Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Analysis on the Six-Party Talks Dilemmatic Process in Solving the North Korea’s
Introduction
The Six-Party Talks are originally intended to end North Korea's nuclear program
through a negotiating process involving 6 countries (China, the United States (US), North and
South Korea, Japan, and Russia). Since the talks began in August 2003, the negotiations have
particularly shown by subsequent USA and North Korea nerve-breaking battles. This paper
seeks to explore both the dynamism of pragmatic calculations and the ardent political factors
contributing to the North Korean nuclear disarmament talk debacles which we felt
significantly represented the problems and challenges of the East Asian security management.
Even with the involvement of USA and Russia on the diplomatic table we still believe that
the main subjects and the nuances of the problem and are still East Asian.
In this paper we would like to ask question: “Did the national interest cause the Six-
Party Talks to lack the environment conducive for cooperation in its dynamic as a cooperative
security thus hindering its progress and efficacy?” In answering this question, we will
elucidate the paper as follows: First, we are going to review the past historical events
concerning The Six-Party Talks as a quick review to the status quo in the institution. Second,
1 Latin proverb, translated as: “...not through violence, but words alone.” A famous quotation
formally used by Martin Luther King, Jr.
1|Page
we are going to endow the discussion with several theoretical approaches and concepts,
Third, we are going to analyze the six involved party‟s tendency and interest in this board
Six-Party Talks is a series of multilateral talk between North Korea, South Korea,
China, the US, Russian Federation, China and Japan, aimed at ending North Korea‟s nuclear
program. 2 It started in 2003 to negotiate about North Korea‟s nuclear program. In 2002,
tensions between North Korea and the US increased due to intelligence reports on North
Korea increasing its Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU).3 The US then called for North Korea‟s
nuclear disarmament, but it was responded by North Korean leader, Kim Jong-Il, with the
undoing of 1994 Agreed Framework which ended the nuclear tension between the two
countries at the time4 and also leaving the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Fearing the worst
would happen, the Chinese government held a trilateral meeting in April 2003 among North
Korean, the US and Chinese diplomats. But the US refused to meet bilaterally with the North
Korean and said that the US viewed this matter as “Neighborhood Problem,” which made the
Chinese expand this meeting to six countries by adding South Korea, Japan and Russia, thus
creating the Six-Party Talks, which held their first meeting in August 2003 in Beijing.5 Few
numbers of talks took places between 2003-2005, resulting a September 2005 Agreement, in
which Pyongyang agreed to abandon its nuclear ambition, rejoin the NPT and allow the
IAEA inspector to enter the country and inspect the nuclear reactor; and in return, North
Korea received food and assistance from other members, a chance to normalize relations with
2|Page
US and Japan and also negotiation for peace agreements in the Korea Peninsula. 6 However,
this good situation did not last long, as the US accused North Korea for money-laundering in
a Macau-based bank, Banco Delta Asia 7. The bank then froze the North Korea‟s fund,
resulting in their outrage. North Korea abandoned the-newly-agreed pact and conducted a
missile and nuclear test in July and October 2006 consecutively. Beijing once again pressed
North Korea to rejoin the talks, and they rejoin in February 2007, which produced a
Denuclearization Plan, in which North Korea had to freeze its nuclear program in sixty days;
in return, North Korea will have their fund de-frozen and receive aid from other members. 8
North Korea agreed to this plan and started shutting down Yongbyon nuclear reactor in July
2007. In mid-2008, North Korea updated their progress on shutting down nuclear program to
the other five members of the Talks, and in October 2008, the US removed North Korea from
Cooperative Security
approach of “security with,” not “security against.” It includes broad issues of security:
social, economy, political, military and environmental. Gareth Evans argues that cooperative
political and diplomatic disputes, economic underdevelopment, trade disputes and human
measures. As Gareth Evans puts it, “The term tends to connote consultation rather than
prevention rather than correction, and interdependence rather than unilateralism.” 11 It also
As a cooperative security means beyond the Six-Party Talks, Joel S. Wit et. al. (2005)
proposed that cooperative threat reduction (CTR) programs be a part of this effort. This
program could serve five related objectives: 1) incorporating them into negotiations would
enhance the chances for peaceful settlements and sustained implementation by providing
additional incentives for North Korea; 2) reducing uncertainty, enhance transparency and
bolster verification, critical objectives in dealing with Pyongyang; 3) ensuring that North
Korea remains free of WMD over the long-term, not only through cooperative elimination
efforts, but by redirecting the underlying infrastructure, such as facilities and scientists, away
from military uses; 4) establishing beachheads of cooperation which may have a spillover
effect, helping to break down the North‟s isolation and to integrate it into the international
shrinking its military sector and redirecting key resources to peaceful uses. CTR programs
could be effectively used to bring to bear the technical and financial resources of other
countries in working with North Korea to achieve key dismantlement tasks mandated by a
diplomatic settlement; including multilateral programs to ship out of country North Korea‟s
operating reactor and reprocessing facility and environmental cleanup activities including
dealing with low-level nuclear waste; ensuring the redirection of important resources
11 Ibid.
4|Page
previously used in the North‟s nuclear program to development of the civilian economy; and
Realist Institutionalism
The realist view in this is matter is represented by the work of Kenneth Waltz, in which
Anarchy in this point drives the states to form an alliance and cooperation to secure its own
ends. However since states agreed to join on a basis of national interest, should the interest be
threatened by the same institution states also can easily quit or in the very least hamper the
decision making system in the institution to be delayed indefinitely and weakened. 13 Waltz
emphasized that State has a big room for maneuvering since the state is fundamentally the
most important actors in decision making. Therefore an international institution will always
face the dilemma whether it has to be accommodative and compromising to maintain positive
acceptance from the state actors or it has to be a strong and decisive which might trigger the
consequence of a state‟s opposition and dissenting voice. This dilemma will surely weaken
Institution building ultimately for realist is not about the normative issues. It is one
definitive issue, the national interest. Realist will not bother to do one institution building by
trying to foster values and norms; it is futile since for realist value is put behind the material
12 Joel S. Wit, Jon Wolfsthal and Choong-suk Oh. The Six Party Talks and Beyond:
Cooperative Threat Reduction and North Korea, A Report of the CSIS International Security
Program (Washington: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2005)
13 Waltz, in Evan Luard, Basic Texts of International Relation , (Houndmills, Basingstoke
Korean Nuclear problem is a complex. It is not only about the development of nuclear
technology in that authoritarian country only, it amounts also to the security issue of neighbor
countries which is being threatened by the territorial proximity to Korea. This background
was the reason why those countries gathered to discuss the problem and to negotiate the
denuclearization of Korean peninsula, thus Six Party talk was created. However there are
factors which kept on hampering the Six-Party Talks, each state‟s own national interest.
Basically there are five countries involved in the Six-Party Talks, in the following we would
like to analyze two factors of their „national interest‟, first is their immediate priorities and
second is their worst case scenario in discussing the North Korea as a threat.
North Korea as a nation is not that prosperous. The economic performance of North
Korea ranks as one of the worst in terms of peripheral development, foreign investment and
commerce. This country entangled also in a deep poverty where it has been one of the major
causes many North Korean fled from this country to the South. The immediate priorities from
this country is to sustain the life of the Kim regime as was seen from how Kim Jon Il
repeatedly assert its willingness to dismantle its nuclear weapon whenever the continuation
There are also three countries in territorial close proximity with North Korea, China,
South Korea and Russia. Simply put, the nuclear threat of North Korea is biggest felt by these
countries. Also another factor that brings them to the negotiation table is the economic issue.
15 Grasa, Rafael and Costa, Oriol, "Where Has the Old Debate Gone? Realism,
Institutionalism and IR Theory" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest
Political Science Association, Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, Illinois, Apr 20, 2006 <Not
Available>. 2009-05-25
6|Page
The existence of Korea‟s nuclear threat indeed has severe consequences to their economy. 16
South Korea itself is a country which technically still in a war with North Korea, continuing
what had happened in the peninsula at 1951-1953. Since then, South Korea had undergone a
rather different course of fate compared to North Korea whereas this country is regarded as
one of the wealthiest country in Asia. 17 The obvious economic superiority can be seen from
how this country is having more than tenfold of international trade volume, GDP, and per
capita income than their northern counterpart.18 South Korea along with US and Japan had
been donating foreign aid to north Korea, partly because they need to pay the „nuclear
ransom‟ north Korea often erected and partly because this country need to keep the status quo
of north Korea‟s corrupted and abrasive government still exist. It‟s a horrific for them to
imagine the influx of thousands of North Korean refugees if something went bad in the
China in this case shares a rather unique role. In past China have been the sole
guardian and ally for the North Korean to keep the Americans and South Koreans at bay,
including its involvement in the 1951-1953. Arguably this country also still needs the
importance of North Korea as a buffer zone to guard them with a direct front of South
Koreans and US influence. However a nuclear threat is indeed a nuclear threat in which
China too must have felt the risk of having a voluptuous nuclear country near its backyard.
Yet, the fear is less compared to other countries; China has not been the sole target of North
Korea‟s hostility and military projections. In many repertoires the North Korean only
regarded US, South Korean, and Japan which obviously ignoring the Russia and China.
Finally, just like South Korea, China seems concerned to the issue of refugee, that‟s one of
the reason why China prevented many harsh sanction and punishment be opted to respond
7|Page
Korea‟s mounting danger. After all we must not forget that the fear of sudden flow of
refugees was the reason why China joined the fight in 1951-1953 and restored the Korean
Now about Russia, this country is also unique in its relation to Korean debacle. Russia
is said to have some legal and clandestine business which help the small nation to acquire the
devastating weapon in the first place. Russia is contributing not only to the uranium supplies
but also to the increasingly sophisticated nuclear technology although it is still blurry to put
the Russian convicted in helping North Korea to possess nuclear weapon. Russia also has the
problem o refugee, one which it will not like to be bothered. Russia also as a „reincarnation‟
of the USSR might politicize the issue of North Korea against the US in a geopolitical level.
Aside from that problem we also have to carefully examine the two other country‟s
internal motive, the US and Japan which obviously might not be threatened by refugee
problems but might still be annoyed by north Korean‟s nuclear capacity. The US has a
traditional position as a threat to North Korea. In past USA had almost entirely leveled the
North Korean communist government and in the recent times (an always) USA always be the
biggest advocate for more harsh and stringent sanction being given to north Korea, be it in
UN or in the multilateral gathering. Not to mention that in the Bush regime North Korea is
regarded in the list of terrorist sponsor countries which totally worsen the bilateral relation
between the two countries. All in all, US kept on insisting North Korea to shut its nuclear
ambition in the position as a hegemonic county. USA insists that it will only neutralize the
relation between the two countries if North Korea be denuclearized meanwhile Kim Jong-Il
Lastly, the Japanese position is quite simple. They don‟t want to get caught in the
middle of a possible nuclear conflict. Nuclear bomb was a disaster wrecked the country in the
past, one which many Japanese will never forgets. Japanese are not worried with refugee
8|Page
problems, they are not having problem if North Korea is pushed farther to the corner with
stringent and harsher sanction. That‟s why Japan is one of the vocal voices advocating bolder
In this part, the Six-Party Talks as a means of cooperative security will be analyzed,
whether the Talks could fulfill the requirements of a cooperative security or not. John S. Park
stated that the six principal players of the Six-Party Talks didn‟t agree on the sequence and
manner in which they seek the objectives of ending North Korea‟s nuclear program because
of domestic policy constraints, differing priorities and conflicting historical analogies among
each of the countries, resulting in vastly differing perspectives to the multilateral negotiating
table. 20 The “security with” approach hadn‟t been executed as it should. Park noted that the
US had been the main obstacle to South Korea‟s plan seeking gradual integration and
reunification of the two Koreas, for they were so adhere to tailored containment. In Japan, a
vocal group of Japan Defense Agency officials had been advocating a preemptive strike
capability against North Korea as a deterrent. They stated that abductee issue constricted
North Korea policy. The US and Japan‟s stance in the Six-Party Talks had been marked with
hostility toward North Korea, while other participants had been siding with North Korea:
South Korea seeks gradual integration and reunification of the two Koreas, while Russia had
been open for business with North Korea despite the nuclear impasse. 21
Inside the Six-Party Talks, we couldn‟t find environment that was conducive for
cooperation. The four Northeast Asian states are mutually belligerent due to their historical
backgrounds and developments. China is despised because they were communists. Japan and
19 Michael A. Needham, “Responding to North Korea’s Missile Provocation,” Web Memo, No.
1142 July 5, 2006.
20 John S. Park, op. cit.
21 Ibid.
9|Page
Korea also hate China since they had experienced China‟s occupation (Japan since the 7 th
century and Korea since the 13th century). Japan is despised for their colonialism (1905 to
1945) in Northeast and Southeast Asia. North Korea is despised for their communist
relatively not so despised as much as the others, but some might resent the fact that they‟re so
much under the influence of the US. The other two parties are even more belligerent towards
each other: The US and The Russian Federation have a very long history of enmity even
The Six-Party Talks also failed apply deterrence rather than reassurance. Precisely, it
was deterrence by punishment, due to the US imposing financial sanctions on foreign banks
that facilitate North Korea‟s illegal counterfeiting activities and Japan also imposed some
economic sanctions on North Korea: first in 2006 banning all North Korean imports and
stopping its ships entering Japanese territorial waters; then, after North Korea‟s rocket launch
in April 2009, extending economic sanctions by one year, including the ban on imports
imposed in 2006; and then also in April 2009, tightening oversight of fund transfers from
Japan to North Korea and deciding to strengthen a ban on selling luxury goods to North
The joint statement released by the Six-Party Talks participants on October 3rd, 2007
also failed to compose confidence among participants. Bruce Klingner noted that it showed
insufficient provisions for compliance: “The one-page joint statement contains inadequate
provisions to ensure that North Korea abides by its pledge to fully denuclearize. North Korea
did affirm its commitment to „provide a complete and correct declaration of all its nuclear
programs‟ by year‟s end. But, the agreement did not delineate the level of information to be
provided, most notably any requirement to identify the type, number, and location of nuclear
22Axel Berkofsky, “Japan-North Korea Relations: (Sad) State of Play and (Sad) Prospects”
(Paris: Ifri), pp. 23-24
10 | P a g e
weapons and fissile material.” 23 The fact that no verification to ensure compliance marked
that the Six-Party Talks failed to maintain transparency within its participants, marking
The Six-Party Talks also failed apply consultation rather than confrontation. It was due
to the US‟s strategy for securing the dismantling of North Korea‟s nuclear program by 1)
terminating the Agreed Framework; 2) withholding U.S. reciprocal measures until North
Korea takes steps to dismantle its nuclear programs; and 3) imposing financial sanctions on
foreign banks that facilitate North Korea‟s illegal counterfeiting activities; not negotiating
directly with North Korea. Critics also had charged that the US perceived the Six-Party Talks
Niksch stated that American leadership was still needed by the virtue of their interests,
capabilities and experience. Despite that, the US failed to exercise their leadership, mainly in
Bush Administration. Their strategy been criticized by China, South Korea and Russia for not
negotiating directly with North Korea. Those countries voiced opposition to economic
sanctions and the potential use of force against Pyongyang; and increasingly expressed
support for North Korea‟s position in Six-Party Talks. North Korea also had always widened
their gap with the US by their two long boycotts of the Talks and their assertion that they
would not dismantle or even disclose their nuclear programs until light water reactors were
physically constructed in North Korea. Critics also increasingly charged that despite its tough
rhetoric, the Bush Administration gave North Korea a relatively low priority in U.S. foreign
23 Bruce Klingner, “North Korea: Worrisome Gaps in Six-Party Talks’ Joint Statement,” in
WebMemo (Published by The Heritage Foundation), No. 1655 October 4, 2007
24Larry A Niksch, “CRS Report for Congress: Received through the CRS Web; North Korea’s
Nuclear Weapons Program: Updated October 5, 2006” retrieved from
http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/74904.pdf September 22nd, 2009 1:31 PM
11 | P a g e
policy and took a passive diplomatic approach to the nuclear issue and other issues. 25
Gregory J. Moore (2008) also judged that US policy toward North Korea was a failure for
several reasons: 1) the US didn‟t prevent North Korea from acquiring and testing a nuclear
weapon; and 2) the US hadn‟t prevented North Korea from transferring its nuclear technology
to Iran, Pakistan and Syria in recent years. And the sources to these were 1) refusal to
continuation of the Clinton-era Agreed Framework principles, which Moore called ABC
foreign policy exercising U.S. policy process with a shared view of the world Moore called
“democratic peace theory‟s shotgun wedding with offensive Realism on steroids;” 3) Bush
administration‟s tendency not to trust experts in their various fields of expertise; and 4) a
serious division within it between Secretary of State Colin Powell and the neoconservatives
This failure happened despite that American leadership being one of immediate steps to
be taken to use CTR program properly. By all these points, we conclude that
Conclusion
Our conclusion is twofold. One, the national interest did have a significant influence to
continually hamper the Six-Party Talks. Two, the Six-Party Talks wouldn‟t make an
instrument for a cooperative security in preventing the threat of North Korean nuclear
weapons program since it lacked the environment conducive for cooperation. Also the diverse
political intrigues and national interest did make the situation harder. So either the US should
lower down its standard or North Korea then should be less demanding.
Ibid.
25