a l l e n f o u l o f K u m a b a pettai non-Brahmans and A d i D r a vidas, so t h a t a p i t c h e d b a t t l e w i t h stones a n d staffs resulted. T h e a b i l i t y to mass forces against interferi n g outsiders is a measure of t h e u n i t y a n d self-sufficiency o f the v i l lage. So, too, is the degree to w h i c h c r i m e a n d scandal are k e p t

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY w i t h i n the confines o f the village. U n t i l recently, the police h a d l i t t l e p a r t t o p l a y i n K u m b a p e t t a i , for the village was u n i t e d against o u t side legal interference. T w o m u r ders a n d three suicides have, in the past fifteen years, been disposed of a n d hushed u p b y v i l l a g e a u t h o r i ties, the police b e i n g q u i e t l y b r i b e d a n d sent about t h e i r business. T h e stability o f the traditional village o r g a n i z a t i o n m a y be seen as a b a l a n c i n g o u t of various unities a n d antagonisms w h i c h cut across each other. W e have mentioned the u n i t y a n d separateness of the local caste g r o u p , a n d this, no d o u b t , has always been a c c o m p a n i e d by a c e r t a i n antagonism between t h e three m a j o r groups of castes an antagonism always engendered by differences of w e a l t h , of custom, a n d o f interests i n the economic: resources. B u t this antagonism c o u l d n o t , t r a d i t i o n a l l y , break o u t i n t o a q u a r r e l between t w o w h o l e groups of castes. Non-Brahmans c o u l d n o t , for e x a m p l e , rise up as a body and combat their B r a h m a n landlords. T h e r e are several reasons for this, the chief b e i n g the lack of economic corporateness of each caste g r o u p . K o n a r a n d A d i Dravidas were e m p l o y e d n o t as w h o l e castes, by a l l the B r a h m a n s collectively, b u t i n separate f a m i lies, by i n d i v i d u a l families of l a n d lords. T h e system o f tenure, a n d the l a n d l o r d ' s t r a d i t i o n a l l y recognized p o w e r of e v i c t i o n , keeps the separate families of n o n - B r a h m a n s c o m p e t i n g amongst each other f o r l a n d a n d f o r e m p l o y m e n t . Perhaps a m o r e i m p o r t a n t factor was the sanction given to the t r a d i t i o n a l r i g h t s between castes by r i t u a l beliefs and by moral maxims acceptable to the society as a w h o l e . It is these beliefs, together w i t h their c o n t i n u e d economic dependence on the B r a h m a n s , w h i c h even today prevent A d i D r a v i d a s f r o m e n t e r i n g t h e B r a h m a n street a n d temples, lest the deity s h o u l d take v e n geance o n t h e m i n the f o r m o f disease or death. As l o n g as the system r e m a i n e d stable, therefore, it seems as t h o u g h , i n spite o f covert antagonism bet w e e n people of different castes, t h a t is between the members of groups o f different order i n the society, o p e n quarrels d e m a n d i n g u n i t e d a c t i o n o n the p a r t o f the g r o u p c o u l d take place o n l y bet w e e n groups of the same o r d e r f o r e x a m p l e between branches of t h e same j o i n t - f a m i l y , j o i n t - f a m i l i e s of the same caste T group, between all non-Brahmans or all A d i D r a vidas of adjacent villages. Such quarrels are s t i l l c o m m o n , a n d cut across, a n d therefore w e a k e n , the cleavages between castes i n the v i l lage. E v e n today, indeed, when the system is far f r o m stable a n d antagonisms between castes have deepened, it is possible to f i n d t w o B r a h m a n l a n d l o r d s dragged i n t o opposite sides of a q u a r r e l w h i c h began between t h e i r A d i D r a v i d a servants. So strong, s t i l l , are the t r a d i t i o n a l f e u d a l obligations a n d loyalties between i n d i v i d u a l f a m i lies of different castes. Today, however, the village structure presents no longer a nice balance of unities a n d antagonisms between caste a n d k i n s h i p groups in a self-sufficient l i t t l e republic. F o r obviously, the economic basis of the system has been f u n d a m e n t a l l y upset w i t h i n the last fifty to seventy years. It is impossible to enumerate all the ways in w h i c h this has happened, b u t we m a y m e n t i o n a few. M o s t i m p o r t a n t i n K u m b a pettai is the d e p a r t u r e to u r b a n w o r k of a large n u m b e r of B r a h m a n families a n d i n d i v i d u a l s . A few of these have sold t h e i r lands to middle-class t r a d i n g families of the nearby t o w n ; the m a j o r i t y leave their e m p t y houses locked a n d r e t u r n after each harvest to collect t h e i r rents, n o w i n cash. M a n y o f these m e n w i l l r e t u r n t o K u m b a p e t t a i on r e t i r e m e n t f r o m a g o v e r n m e n t post; some, after m o r e t h a n h a l f a l i f e t i m e away in the towns of S o u t h I n d i a , have already done so. O n e result is t h a t the n u m b e r of competent y o u n g or middle-aged B r a h m a n m e n left to manage; the affairs of K u m b a p e t t a i is very few, w h i l e those w h o d o r e m a i n tend to feel i n f e r i o r a n d s w a m p e d by t h e i r more adventurous k i n s m e n . Relations between absentee landl o r d a n d tenant are unsatisfactory. O f t e n , the l a n d l o r d barely knows his tenants by name a n d knows n o t h i n g a b o u t t h e i r circumstances or the business of c u l t i v a t i o n . O f t e n his only interest i n the v i l lage is to take away money f r o m it t w i c e a n n u a l l y ; a few l a n d l o r d s o f K u m b a p e t t a i d o n o t k n o w the site a n d acreage of t h e i r lands. A m o n g b o t h A d i D r a v i d a s a n d the poorer K o n a r tenants it is beginn i n g to be said in secret t h a t such owners have no r i g h t to their lands; since, as Brahmans, they no longer spend t h e i r lives in p r a y i n g for the c o m m u n i t y a n d administeri n g its affairs, they s h o u l d no longer share its i n c o m e . To this the B r a h m a n s r e p l y t h a t w i t h o u t urban w o r k they c a n n o longer 535

May 24, 1952 maintain their standard of l i v i n g ; a n d this, considering the increase in p o p u l a t i o n a n d the s m a l l size of holdings, is indeed usually true. T h e bad harvests of the last few years have of course exacerbated the o p p o s i t i o n between l a n d l o r d a n d tenant. O n e t e m p o r a r y solut i o n w o u l d seem to lie in fixity of tenure a n d the fixing of fairer rents; b u t there is no doubt t h a t absentee l a n d l o r d i s m a n d the tendency (less i n K u m b a p e t t a i t h a n i n some other villages) towards the amassing of large estates by a few l a n d l o r d families, must soon be checked by more drastic remedies. A stronger b l o w has been dealt at: the K u m b a p e t t a i social system by the i n f l u x , in the last fifty years, of the t w o new streets of m i x e d n o n - B r a h m a n castes. These, o w i n g no t r a d i t i o n a l allegiance to the B r a h m a n s , t e n d to resent t h e i r a u t h o r i t y a n d to set up an administ r a t i o n o f their o w n . I n one street, the N a d a r have founded a shrine to a local n o n - B r a h m a n sanyasi, a n d recently assemblies of the t w o new streets, a n d sometimes also of the K o n a r , have met to settle their disputes before this shrine rather than before the village goddess t e m p l e , a n d have declined to call i n Brahmans t o ratify their j u d g ments. T h e standard of l i v i n g of the families in these t w o streets, p a r t l y e m p l o y e d as they are in trade a n d by landlords f r o m o u t side1 the village, tends to be higher t h a n t h a t of other non-Brahmans a n d allows t h e m to dictate terms t o the local landlords. T h e K a l l a r p a d d y merchant's f a m i l y , i n p a r t i cular, have become p o w e r f u l n o n B r a h m a n leaders: t h o u g h h a n d - i n glove w i t h the landlords i n the sale of black-market rice, this risi n g middle-class f a m i l y refuse to observe a l l the o l d rules of r i t u a l p o l l u t i o n w i t h their employers; one of their sons, together w i t h t w o other n o n - B r a h m a n hoys of i n c o m i n g families, attends h i g h school w i t h the B r a h m a n youths. I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o notice t h a t the people w h o oppose the t r a d i t i o n a l village system are not those w h o suffer most acutely u n d e r i t , b u t those w h o have p a r t l y e x t r i cated themselves f r o m i t t h r o u g h some change in t h e i r economic c i r cumstances. It is n o t , for example, the very p o o r K o n a r tenants in Kumbapettai who support the anti-Brahman Dravida Kazakam movement, b u t rather the somew h a t w e a l t h i e r a n d more i n d e p e n d ent " upstarts " of the t w o new streets, a n d to a much larger

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY May 24, 1952 extent, the new, independent n o n B r a h m a n landlords of n e i g h b o u r i n g villages, w h o resent the o r t h o d o x S. Misra Brahman's unwillingness to treat' t h e m as his r i t u a l equals. ComR I S S A was formed i n t o a special assistance to Bengal on acmunist supporters, again, appear to separate province in 1936, count of her financial difficulties. be stronger a m o n g landless, h i g h school-educated youths of any caste a year before the i n t r o d u c t i o n of Assam, Bihar a n d Orissa received T h e t e r r i - small shares as m i n o r j u t e - g r o w i n g a n d a m o n g A d i Dravidas w h o h a d p r o v i n c i a l a u t o n o m y . Orissa's share a m o u n t e d t e m p o r a r i l y left their natal village, tories c o n s t i t u t i n g the province were provinces. t r i e d many jobs a n d come home to carved out of the provinces of B i h a r to about 2 lakhs of rupees in the f i n d the status quo too conservative a n d Orissa, M a d r a s a n d the Cen- first year of a u t o n o m y ; b u t thereAs distant corners after t i l l the e n d o f war, i t seldom for t h e m , than a m o n g regular t r a l Provinces. labourers still attached to their a n d tail ends of the provinces con- reached even one l a k h a year. T h e r e t r a d i t i o n a l masters. T h e r e is no cerned, these areas h a d l o n g been was no doubt considerable, increase d o u b t , moreover, that the t r a d i - neglected a n d their administrative after the w a r ; b u t the a m o u n t was T h e newly so small that it h a d scarcely any t i o n a l forms of " caste distinction " development starved. province came i n t o exist- significance in Orissa's finance. against w h i c h official propaganda is created so m u c h directed w i l l disappear ence as a p a r t i c u l a r l y undeveloped Bihar a n d f r o m the village only when the o l d administrative u n i t . T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n of 50 per cent of economic arrangements w h i c h a l l o w Orissa was the poorest province in the proceeds of income-tax a m o n g of h i g h caste a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m have I n d i a , where the scale of p u b l i c the provinces was of o u t s t a n d i n g On importance i n the Niemeyer A w a r d . been more t h o r o u g h l y u n d e r m i n e d . expenditure was the lowest. I n K u m b a p e t t a i , the gradual d r i f t account of its poverty, this province T h e d i s t r i b u t i o n was determined to the cities of an educated aristo- was exempted, under the M e s t o n on the basis of residence a n d p o p u cracy, the transfer of l a n d to settlement, f r o m m a k i n g any con- l a t i o n , a n d of the p r o v i n c i a l share, middle-class t r a d i n g families of the t r i b u t i o n to the central revenue. 2 per cent was assigned to Orissa towns, and the i n f i l t r a t i o n of a Of this poor province, the Orissa on this basis. Before the war, the small, autonomous working-class p o r t i o n was m u c h the poorer a n d a m o u n t distributed was exceedingly g r o u p supported by u r b a n forms less developed. It was essential to small a n d Orissa's share d i d not of labour, have begun this process, appreciate the position in order to exceed 3 lakhs of rupees. But a n d it may be expected to continue determine the treatment to be ac- o w i n g to the w a r - t i m e expansion of G i v e n the op- income-tax revenue, the p r o v i n c i a l u n t i l the village has lost its t r a d i - corded to Orissa. t i o n a l integration and become l i t t l e p o r t u n i t y of shaping her o w n des- share rose to 29 crores a n d Orissa more than a u n i t of neighbour- t i n y , Orissa was faced w i t h the received 58 lakhs in the last year enormous task of m a k i n g up the o f t h e war. hood. leeway. H e r poverty a n d undeveloped economy elicited sympathy O f fundamental i m p o r t a n c e t o f r o m t i m e to t i m e ; but she d i d not Orissa was the a n n u a l subvention receive the requisite assistance of 40 lakhs g r a n t e d to her under necessary for her development. the A w a r d . Niemeyer was impress-

Orissa Finances

F o r appreciating the financial position of Orissa, it is necessary to appraise h o w she fared w i t h the Nierneyer A w a r d . Sir O t t o N i e rneyer was a p p o i n t e d to conduct an enquiry w i t h regard to any special assistance needed by any province a n d the time a n d m a n n e r of dist r i b u t i n g the p r o v i n c i a l share of i n come-tax. I t h a d been recognised that at the i n a u g u r a t i o n of p r o v i n cial autonomy, each of the provinces was to be so equipped as to enjoy a reasonable prospect of m a i n t a i n i n g financial e q u i l i b r i u m . I t was particularly important to bring to an end the chronic state of deficits i n t o w h i c h some o f t h e m h a d fallen. T h e Niemeyer A w a r d was determined on the basis of these short period considerations of b a l ancing the budgets more or less on the levels existing at the time.

ed w i t h the c r y i n g needs of Orissa. It was impossible to ignore the fact, he remarked, that the existing standard of expenditure in Orissa was exceedingly l o w . B u t in rec o m m e n d i n g the subvention he d i d not take a l l the relevant factors i n t o consideration. It is indeed u n fortunate that w h e n financial settlements were made, policies were revised in the l i g h t of experience a n d circumstances, b u t the basis of these settlements was never changed. In 1935, before the creation of the province of Orissa, budgets for Orissa were f r a m e d i n parts i n the three provinces of B i h a r a n d Orissa, M a d r a s a n d C.P. a n d - t h e deficit was estimated to be 40 lakhs. T h i s was clone at a t i m e w h e n the central a n d the p r o v i n c i a l governments were c a r r y i n g o u t retrenchm e n t a n d r u l i n g o u t a l l schemes o f new expenditure. T h e three p r o vinces concerned h a d no interest in U n d e r the Niemeyer A w a r d , the new province to be created a n d 62 per cent of the j u t e export the financial position was n o t given duties was assigned to the provinces. p r o p e r consideration. Above all, T h i s was i n t e n d e d to p r o v i d e a the province h a d yet to come i n t o 536