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VOLUME ONE Historical Development Social and Political Philosophy VOLUME TWO Sociology and Politics Economics

Copyright > 1*)7JJ by I n l e r n a t i o m l Ails and S i r n r t s Puss. Iu< . M N i n l l i Hioadway, W h i l e Plains. New Yoik 10003 A l l lights n s o r v n i . No part of this hook may l>c r e p i o d i i f r d i n any foim without w lit ten peimissjon of the publisher. I il>i.n> of Ctmgjtm CsUllog Cfltvd N n i n l w i : / I It'Siij I n l n i i a l i o i u l St;iiid.nd Book N u m h r r : 0-873.12-0!iO-l Printed in the United Slates of America


Volume One


Part I

Historical Development
1. BRANKO HORVAT A New Social System in the

Making: Historical Origins nnd Development of Selfgoverning Socialism Visionaries

2. ROHKRT OWFN l.niaik (1820) Report to I lie C'oniHy of New

\. Louis BLANC Organization of Work (1840) 4. PilMC JOSEPH PKOUDHON Selected Writings (1810 18(Kr) 5. TIIEODOR HERTZKA Freelancl (1890)

Syndicalism f. liRNANn Pi i uo\rm K The Future iA the labor Exchange* (I(J0i;



Industrial Unionism
7. D A N I E L D E LJEOM ism (lftl$) Haywood ism and Industrial 98 103 108

S. |AMKS CONNOLLY Industrial Unionism and Coiislruetive Sorialisiu (l!M)K)





T h e Miners' hfod Step (\[)\2)

Guild Socialism
H). (;. l). II. (.OIL (P.)20) Guild Socialism Restated IIV 135 111

II. C S. JOSI.YN Two Years' Working of the lliiililiiig Guilds in I n l a n d (1922) ll IliwntXNii Rossi I i Roads to l i e e d o m (1918)

Revolutions Paris Commune

I i. | ) < ( i r c on ihe R r t p i i s i l i o n ol ('.I u s e d I.u l o i n s

(1871) II K\ui MARX T h e Civil War in France (IS7I)

148 II*

Klissn Ift, V. I. I.ININ I h e Stale and Revolution (1917) 16 163

Hi. ANNA PANKRAIOVA W o i k s (Jnnmiillees in Rus sia in the Period of Revolution (P.M7 P.MS) 17. V SMIIAI'MKOV i i AI.. Tasks of the T r a d e Unions: Theft* of the Workers' Opposition lor the Tenth P u t v Session (l<)2l) IS. A I I K S \ M ) K \ KOII.ONTAI tion in Russia ( I 9 ? l ) l > PIOIK AU(IIINOV O H lories and Woiks (1923)

17. 181

I he Workers' Opposithe Occupation ol Fac IHS



1 luttgary
20. Resolution ol the Workers ol l>n<l;ipest on the Lonnation of "Workers' Councils (1919) 21. Statute ol the Workers' Council ol Uudapcst (1918) 22. Decree of the Revolutionary Exa utive Soviet on the Socialization of Mines and Indus!rial and Transport Lnlcrprises (1919) 21*. Legal Decree of ihc Presidium on Workers*
Councils (W.%) I9S

1(|* 192


(i J many
21. KAKI KORSCII On Sociali/aliou (1|J 201 V.os 211

ZTt. 1*11M lancit inn of ihc ( i c r i n a n A u s t r i a n S < > < ial IV i.KM m v (1919) 20. RICHARD M O i i i R many (1021) The Council System in (ier

27. What Happened at Leeds (1017) 219

2K. A N I O M O (.KAMSCI Selected Writings h o i n

V ordine nuwo (1919-1920) Spain

20. A. M A R I T M / , (;. SHARK/, IV CASTILLO, and I). V



Report ol* the Graphic Arts T r a d e

Union of Barcelona (l*S6)

50, Decree on the Collectivization a n d Control < > l Industry and T r a d e in Catalonia (195M5)


Poland 'I. Law on Workers' Council* f 1956*1 24 1



"2. Faetory ( l o n u n i t t r e s a n d W o r k e r s '

Control: 2H>

I IICM'S ol I he Sec* d I .oneness ol I he ( '.nmmmnsl International (19(0) I he ( .ontrol ol Producg$Q

S5, A l l k s A N D I U 1.o/oVsK\ tion (ifHf)


'I f o t i s l i l n l i o i i ol die W e i m a t R| p i i h h ( (f!H!tj >'.

S5. RastC I aw on die Management ol Stale X Intel 2 2f8 |iisrv and 1l< ildinj; I <nipinies hv W'oi I. ( '.ollei I i\es ( | u n e 2 7 , |!t0) %.

C o n s t i t u t i o n ol Yugoslavia ( A p r i l % 1868)

>7. P m g r a i n ol thr l e a g u e ol C o m m u n i s t s ol Vltgti 2<i2

slavia (1958)

58, Theses ol Pulaeayo: Text A d o p t e d hy the Trade

Union Federation ol Miners ol Bolivia (Novembn s, 1946)

*M). Theses of ( o l r p i i r i : Adopted hy the Trade Federation ol M i n e i s o l Bolivia (Deceinhei .">. Klfi.1)


40. General Law of Industries -I>e< reel aw No.
IK350 ( f i t l y l!>7<lt 27!!

II. RAMON DOWMN T x p e r i e n r e s ol the Agrarian







12. VICTOR ARROYO Experiences < > l ilu- Federation of Workers' Brigades and Enterprises (1972)


4!fc M l N A C I I K M RosNIR Principles. I \|>CS, ;ill(l

I'lohic ins oi Dired Democracy hi the K I M n i t i (1965) r.nlci |)l isc I I isloi ics
II. Ki.i.ion JAOJIS The Cfctttging ( u l l i n c ol a


Kuctory (England)
lr. i .1 RAM II K i si I R l.i( l o i y (M;ill;i) | o i n l M;m;i^einrtil in .1 I r \ h l <


4f. CLAIRE UIMIOP The Work Community ol Uoiinondau (France)


Pari II

Social and Political Philosophy

1. M I M A I I . O MARKOVK':
Philosophical Foundatioill

of the Idea ol Sell management Alienation <unl Reiftfntioti Alienated labor




l\. G A J O I ' I I R O V U ' : The Human "Relevance" of Marx's Concept of Alienation 563
4. I I K R I U R I CiiNTis 5. J O A C H I M ISRAKL
Alienation and Power
T h e Problem ol Rcilicuion






(i. K A R I . MARK and F R I I I W I C I I FNC.II.S Address ol the Central Committee to the League of Communists (1850) 7. K A R I . M \ R \ Necessity ami Hrcvdmw

m tt!i


S. I.IICIF.N (iou)MANN 9. K R K . I I liuMM

Powei and 1 linnaiiism


Escape from Freedom Order awl Freedom Socialism and Sdl


10. L J P R O M I R T A D K :


11. M I I I M I . O M A R K O V K :


4 Hi

The New Society

(9. M . N. R O Y

Critique of the Gotha Proflram ,'

New llinnanisin: A M.inileslo
I he Prodm lion Uelalions



llasis of Sell management l.r>. P R I I I R \ ( ; V R A N I C K I I he I heoreliral Foundation ol the Idea of Self-government lf>. SYKTOZAR S I O J A N O V K : Reality 17. M I M A I I . O M A R K O V K ' : Planning Between Ideals and


4 .VI

4<i7 Sell -government and 479

Notes on the Editors



There is increasing need for serious study of problems of self-government. T h e idea of self-government and the organ i/ation of society as a federation of workers and cili/ens councils is one of the most interesting and challenging concepts in modern histoiy. Great liberal demon at ic revolutions in the eighteenth (entnry brought to life the principles of freedom, equality, and brotherhood in the very limited lorin ol civil libeities, ecjuality IK loo (lie hiw, and solidaiily within nuclear s<x i:il loiuiiuiiiiius only. It is a natmal e\leusi<n and radicali/ation ol these principles to demand that all individuals be equally Iree to take part in decision making on all matters of geneial social importance, and that all monopolies of economic and political powci be abolished. This demand became a part of the program of the international scx:ia1ist movement in the nineteenth century, and spontaneously emerged in all workers' revolutions and uprisings in the twentieth century. Recently, there has been a very significant shift in the priority goals of the labor movement in most advanced European countries from higher wages and mere amelioration ol working conditions toward more participation* workers' control, and work ers' sell-management. There is a growing awareness that self management is not just one among alternative loads to and models ol six iilism, but a defining chaiac tertStif III ill' nr u ( lassie ss, non authoi itai ian K M iety.




Capitalism, Tor its pail, has inanilested a eonsideiable capacity for modification and adjustment during the \,\s\ lour decadet. in UlC inteiest ol ils sell'-presei vnlion and inner Stability, and to the extent to which it is still able to maintain some nieasnie o! poltti cal and economic democracy, capitalist society has incorporated some initial tonus of workers' participation in management. In [act, it is clear by now that in every modern society at a high

level "I technical, economic, and political development, thete is

a growing need lo ovcicomc the traditional hiei an hie ,il and an

thoritarian Forms of social organization and to introduce new

fonns which provide lor some degree ol autonomy and parlicipa Hon in decisionmaking lor all (ili/ens in pioc esses that aie ol general social com em. Precisely hrora the standpoint ol rational ity and efficiency, a very advanced bourgeois society can no longci afford U) keep the woikcr and ordinary citi/en in the position ol apalhclie , positive, reilied n e a l m e s meie ohjee ts ol the historical puc ess. I he immediate motivation lot the beginning ol woik on this Reader was the awareness that the rapidly growing interest in
p i i i h h ins o | self g o v n i m i e n l h a s I n o u l s i i ipprcl I In- <-\ isi int, 'h

ciaiinc. In the last ten yrats, on inanv OCCMSIOIIS and in a mnnhei oi cointtiies, we have heetl asked l>\ listeneis or hosts to provide them with literature on self-government. I hat proved to he dilli c nil hei ansr I lie* hnpoi l;ml lelcvant texts ;nr m it vei y IIIIIIIIIDIIS nid are s(.iii(K<| in various hooks and journals, in vaiions conn tiies. Some ol the valuable woi ks -sue h as ccitain writings of <.. I). II. ( ole were4 not accessible, and ;i largf proportion ol available material ol cliiccl practical relevance had been wiiltcn in languages not widely known, as, for example. Serbo-Croatian studies on the Yugoslav experience. Only recent!) has the great demand lor literature on sell government been partly satisfied by a certain number ol translations of Yugoslav studies, by the appearance of the French specialized journal A\tIngestion, and h\ several readers fen using on workers' control (in Britain, Coates and Tophain, Workers? Control: A Booh of Readings and Mil nesses for Workers? Control; in other countries, Mandel, Control** onvrier, ronseils ouxniers, aittogesfion; llnnnitis et at., Workers' Control: A Header on labor and Social Change; and others) . Valuable material was provided by the First International Con frieneeon Self management held in Dnhrovnik in December \lM2. However, no single study or collection ol material approaching sell-government as a worldwide phenomenon and dealing with all

I'KF.I A c l


its i m p o r t a n t aspects has been produced so h i . ' I h e purpose <>| the present Readei is lo fill this gap. This Reader traces the d e v e l o p m e n t of sell g o v e r n m e n t hou,

its beginnings as an apparently Utopian idea <>i .i handful ol v . isiim ai ies a century and a hall ago to its implementation on a national scale in the contemporary world. A l l Fundamental aspects ol i| n \ development are dealt with historical, philosophical, sociological political, and economic Contributions from some twenty COUII Irics an- Included. Several synthetic papers have been written especially lor this hook; because ol their inclusion, as well as ti, ( . comprehensiveness ol the books coverage, this work transcend*
the usual confines ol a leader. Such an u n d e r t a k i n g greatly surpassed the professional coini** letice ol i single person. T h e Reader had to be a collective woiL, However, while its p r e p a i a t i o n ttranko involved numerous disc ussi<>|ls his o\ V |, ;imoiii> its editors, each ol them is billy tesponsible loi part ol the hook,

l l o r v a t , w h o is also the i n i t i a t o r and

s/miius mavtM ol the entire project, has prepared the parts r*i history and economics; Mihailo Markovicr, on philosophy; and
Rlftli Supel.. on soc httogi. m a t t e r ol chance Of of I he- leadei will note c ei l.iin d i l l c i e m <s I his is ttot ,( insullic icut c o o r d i n a t i o n . Sell governing in appio.ich a n d inlet p i e t a t i o u a m o n g the editors.

socialism is not a m o n o l i t h i c , absolutely u n i f o r m system. It is, h, f a i t , the- revrtrsr: assuming a consensus on some fundamentals such as cut I it y as a basic p t i u c i p l e ol social organ i / a l i o n . it p i ( of individual opinions. I |,(. supposes an unrestricted diversity the same pi inc iplc . I h e Assistant Editor, D r . I lelen K r a m e r , an A m e r i c a n econ ( ) mist whose long residence in Yugoslavia gave her a t h o r o u g h a < cpiaiutaiKc w i t h the theory and practice ol self-government, ien d e r e d an i n v a l u a b l e service in translating most of the material

editors, being firm believers in self-governing socialism, followed

from Serbo-Croatian, French, and German into English and iu

h e l p i n g to m a k e the a p p r o p r i a t e selections, I I it were not lor hi i ellic ienl Out w o i k . the manuscript w o u l d not have* been completed. goal was to assemble all to accomplish i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s of his this goal. The following tinc (

torical a n d theoretical value in one book. Several \ e a i s ol leseauh have been spent provisos are in order, however. First, the editors could not agree on tin- plaer ol tin development ol self-government, tarotdillg anarchist theory u i u c l i i s K n, to one view, the

property belongs to the mainstream ol the i\v.



velopmenl of self governing serial ism. The opposite view holds that anarchism represents a Utopian deviation Iroin selI governing Socialism, jit^t as slate socialism icpresenls a bureauc ratic devia lion. As a consequence, the R e n i n contains only a lalhci limited selection ol anaiehist texts. Second, a few texts (Spanish, Swedish, Russian, and others) which we have reason to believe are important coidd not he located or could not he obtained in time lor publication. 1 hiid. there was the irremovable constraint of available space. T h e material originally collected had to he reduced by about one-fourth. In cluing so, we eliminated primarily historical and informational descriptive material and the more technical contiibutions. The latter consisted exclusively of economic: papers, and thus the economic analysis of a labor managed (11111 may appear somewhat in

completely represented. (The interested reader is referred to a

specialized collection coiled by Jaroslav Vanek.) Belgrade, October KI7M Kianko 1 lorvat Mlhailo Markovic' Rudi Supek


Historical Development


A New Social System in the Making: I li.storical Origins and Development ofSeltffoverning Socialism

I he world in which wc live is very imperfect W'c may try to improve it. If wc do, it is very naluial to attack the problem ill the following way: by producing I blueprint lor a good society in which the manifest evils ol the present society will be eliminated; by introducing national central planning into the a! laiis of the society; and by asking society's members to follow cci tain rules designed lo increase their welfare. 1 hat is why socialist thought has had a distinctly centralis! orientation throughout its history: from Thomas More (M78-1.VI.J) and 1 oniinaso Catllpa nella (l.r(iS 1659) lo Comic de Saint Simon (1760-1825) and frticmic (.abet (17SS 1856) in its Utopian phase; and from the Internationals and social democratic parties in the nineteenth century to I.cnin. the Comintern, and Communist parties in ilutwentieth century in its second phase, when piactical application weie attempted. b was only in the nineteenth century, in connection with the advent l liberal capital isnt, that soc ial refonneis beuan io ones lion the desirability of a ceniialist order. If the good society means maxiinum freedom lor each individual, then clearly the elimination ol the stale and complete decentralization is the goal for which one should strive. William Godwin if iti 1856), Lo a

certain extent Pierre Joseph ProudhoH (1809 1865), Mikhail



(1814-1876) , Prince Kropotkin

( 1 8 4 2 - 1 9 2 1 ) , and m o d their

e m anarc hisls developed tins line of llioiii>ht. S o far, a u a u hisls have not succeeded in i m p l e m e n t i n g ideas on a n a t i o n a l scale, a n d tints their teaching may be cousidered as r e m a i n i n g in the Utopian phase. Centralists, o r state socialists, have been successful in a m n u h e r of cases. H o w e v e r , the resulting social systems t e n d e d I n deviate considerably f r o m what had been expected: instead ol socialism, c e n t r a l i / c r s produced no they etatism. Klilism is to a c e r t a i n extent connected w i t h , t h o u g h by good lor the people, you are e n t i t l e d to tell should do, Saint-Simon, like Plato, believed them that what means identical to, the centralist o r i e n t a t i o n . I f you k n o w what is knowledge industrial I,emu

should r u l e ; but for h i m , the great industrialists, r a t h e r than the philosopherswho d i d not appear of great avail in a n settingare t h e natural leaders of and Tnodcru c o m m u n i s t s vest all power the industrious poor.

in the v a t i g u a u l party, to

whii h is to lead the less conscious m a j o r i t y i n t o a b e l t e r society. ( I n a h a < k w a i d society w i t h ;i huge p c i t e u l a g e ol i l l i l c i a l c s mention just one d i m e n s i o n ol retarded developmentelitism

may make good sense.) Anarchists, on the other h a n d , tely largely on I he goodwill and sense- ol just i< < ol i n d i v i d u a l s ouided by the uli mi.uc 11111 ol reason. The t h i o l d i c h o t o m y ill socialist t h i n k i n g relates to the means by which the new society is to be achieved. I n the hist hjUI-of"Trie n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , trade unions were illej^ajLiw-TTTostof the then developed ( o u i i t i i e s and them. universal s u l f i i g c exited in none ol and The Working class was subject lo b r u t a l e x p l o i t a t i o n

suffered the neediest misery which capitalism inflicted upon it, It_
iiiis hope h ssly naive to believe that the niliu)>; class w o u l d v o h l l i l a i i l y alxlic ate its privileged position a n d a l l o w a classless social ist system t o l)e b u i l t . T h u s the o n l y realistic way to carry o u t social reforms was to force the r u l i n g class by violent means t o u u j j c r t a k e changes or t o o v e r t h r o w the e n t i r e system by one single blow i l u o u g h an e r u p t i o n of the r e v o l u t i o n a r y enetgy of the exploilecl masses lutions. The In l a d . i i i n c t c c u l h c c u l u i y Ivurope was passing tin oieticians a n d ftmilefr p r a c t i t i o n e r s of revolution through an u n e n d i n g series < > 1 violent SCK ial upheavals and rcvolirst were Gracchus (Francois Babetif 11760-1797) and Louts Well.

Auguslc IVlancmi c 1 KU5-1881) . Since legal paths to radical social c han^e weie b a i l e d , they held, illegal i>nrs h a d lo be used

organized, small conspiratorial gtoups, reprgenliug cxmscioyi


minority, would sei/.e power at an nppropriaie niomrnt and lead the oppressed mages into a jjglu tor the overthrow of the prescuj exploitative order. I he doctrine ol mitwritc (otiscirtite was later widely accepted by revolutionary syndicalists. In its mature form. it was elaborated into the theory of^a-dandestinc workers' party to prepare the revohition and establish a dictatorship of the proletariat. T h e Russian October Revohition represents the most successful application of this theory. Che Guevara and the contemporary Latin American Tupamaros are the latest practitioners of a more primitive version of Blancptism.1 It remains to be added that some groups ol anarchistswho oftetl had nothing to do with socialismbelieved in the necessity n\ violence. T h e y

would indulge in individual terrorism, carrying out "propaganda by deeds.'

I n the second half of the last century, political liberties in the dcvclo|>ed countries of Europe were substantially extended; trade unions were legalized, and the first mass workers' parties emerged. I t appeared |>ossiblc to reform society nonviolently. Soon peaceful rcloiinism. as distinct b o m the earlier ideology of revolutionary violence, came into being. Louis Blanc ( 1 8 1 1 1882) and Ferdinand Lassalle ( 1 8 2 5 - 1 M 4 ) were among the fust political hgmes to rely on the slate lor cai tying out te lorins. In the later years of bis lilc, even Kngels became a con vinced leloimisl (at least regarding (.erinany he acknowledged aoossible need lor revolutions in some other countries): " 1 'he iiony7n^unrHd4uslcij y turns everything upside down. W e , 'revolu, lionai ies, lchcls.' we advance immensely better using legal means than illegal ones or by a rebellion/* 1 By Social inertia, the social democratic: parties of the Second International (1989-1914) continued to profess ideas of revolutionary violence, but they weie already completely reformist More than that, they became part and parceTol the establishment and, when W o r l d W a t 1 broke out, all of them that entered the parliaments VOied lor war credits in rapport of the war efforts of their national bourgeoisie. That clearly was in complete contradiction with their professed socialist ideals. As a result, a split occurred in thc_ \v<>xld working class movement. A new, Communist International was established, reformism was declared a treason, and the necessity of violent revohition was again proclaimed as the only acceptable tenet of socialist failh. Thus the exclusive insistence on ei i I N I I rh M in m M \ i n 11. MI Ixt.iiiir ih Imstc ! tinet ton between social democrats and communists. Bitter political lights ensued.

H I S T O R I C A L l>! VI I o l ' M K N T

and in the piocess the two anpfOgj hes developed into aiticlcsof lahh. completely divoircd hoin hjstoiiral ( in innstanc es thatt tnjghj lender one 01 the other appioac h pi:i< Ii< aUy lelcvant. TSc COtlfutkin is further increased by the hccpicnt current use of the icnus revolutionary ;md rrj<nnii\l in I he sense n( xulual and muhuU, or Inojjressii'c and reru tinnm \. (deck die latoishi|> calls itsell "revolutionary," while the Swedish government would no doubt Apply I he description "tefoi inisi" to ils allairs. Ihe ilnee tlnoieti<al and tactical di( lntloinies c entiali/alic i1 veisns dec entiali/ation, the state dominated ly a consc ions minority versus anarchy (in its original sense as a society without gnyCl nmenl) , and revolution versus relonn rcdec t the 5 ial and-emu naUiie ol die development ol socialist thought and socialist jnovements. 1 * x ante, all ol the six naive exticme alternatives ;ippear very natural approaches to be tried out. Eg post, alter two centuries of experimentation, none ol them ap|>cars to he leading to the pioclahned goal. Clearly a mote sophisticated theory is required. It is likely that it will include all stx alternatives as com" pmicnts. though not in an eclectic fashion. It is of great importance to Imd out what history can teach us in this icspd i Ihe text which follows is not intended to DC ;i condensed Ids toryol socialism w ithMjjJjuieiouis. Frustrated attempts, and mis _Ukio+-k4rax~~Trs~Jm7pose is rather to distill horn sne h an inclis criminate history only those ideas and developments that seem to he leading to socialism conceived as a self governing soc iety. Ill the making of the xclf-Ejt>vcrninK soc iety. we can distinguish four waves of events, waves that are partly successive and partly superimposed upon each othei. Inst come the visionaries, wlirise dreams of a better society, though Utopian in tenns of practical implementation, are realistic and relevant in terms of later historic al development. Next, people associate into gioups and sot ial movements emerge. I he third wave produces practical attempts to establish a new society. Finally, a new establishment is gradually built up,

The visionaries
The second hall ol the eighteenth century witnessed the advent ol a new. capitalist society. The new society generated a new class conflict, and veiv mcffl the exploited da5S obtained its


(nst i n t e l l e c t u a l defenders) N o t q u i t e conscious d e f e n d e r s , to be sine, becauie, as Engets obaervts, they at hist d i d n o t c l a i m to

emancipate a particular class, bul all humanity at once. T h e HKM develotied (imiiiiH's ol that time, Britain ami France, supplied
tin most i cma i Is a hie a m o n g t belli. % Robert Owen ( 1 7 7 1 - l H f t H ) , the first and perhaps the most out 11<s t a n d i n g of the r e f o r m e r s , conceived of the I'm tire society as a fed e t a t i o n of roo|x.ralivc c o m m u n i t i e s g o v e r n e d by p i o d m e t s . evolved to this v i e w after I w o die aeles spent as the nianagei ol ., large c o t t o n m i l l in the Scottish village ol N e w L a n a r k , w h e i e hc-

improved the housing conditions of his workers, organised educa

l i o n for their c h i l d r e n , reduced w o r k i n g b o n i s h o r n fourteen to ten a n d one hall b o n i s per day, abolished c h i h l labor, inlioeliic < d some sort ol u n e m p l o y m e n t later receive- on a national United States; he bought insurance, a n d , scale. In in g e n e r a l , anticiwent to the pated by m o t e t h a n a c e n t m y the t i e a l m e n t thai w o r k e r s w o u l d 1824, O w e i l an estate in I n d i a n a and established

N e w H a r m o n y , the first e x p e r i m e n t a l cooperative village, whose statute leads l i k e that of a contem|H>rary Israeli kibbuTzTThc* e \ pc-iimctil d i d not eighteen his sons in N e w had p i o \ e a success -though in the were ne\t lew left more sue h c o m m u n i t i e s formedand O w e n

H a r m o n y w h i l e he himsell r e t u r n e d ie> B r i t a i n . from illegality a n d which came to ideas stimulate inspired In

I IK re he became involve el in the t i a d e u n i o n m o \ e m e n l , vvliic h just e m e r g e d the f o r m a t i o n o l cooperative workshops. O w e n s

the cooperative m o v e m e n t and later, in 1844, a g r o u p of his dis ciples louncleel t h e U n d u l a t e I'loneers' (lo-o|eraiive Sortrty I he i n e a i i i i n i e . O w e n a (nand i n d u c e d the just lormecl of lltuKlers' fnioii private Frene li (1838 replaced

to lay plans lot t a k i n g over the e n t i r e b u i l d i n g industry through National ( m i l d This action U u i l d c r s . thus e l i m i n a t i n g Inline schemes of lormecl c ouhiic tors. National ^I8S4) tfflfttattghf anticipated Union

syndicalists and British g u i l d socialists. H o w e v e r , alter the G r a n d Consolidated on the Trade had been iii an a t t e m p t i<> u n i t e the e n t i r e w o r k i n g class for a d m < j capitalist system, which was to be

by a system of m a n a g e m e n t by the workers, employers a n d gove m i n e n t acted cpiickly. a n d in a few m o n t h s O w e n i t e unionism came t o an a b r u p t end.'' Even before thai event, the once pop ular " p h i l a u l h i o p i c : M r . O w e n , " as he was called in establishment circles, was expelled f r o m "good society" as a sinister individual who intended to destroy the established nrdi r o f I h u r i h a n d State.


( ) n his d e a t h b e d ( h v e i i told the minister w h o visited h i m t h a i his ideas Intel n o t been accepted IK cause they had not been u i i d c i s i o o d a n d l>ccause he had c o m e belore his t i m e . Chat Irs chant I''mil ir i (1772 I K.V7) ( amc f r o m a middle-class mermore to ftr I here which faintly and was himscll ;i c l c i k a n d c o m m e r c i a l ttavcler. l i e

Iivetl in a less i n d u s t r i a l i z e d e n v i r o n m e n t aiid so lie lay O w e n , he considered h u m a n n a t u r e t o IK* u n c h a n g i n g . ihis, it is best to establish sell g o v e r n i n g phutoulires actes of l a n d . in

stress on t h e proper o r g a n i z a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e . I n contrast lore, he I c l t . a social e n v i r o n m e n t must he created !<> In h-

a r o u n d sixteen h u n d r e d peisons w i l l c u l t i v a t e some live lltousaiu I The m a i n cause of all the wrongs in a g i i c i i l t u r e is pi i\ate o w n e i s h i p ol laud, a n d thus l a n d must he ( ollec tiv i/ed in a phalansteiy. I n d u s t r i a l establishments o u g h t t o IK- widely cTIv pcrsed a n d located in a g r i c u l t u r a l phalansteries i n o r d e r to el inn iiate the* d i t l e i e i u e s between the city a n d the village. W m k rtmsthe t r a i i s l o i m e d j ' r o m an unpleasant necessity |>erlorined for lear ol hunger i n t o an attractive activity. I Ins can hi he achieved addition. if workers c hangc occupations, a I taching themselves to an ocenpational g r o u p accoiding to c u r r e n t labor is abolished. interests, Iiiiecl will The hulk of the income ol a phalanstery

go to (over costs ol production and social overheads

thoard and

lodging, medical caie. edncat i o n , etc.) , and the l e i n a i i i d c r w i l l be used to i c i n u i i c i a t e talent, c a p i t a l , and hi h o i . I'halanstci ics wifT he federated under a c ooidinat ing governor called the o u t m a r c h . Fourier was very much coticernetl ahotit provide the poor with material means individual Ireedom. them. I tic l i e n e l i R e v o l u t i o n p i o c l a i i n c d political liberties hut d i d not to m a k e use ol W h e n a poor man expresses an o p i n i o n c o n t r a r y to the o p i n i o n ol a rich m a n , he w i l l he persecuted regardless ol w h e t h e r or not his o p i n i o n is justified. It appears that freedom

is reserved


the small m i n o r i t y posstf&ing the w e a l t h . l reedoin is illusory il it is not univcisal. There cannot be full I r e e d o m if |ieo|>le are ecoThat is why t h e phalanstery guarantees nomically dependent.

the right to work and provides m a t e r i a l security lor its nieinbi is Once this is achieved, (lie state may disappear, s m c r the absence ol opposing inteiests makes coercion unnecessary, I'omier adveitised foi i n h p h i l a u l l n optsts to finance the establishment of phalansteries and r v e i v d a \ ones! at the lunch table in the expected the unknown his lestauiant w h e i e he took

in< ils None fvet came. Yet, a(tei bis death, his disciples did raise
nioiie\ and set up a n u m h c i ol Cooperative c o m m u n i t i e s , must ol



in the U n i t e d States, w h e r e i h e social c l i m a t e u;is very la for this soil of v e n t u r e . B e t w e e n founded.^ I n I M - l and lsr>!>, lort income Owenite communities,


phalansteries were

was (list r i h u t c d m ecpial shines: in l o i n iei isi c o i n m i i u i t ics, m e m hers w h o broilgjjj m o i e < a| m a T m showed greater a h i l i l y received m o r e ol the ineome of the c o m m u n i t y . Both types ol c o m m u n i ties disintegrated w i t h ecpial speed, the most successful s u r v i v i n g a decade o r so.1 Another Irene l u u a u . s / o u / . v lllanc (1H1 I- ISN'2) . a lawyer and j o u r n a l i s t , decided to exploit* a d i l l e r e n t possihility. A m o d e r a t e a n d a disbeliever in violent r e v o l u t i o n , he thought that the state c o u l d he used for c a r r y i n g out social reforms. I n his lamous hook / .'oigtniisnlioH could protect thi the Ittftttil weak (lM-10), he a r g u e d that only the stale members ol society. Key industries, will

hanks, insurance, a n d railways ought to l>e n a t i o n a l i z e d . The gove r n m e n t must u n d e r t a k e to regulate n a t i o n a l p r o d u c t i o n . I t supply c a p i t a l for the creation ol ateliers workshopsin the most important industries. The Wj^ongtlX~national government

w i l l a p p o i n t the d i r e c t o r in the first year, and a l t e r ward workers w i l l choose their o w n directors. The capital suhscril>ed is to be the interest h e a r i n g a n d there w i l l be n o p r o f i t . Ulanc accused

Fourierists of capitalism for assuring a p e r m a n e n t share in product t<> s n p p h e i s o l c a p i t a l . In Ulanc s system, the disti ilwition of income, at first i n e q u i t a b l e , w i l l g r a d u a l l y become m o r e and m o r e ecpial. 1 \\;tin's ideal was an egalitarian society with peisonal i n t e r ( t o eac h ac the ests merged in the c o m m o n good. This he s u m m e d u p as "a c ha d i n s c l m i srs hesnins, (\r t l i i i i i i n scion scs lac i d l e s . " c o r d i n g to his needs, f r o m each according to his a b i l i t i e s ) ,

idea w h i c h later became famous in M a r x ' s hands as the l o r m u l a of c o m m u n i s m . N a t i o n a l workshops o u g h t to establish a real frat e r n i t y w i t h i n theCOIIIttry and by gradual e v o l u t i o n t r a n s f o r m in t e r n a t i o n a l relations and lead to a peaceful organization ol humanity, y The r e v o l u t i o n of 1848 b r o u g h t Ulanc u n e x p e c t e d l y into government they would H i s colleagues were unsympathetic his presence* because the workers quiet. help to keep to his projects, but they Soon, hoped that however, he they had to tolerate

tricked h i m out ol the government and made h i m the president

of the Commission de Gouvernemenl

known as the Luxembourg

pom les Travaillettrs,

which was lo Stud)


workers' problems and report on what was to lie clone, Needless

to say, the commission had neither money not powci to act. I n ;i



I>1 VI I o l ' M I N T

speech in March 1848, Blanc asked lor a line social icvolulioii wine h would in the achievement of ihe ideal "<le piodunr scion ses loiees ct de COflfOffflllirr sehui ses liesoins" (ttl produce acToTdtTTg~-~Riu\uji__noweis and consume according lo then tiecdt) .* I he (niuinissir>n^)rT;paTTrr-th< draft ol ;i law which slip ul.iied thai one ijiiaitei ol profits ought lo he accumulated in a reserve hind Yaiinns iesei\e hinds would f<i lit a Innd ol mutual assistance lO he used in c ase ol need. In ihis way, large eapilal would he accumulated, capital which would belong not to any one person hut to all. The distribution of this capital would lie

controlled by a council.* In the meantime, the government acted

on its own and disc t edited Wane s duel project ly establishing national urnlrsiTTTpsa*H4MM agencies in whi< h unemployed workers wete assembled to do useless work or even no wnik at all. the main idea being lo keep them off the streets in those turbulent days, Altet the Assembly declined to consider Blanc's pro posal hn the creation of a Ministry of Labor, he resigned. Mis commission disappeared. He was accused of n rebellion against the Assembly and soon sentenced lo deportation. Thus, m the same ye;n ol 1848, Louis Mane was compelled to leave his conn try and could not return lor more than twenty years,

When Blanc became <* membei of the government, another as socialionist,%iHiilippe IWidiry (I7h lHf>r>), became the president
ol the (ioust itul ioual Assembly, although he was soon uinoved from that post. Undies, a doctor ol medic ine, anticipated Blanc*s main idea. In 1 S31 he founded an association ol < alunctmakcrs which served as a model for later producer t:uo|K'rati vers. Hue he/ thought that associations would provide means of creating the new soc i e t \ w ithinthc womb of the existing society,.7 Hlanc demanded universal suHranc in oldei to enalile woikeis lo compel the state to set up national workshops. In the 1860s,

the reasoning of the German workers' Icader.sfrrdimind Lassatle,

was the same. 1 .assail c expected the slate to pmvidc capital and "cTed-icwhich would enahle wot kers lo organ i/.c production coop cralivcs. dispense with employers, and appropriate for themselves the whole product ol tlicit collective work. Ihe appe;naiicc of self gov ei nine workshops in I ranee, associated with I.PUIS Hlanc. inline need a group of Kuglish Christian socialists, sfhio formed ihe Societ y lor Promoting Working Men's Associations and succeeclccT in establishing several woikshops. In Hungary. Hlanc was fuL lowed hy |o/srl K I I 1 D \ I I \ win* ^Located the inlrc telnet ion of manhood sufliagc and the establishment ol sell governing n.i



t i o n a l workshops whose i n i t i a l M.iK . I assallean influence w i i s o

tal was l o he p r o v i d e d by lh< deinbl c in I l u n g a r y in the late

IStiCK. All ihis was M vercly critic jSgd by M a i x . w h o considered il both absurd a m i hcasonable to expcc t an cnianc i p a t i o n of The w o r k i n g class f r o m the bourgeois state. ( i i v e n the historical eon d i t i o n s gj (he t i m e . M a r x Ulanc's and was r i g h t as (he c o m p l e t e l a i l n r e ol amply deinonstiaics. And >el l.assalle's attempts

somewhat more than a c e n t u r y later, the C h i l e a n g o v e r n m e n t was

providing capital for self managing agricultural cooperatives, and the Peruvian government *raw also supplying capital to workei
managed a g r o i n d u s h ial and (induced c nines A complete system ol s e l l g o v e i n i n g society was described the first t i m e in the v o l u m i n o u s w r i t i n g s oNPfefftf Joseph loi Proud in the Yugoslav the industrial e n t c r p i ises. Wane's mu and dilh

tnal reserve funds, administered by industrial councils, were ineconomy u n d e r the same name were used l o covei losses of collectives e n c o u n t e r i n g

Hon (1(109-1865), Proudhon, the only proletarian among the vi

sionaiics. w;is a man ol great i n t u i t i o n bill veiy little formal edll c a t i o n . H i s lathei was a cooper a n d a domestic b i c w e r . his mot he i a peasant w o m a n . H e was apprenticed to p r i n t i n g , became I press corrector, a n d educated himself by studying the volumes he COl tec ted. Later lie taught himsell b o o k k e e p i n g and engaged in v a n oiis business v e i i l m c s I he r e v o l u t i o n ol I N I H b i o u g h t h i m into hi was the N a t i o n a l Assembly. Hut lie soon louncl himsell in jail, and u maineel there several years. In IS.rSf he published the book Dt jmtke dans hi revolution rt dans leglise, lor which he

charged w i t h "attac k i n g the right ol the- f a m i l y , o u t r a g i n g | H I bill a n d leligious m o r a l i t y and clisic spec l i n g the law." T o avoid pel sec u l i o i i . In- e m i g r a t e d l o U e l g i u m , w h e i e lie lived u n t i l IHIHL L i k e F o u r i e r . P r o n d h o n set lor himsell the task ol c o m p l e t i n g the unfinished w o r k ol the French R e v o l u t i o n . 1 lie French Kcvfl l u t i o n f a i l e d , he t h o u g h t , because it was l i m i t e d to political re fcnuisrwTTaT s h o n l T b c " clone was to extend h h c r t y anct e q u a l i t y to the economic sphere, to establish economic democracy. AtsoT m a way like F o u r i e r , P r o n d h o n d e r i v e d the institutions of the good scxietv f r o m the characteristics of h u m a n nature. I he supreme nature Thus p r i n c i p l e is justice, {listice is given together w i t h labor, a n d to gethcr they represent an u n c h a n g i n g feature ol h u m a n r q u a l i t y . Liberty is the l u n d a m e n i . d nrecomliuon^oj justice F r o m the p r i n c i p l e of justice are derived the ideals of liberty and ihc MM ial tndr i should be such as lo enable evei) i n d i v i d u a l to





enjoy full hccdom. People, endowed with identical reason and eager to preserve dignity, are equal before justice, Consequently. the development ol consciousness deteimines the pace ol gOCtal development and also relations among men. ^Vhen a man comes to know his true nature, external coercion for die maintenance ol discipline becomes unnecessary. 11 wealth is approximately equally (hstrihutccl. people can coopeiatc in the society witliout the interventions ot an authoritarian state. I he way to aholish the state is to dissolve its economic organization and to decentralize it hy transferring all power to local units, the communes. In oolh these steps, the principal instrument is a contract ;is a hasis lor tcciprocal justice, which precludes the violation ol an iiiclt\id ual's freedom. 1 his means that each man is free to make arrange^" ments with other men as he pleases, provided this is done in 3 situation of tree bargaining. 1 (onomie organization hased on Free contracting leads to J/U/lurllismr; This means an ccpiital>le exchange, equalization of business conditions, and an equitable coopcralioii ol individuals with personal freedoms preserved. T h e institution lesjionsible for such an economic: organization is the Imnqne (Vrchangf, the only entral institution which remains in Prondhons scxtcty. The >;uik determines the labor value of commodities and issues the impropriate tec ejjits^to^njo^hicers. (One recognizes the old naive idea ol labor !'''y^iTotTTxT^TT gifttfriyy"0Wn ^mLIiy auticapj^ talis! economists John (iray [ 17WI- I B50] and |. F. Bray [18091895]). There is no money and credit is reduced to "exchange in which one partner gives his product at once, while the other supplies it in several installments, all without interest."* > Since production is carried out at the order of the conswnerrsi11>ply and demand arc in equilibrium. Large private productive propeities are clearly incompatible with the system ol reciprocal justice and ought to he abolished. Hut small private property is acceptable. When technological conditions require employment of many workers, private pro|ierty is to be replaced by collective pro[>erty of workers' associations. Workers form associations to set up enterprises on the basis of contracts stipulating mutual rights and obligations. 1 he initial capital is provided by the exchange bank. When a worker leaves an enterprise, he takes wilh him a certain amount ol money, corresponding to his past labor. Individual producer* and associations federate themselves into industries and hitci a national economy on the basis ol contracts I he national economy is an federation. (oiitiatv to



Louis Blanc's formula, reciprocal justice, reflected in equitable

exchange, requires that the reward lor work be proportionate to service. Mutualism in the i>olitical sphere is federalism, A commune is created through a contract among a certain number of family heads. Communes are federated into provinces and states. The decisions of central organs become obligatmv only when accepted by the communes. Proudhon consicleied iraclitional representative democracy unsatisfactory because it represents the rule ot the majority, which restricts tbe freedom of the minority. Also, no man can really lepiesent another. Thus all individuals should participate in political decision-making and there can be no hierarchy in the political organization of the society. T h e most itn portAttt central political organ is the Assembly ol the conledcra i * i

tion. It is composed ol the provincial delegates, who are at the same time representatives ol communes. The delegates elect an t Executive Commission which carries out the decisions ol the As seinbly. Political parties are superfluous in such a system in which citizens retain their sovereignty. In short, the new social order is based on mutualism in economics and federalism in politics. In this way, noncarncdincomes and exploitation are eliminated, social classes are abolished, and social revolution is carried out. An ecpnhhrnun ot various individual interests, brought about by mutualism, represents a new social order which needs no coercion for its maintenance. Looking back a century later, one can conclude that Prouclhc)nrs vision was a remarkable anticipation of a modernstill, to a certain extent, futureself-governing society. Proudhon touched on all important aspects of this society. But bis handling of the problems was hopelessly naive, confused, and often just plainly wrong. T b e idea of labor money was economically untenable, aria^wfien" an exchange bank was created, it soon went bankrupt. Collective ownership is incompatible with income based on labor only. And so is gratuitous credit. Equilibrating supply and demand is an immensely more comptetted^aifa^ir than Proudhon even suspected, as is the functioning of the stiUeTTTe^^lmgainitig does not automatically eliminate the inequality in ancfTlur-sdujsc of political power, and so forth. Pioudhous solutions to tbe prol>TcnTS^\sc^e^ inadequate or wrong partly because inherently it was extrenieh dillicult to solve problems of a late-twentieth cent m v society in the mid nineteenth i n i i i n v enviionment. Toil w I S alto tine that many mistakes wcie at least paitly avoidable and weie due to his



deficient and unsystematic training. Pioudhon exlensivels discussed cpiestions ol economics, political organisation, philosophy, and law without having been trained in ;m\ < f these discipline!. It is therefore hardly surprising thai Kail M u x happened lo be the (iisi and one <r the most outspoken critics ol Pwutlltcm. Ai fust, Marx and Proudhon were friends. I lie\ held in comuioti certain fundamental ideas such as the withering away ol the state,, the elimination ol unearned incomes and exploitation, the disap pearance ol monev, and the creation of a classless society. 1 low \ , a man ol luteal learning, so<m loiuid Pioudhon % |l'ti anoyance- lhal usuall\ iessiunal i^nojaii7T^~ailcTThT^Trrtt4t<i !,"< s uilh itUtterly irritating In 1847, Maix produced a hook ol Proudhon's views, length critique [Miihre tie In pkilosopkie) particularly ol the economic views expiessed in the hitler's /7n/m Ophie <lc hi misrir, published a year before. Marx complained that Proiidhon treated economic catcgorig as eternal ideas instead of approaching them as theoietical expressions ol historical conditions in production corresponding to a certain level oPclc velopment ol matciial pioduction. Me found Pinndlioit's knowl edge of political economyu hose c i iticpie he undertookinc 0111plete and totally insufiic ic nt. In an article wrillen in 1865, alter P i o u d h o n s death, at the re<|nesi ol the newspaper Sotml Drmo-

rrai, Marx scatliingiy described Proudhon's "self-boasting and

conceited tone, pai ticularly that alwavs unpleasant chattel about science! . . . This is accompanied hy a clumsy and disgusting pi<'tent ion to scholarship ol a sell-taught prison."" What Mar\ found wrong about Proudhon's confused and unprofessional writings must have appealed to other, less learned men (apart, ol course, hoin the inhcicnl \alnes ol his ideasi Proudhon's influence was picdominant among Parisian woikeis in the 1 SrOs and 1860s. In the early days ol the First Interna tional, Proudhonists controlled its French section. French coopei ative and trade union movements were also allected. T h e Paris Commune of 1*71 was dominated by ProiidhoniMs and Ulmiipiisls; the former were responsible for the economic- decrees of the Commune. Piondhon was Inst to introduce the wold tithiuhism ."

and his international influence was greatest among anarchists.

Pi_oudhon"s ideas can IK traced in the guild socialist thinking at the time ol World War 1. It is also of some interest to rccotd the revival of Pmudhonism a century later in a completely different en\ uomiHui. Although in \ ugoslavia Pioudhon is piac tic ally

unknownexcept m the uttert] negative version presented l>\



Marx- the ollicial thinking ol the 19b()s and 1970s and some in

stiintional solutions hear striking resemblance to some of Proud

lion's ideas. 1 he enterprise is conceived as an association based on a contract among workers. Mutualism at higher levels is reflected

in bargaining among associations, called wmouptovno spowzutni jetmnjt |scll management agreement] when bargaining is sec toral and iruitveno dogpvaratife (social contract] when bargain ing is general and involves state authorities. I he "right to past labor, proclaimed recently by 4 constitutional amendment, en
visages a w o l k e i ' s sJake M I llu enlcipiis< <a|H.d a p a t l lioin the

ci i n i t 1 1 wage. In political thinking, the withering away <l the stale and ol political panics is accepted as a goal. I'VderaTisfii is lfic 1 1 1 aiTi principle of political oij^mizaiion. The communes enjoy great autonomy and the relatively smalt federal statesTctTTiTi s<Svereignty in principle. I he federal government is an Kxecuilvc I ominittee ol the Assembly and is so called, h cannot irctnrtorc the constituent states have agreed about a particular decision. In the constitution ratified in early l!)/4. directly elected represent a lives are replaced by the delegates of work associations and ol local political beKlies. Alter Proudhoft's death, at the beginning of the last third <l ttlC nineteenth century, the* lime lor writing Utopias had ahead) iasscd. The problems to be solved were ol an immediate and \ e i \

Tactica l nature, Yd Utopias continued to be produced Two in cresting hooks deserve to be briefly mentioned: News from No
where (IKH). by William Morris, and Inthm,! (1890), by Thcodor I lert/.ka. William Morris (185M 1896). an artist and activist in the British socialist movement, described in his book as he himsell pnt itthe kind o( locicty in which be would feel most at home. In stead of just commodities prod need for the market in an alieuaTing environment, everyihing made ought to be "a joy to 11c maker and a joy to the user/' 11 1 he state will wither away when die minds of a sufficient number of people have been changecfio enable them to lead the masses toward a tree association. Social and economiclife will be based on the spontaneous activities ol relatively miatl gioups. Thcodoi Hertxluk (IR45 1924), an Austrian |ew born in Bit clapest and a journalist by profession, is the only alien in the An glo-Frcnch company ol visional ies. Like olheis. Ileii/ka detested capitalism Unl the wav In tlestro) it las. in his up ill toft, ItcitllCI m rttgineering violent revolutions ftoi in appealing to die gov


IllS I O M K




eminent to (airy (nt reforms. The former repelled him. the latter he found futile. He would lead a group of pioneers into an area Hot yet infested by capitalism in his novel I'ttihuiri, he (hose the highlands oi Kenya wheie they would set up sell ii \ erniflg communes. Perfectly tree movement ol labor and capital would eliminate all unearned incomes and exploitation. Fach worker would he free to choose where to work, which, due to diminishing returns, would equalize incomes and eliminate rent and profit. The system wotdd be closed by the introduction ol gratuitous credit provided by the community, which would eliminate interest. The prosperity of Freiland would induce one country after another to adopt the same social system. It hardly wvvd be mentioned that the economicsand politicsof l l e t l / k a aie Utterly naive. V H in his insistence on the perierted market as one cd ihe instruments ol social oigaui/ation. l l e t l / k a hue-shadowed the so-called market socialism that ap|>eaiecl in the next century. In his own daw he attracted a considerable following, chiefly among intellectuals, Iieeland Associations were formed in a number cd Continental countries, in Great Britain, and in the* United States, flis book is said to have influenced the Australian labor leader W i l l i a m Lane to lead five hundred pioneers to Paraguay, where in 18931 thev established ihe colony New Australia. Alter six, internal dissensions and the uulavotahle (lunate hi ought this experiment to an end. 12

T h e movements
By the middle of the nineteenth century, the primitive accumulation of capital had already been accomplished in the most advanced countries, the Industrial Revolution had been car-*. lie-it out, and the development of a new scx:ial order was in lull I jswjnir. In the ideological sphere, isolated individuals were to be^j replaced by broad movements. I he new social order, c a p i t a l i s m / generated a new exploited class, the industrial proletariat. N u merous sirikes, industrial warfare, and illegal trade unions were evidence of the giadnal emergence ol its c lass consciousness. ' There was a pressing social need to provide a theoretical explanation of the dynamics of the new order and a moral need to provide a defense for its victims. Both were superbly accomplished by Km! Marx (1818 1883) and Friedrich EngeU ( H H H M 8 9 5 ) , Thus, historically, Marxism appcatsas a theory ol emancipation



of the emerging working class. Since the proletariat is the exploited (lass, by emancipating themselves workers will emancipate the society at large; ihcy will destroy the (lass MM i n v and cs lahlisli sixialisin ('.niisctpu ntly. SIK i.ilisl movements appealed to he essential!) winking (lass movements, with "working class" meaning primarily an industrial proletariat. Around the middle of the century, political demcx:racy was still in its infancy, voting rights were severely restricted, and trade unions were not legal. T h e state was completely dominated by the {>ro|>ertied classes, whitfT~showed no desire to allow their^ privileges to he infringed upon in the least. Thus no political channels existed even for small social reforms to he carried out, not to s|>eak of radical reforms. Radicals con Id see only one instrument of social nan simulation: a v i (dent revolution, as foreshadowed by the gieat French Revolution. And indeed, the his tory of the nineteenth century in Kurope is characterized by a great number of revolutionary upheavals in many countries. Very naturally. Marxism is primarily a theory and ideology of a revolutionary emancipation nl ihe working (lass, as a result of whi( h "(he piolctariat will be organized as a ruling class" (Com' witftist Manifesto) . The_ latter idea goes back to (iracchus ttaheuf anil also contains the latter's notion of the dictatorship of the pro lclariat. In older to light tin* houigeoisie successfully. Ihe prole lariat (night to be well oigani/ed. Heine the need lor political centralization and lor disciplined political parties. Once workers' panics were formed in the second hall of the last century, they mostly accepted Marxism as their ideology.1'* As a consequence, the Inst two Internalionals were dominated by Marxist thinking. Vet Marxism is a critical theory Of capitalism and its destinelion, not a theory of socialism. As early as his fust writings, Marx declared: " I I building a future and Completing it lor all time is not our affair, then it is all the more certain what we should do right now. W e are thinking of reckless criticism of everything existing, certainly reckless in that the criticism does not fear its results, and also that it does not fear a conflict with the existing forces." Marx rarely and unwillinglymostly when pressed to do it--wrote on socialism. H e thought that it was Utopian to write on a society which did not exist. Besides, it was unnecessary. Since capitalism could be replaced only by socialism, all that mattered was to find the ways and means to destroy capitalism. T h e men of the future will be no less intelligent than we. Fngels added, in deciding what to do next. There were pressing current problems


ins i DRICAI, M I -NI

io he solved, which i m p l i e d that kite ipe* i l l a t i o n a b o u t tin* f u t u r e CfMlId be positively h a r m f u l prevalent by d i s t r i c t i n g a t t e n t i o n a m i energy I 'lie l a t i n pragmatM a t t i t u d e was leaders til the social democratic f r o m the i m p o r t a n t d a i l y tasks a m o n g the political

parties. _As a r o n s H i i u - m r . the* o r g a n i z e d socialist H I Q V C I M C I I I S were TtnA t -444ile_ concerned w i t h socialism; tlicit ble. Even worse, f i g h t i n g a siiongei energy was absorbed t b c y - u i u u ittingl> lighting < a p i l a l isui and exacting small inipi ovenieiits when possienemy, aTToptcd his attitudes. A n d w h e n the gieat dav e v e n t u a l l y a n i v c T I , the day alter a victorious r e v o l u t i o n , they c <ntld d o n o belter t h a n simply t u r n the bourgeois society upside d o w n . T h e y did not k n o w how to replace it by a basically different society. Instead of socialism. etaJtism t u r n e d <>m to be the next social system.

I hese historically determined contradictions have caused great

confusion therefore in the e v a l u a t i o n <l M . n \ i a n socialist necessary to clarify this point by thnught. It is to allowing Man

speak for himself. 1 4 As a twenty-live yeat o l d y o u t h , then n hourgeois radical, M a r x was enthusiastic civet the idea of h u m a n liber* at ion: " M a n , who w o u l d be a s p i r i t u a l b e i n g , a free m a n Petty he >inge isie w i l l m>t be one ot that's what a re publican ibe cither. . . . animals br can

W h a t they waul is to live and m n h i p l v . . want. . . . M a n s h c l i n ; - o| his own

\ allies, h c c d o t i i , should

awakened hi the- breast <>\ these people. O n l y this lecling . . their greatest a i m : a d e m o c r a t i c state."

again m a k e of society a e n m u u m i u <l men lor the l e a l i / a t i o n ol I he same1 idea a p p e a l e d Manifr$1n% Seven years later in its m a t u r e f o r m in the C.nnnnutns!

w r i t t e n together w i t h l ; ngels: " I n place o l (be o l d bourgeois soci e i \ . w i t h its classes and class antagonisms, we shall h a \ e an association in whic h the h e e de\ eh pnu nt ol etc h is I he condition lor the bee development ol ill." M a n y years la tea. M a t s explained that " f r e e d o m is w h e n the state is t r a n s f o r m e d f r o m an organ that is d o m i n a n t oyer societx into an organ that is completely subordi nate . . ." (('tititfitf of Ihr i\olhn FrovfanT, IQ75). EngeiS n a m individual rally agreed, and e l a b o r a t e d : " W h e n t h e i e is no longer anv social class to be held in s u b j e c t i o n ; when class rule and the struggle for existence based u p o n o u r present anaichy in prcKluc- N lion . . . are u i n o v e d . n o t h i n g more remains to he icprcsscd. a u d v foi ce. | slate, is no longer ncccssaiv.* .pec eial repiessiv hi si act by v i r t u e of which the state really constitutes itsell leptcscntativc ol the whole of society--the t a k i n g possession the tnea11 s of p r o d u c t i o n in the n a m e of societx, he the ol

that is. at the

same l i m e , its last independent .K t is a stale. Stale intc i ft u ncc in



lOCial relations I K T O M , , ( | is, a n d then dies m ,

in one d o m a i n a l t e r a n o t h e r , M i p e i l l u hy ilsell, the I < V C I I I I I I C I I I I persons is things . , (AutMMlhringt age r e i n i n d s passage im coei

l e p l a c c d hy the a d i n m i s n a l i o n o!

IS7S) . I lit- last pluasi- is, ol c o t u s i . a i c p i o d u c l i o n ol the l.nnons Saint S i m o n i a n idea. A n d the b e g i n n i n g ol tin- p nc ol I'londhonian an anaichisin. While llie eutiie >lies that authoritarian political system

a dominant.

i\e staleis in itself a p i o o l ol the existence ol :i < l.iss society.

mi a few modem political movements, which rail themselves

M a r x i s t , cl< r i s e an exactly opposite c o n c l u s i o n : n a m e l y , thai the i n k i n g possession ol the means ol p r o d t i e t i o n " and i h c h opera I ion I r o m t h e n on hy the a p p o i n t e d slate olh< lals is the essem e ol socialism. It should Be no M I I prise thai M a r \ and Fngcls enihiisiast i( ally greeted the Pans C o m m u n e ol 1871. " T h e Commune," Marx w r o t e , "at t h e very b e g i n n i n g h a d t o a c k n o w l e d g e t h a t the w o r T ^ ing class, c o m i n g i n t o power, c o u l d n o t r u l e w i t h the old state m a c h i n e r y . . . that it h a d to secure itself against its o w n depot ies and employees, prfx:laiming"~that a l l of t h e m , w i t h o u t e x c e p t i o n , w e i c dispensable at any t i m e . " N o r is this a l l : " T h e Paris C o m m i m e had, ol course, to nerve as the n i w r r e l<' all i f i r large in d n s t i i a l l e n h c s ol H a n c c . As soon as I'ai is. ,ind olh< i cciitics. w e i e briHIght into COUIUtUtial a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , tlie old < a n t b o i i t y had to he leplaced in the provinces hy piodmcis" (emphasis a d d e d ) . rtimilr.crf selpSSnSgtng

Hcc enti a h / a t ion does noTTTTcan

p a r t i c u l a r i s m : " 1 he u n i t y ol the n a t i o n was not to he b r o k e n , b u t . on the contrary, to he organized hy the c o m m u n a l organizat i o n . It was to become a reality by the destiuction power w h i c h c l a i m e d to he the e m b o d i m e n t itseU" (Civil War m Francet of the state unity but ol that

w h i c h wanted to be i n d e p e n d e n t o l , and superior to, the n a t i o n I S 7 1 ) . As (or the woi I;er-producer, E l i g e k e x p l a i n e d ten \ears later: "the w o r k e r is f i r e only w h e n he becomes the owner of his o w n means ol p r o d u c t i o n . . . ,*' w h e r e o w n e r s h i p is to be i n t e r p r e t e d in terms oi social, not state or collective, ownership. It lollows that Marxian socialism authoritarian state, c o m m u n a l

means destiuction



deceiuraflzaticm. a n d

producers' MarxKngefa can

self-management. T h i s is very different f r o m the way in w h i c h m a n y people, both sympathizers a n d advcisai ies. interpret ism today. It does not deny freedom the lad that Maix and were also centrahstically oriented and that tbe\ p l i e d , that individual

t h o u g h t , or iTn-

i n self-governing socialism



he achieved by centralist it: means, p r i m a r i l y

by central a d m i n is-

n a t i v e p l a n n i n g which w o u l d e l i m i n a t e m a r k e t , m o n e y , and comm o d i t y relations. N o d o u b t historical e x p e r i e i u e inaTes clear that Marxian means and ends were not fully consistent. N o d o u b t . changed means, not ends. When laced with the unions ol too, if M a r x a n d Kneels had l i v e d to see later developments, thcs we >uld^ liave In (ihe c l i o i i e . inanv ni ilicn \ nlu.n l i r i i n m i s d i d t h e opposite. 1854, lepresenlalives of I n ^ l i s h a n d French H a d e latter were still illegal and existed nuclei the ionise Mens

rriendly societies), together with exiles from various countries, established in L o n d o n founding oihn Manifesto. the I n t e r n a t i o n a l T h e Manifesto Working Associat i o n , later to be k n o w n as the First I n t e r n a t i o n a l . M a r x wrote t h e surveys economic and social 1 HIS a n d , a m o n g thousand imporManifesto d e v e l o p m e n t s since t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y year ol facts, records that

in Fjtgtattd and Wales three

j x i s o n s received a n n u a l l y an i n c o m e larger than ihe aggregate inc o m e of all a g r i c u l t u r a l workers. For ottr purpose, more tant is M a r x ' s e v a l u a t i o n of cooperative wotk. The

points out that, t h o u g h coo|)crativc wot k is i m p o i t a n t in pi in< i ph- and useful in practice, it w i l l never be able to stop the e x p a n d
S I O I I <il m o n o p o l i e s n o r a l l e v i a t e the hurt let I oj M I I M I y, Jn o i d c y t o

l i b e i a t e th<' woikiii}* masses, cooperative l a b o i must be dc\clopel on a national scale, w h i c h requires n a t i o n a l means of finance. B u t the owners ol land a n d capital will'use* t h e i r p o l i t i c a l privileges t o p i c v e n i this h o m happcniiu*. ' I h e same idea is e l a b o i a t e d some what .1 \ c a i l.ilci in M a i s ' s insli u< I ion I n the ih -legates ol tin* [General C o u n c i l to the ( . e n e v a Congress o l the I n t e r n a t i o n a l . I he met it of the cooperative moveinent is seen in t h e lac t that it
i n d i c a t e s t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o l r e p l a c i n g t h e e x i s t ino; s y s t e m i n MCJUQI laboi is s u b j e c t to c a p i t a l b\ a s y s t e m < A assoi i o n o l b e e a n d

e q u a l producers. B u t t h e t a t t e r can be a c h i e v e d o n l y a f t e r p r o d u c ers have assumed state i w w e r . I he issue ol proclnc ets cooperatives was discussed at t h e G e neva ( 1 8 6 6 ) , Lausanne ( 1 8 0 7 ) , a n d Uiussels of producers' (1808) confesses _oT t h c T i r s t its support International. The lirst of these congresses declared c ooperat i o n , b u t

for t t n p r o m o t i o n

stressed the inadecpiac y of v o l n n l a i y c o o p e r a t i o n as t h e basis oj the social sxstcm. T h e second called on u n i o n s to support cooper a t i \ e s by in\cstint in t h e m a n d by o f f e r i n g m o i a l s u p p o i l . m a n u f a c t u r i n g , aided by g r a t u i t o u s credit an influence ol I'rnuclhnn 1 be in t h i o l conoress p i o n o m i c e d in lavor ol cooperative o w n e r s h i p and c o m m u n a l o w n e i s h i p of

t h r o u g h m u t u a l hanks laud



cultivated by agricultural cooperntives. Cooperatives were also <lis(iussed at the Copenhagen congress of the Second International (1910). Yet the resolution talked only ol consumers' cooperat e s , and no mention was made ol producers and agricultural cooperatives. l e n i n suggested an amendment clcclarin% that the socializing anc'Tdemoc role ol cooperatives will become effeclive only alter the cxpropi ialiou ol capil ilists, hut the amend menl wastcjec led by a huge nia|onty. At this poinl, n may be useful to evaluate the lole ol roopcra lives in socialist development. I he lirsl FreiM:h and hist Owcnite producers' cooperatives were conceived as an instrument ol social transformation. And so, to a large extent, were those two hundredmostly unsuccessfulcooperative mills, mines, shops, and factories organised by the Knights of Labor in the 1870s and lHSOs in the United Slates. Vet, producers' cooperatives, in a capitalist c nvitoiuncut. turned out to be a lailnre. Except in agriculture, they either degenerated into capitalist partnerships or joint stock companies or simply disintegrated. Cooperatives encountered insurmountable dillic ullies in obtaining the necessary credit hence so mauv attempts to set up various kinds of mutual hanks and, due to egalitarian distribution of income, could not attract the best managerial services. 11 in spite ol both handicaps they survived in the competition, the founding members tended to treat the newcomers as hired labor., which, of course, was the beginning ol the end. As for consumers' cooperation, there was nothing pp lie nlaily socialist about it. by I he I Sr(K in Ihitain it lost its IOMIIK iiim with the Owcnite new society. When the better paid skilled workers could allord to invest in cooperative societies, they were primarily interested in direct benehts: unadulterated goods, fair prices, dividends on purchases, sale investment a list of goals that would be subscribed to by any good bourgeois. T o make- things even worse, occasionally cooperatives were used to prevent any socialist development, (iermany is a case in point. Mere the conservative promoter of cooperatives. Victor lluber. treated them as an alliance between the traditional order and the workers against the claims of the bourgeoisie, while the well-

known liberal cooperative organiser Hermann Schulae-Delitzsch

expected them to strengthen hec enterprise by educating working class eiiticpiencurs.

One1 of the characteristics ol the last years ol the First Interns tional was a continuing struggle between Marxists, who favored
political action and centralization of the organi/ation. and an.n


HISTORICAL n r . v i . n > r \ i I N I

chists, who opposed both. At the H a g u e congress

( 1 8 7 2 ) . which

happened be the last, anarchists and federalists were greatl) outvoted I he defeated i i i m o i i h ihrn <lc( ided tfJ reconstitute the
International (the .ilh lllpls failed) <>U the h.iMs O| ir>ni|lcl< d< (which centralization ;iinl til keep scpaialc meetings in tin t m m e

the) did), \ i the Geneva (18731) atul Brussels i l ^ T l j meetings,

tin- lielgiati labm leadei Cesar de Paepc (1H12 lHWl) was the p r i n c i p a l s)>cakcr in favor of workers' soil m a n a g e m e n t . W o r k e r s 1 gioups, he h e l d , ought to ptodiiec i m d c i l l i r snpi i \ isinit ol ! M il < omniums. I he c o m m u n e w o u l d o w n the l.ind .ind m i n i

assets, Every worker would participate in political dei tshrci-making l>\ giving delegates im|ierativc instructions Communes m m Id be allied into a n m federation. 11 One recognizes here the influence of Proudhon, whose i<h;is had been absorbed into the
a u a t c hisi leac h i n g S <>l t h e t i n n .


Anarchists can be divided into individualists and cotlectivists or anarcho-contmtinists. The former were fewamong them Max Sinner in Germany and Benjamin Tucket m the United States and had nothing to do with socialism. I he lattei wen ntttnei mis Mikhail llaktmin, Prince Kropotkin, P.IWc Rectus, |can Grave, t mil Pougel and advocated some sort <>i Utopian libertarian socialism. They demanded the abolition of private prop
e i t v and w o u l d replace the roereive s u n by a free federation or* ^ a n i / c d h o r n Ix-low. I n i h r I KUUs ;m:ut h o c QIICM Ovists l e c u i e t g e d as l e v o l m ionaiy syndicalists, w h o oigani/.ed a w o t k i n g class m o v e meut ol considerable i m p o r t a n c e

Syndicalism developed in France Emm i rival trade union movement started in the late 1880s as an opposition t> the I ('deration Nationale des Syndi<ats. which fell nitdei ih< influence <>l
(In Cticdist Parti O i l V t i e r . I he m o v e m e n t aspiicd to establish flu havail, which local trade u n i o n federations, called bmitsrs

w o u l d serve as lalmr exchanges u n d e r trade u n i o n c o n t r o l a n d as trades councils engaging in propagandist, o r g a n i z a t i o n a l , a n d edu c a t i o n a l activities. I n 1892, the Federation of Bourses was set ('1H(>7 -HW1) became its u p . T h r e e years later F c n i a n d P e l l o u t i e r

secretary, ;ind he laid the l o n n d ; i l i o n lot the m o v e m e n t w l t i ( h at rnTrff^d^dl..those who, like1* h i m s r U . disillusioned w i t h the liuhls ol t h e - t o n l e n d i n g soc ialisf tactions, stood lot I r e v o l u t i o n a r y tng class activity independent of political patties. work Syndicalists

wanted to place the* m a n a g e m e n t of industry i n t o the hands of

trade unions Trade unions were to be federated head)


labor bourses w h i c h would establish a m o i m p o l ) ol tabor, pies



etitly i.ikr over the ownership til industries, a rim tliein undet local self-governing comuHmcs. Syndicalists fptidiated parlia metllary anion, rclk\l on a "conse ions minority instead of thoi rHighly organized bigunions or parlies. and hoped to achieve t tie it aim by general iMrikc. These fmti characteristics of irn* inoveinetit explain at oner whv syndicalists came to be dc tcskd hv employers and hv orthodox unionists; whv. by disorgatl i/ing It, their action inflicted damage on the working elass
i n i i \ e i i i e i i l :" woikeis IIMI whv ihrv I In Failed Id nali/r of the the goal l i n . i n . I ^ I m i ill. lllihlailt) I'leinli

syndicalist unions rtarHe7Tjls__4>eak in 1902-I!>0T; if provoked sinM|g^axiiui^4y--tilFgovernineni and a great consolidation ol cm ployer? organizations, and iTie unions ivere lorced to retreat
After W o i h l War I. their ideas were basic all\ modified. In Ibis

process, a significant role was played by the fact that, as a result of the war, unions multiplied their membership and eTevelopeel into large, bureaucratic: structures. An important legacy of s\11 dtcalisrn was well summarized by Ilubcil Lagardelle, leader of I ( Mouvement Socialiste group which rallied to tlte side ol sytidi calisis against tlte parliamentary s < M i;ilistS: "Syndindjsm has al ways laid down as a principle that bourgeois institutions will he ebminaled only in proportion as the-y ate replaced hy we>rkint; i lass inst notions."tT A|MII from I * inner, synebealisni struck roots in Italy and Spain and spi< M| in IJK United States, where it became known lilrtjei t|ic name of industrial unionism. The organization responsible for it was the Industrial Workers of the World, created in 1905 through a fusion ol the mining and lumbeiing g7oups of the' I ai West, anel the l.ronitr auel olhea group* ol the* Midwest and the eastern stales, I he- IWW was against the orthodox uuie)iis ami the reformist sen ialists and agreed that the basis ol working class j>olicy ought te> he a revolutionary class struggle for a complete oveiihtow of capitalism and the seizure ol political power by or ganized workers. On oilier important questions, the IWW was split in several (actions, ranging Irom anarchists, out and out op posed to political action, te> the followers ol De- I .eon. who advo rated political ae tie>n carried out by a revolutionary part) working in alliance with revolutionary unions. Daniel De la-em (1852-1014) was a lecturer on international law at Columbia University and considered him* Marxist. Soon aihi joining ihc Socialist Labor Party m 1890, lie became its leader. De Leon saw clearly the need for a strong union and


H I S T O R I C A L l>l VI L O P M E N T

for |H)litical organization. He and his supporters thus overcame two basic weaknesses of syndicalism. Hut continuing factional
lights prevented I In- I W W el ass the establishment ol an rlhc ieitl otgani/alioti was to a large extent based on the ill p u d iitimigi ant u n i o n i s m was m o r e a result of lawlessness

u o i k e t s and Failed to sti ike In in toots in the A m e r i c a n w o r k i n g Revolutionary iti the n e w l y opened m i n i n g a n d l u m b e r i n g areas in the Far West where a h i t t e r industrial w a r f a r e raged - t h a n an expression of the lasting forces of A m e r i c a n soriety. As^nTTTr~ir^vas gradually d r i v e n l>a<k and replaced by o r t h o d o x unionism. I n the meant i m e , it provoked even more violent reaction than syndicalism in Fiance. A n u m b e r of states enacted laws which m a d e the1 propaga l i o n ol syndicalist doetiines a c i i m i n a l offense. Ibis hame ol m i n d was also reflected in the judicial m i n d e r ol t w o i m m i g r a n t workers, Sacco and V a n / c t t i , in Massachusetts in the 1920s. A l t e i World War I the I W W was weakened even f u r t h e r when many Com members left the organization to join the newly f o u n d e d

tntutist Pat IN
Syndicalist*) and industrial u n i o n i s m spiead to Australia, Canada, M e x i c o , I r e l a n d , and some other c o u n t i i e s ism was pioncctcd in B r i t a i n by Industrial (l*7<> union IfllH), |ames <.otinc>lly

an l u s h laboi leader, w h o was latei executed by lite 1 ngtisli hi his part in the rising ol Faster 1915 iu D u b l i n to spiead the ideas of D a n i e l Altei a Campaign in I9M split l)c I c o n , C o n n o l l y

the e x i s t i n g Social D e m o c r a t i c F e d e r a t i o n n> f o i m a new Socialist I .ahoi Party n a m e d aftei its A m e r i c a n e q u i v a l e n t , miners, The union policy Miners? ol \r\f Step I he- influence the of these ideas was soon reflected in the famous manifesto ol W e l s h ( 1 9 1 2 ) , f i which p r o c l a i m e d I be state, argucct^ttre What goal of " t h e mines to the miticjV^_in_opposit ion to the olhe ial nationalization. Welsh niineis, w o u l d be n o less t y r a n n i c a l tha n private e m p l o y e d ami WOtlM be a good deal m o i e p o w e i l u l militant and industrial policy ol pressing mines improved conditions until was iec|uired was ;i wages lot unptohtabV lor ever increasing became

the owners. T h e n thev w o u l d be taken over and organized under the woi keis' council. If ol hei the capitalist system would w o i k c r s puisuecl a similar bee o m c unwoikable and policy. toad the

would be cleared For social revolution

Rrttatn also ptoducccl an auloc mTtToTIDnS m o v e m e n t of her o w n , guild Utfialhm. I his somewhat sti ange n a m e was d u e to a histn MtfW \ | rni\ :i C h r i s t i a n wn*ialist *w:httrci / kt Hrs i. i! .ii < iu ^ n

w h o h a t e d capitalist i n d u s t r i a l ism, wrote .i I M K I I called



taurtUton of the Gild System, in which he advocated a return to medieval handicrafts. Soon afterward, S. i*. Hobsun turned Penty's ideas into something very different -Wtirkers :\> masters ol
m e a n s ol p o x l m I ion ;\\u\ g u i l d s as ageni i< s ln m i m i n g the ill

dustry which became the basis of the new movement. The most mat me formulation of guild socialist ideas is to l>e found in the writniRsof (;. P. H. Cole n*WM95<h .
('.ole ( M r s tlucifundamental a s ^ n n i p l JQLLI_M1 t h e movement

(1) essential snc ial valttes are human values, and so iety is a com pTex (l associations held together by the will oi their members; (2) it is not sufficient for the government to have Hilly tlie passive consent of the governed, for the ordinary citi/en to have little more than the privilege ol choosing his ruler; (he citizen should he called upon to rule himself, the society should l>e self govern ing; (3) democracy applies not only to politics but to every form of social action. It is not poverty btll slavery and insecurity that are the worst evils of contemporary society, l he position of i man in the daily labor determines Ins position as a citizen. With out industrial democracy, political democracy can be only a pre tense. "The essence of the (uild Socialist attitude lies in the he liej that society ought to he so organized as to afford the greatest possible oppoiiiuiity lor individual and collective self-expression to all its members and that it involves and implies the extension of positive self-government through all its parts.""1 l o r t h i s pin pose, ihe omnicoui|)Ctcnt state with its omnicompetent parlia mem is utterly unsuitable. Uuildstncu invoked Protidhon, Kro pot kin, and William Moiiis against the view'^lTaTlfri~JJcrfrtM ai-is^_ sues can be resolved only through a concentrated political power No man can tuil\ represent other men. The citizen must choose Someone t<> represent his point of view only in relation to some particular purpose or group of purposes, i.e., in relation to some pa11i( 111;11 Function. This JIIIK (tonal r/cmocuiry leads to a plnialisi S O I iety in which there is no single sovereign and in which there is a distribution of power among functional groups, Production will he carried out by state (bartered guilds of workers based nil trade unions. "A National ( m i l d would be an association of all the workers by hand ami 1>\ brain concerned ill the carrying on of a particular industry or service, and its function would be actually to carry on that industry or service on Be half of the whole < oinmunity." 20 Apart from the producers organi/ations > i < i irtinnuc gnilTls, then- will In* three additional^ [uiutional iHgani/^itionx: consumers' oig.mi/.n HUIN i* crm|icra


N i s i O R I C A L 1)1 VI 1 . o i ' M I N l

tives and collective u t i l n \ coin l a r s ^ c i vie service organisations or civic guilds (professions e x c l u d i n g the "ftrinisiiv) : and citizens' organ i/at ions or c u l t u r a l and health -MHIH ils. As again*! these lom functional nigani/at ions, i h c i c w i l l he one ( o m u n m a l n i ^ i m / . i tion w i t h two m a i n loles: (a) c o o r d i n a t i n g I m u t i o n a l bodies into a single c o m m u n a l system; (b) c o o r d i n a t i n g bodies operal
i l t g OVC1 M i i a l l i i o r i s w i t h IjN M I it s (MM i.H i t l g o v n l i n n e t areas. A l l

h m i t i o n a l bodies are represented on tlic < boards and all these representatives taken together represctu the c o m m u n e . The c o m m u n e has live tasks to p e r f o r m : ( I ) it allocates local resources and. t o a certain extent, regulates incomes and |>rices; (2) H serves as .i court oi amieal Un 11 - cottMicts of the fuw tional bodies; (S) i( deterinities the hue oi demarcation between functional bodies; (4) it decides on matters concerning the town as a whole, such as the b u i l d i n g <l a new t o w n h a l l ; (5) it operates die coercive machinery. " I he national co-ordinating machtii erj '! G u i l d Sot iet) w o u l d be essentially u n l i k e the present state, and w o u l d h*Vf feW d u e t t a d i n i u i s h a l ive I mic lions. It w o u l d he m a i n l y a source of a lew fundamental de< isions on |>oh< \ . dc-m.n cation between Functional bodies . . and ol filial a d j u d i i atiou on appeals hi cases <>l disputes. . . . I n t o the N a t i o n a l C o m m u n e . . . w o u l d enter the representatives <>l the National Guilds, Agricult u r a l , I n d u s t r i a l and Civic, of the National Councils economic and rivi< , and o l the Regional ( o m n i u m s . . . "' Ftmctiona] rcrjtgsentation in the political sphere leading to po l i t i c a l p h u a l j s m and a severe reduction of the t r a d i t i o n a l state attthorilariaiiisnt, and s<Tj m a n a g i n u n i in all w o i k o i t t a n i / a t i o n s this.'is t h e essence o l & n i l d s o c i a l i s m . I his is also the csseix e o l

the *ell spverttina oriraiiization ol a n u l y socialist SCKiwiv. I .inUlsiiM n were nut laTTJ a g r o u p <>l intellectuaMs, some ol them O x f o r d dons. <)nl\ allei I91S d i d the uioxrmeiit begin til attract workers, and alter I!M1 u became widely i n f l u e n t i a l , In 1915, the National (Guilds I .ramie was formed. It exerted gn at influence <>n the shop stewards' movement and on several unions. I he experience in the shop stewards' movement induced |. M . Paton to f o r m u l a t e the p o l i o <>l ' c u a o a c h m i i _ i - i > m t o i r ol "^pttlgjessivc invasion ol capitalist lutotxacy.** ^ V ( o r d i n to this c o n r e p r ^ H ^ ^ i a d u a l l v assuming the cofttroHitlg tunctions in in rlustiv. woikeis w i l l deprive t h e ' i m n r ^ o l an active or useful parti< ip.ifinn in the i n d u s i r f ^ r r o u r whit h thev draw then incomes.
O u i i r i s w i l l \w inliucd l ' i ; i i i lrss~~rrpp<|nl;i;.; r 1 " l< v . r p t ,IU,I\

w i t h relative ease at the tune ol hual Uansition.

1 he atiophy o f

IN I K O I U ( I I O N


the IIIIK lions ol the possessing s will desire*) its moral claims its rights; "busy rich" will i ige into "idle rich" and will to \ Uien be "expropriated*" Tlic OUMM policy ol transition advocated l > > gtiiklsitietl was the capuimiK ol the state hy the working (lass in oiclcr to take industry under public owneiship. Alter that. Pn liameni would hand over the task < > l administration to the na tiimal guilds doiinei trade unions) within die Uiins ol a pallia
itic 111. i \ < l i . i i i n .

Neither policy ieall\ worked, During and after tin* war, a num ber ol small guilds were created. ()l greatest importance was the movement to reorganize the building industry as a national guild in which employers were lo become salaried administrators, suh jec i to election by tlic workers employed -a remarkable resttrro (ion ol the Oweniie Building Guild ol 1834. At insi tlio building guilds were quite successful, which Cole explains is due to the hu i thai urdiiutr) housc-buildiftg requires almost no fixed capital and there was a heavy demand lor houses, t.tiilds charged lowc i pines, rendered services ol htghei quality, ami attracted the besl workers. However, in the Inst postwar depression in 19221923, the movement collapsed, and a sear later guild socialism as an organized movement was dead in Britain ! Immediate!) alter the war. national guild leagues Spread to South Africa, Australia, and Japanwhere they died out as well.

The revolutions
II tlic hist wave brought into existence individual S<K ial ist ideologues and isolated groups and the second produced orga ni/ed movements. the third wave brought the In ^t uali/atioiis. Kiroadly siicakiug, tlo* Kttropeau revolutions ot is is mark the time when the working class emancipated itsell and asserted nseli as a separate sue ial class. It iniohi he supposed that in the revolu tions which were to Follow the working class would attempt to es tahlish industrial self-management and, perhaps more generally, social sell Government. Let us examine this hypothesis in the 1 1 1 1 1 1 of the events which at tuall] took plai e.'' The eia ol proletarian revolutions began with the Pmrh Commum ol 1H71. Self-government has two fundamental compo nents: functional and territorial. Krom the ver\ beginning, the j'IIIIIIIIIIIIC developed both <l these lomp-n niv Poltfti 'l\ u (b vclopcd a full) piituipaloiy democracy. In the industrial sphere,




the Commune passed a decree l>y which industry was to be reorganized cm a cooiierative I >;isis and enterprises run l>y woikcrs. The positive experience of the I'm is Commune, the heroisin ol its Citizens, and the tragic outcome of their lighting inspired many individuals Marx and Lenin, among others groups, and entire movements. In particular, eighty yean later it exerted great influence, through the writings of Marx, on the development of workers' self-management in Yugoslavia, Though Yugoslav iiisiimtion;iI arrangements and social theoiy reflect mam ideas contained in ProudllOtttStU and guild socialism, there is no historical con (in nils m these ideas; they were not known in Yugoslavia and were rediscovered anew. Marx's evaluation of the C'.omnnine was well known, however, and inlluemed thinking and 5 lion in the most dne< t inamiei. Next came the Kiissum Krvnhttion of 1905. It produced * > < > victs, ;i specifically Russian insiitution o| revolutionary power. SiiiiY die Soviets plaved a great ndr in httttre revolutionary devel opineius. a luiel dese aiplion ol lltctl origin is in oidei. In jaiiu ary 1905, after a strike, troops killed looo workers demonstrating in'the streets of lYlrograd and WOUItded 5000 more. 1 his set in motion a ivave < > l strikes throughout the country, In May, &0,000 workers ol the textile ccntei Ivanovo-Voanesensk stopped work ing and elected delegates lo an nssetnldyof l.r1 memhers. This body assumed not only the conduct ol die strike but also the po litical power, and created ils own militia and court. I hat u;is the his soviet. Other* soon followed, the most famous being the Pet rograd Soviet, which acted imdei the leadership ol Trotsky. In October, 2.000,1)00 workers paiiiMpan-d in a general strike. So O I k n s elet ted delegates who \ iels now existed in fifty odd pities; W gathered together in t it> Soviets. The first workers' demands were traditional unionist demands concerning wages and working condition*. I > M t these were soon superseded by more radical demands, such is die eight IHMII working d a y atlllJbcrainr mainly |M>litica1 allei "the <)( tolxi general sliike (the emt ol auto< aaey, establishment ol a Constituent Assembly, Ireedom ol speech and assembly) . The tsar was forced to grant concessions and promised to extend civil liberties and establish a parliament. As soon as the situation was again uml<i control, tin* soviet! were liquidated, and most of the < < > m essions taken back. \s we have jusi seen, Soviets <1<\ eloped out of strike conunit. J c c s with the paiti ipation of political parties. T h e n appearance was completely spontaneous, with no relation to an estaldrslied



theory or political strategy, and yet they look as if they were an outcome of industrial unionism. T h e functional and territorialpolitical components of scl f-g oven uncut arc still undifferentiated in a soviet Bui tlie teudeiu v is lor the latter la predominate, and -dw^ngJdiejgMicral strike, Soviets became local executive pui^nm-i. ties largely icplacihg the m u n i c i p a l authorities. Both the Taiis C o m m u n e and the Russian Revolution ol 1905 Were crushed, and workers' soil-government did not survive them. However, the destiny of the second Russian revolution, the Great October Socialist Revolution ol MM7, oroved different. T h e chain of events was started l>\ a strike of female Petrograd textile workers on 1 ehruary 211 (March 8 according to the n e w T a l e n clar) . Four d;i\s later, a soviet was created as a joint organ of Pet Tograd workers and soldiers. I he lunnhci ol inciuhers who were delegates ol factories and military unitssoon readied two thousand. O l d e r No. 1 ol the soviet, most of whose members were soldiers, was that all military units should set up committees colli posed ol icprcseiitalivcs elected Ironi anions lower ranks. 7T~ month later, Lenin wrote lus famous April Theses urgiiig a transformation of the lMnirgcoisdemocratic revolution into a S(v cialist one. His battle cry was: Power to the Soviets! Land to the [Kasantsl Peace to the |>eo|>lel T o which workers soon added: Factories to the workers! In the same month, at a Bolshevik conlerence, the Uial delegate Sveidlov reported that in his region the workers had taken over some factories and that it was believed thai Soviets would have to assume the management of the lactones il the owncis refused to operate them. ( >n Mav 23, tltC provisional govei nine n I issued :\ dec \vr legalizing lac tot y c mi unit lees but Hying to limit them to consultative bodies, Factory com mittees, however. soon transcended these limits a n d , in parttcu lar, when there was a danger of a factory's closing down, they would assume the management of production. Such workers' takeovers have since then become typical forms of spontaneous int IOCIIH I loo ol self-management and have- been pi act iced in many countries; in L a t i n America, they are known as las totnas de fahricas.r' The peasant Soviets appeared somewhat later, b u t . by the summer of 1917, there were alreadv lour b u n d l e d ol them in exis tenrc. In May. the 1 iist Congress ol Delegate* of Workers' and Peasants Sovicis opened in Petrograd. The congress proclaimed

in favor of the confiscation ol large estates and workers' control in

factories, In the same mouth, the r'nst PeilOgtad ('.oiileicuce of


i l l s I ORICAI

hi vi i O P M R N T

factory C o m m i i l c es look place. L e n i n presented a resolution affptittpj thai workers 1 control represented the <>nl\ way to avoid ( < niMMiiic disaster. "' I IK resolution \v;s carried w i t h a great ma j o i i t v , and the ( O I I I C I C I K C elected the i >i 1 1 w i 1 n l la<l<i\ ( lofll' nutiees. Alter the conference, L e n i n explained his position more pie ist K l>v p o i n t i n g m i l thai workers' c o n t r o l meant c o n t r o l hy ihe Soviets and not "the ridic nlons passing ol t i n railroads i n t o the hands of railw-aymen, the leather factories i n t o the hands of leathei workers." O n the night ol Octobct 24-25 (okl calendar), the u p r i s i n g in Petrograd brought the Bolsheviks to power. T h e Second Congress i if Soviets, t h i n in session, decided that all |Hwer in all places would pass i n t o the hands ol Soviets of workers7", soldiers , and _peasants delegates. T h e Soviet R e p u b l i c was h o r n . I wo weeks later, the new government issued the Decree OH Workers 1 ( i o n t r o l . ( o t t n c i l s lot workers* control were to supervise ~ihe~TnriTrT7prt-tH4^^ and then decisions were to be b i n d i n g fot the workers. From this ilme on. this p i o m i s i n g devel opment was to take a very different course. > 1 Factory committees were to be responsible t o local councils < workers' c o n t r o l , whose metnliers were to he chosen h o m factory committees, trade unions, and workers' cooperatives. Local councils were subordinated to an A l l Russian C o u n c i l ol Workers' C o n t r o l , Since the old Central C o u n c i l ol Factory Committees, which resulted h o m the < on gi esses of factory committees from May to October, was still in existence, the new organization implied a d u a l i t y <! leadership. More than t h a i , ihe two bodies interpreted workers 1 control very differently. I he Central C o u n c i l issued a Manual e x p l a i n i n g that decisions of factory committees were b i n d i n g on the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the firms and that n o n compliance might lie punished by sequestration. I he iiistruc lions of the A l l -Russian C o u n c i l , on the other h a n d , reset veil manage-. ment [or the ownci and haired factory committees l i o i n confiscati n g the enterprise under any circumstances. A hitter controversy ensued. One of the most outspoken critics ol the approach nl the Central C o u n c i l was ihe Bolshevik trade unionist \ . Luetmfcy, who in his honk Worker/ Control argued thai if "abolished the e i i t i e p r e m i n " and made the factory committee " t h e boss of the given enlei prise." and pointed our that such transfer ol factories to the workers was "not only no! so< ialism h u t . on the contrary, a ' p hat I wards, a strengthening ol the capitalist mode " I p r o d w

tion, albeit along new lines.



The debate was soon streamlined by practical measures. <>n Decembet l t the Supreme Economic Council wascreated. It ;iI>il
ished the A l l Russian C o u n c i l of Workers Control a n d made the c o n t r o l f u n c t i o n a component of die overall (ask ot icy.nlaiinu ilu*

economy. It coordinated a network < > i local economic councils (iovttmrkhoxy), Thus one rival bod) was eliminated.
Itolshcviks were now aligning dial theie was no )\i-c<\ loi l e p l rate workers' organizations alter the concinest ot power, as in die l i m e when Factory committees exerted worker* control and trade unions organized tin* struggle against the b o i u g r o i s i c . In |annai \ 1!US, the I n si A l l Kussian Congiess ol h a d e I 'Idolis" dec iclccl i. transform factory committees into primary trade u n i o n org I his devicekilling workers' self management liy u n i o n i / m " n was later used in some other c o n n l i i e s as well. I he decision d i d not pass unopposed, however, A t the Second Congress ol the C o m i n t e r n , many delegates c o n t i n u e d to treat Factor) commit ices, d i e organizations of direct producers, as more revolutionary than trade unions, which operated through leadership, Yet the Congress approved die amalgamation of the t w o . In M a r c h , the Central C o u n c i l <>l Petrograd Factory Committees disappeared t h r o u g h a h s o i p i i o n into the* smnwrkhozy ol die n o r t h e r n hi 91 diistrtal region. In Ins Ncxi Tasks o/ Sovifi Vtndtt I-en i n wrote that it was necessary to learn how to harmonize the t u m t i l t u o t i s democracy of the w o i k i n g misses w i t h the i i o n discipline at the w o i i ; place r-wtttTTTie ansolntc submission to ttie w i l l of one single person the soviet leader- in tlu- process of w o r k . I n May ana June, large sectors ol ihe national economy were nationalized, At the same time, the First CongresscJ the Councils o| the N a t i o n a l Economy was held. I he congress decided that, i t r nationalized enterprises, managenTcnr commit tees w o u l d be composed o f workers* u present aiives elected b j Hade u n i o n members (one third) and of members appointed by the icgional or su pre me C o u n c i l of N a t i o n a l Economy (two-thirds). 2 * I he ensuing c i v i l war, w i t h its concomitant shortages and sabo tage, requiredor at least it appeared sostrict centralization and m i l i t a r y organization ol the entire social life ol the country. However, as soon as the Civil war was o t e i , the epiesi for sell man agement reappeared. I n 1920 and 11)21, Shliapnikov. K o l l o n t a i . and a n u m b e r of other trade u n i o n leaders led a movement called the Workers' ()p|>ositiou. T h e <)p|wisitton demanded not In n"" less thati f u l l woikcrs scll-managemc in imdei iii Crad< unions. VVorkeis w o u l d elect the managerial organ called the



1H \ 1 IV


workers' coininktccT Tlie 1 *; 111 y could not rrrjll rilfcanrlidarn iinminatrrT by the unions. I>nt it was too late. I he Opposition was entailed. The trade onions were soon tec pi heel to operate pri- mart I y as an instrument In persuade workers i< fulfill the pfodnc ticm tasks. Former factory committees were replaced by production cells! which in I92!i devclo|>cd into production c<>iiIcrcnces with consultative functions and the primary task of increjsm^ production. Workers soon became disillusioned, and conferences withered away without ever having lieen officially abolished. 2 * The last remnants ol workers control huge-u-d [of some time in the managing triangle <>| directorPart^ sccrela^ry-<hairittan of the tiadc union committee, with the director becoming more and more important. In the late twenties. Stalin removed even theset remnants, and in a truly Weber ian fashion proclaimed that the essential condition for discipline and eflic ieuc y was that the director have absolute and complete control over the enterprise and that he be subject only to the orders from above. hditwtiacTmlTr (one-man management)already foreshadowed^))' Lenin, who asked lor an absolute submission to the will of one single person was adopted as the basic principle of social organization. Significantly enough, alter a short while the gap lietween workers' wages and managerial salaries was widened by several times. Workers1 Control was dead for the time being. I he Russian Revolution had a slioiit impact on revolutionary fermentation in oilier European countries. Soviets sprang up all over Europe. In Austria, (ieiniam. and Noiwav. national conferences ol Soviets were held in 1918 and 1919, Several thousand workers' and peasants councils weie organized by various potiti eal groups in Poland. Soviets appeared sporadically in other countries, Midi as England (Leeds. |ime l ( H7) and Swii/eiland (Zu rich, |anuaiy 1919), With a lag ol a decade, tlscy spread t < > Asia. where they were organised by Chinese communists and appeared during the I9M uprising in Indochina. Workers proved able to extort ( ami legal reforms and occasionally to assume (temporarily, ol course) management of their factories. In a way, which the most dramatic event was the Hungarian Revolution, gave With to the I lungai ian Soviet Republic in the spring of l*H(. I .coin sent greetings, As early as Oclohci 1918, workers' and sol <liers' councils, uiainls mulri s<K ialIst leadership! began to he Formed in Budapest and some other places, In large factories, management passed into the hands ol factory workers' Soviets.



T h e soviet govei nment was brottghl to power in March WW) by an action of the Budapest Council ol Workers' and Soldiers' Dcp mies. The government nationalized industry and trade and entrusted management to production commissars and factory so rtets, T h e Soviet Republic i m m e d i a t e l y encountered strong internal a n d external resistance and worsened the situation by comm i t t i n g grave mistakes i n t a k i n g a r i g i d and dogmatic course and a l l o w i n g arbitrary treatment of people, particularly i n villages T h e civil war began. Hungary was attacked 1>\ the Romanians and Czechs. A f t e r 135 days o! existence, the H u n g a r i a n Soviet Republic was crushed l>y a combined effort ol French, R o m a n i a n , and Yugoslav troops and a small army of H u n g a r i a n emigrants. I n August. Romanian troops entered Budapest, and, w i t h the arrival ol A d m i r a l H o r t h y in November, the white t e n o r began. Instead of toward so< ialism, Hungary was beading toward fascism. I h c situation was hardly leas r e v o l u t i o n a r y in another conn try defeated in the war, (iermany. b u t u n l i k e Hungary, Germany was a much more developed c o u n t r y , w i t h a long t r a d i t i o n o l w o r k i n g (lass movements and a well-organized Social Democratic Party professing Marxism and advocating a i evolutionary transformation of society. Vet, when the occasion arrived, the old the^ c y ^ p r o v e d w h o l l y inadequate and the m a i n body of the parts failed to move. Developments were spontaneous and forms of organization unexpected. The icvolut ionai y movement was trig gered by the refusal of the licet in Kiel to leave the harbor for an
attack on the B r i t i s h lleet in N o v e m b e r 1918. The authorities" of

course reacted, and h u n d r e d of marines were jaded. I he rest ol the marines requested that their imprisoned comrades be liberated and captured the naval bases on November .'V T h e next day. soldiers' councils weie formed. A day later, councils of soldiers and workers met and a general strike was proclaimed. A general strike hurst o u t that same day in H a m b u r g , and on November 6 the council of workers and soldiets assumed power. Developments were similar in LQbeck, Bremen, and other harbors, In Stuttgart and i n M u n i c h , o n November 7. the dynasty was o v e r t h r o w n . I n - ^ h e latter city, a council of workers a n d soldiers assumed power a i u T p t o ^ l a i n i e d the bavarian R e p u b l i c tinder the leadership of K u r t Kisner. I n the next t w o days, the r e v o l u t i o n spread to seve l new- provinces. On Novemhei 10, a new* government was formed iti Berlin consisting of two groups of Social Democrats?

An assembly of councils ol workers and soldiers in Berlin, reprc


D E V R 1 >1M I N

settling lite u \ ol ill ioii.n \ movement ol nil ol ( .1-1 m : m \ . el< led ,m L x c i u t i v e C o m m i t Ice ot She councils and ;ivr stip|M H I to the government. lie revolutionary ferment was strongest in llavaria O n 1 eh i u a t \ I . 1919, I i s n e r was forced to resign, and l o u r d i \ s l ; i l n the congress (l council;! at the i n i t i a t i v e <>l lite m a j o r i t y Social l)eino<i.Hs di (ided to dissolve and i c l u i n pow< i Nl ihe Land tag in M u n i c h . Just before the Landtag opened, however, on February 2 1 , Risnet was kilted. Tensions ivere increased im ineiiselN. O n the night of A p r i l I), the Uavarian Councils Repul> lit (U i i r i e p u l . l i l , w is pio< lahncd. It lasted u n t i l M IN I. when it siu f i un I < < I to the attack* <i troops several times Mr o n get thai weie lent ftgainftt it. " I he llprnottttg ol the M u n i c h l e v o l u l i o i i arics." Commented (, IX I I { '>!<. .mil ihe establishment ol n u l i tar) rule which endued, destroyed llavarian Socialism and made the citv into a s i i o n g h o h l ol c <tiinicite\ ok+Vw4U_Jii_jts_jnm^ e\

t r e m c l<tnu. ":m
In Ueceinbei HMS. ihe National ( onujess ol Councils in Ret lilt, d o m i n a t e d l>\ m a j o i h v st>< iihsts, voted to hand over powci to the loi tin outing i onstiiuent Assembly as soon as possible. I he decision was earned out in L e h m a n 1919, when the Assemhh met in W e i m a r . In the meantime, the Social Democratic govei m u c i n b r u t a l l y suppressed demonstrations in l i n l m and allowed die ioni<hi ol two socialist leaders, Karl l*iebknechl and Rtwa Luxemburg* It looked as il the r e v o l u t i o n had been lironghi under c o n t r o l , and thai moie o i t h o d o x p.u liainenlai y methods would effect the necessary social changes. In !a<t. the way was
| U \ C| 1I I.|S( I M I l .

Spontaneously formed Soviets and works councils (of which more w i l l be said i n the next section) in (.erinany stimulated an extensive controversy about tlieii role and tunc lions. I n this con ncction, A n t o n Pannckock (187IL IW>ti) . a D u t c h astiouoniei, and Jsarl K m sell ( l H H l i - I W i l ) , a German philosopher, mas be mentioned as the two most i m p o r t a n t w i i l e i s A t h i o l , the p h i l o sophic ally trained Italian labor leader Antonio Gramsci (IS!M - 1 9 3 7 ) , also Contributed some new ideas. In hah; in August 1919, at the Fiat renter in T i n i n . an asscm-

ll\ <l workers furiously dissatisfied with the existing cwnmiuione interna?1 succeeded in forcing it to resign and for the first time
elected shop stewards w h o const i t u u d j i f a c t or v council.* 1 In the game yeai and in the name city, Gramsci est ihlishcd the werl-hOnline mioi'o. SeaoJUUg m die l i a d i t i o i i (ol an instmi-


lion w h i c h could serve as an e i u h i y o <>l I n l i n e



and his i ; i o u p :idvo alcd the csiabl ishuic lit o| woi kc is' couiii lis ( d a m s c i was one ol the lust labor leadcis l< i c a ! i / c r l e a i l v thai iTTTrhr unions do noi Uanstcncl die h a m e u o i k civ. ll ol bouii>eois s M I i m v eBMClons tunc is o n l y wcnkeis* councils U'hicll u r a t e llu

ncss o l w o i k e i s a m i help l o b u i l d a in u s l i m i n i r ol production lelaltons. l i e ,ils iilldcrsUioxl die need loi a d i l h ic n i i a t c d lional and politicalapproach lo self-t>ovcnimcnl I n one ol the

Ins! articles in Oxlinr JUtOVO ( | n n e 2T* MMU) . I he o p i n i o n is expressed thai the slogan, " A l l power in the factory to worker*' c o n u n i t u cs.'' u n d o \vhic~fi work CMS must l>e;in i h elect i h i u representative assemblies, ought l o be c o m b i n e d w i t h the slogan, "AH state power to workers' and peasants' cotiucils." N a l u r a l U enough, Mtcli ideas d i d not appeal to the trade u n i o n bureau
cracy. and il prevented ihe spiead ol w o i k e i s ' < < H I I M I I I lees outside I ui i n .

In AugtlSl l!)2<), a long strike o l metal workers in M i l a n was Followed by a lockout, Workers retaliated l>\ occupying factor) aftci l a < h ) i \ . Kveii before that. lactones w o u l d occasionally be taken over by workers, w h o w o u l d c o n l i n n e to work without management Now most Factories in M i l a n and T u r i n were < < enpied. Uut the entire action was not prepared, ami it soon col lapsed itm&ei the c o m b i n e d pressure ol employers and the govern meiit. T h e government promised relorms. hut after negotiations were over ami Factories were returned lo ihe owners, it gave up
the idea ol passing a law on wankers' c o n t r o l . I n the lace ol the workers' claims for a greatei shauc in the c o n t i o l ol industry, the

employers iiccanie restive; i t o \ began to consolidate thehr nrgarri /.a lions, and by the snmmeFoT l n l n a I I H H I I U T T I I big industrialists started linanriii< fascists as the force most h k c h to check the w o r k i n g class movement. I n October I'.122 Mussolini m . i i c h r d on Home. A lew years later, fascism was firmly established i n Italy. Gramsci wascatight and sentenced to twenty years in j a i l . Spain was the next c o u n t r y to experience revolution.iry ferment. For more than a decade after W o r l d War I. Spain was passing through a period <>l extreme political instability in which intci vals of almost no government were interchanged w i t h m i l i t a r y dictatorships. H i e days ol the o l d monarchy h a d d e a r l ) gone. Bui the country d i d not seem r i p e for a democratic bourgeois republic. The r e p u b l i c itself was proclaimed in 1981; a m i l i t a r y m u t i n y followed i v e i l later; m 1933, tltc government suppressed a broad aiiau iiist movement, and a yeai later a itrottg popular movemeni




\slin i;is was suppressed by a r m e d l o n v s . In sm h an a l m o

sphere, leftist panics won at] absolute majority in the \WM> elci hons. I hat w is m February. As early an |uly, (teueral Franco siaucd the military mutiny in Morocco, rhe civil war began, In the early roonthi < > l the civil war, effective power was exercised mainly hy the local workers' committees. F.vcn the army was made Up mostly of workers' militia. All over the countIY, woikeis took over abandoned factories and peasants deserted (stales. Woikeis elected committees to run the Factories, and peasants established omniums. T h e eonunillees weic composed uiainlv ol mile tants of the trade union Confederation Nackmal dc Trabajo. I he C M was largely under anarchist inllucncc; it kepi aloof from paity politics ami proclaimed as a goal a society organised as a loose IccUialion ol lice local eouununes. lis inllueuee was strongest

in Catalonia, and it was exactly there thai ihe celebrated Decree

on Collectivization and Workers' Control was issued in Octobei l(><i. I he decree envisaged the collet ti\i/alion ol all enterprises
wilh m o i e t h a n a h u n d i e d w o i k e i s . those ihat h a d heen a h a n cloned o r w h o s e o w n e r s j o i n e d t h e rebels, a n d also t h o s e in w h i c h

three-fifths of the workers desired collectivization. In collectivized enterprises, management would he in the hands of workers, re|>resented hy enterprise councils. Private industry would 1M- man aged hy owners subject to the approval ol a woikeis' control coin inittee. The enterprise councils would elect directors and would in< hide government ins|>eclors whose duty would he to insure compliance with the law. T h e coordination ol the activities of individual enterprise councils and the task ol chawing up plans loi various industries were Ui be entrusted to general industrial councils composed nl ihe representatives ol the enterprise t nunc ils and trade unions as well as technicians appointed hy the government. Under conditions ol civil war, this scheme had little chance to be tried out as envisaged. Somewhat more than two years later, the Spanish Revolution collapsed, if comunismo liberterio ol th<( N I Saragossa Congress ol 1956 was replaced by a fascist dictator ship. I he lesson to he derived from the Hungarian, German, Italian, and Spanish experiences- and From the events ol 19731974 in Chile seems to he that unsuccessful or half-successful revolutions arc likely to generate lasc ist ch< tatorships. World War 11 produced new revolutionary upheavals and. with them, new attempts at woiI< is sell management. 1 he YugoUn'nluthm l I'M I IM|r> ' I<MSM (whic h will be discussed in
g i c a i e i d e t a i l later) p i o d m e c l t h e lust succcsslul i m p l e m e n t a t i o n



of an integral system of workers* self management. Jttsl as the Russian Revolution influenced developments in other countries and led to numerous imitations of Soviets, the Yugoslav Revolu tion poptthu"i/.ecl workers' councils, which were set lip in a mini her ol countries. The Yugoslav influence was perhaps most strongly Felt in Al irriin, where, as a result ol the War fot National Liberation (19541962), favorable conditions for social change were created. As beftm in Russia, Hungary, and Spain, workers and peasants weie occupying the abandoned estates and establishments ol French colons. Spontaneous!) established comitii <lc geslion in the summer ol 1962 were supported by UGTA unions as the basic democratic form to offset tlte autocratk tendencies ol the leadership u1 the National Liberation trout. First elections were held in September 1962. and by October a decree legalized comites tie geslion in the vacant agricultural estates. The next yeai, the celebrated March Decrees established management commit tecs as a keystone ol Alueiian socialism. The Yugoslav formula Avas adopted:- all lull-time workers constituted the general assent* ply and. in enterprises with more than thirty workers* elected a workers' council. The council elected a management committee. lloWCVer, many members ol the state and puly mac hinerv were opposed to self-management Step by step, the stale apparatus was increasing its control over the activities < > l enterprises. Then funds came to he held and achninisteied h\ state agencies. Finally, the committees were dissolved, except in agriculture, and the enterprises integrated into so(ictr\ nmlionulcs** Self-manag ingenterprises < > l the Yugoslav i\p< were replaoed by public cor porations patterned on tlie French model. Once again self-man agement degenerated tntoetatism, Postwar development followed a similar course in many respects in all of the most industrialized East European countries. All these nations weie liberated h> the Soviet army. In all of them, various forms of workers' management appealed spontaneously near the end of 1944 or at the beginning of 1945. Bclrichy riifc reappeared in Fast (ieunauy. Factory committees were legalized in Hungary in February 1945. In the same month, i de c i ee was passed on factor) councils in Poland. Bill h\ 1(>1K, com muntSt regimes consolidated their pOWet and Workers' man ineut K K M 1 disappeared m all these count i ies. It was replaced In 3 (lleii h\< Imlhnio on tin Soviet pattern. \li< i Si.dins death, a new lev olul ioiiai } title passed through



these countries (except East Germany). In 1956, for the thud time within a generation, IhiHgmums attempted to establish workers1 management during an uprising. Spontaneously created workers' councils were legalized in Novembci 1956. According to law, the ronncil, elected by the workers, would manage the entej
prist* Mud make the b i n d i n g derisions on .ill important matters. I erritorial woi k<is councils w o u l d not u o l j coordinate the activities ol enterprise councils, but l u m i i o u as organs of political power. I hal was particularly I n n ol the Budapest WorketV < ouiu il. I In* Russian m i l i t a r y i n t e r v r n l i o n pot an end lo this develop meiit, U n l i k e in I ' M / , when the Hungarian revolutionists were enthusiastically greeted by L e n i n ;s allies, ill ItNiii they were t o i l e d as enemies. This attitude w;is not accidental, nor was n

new. In l(M7. both countries were experiencing socialist revolt]

hoos. I n 1956, the etatisl Soviet U n i o n crushed socialist revolt!* l i o n in Hungary |usi ;s in 1MB Feudal Russia crushed the H u n garian Ixmrgcois r e v o l u t i o n , A l t c i i h r i h U i i . workers' councils cotitiitued to exist, and a p i r v i o u s K tested ileviVc was used trailr unions weie urged to assume the leading role. In 1957, workers councils lost independence and wen- o p i a t e d In factory councils, w h i c h were consultative bodies undei the leadership <>i unions. I he chairman < F the trade u n i o n c o i u t n i t f r c was an ex nfficia chairman ol the factory council, ^ I n Poland, after the Pnznan upheavals, workers' councils ol various forms were created at a n u m b e r ol enterprises. I n November 1956, a law was passed stipulating that the workers' council. elected by all workers, was to manage the enterpiise and approve the n o m i n a t i o n and dismissal of the general manager. Vet, as soon as the situation was again u n d e r c o n t r o l , the authorities en eioaehed u p o n the rights of the w o i k e i s count [Is, w h i c h lound it more and m o r e cliflu u l t to o|crajte. The new law of l!).r)8 e \ oltcitly stated that the p r i n c i p l e of edhionachalie and sel[-management was to he replaced l>y <o p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T h e workers' c o i i n b i l . trade u n i o n committee, and Party committee together

represemted the Conference < > l Sell Management, The ormlerefsce

was e n t i t l e d R> make proposals, but all rid isioiis wcic taken h\ the dure tor, Czechoslovakia lagged by about a decade. But when the time a r r i v e d , the Catch attempt looked most promising, for industrial itrmocracy was developing w i t h i n . mature political ikv nicw lacy. I he Insi ( l*in ills n| sell management appeared m IIMHi


; < >

along; Willi the economic rclori cessfiilly ( l i n k e d S t g j n g brought by the existing a fundamental


die development regime. The UW old

was sn< Prague Stalinists


:hang. After

had lost power, in the fii st months ol l!MiK, sell management he came the m a i n subject <>l discussion in newspapeis, journals, a m i l.utmirv [jfotliuTunw in 1.1 c l I ' K i>ii;il>n\ < oumiit Ices loi Inline w<i \ <\s councils nuly jnat Ufi( i< It) established be^an (o he established all over the of all picpaia(oi\ < otuillittet s. I h< be

Q U I n t r y . I n June, trade unions gave support l o 111 i s i n i t i a t i v e and two t h i o l s which soon existed in one-hall ol inchish iai establishments. was l o seltlc all matters c o n c e r n i n g sell man.element. w o u l d promulgated were opposed bv llic cod ol the \ e a i . ( ons< i \ a l i \ cs, ol

.i;i>vciiiiiuiil a m i o u m e d i h r law (in socialist e n l e i p i i s c , whit h couise.

Representative ol their views was a d o c u m e n t cir-

culated ;iinoni; (Tarty members a n d prepared by two m c m h c i s ol the T a i t y pt< -sidium loj its session ol die lata! night of AugUSl 2 1 . I l said thai the creation of workcis' councils h e r n i a t e d " t h e dm ger that I he , m a n hist a n d ant icoiiuiuiiiisi elcniculs w i l l g r a d u a l l y acquire the nu I impoi l a m positions in l l i r o M i m ill and use ( h e m to weaken a n d destroy the positions ol the Patty, trade unions and economic agencies in the production piocess. Bearing in

mind iraiislorniaiknni occurring in the itructurc <! management,

ihis lacT~7TnTrrr-4ttfV4i-_\u^^ < nnsec|iieiu es. ** 1 he Russian leadeis shaied this view, and there is some sinis ei symbolism in i h c l a c t that o n the \ e r \ uiuht w h e n the ch>< m i u n t was l o be dls St < u s s c d a l the P a r l y p r e s i d i u m , h o o p s of the Warsaw Pact invaded (. ./re hoslovakiav r i c p a i a t o i y t o u n u i h c e s and w o i k e l s ' ( o m r r i l s contiiiuetl to exist For some t i m e , occasionally operating illegally. The a n n o u n c e d law on the toetali&J enterprise had, of course, never been passed. Soon the old elatisl l e t u p W W reestablished. I n Minimal i/c, in the Insi century ol socialist M volutions, all but t w o of t h e m p r o d u c e d attempts to establish sell o \ e m i n e n t . T h e i w o e x c e p t i o n s - t i l e Chinese and C u b a n Another hoi) revolution! could Revo p r o b a b l y be e x p l a i n e d by the \ e i \ Specific n a t u r e <>l these i c v o l u L a t i n A m e r i c a n r e v o l u t i o n , the Bolivian

TmabiT~TTfH4^V2v--pj()iiif)il\ produced control obteto (worker con

in n a t i o n a l i z e d e n l e i prises. Thus, historically speaking, so cialism a n d self-government apjiear to be synonymous. I t has been f r e q u e n t l y slated that w h e r e v e r workers' management was a t t e m p t e d , it failed, h i a sense this is t i n e . A l t e r the frustrated attempts, the c o u n t r y w o u l d lapse back i n t o capitalism o r e t u i s n i . b i n the i n f e u i n r e thai i l i c i e f o r e wotkgrs management



inns! be regarded as an unrealizable Utopia is dear!) False. In no historical period have new social institutions been successfully established at otic stroke, without bittei lights with vested interests, and without many hulmes. What is significant III die events we have te\ iewed is not t!ie failure to achieve the goal, but ihc recui rent attempts despite all failures.

Tin* establishmeof
The three waves described so fai cotdd not tail to exert great influence and to modify that relatively stable and saiuiiftcti\pancin of social life which is denoted as the establishment. The esiablisluneni itself began to change, and this is the fourth, suvface layerol the historical trend we have set out to investigate. Various kinds ol workers' ami woi ks (oinu dsj die humcr aie composed ol workers only, the latter unhide employe! s' iepid scntatives as wellare as old as the trade union movement. These councils or committees dealt with complaints, welfare work, ;md conditions of employnieut. I hey weie always advisoiy. ihe cm ployer reserving the power of making the final decision, lint foi a lung time they occurred only sp()ra(lic^ly^HutH^id^ioT rcprcsent an institution. Similarly, labor legislation dealing With some Forms < > i workers' participation in the factory organisation al inusi exclusive!) iroiifiiied to welfare matters rati be traced back in several countries (Prussia and Austria, foi instance) t o t h e e n d ol the lasi century. 19 These Were also sporadic events, and the ex lent ol workers* participation was hisignifkani. I be first land mark in 1 1 1 < history < > l workers1 paitu ipation in management is represented l>\ Work) Wai 1 and the Russian Revolution. During the war, in order to enhance war production, the In it ish. I'lnnh, and t i n m a n governments soughtand received the Cooperation ol the unions. As a result, various forms ol management worker cooperation developed. The events that occuned in these countries are so significant that they warrant a lew more words, Ihe three yean preceding the outbreak ol the war represent one ol the most disturbed epochs in British industry, writes j . H. Seymour, the- historian ol Whitley councils. At the coinmrficenient of the war. a hunched sh ikes weie 1 1 1 piooicss :;v It was m (his period that syndicalist influence was the strongest in Britain, md. in 1912, Itlilten and ihe latest ol the lout lailwas unions



accepted the demand tor the complete control ol industry by the workers. It was also in this period that die f u t u r e shop steward movement was announced (Glasgow engineers 1 strike, 1912) Before the war, shop stewards were m i n o r olh< ials appointed hy the u n i o n from among the men in the workshop to see that the u n i o n dues were paid and newcomers organized. T h e y had no power to negotiate grievances nor were they officially recognized by the m a n a g e m e n t Then came the war, w h i c h , as was pointed out hy C, ( i . U e n o l d . who watched the events w i t h the eyes of an employer, 'was not lelt by work -people lo he their' war. . . . I t was regarded hy large sections as a capitalists* war and the restrictions, controls and hardships were- resented a c c o r d i n g l y / ' * - It "STTttiees to add that when, in 1915, trade union leaders v o l u n t a r i l y pledged under the heasury agreement not to sanction Strikes during the war. the dissent of the rank and lile was certain. T h e big Clyde engineers' sliike early in l*U.r, when the strike committee disregarded superior u n i o n officials a n d won the strike, set the pattern and i n i t i a t e d what became k n o w n as the shop stewards' movement. 1 " Shop stewards' committees, composed ol representatives ol all workers in an establishment, spread over the entirecountry. Locally, delegates o l the establishments in an area made up workers 1 committees, which became federated i n t o an unofficial nationwide workers' committee movement* This spontaneous development very much resembled the appearance ol Soviets in Russia, ami so it is ejuite n a t u i a l (hat alter the February Kevolu ti<ui in Russia, Soviets became popular in B r i t a i n . I he-previously mentioned I.eeds Conference <l June 1!)I7 t a i l e d foi Formation of woi keis* and soldiers' COttIM ils. Syndicalism, g u i l d socialism, the shop stewards' movement, the increasing n u m b e r of w o r k i n g days lost hy strikes despite all restriction*2 m i l l i o n in 1915, 2.f> m i l l i o n in 1916, 5,5 m i l l i o n in I * > 1 Vthis alarming situation called for Government interven t i o n . I n October 191$, a committee (known as the W h i t l e y Committee) was appointed to examine methods for securing permanent improvement in industrial relations, T h e f o l l o w i n g year, the W h i t l e y Committee produced its scheme ol employer-worker cooperation. For each industry, a N a t i o n a l Joint C o u n c i l and dis triet councils were to he formed to b r i n g together employers 1 organizations and unions, and, in i n d i v i d u a l establishments, joint

works committees were to provide s recognized means <i consul tation between the management and the employees. Bui the scheme as s whole (ailed to work, except in government depart



m c n t f : " T h e employers, as a body, havcuw>rrf T a v o m l the scheme. . . . I he trade unionists, Fgightefftxl l>v the simp stewards' move n i c n l , appeal to shrink h o i n g i v i n g a u l h o i i t y lo any lank and f11 c ^ movement a m i awav f r o m the central oi wanizatioiis."" Out ol ahoui a h u m l r e d woiks committees Formed as a response to W h i t ley C o m m i t t e e recommendations, mils hall were s t i l l alive hy \[)2\>. After the war. the government rejected miners' and railway* m e n s demands loi nationalization ami sell government. I he til st posi\v;n recession, which stalled in 1921. k i l l e d the shop stewards movement a m i g u i l d socialism. 4 * I lie situation was again normal* i/ed and ihe capitalist machine eould again w o i k . as before. B u i not <piile; the seed had been sown. I n France d u r i n g W o r l d W a t I, the socialist miniates <>l war i n i t i a t e d the establishment ol enterprise committees, composed ol workers' representatives, in the lactones producing wai materials. l he committees disintegrated alter the war. U n l i k e B r i t a i n and France, Germany was defeated in the war, and events there took ;im>ihei Form. Defeat coupled w i t h t h r tremendous influence ol the Russian R e v o l u t i o n produced a ( i o i n a i i U e v o l u l i n n ( P H H ) . Workers' and soldiers' councils sprang up M pv^r the r o i m t i y . l^HgnTcnccl to death, employers were ready l o ^<> vei v far in order to escape l u l l scab' socialism. A n d so it happened that C r i m a t i y became the lusl capitalist c o n n l i v lo oblain utio iiniimi L\xx\ v I'MMi whirl* im huh il :mi(it)\ 11n tiio< l i g h t s " <l r i l i /ens the f o l l o w i n g one: " I oi the purtiosc' ol safcgOflwIttlg their so dial ami economic interests the wage-earning and salaried employees are e n t i t l e d to l>e represented in Workers' Councils lot each establishment, as well as in Regional Worker*' C O U I K ils organized lor each industrial aiea. and in a Federal Workers' Council." I n Wit), on the* basis of the C o n s t i t u t i o n , a law was passed makcompulsory in all establish ing works councils (HrhirbsKJIc) merits w i t h twenty or more employees. 1 he councils were t o supervise the i m p l e m e n l a i i o t i of collective amecnmnis, to f i l l e r i n t o agn-einents on conditions ol vvotk and subjects not regulated by wider ameenunts, and to watch over hhhifts ;uitl disinis als; but they were also to advise the employer on how to i m p r o v e jj\u jet* \ and organization Constitutions and laws are dead letters, however, il they are not hacked by active social forces. 1 he Getman w o r k i n g <la>s movement o l that time was deeply d i v i d e d , both in it< Hade u n i o n and in its parliamentary scctinn I he ma jority, who held the power, were u n d e t e r m i n e d , compromising,



I -.

and hesitating. T h e state bureaueiacv was hostile This t^ave the employer! a breathing space, I he results < > i ihe revolution were gradually underminedthe slump of 1921 playing I not insignil leant pari -and then liquidated. The process cimc in au end in May l(>.T' with the abolition of both" Hade unions and works r.omi rlil.s, an event which niaiked the advent of htseism. As lo other European countries, it suffices to mention that in the period I919~1920^jbr-~sh1ftlaf reasons, laws on enterprise coiincajs^oX-AwtircTw ontmtttt < n were passed in \ostria, Ciecho ;ia, and Norway. In Yugoslavia, the law on protection ol workers (1922) provided lot the election *>! workers' commit sioners (radNifki fwvjeftnici) frctin the shop floor, whose task ii was io [trotecl workers' interests and cooperate with the eni ployer, The attitude ol the employers and trade unions ver) soon reduced this provision to a mere formality, With I lag ol > decade, and alter a period ol strikes, a similar solution was reached under the Popular Front government in France in I9JMS ii meant the recognition nf shop stewards (?ff*f< %wi& ouvriets) wh<> enjoyed the right to meet with the management every mouth. In the United Stales, a somewhat different type of union management cooperation concerning production problems arose on one ol the railways in the 1920s, when the union wanted to reduce costs in oxlci to secure work lor railway shops. Othei lit UK .IIKI unions r\|loi<(l p.ilhs until the 1929 clepies sion. which killed experiments of this kind. A decade later, th<' steelworkers' union developed quite successful cooperation plans in a number of small steel and steel products linns. The Steel workers1 scheme survived the wai and continued to operate in some thirty In ins.,:l T h e second landmark in the development ol workers' participation in management was provided by World Wai II. Like Woi Id War I, it initiated a cycle, though on :? much larger scale. Again governments sought the cooperation ol workers in order to enhance war production, ami joint production committees ivere set up in various countries (Britain, the- United States, Canada) Again Britain was victorious and German) defeated, and there was a spontaneous development in the former and legislative measures were taken in th< latter. Again British miners expected io win self-government; instead they were granted joint consults lion. Hut there were also several novel features, ol which the most important was the large-scale nationalization in ine connhits and lull scale nationalization in a number ol others (Fast



European and Far East \si;m c o u n t r i e s ) . A n d in all nationalised industries, joint consultation between workers and management was introduced as a matter ol course. In 1 1 1 i l a i n , iwn national a ^ c c m c n i s d i n i n g the war set the palK i i i lot the establishment of joint p n x l u c t i o u e n n n n i t l r e ^ the committees were to be advisory a n d were to provide an outlet for the regular exchange of views IK?tween workers and employers on welfare and product ion matters, subject to the qualification that terms and condkifjtts ol employment were i n l> Reinitiated lv unions on In h i l l of the workers, In l!H7, the National | o i m
\d\isoi\ ( . o u i M l l M ( l l l l t l l H I Iftl d l o eiii|l< \els* n i i ; , i n i / . l l i o l i s a n d

unions the setting Up ol joint < onsuhative machinery when- it d i d not already exist. T h e recommendation u;is followed* and soon there were several h u n d r e d committees in existence in Britain, In West (Germany, the legislature ol the W e i m a r )>eriod was not only n-vived hut also pressed a step f u r t h e r : I r o n i j o i n t con suit at inn to co detei i n i t i a t i o n (Mithi'stimmiifinj . In the two basic industriescoat and iron and steel ---unions achieved parity- for '~ workers' representatives iu the supervisory board (AufsUhUrai). a body w h i c h appoints the hoard of management. Moreover, one meinbei o l the usuall) three-tnembei management board, the pel sound director {Arbtitsdna loi) , must be nominated by the u n i o n (the law ol 1051). I n o t h e i industries, workers' representatives are still in the m i n o r i t y , although this m i n o r i t y tone t h i r d ) may he larger than it was d u r i n g the W e i m a i pel MKI. Works, councils [Hrhi(bstnh'), representing both wage and Kalaty earn ( i s , must he eleeted i n all establishments e m p l o y i n g not less than live permanent employees (the law ol 1952). I n order to promote rooprratNm l i c t w c r u works i nunc il and employer, in establish ii K I I I N w i t h moie than a Inn i d l e d emplo\ees, an et on on in < 01 limit tee (Wirlschafisausschuss) must be f o r m e d , each side a p p o i n t i n g one-h;ill ol the members. In I ranee, a law passed i n 19-Ki made it compulsory l o r industrial < one ( i n s e m p l o y i n g more than l i l t y workers t o c s t a l j i s l i a woiks committee (cotnilS' d'eulrclmse) representing the m a n u a l wmkers and the technical grades. Kvery act ol m a j o r management importance must be subject to agreement by the committee. II there is a disagreement, the case is t o go to arbitiiijioji^lLu--444 ; ~ samc s t ; n . in Sweden, unions and the employers 1 .issoc lation readied ait agreement according to w h i c h etiterjirisc ccHincils were to I K set up in firms w i t h twenty Kve ot more e m p l o y e s .


1 he task of these councils may be broadly described as joint con* sultation on all important matters. It is ol some interest to record that when, in 1923, a royal committee headed hy K. Vigforss proposed to form similar joint production committees, both unions and employers op|x>scd the idea, and nothing came of it. After World War II, by 1950, enterprise councils were set tip in 2*650 firms employing 600,000 workers." Similar joint consultation committees were introduced in Norway (1945) and Denmark (1947) on the basis of union employer agreements and in f inland by a special law (HMO). In Austria, works IOIIIKJK wvrc sri up again l>\ a law ol l!MH m d obtained tlftc* I'tgllt Ml pailMipatr in manage nieiil, which was not (he ease in l$l|9. III Belgium, ciiteipiise councils (<-OHM-HS d'i'utwjnisc) wcic cieatcd hv law m 191N, and in the Netherlands similar councils (ondcrnemingsraad) were set up iti 1950. Various forms of point consultation were also developed in Fas! European etatist countries. In a number of other countries, die prewar practice of joint consultation was continued after the war as well, or, where it did not exist, it was introduced for the hrst time. In 1951, the Inter* national Labor Organization registered more than thirty countries having permanent nivalis of workers' partic ipation in managenient. I he practices vary, but they have an important common feat tire: a pa n bom a lew exceptions, ibev aie confined to joint

Alter World War II. the movement for workcis" participation in management spread also to non Rur<>j>r;ui countries^ Algeria has a I read) been mentioned, As early as its lust \ear of independence (1947). India passed an act prescribing that the appro: priate state government may require the employer to constitute a works committee consisting of representatives of employers a ml workmen and having a consultative" function. In 19.r>7 a volun tary scheme of joint management councils was launched, based on tlie idea that ''in a socialist democracy labor is a partner in the _ common task of development. . . . There should be joint consultation and workers and technicians should, whenever possible, be associated progressively in management.' <r> \\\ tWM, about 150

joint management councils and 5183 works committees were set

up. In Bolivia, a dec ice 00 joint councils was passed m I960, and another on worker control [control obrero) was enacted in 19M alter tin ic\ olul ion. \ sp<< ial i\pe ol syndicalism develo|xtl in Israel, a countr)

with .i mixed economy dominated by the publii icctot Here ti<



trade union fcdciatiou, llistadrut, is, tlte large*! industrial <"it

rem in tle country, accounting h>i one-fourth < > l national nn

plovmcut. llistadrut proved -what seemed impossible hcloie that unions ran art simultaneously as bargaining agencies ami employe!s. I n HI45. llistadrut established j<>int production coin mittees composed of workers' and management representatives in its own enterprise*, and negotiated -ui agreement with the private

Manufacturers' Association to encourage production committee!

in private (inns. I bis attempt did not piove successful because l

managerial resistance m d workci apathy. The eiloit was renewed

in 1956, when the joint Council Plan was to provide in plain control over all business except wage* x\u\ benefits. 1 he idea was to establish co-determination, but what finally emerged was joint consultation. The other special feature of the Israeli economy is the kibbutz. Kibbutzim started as rural communal settlements but later moved into manufacturing as well. T h e y produce about <me third of the agricultural output and slightly less than oneteulh of the industrial output ol the country. Kibbutzim vary in size from forty or fifty to as many as one thousand members. T h e ? represent the most radical form of self management in existence today, the aim being a complete identification ol the..individual with the society. A11 members participate in decision making, management functions are rotated among members, and uieiubcis' needs are provided for by communal institutions cm an * ffalitarian basis. However, kibbutzim employ less than 4 percent of the active population, and this percentage appeals

Like kibbutzim, Chilean asenlmnientos are agricultural settlements. T h e y were established on the laud ace pi it ed by the agtartan reform in 19hT 1970. and, after a transitional period of seveial years, developed into self-governing coojXMativcs with indivisible piopei tv. In this country, in the inauulaciuring sphere, a spontaneous movement developed--disrcgaidcd and disliked by the government and the opposition, as well as b> the unions-" which represents genuine workers' self management. Since 1968. workers have been occupying enterprises, one alter anothei, which wete abandoned bv the owners, were bankrupt oi about to become bankrupt, ot just failed to opeiate successfully. Workers would assume management, continue production, and, as a rule.

avoid bankruptcy and improve business results, lv 1*172. one

hundred oj mch r/n/cw;.< dt Frafrgfjgrfgrej were established, em ploying about ten thousand workers. I n the meantime, the ftov



e n n n c n l and the unions reached an aj;ieeuieui to < siahlish a [oilif consultation machinery w i i l i ck iiiculs ol c o detei m u n i t i o n in the p u h l i c sec-tor. I h r m i l i t a r y coup of 1973 tcm|>orarily blocked these developments. C h i l e s neighbor, Peru, ;tlsti ( ; m i c i l out an a m a i i . m l e l o m i and established sell governing peasant coc>|>crativcs. I he new m i l i t a i \ g o v e i i n i i e i i i , which in 1968 replaced the c i v i l i a n government by means ol | coup, acted in I vei y u n o r t h o d o x and u m n i l i t a r y wa\ T h e govei iniieiii slated its S<K i il phil<s<>|>li\ in roughly the lol l o w i n g l e i m s : W V s l f i n capitalism created m i l >cai able SH I.II < 1 1 1 Icieiiccs. slowed d o w n economic development, and ( m n e d the country i n t o an economic colony. Thus capitalism, however reformed, IS uiiacceptahlc. I'aslem c o m m u n i s m lias Mealed a totali tartan so< icty in which the political freedom of the w o r k i n g people is destroyed or severely l i m i t e d , and is therefore equally ttnaccepl able. Fortunately, these are not the only alternatives, as people be lieved bclore. T h e t h i r d alternative, self-governing society dt mocraci* social i t ptrticipacidn plen6x as Peruvians call itis the alternative for w h i c h one should opt. Large nationalizations, agricultural cooperatives, and sell -management in the sugar industry were the first step. W i t h regard to private industry, the govern mem a p p l i e d a very o r i g i n a l idea: firms are obliged by law to put a certain percentage oi proiits each year in an indivisible trust f u n d opi'rated by the employed workers who represent a work c o m m u n i t y , or commit dad laboral. As the share ol capital belong ing to th<* cotnunidmd Ubornl increases in the total capital of the In m, the voting rights of workers' representatives in management increase p r o p o r t i o n a l l y . This scheme, applied i n i r l l i g e n t l y and efficiently, implies n o t h i n g less than the use ol the M\\ capitalist mechanisms lor the e x p r o p r i a t i o n of capitalists. It remains, finally, to record the first successful attempt to es t.ihlish workers' sell management cm a national scale. T h e Yugoslav R e v o l u t i o n was i i i a d ^ - | w s * i b l e _ n i i d was reinforced by the National L i b c i a t i o n W a r of 19411945. Since partisan warfare recpiires a m a x i m u m a m o u n t of local i n i t i a t i v e and lcsourccful ness. (he 6nfl oigans ol local self govei m m m and the firsl selfmanaged partisan factories were organized as earl) as 1941. J J o w c v c r, I he Inst fixe veais alter tin aimed phase ol the levolufion~weTc~rtec-isivc. A law passed in 1945 provided that workers' commissioners (radnicki povjetenin). as legal representatives < f workers, should establish contact w i t h managemei l, eminent agencies, and u n i o n branches w i t h the task of protecting the so-



crial and economic interests ol the worker* and helping in advancing production. T h e following war, the major portion of the economy was nationalized, and nationalization was completed in 1948. In the meantime, workers' commts (cased to exist, and instead trade union factory branches obtained the legal right to put forward proposals to the management. Tins was a retreat from control lo consultation, a dangerous step backward so remi* niscent of the Soviet development in the period 1917-4920. However, in 1949, a new change came about: in a number of factories, consultation between the management- mostly people who took an active part in the revolution themselvesand workers came to be spontaneous!) introduced. In parallel, the fierce attack of the (lominform. launched in the middle ol 1948 ami continued over a |ierind < > l aevcral years, w i<I ^ >\ force help 1 M CWIH'I I'M ', the got iiig 1.1 < he< k the polai i/.ition prmvtt In I W eminent and ihr n.nli- unions joimh i>sued ail instruction on the loimalioii ol (he woikers' councils .h advison IHKUCS, t nmii ils weie elected m 215 larger enterprises. bi soon oiher euter|nises requested lo enjoy the same privilege, and l>\ the middle of 1950 there ucic already r20 councils in existence. In June 1950, the National Assembly passed the law by whichi councils were transformed from advisory into managing bodies.| The working eollec live ol every enterprise elects ;i wtrkers council {nidnifki SHVJrt) . which, as loni; :i^ il en jo\s the < on IK hi M e III ihe eh < lots, is < <1 % in the euteipiise. I he HMUICII die supreme policy-making I elects ns executive body, the managing board (upravni otlbor) . which is concerned with the day-to-day implementation ol the roum ils policy, the actual execution, and the routine coordina i if > u ol i IN we activities >| the rtitrr|irisc thai arc pei hirmcd by the general managei and the expert administrative and technical stalh This pin e ol legislation did not immediately abolish the perennial management workei antithesis, bm conditions were created for it io be resolved. By 1950, it had ahead) become alnwdsHify ekar dial, in general, bmeanciatic oi i;ani/ation icsnlts in inefficiency and undesirable soeial relations, and thus the introdnetion of workers' management cleared the ground for the series of institulional (han^es that weie to follow. I he subsequent development in other ipheres ol social life, in turn, strengthened the new < > * gattizatiofl ol industry. Self lynernincnt ol tlie producers was extendi d beyond the immediate workplace by establishing for all
t e p l e ^ e i i l a l l \ P I i n r v lotin l'.d I U H M I I K I||> l o the I deK4~~rVC

scmhly, a second i hainhci : t h e i . o n m i l ol Piodiueis. In lu''i, the



Constitution was changed to take account of the new social insti unions. Workers* management had become a pan ol the establishment. T h e Yugoslav solution should not ho regarded at the cud pi a process, but rather as a promising beginning ol the development of n genuinely sell-govei ning society. By now, in Yugoslavia, sell management appears to he reasonably well < i Mished at the enterprise level. remains to be done is to extend it to other levels and, in particular, to develop an equally new political system, appropriate for a self-governing society.

An evaluation
Historically and logically, there ate two approaches to woikers' p.Miii ip.Hiim in management: our negative and contain iug. the other positive and constructive. 1 lie former was developed lust and has been based on the following reasoning and behavior. Empjovers and workers represent two S<MJ:I1 classes with antagonistic interests.wl ligher profits imply lower wages and \ i ( e versa, Thus, a normal state of affairs is a (lass war conducted by more or less civilized means. On I hat basis, trade unions weie treated as lighting oigani/ations oi the working (lass. In radicalized situation*, when (lass tensions arc intensified, the 11 ;KIH collective baigaiiuug is supplemented by a letpiest for woikers' coutiol. "Woikers couliol* Ilia) thus be used as the term describing the negative, containing approach to participation. Its historical origins were analyzed in the section on revolutions. It means an ag^ussivc cnnoachmciil ol trade union or un <>lh( gioups on management powers in a capitalist or etatist framework. Uy the strength ol their organizations, workers exact concessions from the employers. Thcv do not make positive pro posals regarding the conduct of business, because they are not asked to, this being a prerogative oi the management; they do not assume any responsibility, Because the linn is notTTTcir property: they determine what cannot be done, limiting thus the arbitrary power Of the employers, and they try to maximi/e their share in the cake. While there is capitalism (or ctatisni) . there cannot he cooperation. Since capitalism cannot be abolished overnight, such, ar^ altitude is often instrumental in perpetuating capitalism. A

modern advocate ol radii il workers' control,]

(mil main goals:

M.imh I, states n^

(I) act ess to liii.iit< doCUIUCtltS


H I S T O R I C A L m \ I i <>r\i i \ i

/ the liooks); (2) control <>l tlte system ol remuneration; ($) con*
U o l D | the speed of WOfk; and | 11 j m i l iol o! disunsvds and re lusal to (lose d o w n works. " W e iccpthe lull < < nil 1 f >l a n d the rigtll ol veto lor the workers. But we reject evgll ni a t o m o l respond h i l i t y for the capitalist m a n a g e m e n t of the e n t e r p r i s e . " According to this view. < o detet i n i t i a t i o n and sell m a n a g e m e n t are possible o n l y in so< iahsm. Although posed, i h c \ interests o| etnployets and wot k i t s are basically op I here aie some a n a s l h u s . while will lor where itlterestl a i r bargaining in most cases te In ate not totally conllicjjny..

e x a m p l e , w e l l a r e . salety. and health questions not oj>posed and cooperation is possible, aliont wage ratgj a n d c o n d i t i o n s ol u o i l paitictpatc

m a i n rescived lot H a d e unions, u o i k e i s on the spot w i l l begin to in deeisions concerning; non< onnovc rsial matters. this way. negative e o n l t o l w i l l be s u p p l e m e n t e d hy c onstnic t ive pai t K i p a t i o n . Parti* i p a t i o u passes t h r o u g h three stages: joint < on \

>uli/tii>*)i. co-determinal ion < and sci/-in*ftoge*wettl. I 1 1 < lust itage| leaves the capitalist and etatisl framework intact, l>ui provides an
u u p o i i a i i l ps\( hologu al attack on the maiiagf i tal a u l o u a c y . I he second stage already implies a share in power and represents die

beginning ol tlie end, h ii important to realise that tlic Itam turn stages are transitional and cnnsetptently highly instable&4itafaility is achieved in the third stage, which, however, is possible on!)
u n d e r scxialism. Most of the developed countries, b o t h eapitalist and etalist. I m d themselves in the hist stage.

In evaluating the development ol workers1 participation iti management, the following live aspects <>! die problem seem im
pot taut. I hills 1 he motivation into for setting u p joint eonsnhat ive m a < l i i u e i \ categories. T h e revolutionary prcssmc three distinct

from below compels etnplovers and the government ol the day to relax the manage! ial am hoi itat ianism. Became It is tlte it Mill < > l a strong clash <>l interests, the outcome ol the fight must he legally sanctioned to remain permanent (although legal sanctions often prove to be a fiction). I he (ierman ease is typical leu this situation. Next, during modern totalitarian war, governments are vital Is inieiested in stepping up production and therefore devise and advocate ' hetnesof joint consultation to bridge the gap between employers and workers. I his cast- is typified by British and Ainerican practices! W i t h respect to the latter, the International I.abor Ofhcc stud) says I he general purpose ol the Laboi Manage IIK nt Production Committees was UJ raise the quantity and qttal

I N I K < > Ii c r I O N


ity of o u t p u t for war production by the joint effort <>! labor and management in each wat" T h e extent n. which tins put pose was arliTeved is visible from the f o l l o w i n g evaluation ol the same study: " W h i l e there teems to be l i t t l e dowbt thai the com mittees made a substantial c o n t r i b u t i o n t<> plant o u t p u t , a n u m her of committees d i d noi aid lo as great an extent an had been expected. . . " , s Some five thousand c o m m i t t e r s weie set u p i u plants w i t h war contracts. Must n t l w i n dis.ippe n n l u-ith the eild of the war. The fliTrd type of m o t i v a t i o n is that of i n d i \ idn.d employers who are m>t l o n c d hy law to adopt j o i n t consultation, hut adopt it p r i i n a i i l y on economic grounds, t h i s |>oint is dhuniiiaie<l hy the f o l l o w i n g statement of ('. ( i . K c n o l d , h h n v l l an cmplos( I w i t h successful j o i n t consultation in his ( i n n : "In the Inst place tile point should he made that the whole development had its o r i gin in a very practical need -the need fell by the management foi < Ioset contact with Us men in the interest of smooth w o r k i n g ' ' I his need appears when the concern outgrows one-man manage uient.r>M It Incomes indent iu the l u r h u l c t i l conditions ol war and industrial unrest. A n d m i c e the works council is set Up, it is likely to continue to esisf in the ensuing l i m e <>l military and industrial peace. t W a r has another effect as w e l l : it im leases the selfconsciousness of the exploited c lasses and humanizes the members of higher social strata, thus p r o v i d i n g a psychological bridge ~i>ctween theni. r , t T h e n there is also a small n u m l x i ol e m p l o y - i s who are interested in joint consultation li iis own sake, because the) regard it as a h u m a n i z i n g i n s t i t u t i o n . I his Owettite type <>! employer, earlier practically nonexistent, is likels to m u l t i p l y to the degree thai there is a decrease in the adverse sot ial |>rcsaure, hoth of the employers' equals and ol the establishment as I whole. The example of i n d i v i d u a l employers, the recurrent intcr\c nl ions of go\ e m i n e n t , and the constant improvement ol the ed ucalional standard ol the workers gradually create an atmosphere ip which joint consultation becomes an indispensable part ol the managerial r o u t i n e . 1'x.u 11 \ this seems to be hap|>cniiig in Hi it aiu today, as demonstrated by the appearance ol vei anothei type of employer. I n the m a j o r i t y of l i n n s visited by the National In stitute of I n d u s t r i a l Psychology research team, " j o i n t consultatio11 seemed to be regarded as an Up-to-date technique !<>i i m p r o v i n g management-worker telatiotiships.' n - ( , onipet i n ) > I-. the essence ol capitalism: accordingly, there is n o t h i n g to stop capitalist firms from competing even m t'ne m i p o n e i n e n t ! i laj ions w i t h



workers. lull

This sounds paradoxical, but so are the conditions o f _ undci capital ism. ( . I c a r h , il pursued consis-


tently, such a c o m p e t i t i o n must eventually lead to the dsn uci ion oTTajTitalist lelalionships. but this will be n o t h i n g m o l e t h a n a paTalh ! to S( hiinipctc 1 ian " c i c a l i v c destruction." the d e s t r u c t i o n of profits h> i m p e t i t i o n i n i t i a t e d to increase p r o l i t v N a t i o n a l i z e d industries a n d n a t i o n a l i z e d economies represent a separate case, w h e i c joint consultation is an indispensable 1 ially acceptable. 1 he only d e v e l o p m e n t one can miniis a m u m to m a k e these systems w m k at a l l . that is, t o m a k e t h e m so visualize constant i n n ease of workers' p a r t i c i p a t i o n in m a n a g e m e n t , e i t h e r

granted by the governing bureaucracy, of through revottitionat y means.

2 /What happens to the tlist i/tlinr

won by workers

in an organ i/at ion in w h it'll

executive a u t h o i i l y is nuclei m i n e d by the g r a n t i n g to everyone <l the light a n d the o p p o r t u n i t y t o question the v a l i d i t y ol the commands f r o m above* bv reference to his o w n set of is the very question in connection with our the Wcherian minded piac lie ability ol woikeis' criteria?ITTIis will ;isk management recjuhes generation

schemes, l o r is it not true that an ellu ient organization

obedience, obedience b e i n g clchnccl as ) o l l o w i n g v ' s u c h a G0U1TSC that the content ol the c o m m a n d mav be taken to have become the basis of action lor its own sake"? In fact, however, the literature including on the joint most consultation detailed and w< nkcrs' management, r > > studies,

shows no awareness ol the " p r o b l e m of d i s c i p l i n e / ' O n e can d o no bettei than to cjuote two e m p l o y c i ? testimonies: basis into niv o w n w o r k s / ' w i iles < .. IV \ \ a l p o l r . most ol my lellow e m p l o y e r * thai the fust result e n e m y , a n d that w o u l d be that ' W h e n 1 first broad "I was told I >\ took the step ol i n t r o d u c i n g joint consultation on ; > very

I was selling llie pass to the woiks discipline two out

w o u l d go to the d e v i l . I have l o u n d , on the c o n t r a r y , alter years' ex|ierience, that works discipline- has i m p r o v e d almost

nl r e c o g n i t i o n , Mid that every O U H M l e g i t i m a t e interest ol nwnct ship has also been ( a t e i e d loi in a measure w h i c h l o u r years ago I w o u l d not have believed possible: p r o d u c t i o n is u p , absenteeism is clown: wastage is reduced, a n d v a l u a b l e t i m e is saved/""' ('.. (. R e n o l d e x p l a i n s the i m s i e i y of this p h e n o m e n o n : " T h e need to

base managerial authority on reason ratKei than on arbitrary

powei tion It as is i m p l i e d in the w h o l e philosophy ol



has enhanced that a u t h o r i t y . " is h a i d l \ lieceSSar) to a d d that

the same applies w i t h even



greater force to the system based on the philosophy ol sell i;ovri n II let It. AII International l.ahor ()igaui/alion mission in Vtlgo
slavi a found i n |<Hi() l i ) at ' \vh It- t h e s( 1 1 g o v e r n m e n t i iiacliiiiciLV lot 1 a h o r 1 (Nations has c n l ; died l l i e f o r i n c r p o w e i s o l 11 ic> supeiA i sorv stales, it w o u l d n o t ap >eai t o lutvc impaired tlieil authority. . . . I t has undoubtedly stre n o t l ICtl ed the position ol the collective visa vis the management, btit it does not appear to have undermined labor discipline."* 7 Self government substitutes understanding for obedience, agreement lor the excu ise ol arhiti;n\

power. By eliminating capitalist or bureaucratic duality and

polarization ol interests, it ledures tensions and impiovcs co ordination. Jl. I he .sitccfM of joint < ousultation has been <|iiii< limited so lai. and the icasoits loi this will be examined in a moment McKitteric and Roberts evaluate the success ol Ciernian woiks councils of the Weimar period by saying tlial*coimc ils "were use ful in protecting the workers' interests, hut achieved virtually nothing in the way ol genuine participation in management," Ol the postwar development, the same authors state: " W h e r e ~~^vorkers_cc)iin( ils exist the general experience has been that the employees Gfke~a keen interest in their activities. . . . :,s In Britain, broad masses of workers aie still apathetic, but four filths of

workers' representatives in councils support the institution and

show a strong interest in it. It is also significant to note that altei experience in joint consultation. .^7 percent ol rbicl executives! 4N percent of senior management, and 58 percent of workers' representative! l(><k a more Favorable view ol the institution than the) had original!) held, whereas only !l percent, 5 pen cut, and I pel < cnl. ies|KM t ivrly. changed l< a less la vol able view M '1. I h c i c also exists the pioblem ol the funtUuHeulal xlahoii between capital ami laboi\ These two opposing sides are reflected in the very term joint consultation. The initiative on the part of the employer to introduce joint consultation in his itrtn is not infrequently a drlihei ;ile attempt to antieipatc and ehe< k the (level opmeut ol u n i o n i s m ^ h u t even if this is not the aim, joint con sultation increases loyalty to the firm, and this loyalty and loyalty to one's class are two different, indeed con Hie ting, loyalties/' 1 Joint Consultation produces workers leaders who are not trade union olhcials and so are outside the grip ol the "machinery." Clearly, u n i o n s will not be enthusiastic about partnership propoa als .uid frequent!) will l > < opposed to them ' hi the othet h md, if a union oi shop stewaub seek t o participate in joinl committer


e m p l o y is w i l l feai i n l i I O M l i i n i i (in d i m own |>irH .;;.n i\rs. I hr IftOfM -Irssness If) ihe s i t u a t i o n Ins in I lu i.i< I llial Imfh suit s a i r right in t h r u bars. W i t h (he employers basically opposed l o sur '< tigering then arbitrary power and the unions basically u n w i l l i n g lo assume i c s p o n s j h i l i t y \{i\ (IK- <n^ani/ation ot p r o d u c t i o n because they gain n o t h i n g and lose theii independence as well .i> i h e n n p mi the m r m b e i s l i jp's loyalties- the status cpio is hkels I n he |ioh)iioe<| .md |M>tcittia1 changes picvented. The logic <>l the situation is sin li that u n i o n s aet in v i r t u a l collusion w i t h em p l o y ' s against workers, a c olhision that heroines overt in m o i e t i i r h n l e n t t i m e s . ^ T h i s sheds new 1 itJit on the events we have sm veyed; Formidable MKI.I1 Forces have been ami w i l l b<- opposing w o i k e i s ' p a i l u i p a t i o t i in manage IIK-nt. 5. I h e tmde u n i o n paradox illustrates the working of It urea it (Toiic structures, i n o l d e r to protect themselves ill a w o r l d ill po larizcd interests, a w o r l d whose institutions Rrc attains! them. workers b u i l d Mxotig bureaucratic organizations: unions and pai ties. Once these organfeaj ions are h n i l t . they accpiire their separate interests d i l l e i e n t 1'ioin the interests ol those' who support the whole stnu u n e . I heie is n o t h i n g ethically w r o n g in i h U , not [ it happen because the leaders are w i c k e d ; the development is perfeVttyiiattnral a n d . to a certain extent, inevitable, l jtc way <>m o j the inipasw is logically easv. I h e o r g a n i / a t i o n must Inst he ItSCfl to e l i m i n a t e the l u n d u n r i i l . i l cause ol p o l a r i / a l i n n ol i n l c i I sis in this (ase, to e l i m i n a t e private COHtrol o l p r o d u c t i o n and t h r u the bureaucratic p r i n c i p l e ol organization must he re placed b\ sell government. I l o w e v e i , actual unions and socialist panics are not likely to l o l l o w this course straight away of theii own accord. I l a v i n g become a part ol the establishment w i t h a cleatK defined role in it. they are not prone to leave the l i l e of r o u t i n e and rnsh i n t o the uncertainties of a lull-scale soTTali/at i o u . Si I I g o v e r n m e n t , on lite oiliei hand, is an idea so alien tti the spirit of hureancrac v that it is clear that it w i l l encounter vigorous resistance" T h e situation, however, cannot remain completely unchanged. There is n o reason to believe that business cycles have died out. r>m there i^- some reason to believe thai governments of industrial rotuUrtes in the second hall ol o m century catinot afford to tolerat( heavy unemploymeni w i t h o u t risking majoi s ( Kial upheavals. l^rTnTn^Ttrr-s+rniip. the lust decisive elenietil oi change h i n t r t i dured i n t o the p i - t o s v an increasing decree ol social c o n t r o l . 1 IH welfare state is its symbol. However, u n i n t e r r u p t e d f u l l em-





ploy men! has a thoroughly .ml i< apitalisl < ll i t tl generates com ) Kill ion in tlie on i Movement ol mana^cmcnt-Worke! relations. Tor; the employers are vitally interested in avoiding labor luin over, in escaping striken, and in ( A C I K H I U I I ^ the resist.nice toward the introduction ol new processes, while workers fbt\ secure and lor this leason ale actively conscious ol their right! and possibilities.* By raising the status ol the workers. e m p l o y e gradually siniTtidri llicir autocratic power, and t h u s their sot i.d luuction loses Us content. In this way, the y n u u l r b n n n i i is hi h o d need into the process: the increasing degree <f workers* p.n ticipntion in management. It is unlikely that the pint ess will al ways develop smoothly."I lowrvei. in the case ol revolution, the trend is even < lean i In the 150 years that have passed Since the first Owenite expeii ment in New Lanark, the relations between employers and workers have bcetl constantl) changing. These relations are re ilecied in the character ol meetings between employers and em ployees, which, as the British National Institute of Industrial Psy cholog) aptly describes it. "over the last ISO s e n s shows a hist or i cal development from deputation and negotiation to consult \ tiun" '* ' and. we may add, to direct management in tlie end. d i n s last phase ol development supersedes the I wo sided nature ol the meetings ami unities the interests ol all eoufcrtted in the institu lion ol sell government. I he past five decade* have produced jot lit consultation on a large scale. T h e last two ol these decades have also seen tin first attempts to go heyond mere consultation, tier man co-dctci initiation is a case in |x>itit, as is Peruvian full par-" ttfin.itton. Itnhv ulnal In ins have* also hrimtt Til move toward c o d c t e i m i u a l i o n or even lo a stale ol genuine v\ ork e l s sell government.'" 5 A (oinmunitarian movement appeared in several European countries Following the example set hv the watch-case In m ol P>oimoiidan in Valence, southern France.* 1 These scll^ governing connnnnities ol' worka term which at first sounded lather strange, but which was later to Become" a le^Itl. even ('(institutional, term in Yugoslavia (raring zaicdiuai) and Tern (com\jnjdaH laboral)^** 1"yond p'oduccjs' eoopeiativcs hy treau1ig the productive property as nnhvisihle social p i n p n t v . In eliminating w.'ge lahoi, and hy aspiring lo lull clevclopmc nt Bl the human potential ol their meinhers. t ' m i e r tlie piesMllI1 nl llnii i i u m U r shij), n a d e unions began to change theii attitudes. In revised laws or union management agreements, the scoj>c ol joint consultation has invariably been it ed, Co-determination is introduced in



i>l v i I O P M I


the siK i;i 1 welfare splterc and occasionally beyond i t There is little doubt thai the world is moving toward i socialist, self-governing society at an accelerated pace.



I lie R l a i K ] l l i s l a n d


a p p t o a c lies t o t h e p i o l c t a i i a u


iion are often confused, although they aie fundamentally different,^A

q u o t a t i o n f r o m an "Froni l| a s m a l l IS 17 w r i t i n g o f K n g e l s w i l l <lniTy t h i s d i t f e r e n c e : He main die in lollows ol iisrll l i t e necessity o | a l ' > l a i i ( j u i \ c o n c e p t i o n o f e v e r y r e v o l u t i o n a s t h e roup i <\ o l u l i o i i a i v i n i n o i i l \ ,

d i c t a t o r s h i p aftCI those w h o ( a l l i e d iiilviimr p. 5 2 9 ) . oii.ini/cd

i t succeeds. T h e d i c t a t o r s h i p , o f c o u r s e , n o t o l on! d i e COHp a m i who arc themselves a h c a d y Refugees

w h o l e l e v o h n i n n a i y class, t h e p r o l c t a n a t , h u t o f t h e s m a l l m n n h e r o l nuclei t i n - die l a i o i s h i p o l o n e 01 a l e w iiuhvidii

als" ( " P i o t n a m ol the Pdaiupiist C o i n i i m n c

H V r / r e , V o l . 1H,

2. T h e q u o t a t i o n ( o n u s h o r n l i t e I n t r o d u c t i o n t o M a r x ' s Class l>le\ in luincc, ISfS-50 a n d was w i i t t e n i n IMS. In this text, piovides important Information lor the e v o l u t i o n ol his friend's we noi thai a d those

Slntfc labels ami ie\o who c< o

his o w n t h i n k i n g . A b o u t t h e i r e x u d a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e I S I S hit ion, he writes: " I l i s t o n thoMjdil siuiilatly showed thai n r t d u i Il c l c a i h showed wc i c j i i i h t . the stale o l

nomi( development on the Continent was then l>> Eai not ripe lor the elimination ol capitalist production; it showed that by the economic revolution whichaftei IR48occurred ovei the entire t ontineni . and
a l l t h a t o n a c a p i t a l i s t basis, w h i c h , a c c o r d i n g l y , i l l I H I K h a d s t i l l h e e n c a p a b l e Ol e x p a n s i o n . " Me g o g o n t o say t h a t t h e c o n d i t i o n s l o i u i " < h a n g e d essential I \ . " I h e with tarrtcades, which in urown consideiahlv ohsolcte." ot l i h c i a l i o n And n h e l l i o n o l t h e o l d style, stieet was i m a l l v decisive I n his o p i n i o n , ( . e n n a n workers 1 s IH li^ht-^ ti^htin^ has trans


f o i m e d u n i v e r s a l s n l h a u e ( m m a means o l deceit t h a t d c l r i m i n e d ,\ u u u p l e i c U A n d >o it h a p p e n e d t h a t (oi t h e p i o l e l a i i a l .

i n t o an

instrument hidiliin; more

new w a v e d

h o n i t^coisic an<l i > o v c n i party m u c h

i n e n t c a m e t o lear i h e l e ^ a l a c t i o n o l t h e w o t k c i s ' i ehellion."

than the illegal one, they fear election success more than success in a I <; I). II. Cole. J sinni Hixiory of the thritish Working C.Uuu Mow
m,t,l, /, S / " / ; ' ( l . o m l o i i : <.r.,i<-r \ l l e n ft H i i w i i i . I!3H), <a*iap H

V \osiin.


Labm Slory:
\ ( v. V o i l

I I'opulm




I ohm

I . . m l M ( n e i .

! ", ! . ( I, t p .



5. s. VidaJenc, bow ttlatu {18U-IS82) dc France, 1948), p. 17. 6. Ibid., pp. $8-39. 7. G. I). I I . Colo, Socialist TkaUgki

(Paris: Presses Uuiversilatres

(London: Macinillan. I9M), Vol.

1: The Forerunners, J7.SV-IS50. pp. 177-7N.

8. quoted from R. L. Pavicevic. DrUrn hao fedcracija komuna (Belgrade: 1MRP. 1969), p. 96. In describing Pmudhon's ideas, the author relied mostly cm this excellent study. 9. l > n>udlnnrssvndr()iiic-i'noian<c cum pretentiousness will be Eottnd often in the history of socialist thought and BO deserves an additional evaluation. Discussing Proudtwnfs ccononiic*, (osepli Sdnim U interested in los ctou.iiniis only brtausr p r l n i r m a i l r d " A n d \\v U it alloids ;m excellent example ol a type ol reasoning lliat is clislirssingly frequent in a science without prestige: die type ol reasoning that arrives, through complete inability to analyse, dial is, to handle the tools ol economic theory, a! results thai arc mi doubt absurd and hilly recognized as such l>y the author. Bill live author, instead of in- _ fening from this that there is something wrong with his methods, infers thai there must IK? something wrong w i t h the object o l Ins re" search, so that his mistakes are, with the utmost confidence, promuF" gated as results. . . . H e was, among olhciTnTiigs, unabKTTb produce a workable thcorj ol maikei value. BtH he did not infer: I am ; fooK, but: 'Value is mad* (fa wwV*i t*i fsUfe)" [History n\ Economic Anal*
f\is |Neu Ynk: O s l u i d H i i i \ e i s i l v Pi ess. M l f t 5 | . p. 157).

10. Cole. Socialist Thottghi, Vol. 1. p. 202. 11. William Morris. News from Nowhere or An Epoch of Rest, being mine rintpicrs front i Utopian Honmnrr (London: Reeves and I nrper, 1891). c if. also G. I). II. Cole, Socialist Thought (London: Macni i I hi ti. 1957), Vol. II: Marxism and Anarchism, p. 120. If. G. I>. II. Cole. Socialist Thought (London: Mac inillaii. 1989), Vol. Ill: The Second international, pp. 565, B6S.
IS. Matxisl social democratic parties began l o b e created white Marx was still alive and soon weu established in mosi v.uiopc in countries: \H(\\) iii Germany, 1879 in Spain (by Pablo Igtesias) and Denmark, 1882 iii France (Paitse Ouytiete by Jules Guedes), 1883-1884 in Britain (Hyndmaa's Social DenioaraUc Federation), 1883 in Russia ([ niiin i ipal'iou of Labot group by riekhanov and Axehod). 1887 in Nurway. I8H8 in Austria and Switzerland, 1889 in Sweden and Hoi laud (Social Denton alii league). 1892 ill Ualy, INiland, Finland, ami llulgaria, l!MM in Serbia, etc. Thereaflei l l t c j licgau tti IM Forinctl in lion I in t>]>( .in i UUntl u I



I I . For a more complete analysis, see l> t-forvai, 4n Essay on ftfgo shir Society (While Maim, NA . International Art itid Sciences Prrti,
1969), ( h a p 9

MaiK a n d Kneels on So< ialisl 1 coiimiiv. '

15. Cole, Socialist thought, Vol. II. pp. 208- I

16 Accordingly, syndicalism <i anarcho-syndicalism lias hecoiijc a i l e r o g a t a r ) w o r d m the w o r k i n g d a n vocabulary. It is o l tome interest to note how (he o p p o n e n t s o l workers' sell management i n v a r i a b l y use i h i s I r u n in o i d e i l o d n i o l r a n d degrade those in lavoi ol i l . even il % n* I i* a I ism. I lie hi M ci have no c o n m < i imi w i t h s

17. Quoted b) Uolc, SothUtA rinmgfrl, Vol. III. |>. 47*

IX. T h e document was p i e p a i e d b\ the graduates o l I In* ( i n i t i a l L a b o r College, w h i c h was l o u n d e d i n I')!)'! as a breakawa) horn 11 it*

Knskin College l>y dissident Marxist utttttetttfl tnd teaclierts. See K.

('.(Mies and I . I o p h a m . nls., H o i ktrsf Control: A [look of fteatfiNjgt a n d Witness** joy Workers* Control ( L o n d o n : Panther looks, 1970), |>. &. 1. ( i . I). I t . Cole, G u i l d Socialism HrShth,! ilondon: I. Prisons.

1920), p. 13,
20, i h i d . . |>. hi. 2 1 . I h i d . . |)|). 156-57. 22. N. G s r p e n t c r , Guild Socialism: An Historical m (New Y o r k : D. A p p l e t o n , 1922), p. 20ft. and Critical Attaty*

23, I v a l u a l i n ^ this dc \ e l o p i n r t i l a leu year* later. (',. I). I I . L o l e con ( h i d e d : " W i l l i the c o i n i n g ol the s l u m p , die d e m a n d lor w m t o r s ' <ont i o l , t h o u g h ii r e m a i n e d a feature o l d i e j><>liti<al a n d i n d u s t r i a l prol a m i n e s i n f o w h i c h it had loi< cd its wav al :m c n l i e i ftUtgC, ceased l o figure effectively in i m m e d i a t e ttade t i l l ton policy. ' I he unions weie l i g h t i n g , not to make Fresh gains, but t o h o l d what they held, a n d it was ol no use to preach to l i t e m policies w h i c h had n o chance of suc(ess undet the e x i s t i n g economic c o n d i t i o n s . G u i l d Socialism passed u m l e i a c l o u d , not because the N a i i o n a l I k l i k t k l g G u i l d collapsed. but because it ceased IO have anv relevance to the Immediate t i t u a f i o n w h i c h ihe w o r k i n g elassrs were c o m p e l l e d io lace.' At that t i m e .

Cole became ven pessimistic about the practical implementabilttj ol

g u i l d socialist ideas: " I t is good to be Free, I itrgttcd, and therefore Turn o u g h t to he free whether they Wish it tn not. So far I w o u l d s i i l l " o . hot I I I set I IO w i s h the d o c t r i n e to logical conclusion* w h i c h now <':' " . |itovide m i solid basts loi uractit d b u i l d i n g " l p o l i t y . M e n must be farced ' lie bee, I used to urge; am! I added that t h e \ should he forced l o use their freedom i n the p a r t i c u l a r w a \ s that appealed to me t i n ' idea ol ' . o i l under am e x t e r n a l l y imposed discipline was repellent t o me i n m y o w n crates " t w r i t i n g an.I teaching;

N 1 R O M ( I ION


and I therefore assumed th;n ii ought to be repellent to everybody, whatever tfic rharactei n| hi* job ami whatevet the cast ol his n u n mind mtghl be. I dcstiaired ol making most Wort illtetesting in itself,
in the u;iv in w h i c h my o w n win k inteiests tnc; and I sought l o find .1

substitute (or this inherent interest in the adventitious interest ol col lecttvely controlling ;i natural}) uninteresting job. l Ignored the tart
that moat m e n s d a i l y w o r k is d u l l , and that, p r o v i d e d it is not posi l i v e l y ilksonie. lliey <!< not even want to find i n il the o v e r m a s t e r i n g m i r i e s t w h i r l I I f i n d in niv own job. T h e y have ntltei hsli to h y ; IMII o l l h a l I d i d not t a l e p i o p e i I I ' I D I I I I I . Sell -io\ 1 1 n u n i i t die c n u s i i o i i , and l o n t i m i u i i s <-\ei<ise o | tin- a i l o l l ItlTCtlsllip seemed to me not merely good i n iisell - w h i c h il is hut the good w h i i h il is not A< Corclitlgly, I < oiislt U' led. a l o n g w i t h o i l i e r politically m i n d e d p e i s o n . a |>olili< allv m i n d e d person's I ' l o p i a ol w!u<h, il it r o i l l d evei exist,

the ordinary inan would certainly make hay l>) refusing to behave in the manna expected ol hint" (The Next Ten Yean in Britith Social and Economic PaUcy | London: Mannillan, 1950}, |>|>. I5R-6I; more
easily ai < essilile i n ( ioalcs and ' I ' o p h a m . op. ( i t . , p p . 27576).

21. Useful information about contemporary revolutioni is to IM found in R. Ronchio, ed.. Sloria delta rivolnzioni del XX tecoio, 1 vols, i Rome: Editor! l i u n i l i , !%<">).
_'.'i. As a social p h e n o m e n o n , the o c c u p a t i o n o l ilie lactones l>v the

worker* is as old as the labor movement, in February 1HI!>, English tobacco workers, after eleven weeks ol striking, licgati i " organize
p i o d m l i o n by themsr Ivcv A l e n t i u y and a haM later, i n 1 % 1 . a i;< n

era! si like look place i n Argentina; three m i l l i o n wot kers occupies I lour thousand enterprises and began to organize prod net ion (1.. Man del. cd.. Controlr ouvricr, canscils onvricrs, a u lowest ion [Paris. Mas p e m PJTOj. pp. 7*o). In :i Colombian study, it was round that lm tamos de fdbrica* are undertaken lor three main reasons: because ol the indebtedness ol the euterpiise. which stops paying out waives, be cause ct the danger ol the eiitcrpnscT"hciiig closed clown, and after prolonged strikes. The largest Colombian enterprise taken over employecl two hundred and fifty workers, l i t e enterprises were operated by the workers titemselves or by their unions (Centro Colorabtanc de Invest igackmes Marxistas, Las lamas de fdbrica* [Bogota, 1967], pp 21. nO-til et passim). In Chile, the enterjirises taken <\ei by the workers formed a national association called I m p n ' s h \ Brtgada* de I rab. ijad 0 ich had atnntt one hundred mei **, ft t * o l 9cme mteresi to note the rcstituon* of l ( a ureir known soeiologisi who emigrated to France, who took pan in forming Eacton committees in PetrogradGurvitch say* that Lenin at that time took the position thai planning and social revolution welt 1 IllllJUsAible if tlicy were not based on the ctucci paitn ipauon 01 ilk' wuikeis, on


u s T U R K : A i. n i . v i - i . o r M i

workers' sell-management. T h i s position also went i n t o the second program o l (he Holshevik Party, w i d t h , however, was destroyed alter it was p r i n t e d . 1 I n o u ^ l i the combined c l l o i t s o l T r o t s k y a n d Stalin. saYy ( i n i v i n It. L e n i n was pcisuaded that woikers' management was d c i n m c n t a l to the elli< ient y o l p t o i l i u t i o n . It was not possible to < fieck this i n h u m a t i o n , ( i u r v i i d i also claims that t h e lit si Soviets were o i " , ani/r<M>y P t o m l h o n i s i s ;iinoiit; the so< ial t c v o l n t ionat ies and the h i t Winy* <>t i he soi;il d c m o i m i s (S. D n v i i ' i i a n d . "(.eoij;es (in v i i c h : a .Not m i o t i c ; i | 'I heorv ol Sell-Management." .\uhtestioit. N o . I. 1966,

27. ftiul I I . A v r k l t , " T h e Bofcltcvtk Revolution ami me Worker*' Control in Russian Industry," StauU Review, 1963, 62.
'J8. A. I ' a n k i a l o v a . " C o m ties d'nsines en Russie a l'epofpte de la levo-

Intion (1917-1919)/' written in 1923 in Russian and translated in

AuiogcsiioH, No. I, I(.M7. :;-t>:i. 29. |. K l i k o v a c . " L e e s ! vovanje i . i d n i k a u npvav I j a n j i i pndii/ec'cin" | I he pgi I H i n a t i o n o l W o r k e r s in M a n a g i n g tin- Enter) Hrise), i n |. l ) j o n l j e \ h el ;!.. eds.. Teortja j jnak\n stinmit j at>f jnti jit u lugorfawji, (Ifelgradc: R a d n i i k a stampa, 1972), p p . 299 26, 50. (.. 1). I I . Cole, Socialist Tkovghi (London: Maemillan, V o l IV ( <>)inmmi\m (ititi Sot nil I )rnntt )ntv. p. 166, 1958),

51. The first internal commission (cammisiottt interna) was cstal* lishctf in 1906 in the* lUtOtnobile factory Italia in T u r i n on the basis ol ;i collective agreement between the inanagenteni and the metal* worker*' union, lis i;isk urns in i caolvc ihe ititiHirt* emerging front H>|
le< live aioeenn ills. D i n i n g W o i hi \\ .i i I, the I t a l i a n io\ei i i n i r n l i<<

onunemlrd internal commissions as instruments ol roooeration, and

i h r \ were sei up in ;t m m i h e t ol ( i i l c i p i i s e s See H. l'i HlH evtf't ed . In

duslrijska tiemokraiija pokiela. 1967), p. 196.

(Belgrade: Ittstituf /a istraMvanfc radtttkog

52. (;. Maione. ''Experience d'autogestion en italic (1919-1956),'' A* ingestion, No. < > 10, 1969, K9-I20. X\ (I. Ian Ctegg, Workers' Management at Algeria (New York:
M o n t h l y Review Pi ess, D / l ).

M . M. BArta, *L<s conseits ouvriers en tant que movement social/* AuttHresliim, No. 9 It), 1969, Ml r> in ( l o n e so\iris had been organized sporadically since 1927. Bui the\ differed radically I r a n the Russian revolutkmar] toviets. Theti nature b well clescrilied i>\ M:-> I n Uing: N i n certain places councils
o l d( 1'iiiH s u r i c rottVJ m i l . h o i \\v\ ale consideied o i d \ is p r o v i s i o n a l

ins whose main l o n t t t o n is to elei I executive cotmniuees; aftei the

I N I ROIItfC'l M - .


eleilions all power is concentrated in the hands of committed and

there is no more talk al)out |lir rnimriU id-drpmirs One (annot say Thai no (onncil ol Workers', peasants' and soldiers' (lei Ml ties, worth its

name, is in existence; cute (an find thrui, hot very few. This is explained l>y in insufficiency ol pi o p i o i d a and ol educational work concerning this political system** (quoted l>> Mandel. op. (it., p. L^M>).
I n Derentlier 1927. an u p r i s i n g established the ( l a t i l u i i C o m m u n e . I n her historical IIIOIMMM aph on tilt! (Jutirsc Kevohit i o n . I ( alloli Lis

cliel comments: "the participation ol the people in die democratic elections of die red government was quite limited, and according to certain sources it was purely imaginary*' {Hioria delta rivftlnzhmi //// XX stcolo, Vol, IV, La rivotutione (inc.w). Sfe The oldest woiks council still in existence in Britain is that of the ttoornevillc works ol tlic cocoa and chocolate manufacturing him C.adhury lliolhers. Ltd. In this linn, works committees weie estab> ! the management lished at the beginning ol tltc century. The aim <
was defined .is the rappiodirnunt of the employer and worker (71

I I'm A w Gov net I in Being. .In Account <>f the Scheme in Operation at Huimtrvillc Works [Publication Department, Bonnievilie Works, 1921]). 37. Tor the sake of completeness, an interesting German attempt ought to he mentioned. I he Industrial Commission ol the revolutionary National Assembly, which met in Frankfurt in IKI8, put forward > l employers' a resolution asking dial factory committees, consisting < and workers* representatives, issue work rules wbjed to the approval of distiiit factory rouncili elected by the factor) romttiitteea in the district. I he resolution was ttcvci enacted because lite revolution rollapsed shortly afterward (C W, Gttillehaud, Ttte IKortj Council [Cambridge University Press, 1921], p. I), S8. |. IV Seymour, The Whitley Councils Scheme (London: I*. S. Kino. 1932), p 9. :'*). C c . Renold. Joint Consultation over Thirty Yews (London: George Allen as Unwin, l'L>o), p. Hi. M, Characteristic >| the mood of workers was tin* following published statement ol Clyde workers: "We bold the view that the trade union officials are the servants, not the masters, of die rank and file, and that th<\ require some pressure at times to move them in the path the rank and file desire litem to tread" (II Wolfe, Labor Supply <nt<l Regulation [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1928], p. 151), D, Kirk wood, one of the leading memheis ol the Clyde Workers* I ornmittee, told ibe visiting prime ministei l krytl George al meeting in Decern bo 1915 '1;M tln> had organized the stiik< "m deftatta i you, in dc ii.iiu< ol tlie Government . . . and in defiance "I the hade Union


llls'l D R K . A I . D E V I LOPM i N I

officials" (l>. |i i b i r c v u ,

Demand loi

\ \ i >i k s' ( . o n t m l i n the


way, Mining and Engineering Industrie* 191(1 1022/' doctoral thesis, Nofnekl College, Oxford, Mr>7, p. r<is; diortcned \ < i ^i M published as The Shaft-Stewards* Movement and Workers? Control, 1910-1922
( O x f o r d : Blackwell, 1959]),

Comparable to the British shop stewards' movement was the *' ( man works councils movemeni after I91S. And comparable to die statements of Clyde itrikers was the following published statement ol the striking metalworkers in Dtisseklorl in 1924: "In .t great itmnber of towns the trade Unions have adhered to the general strike proclaimed l>\ tlie Works Councils. Wliere this has not yei taken placet lite worker* must force them Ui jo 'lt' moventcnt. rite leader* <>l the unions who refuse must I**' ejected how tlieii office**' (Guillcbaud, <>p (it., p. /()). 11. Seymour, > p ( it., p. I!)l.
I " n i s i l h i s i o i n d h\ | h c l i i h n e Mi eslaUish u o i k r i s ' sell mattagC u n t i l , shop stewards passed t h r o u g h an interesting traitsforuiatHMi and h o m I K I ( ni s n p p o i i c i s lurried i n i o I I O K iHMMHietlts I n die F o r c w i j r d > ",i>< s die f o l k i w i n g h i r n b i Y \ i < \ IMf>k l i t e i l al><\r ( l> I I , I t *\ :i 1 1 i.i l ic i i o l i|,<- f u n iiiDM'ini'iiis, w l l l r h WCTC l e a d i n g advorales o l

workers' control during ami jttsi aftei Work! War \ " I "he Guild s > < in lists' weakness was thai lltey nevei [acetl h<- fundamental problem of powei and ol laige-scalc organisation ami planning, whereas the weakness ol those who led the shop stewards' movement was that, tlioogh during the wai the) were orrtipied largely with d;i\ioda\
Woikshop p i o l i l r m s , n o SIKHKT was IllC l i g h t i n g 'ivci i l ] a n iht \ h e i a m e exclusively p i e o t i n p i r d w i t h i h e < p r o b l e m o l t lass power and

forgot all about control at the works and woikshop level and indeed even denied that wcti control had anything to recomniend it, thus forfeiting the human basis ol their appeal. They tbto became ren iralist and totalitarian democrats, and lost sighi of die essential pur pose of the movement fbi workers' control kt ks relation to ordinary
n u n and women."

15, C, A. Myers, Industrial Relations in Sweden (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1951), p, 55.
I I . Ibid., pp. 5&4& 15. Quoted in K. ( Alexander, furtiripmtwe Management (New Dcflii: Shri Ram Centre, 1972). Iwo otlta studies dealing with Indian experience and released by the same publisher arc: N. R. sheih, I'fi, h<<ui Management (loonril, I97*J ami /. rank, rForaerj' !'<n !n > JHJh'iii '; Ideal ami Heahty ni India, I'><>'.).
{ h>. V. Mandel. "Cxmtrole nuvtier/' IM Ganthe (Bimseta), " > V 1970, p.



47. Tliat the co-deteiminaiion is an unstable arrangement should lie obvious, \\\\[ joint ( o i i s u h t i i o n also implies ;m inherent contradiction which generate* tones ol rltaitge. \ \ . E. S, M<(larthy descrilx^ well this ( O I H I K I H Hon "iIM- notion ofl ^niitt consultation involvci i paiadox. . . . It presumes (hat there aie some ;nt'iv ol management activity . . . which arc li< ami propel subjects of joint determination by collective' bargainings on the other hand there i r e other areas . . . which must remain the exclusive prerogative ol management, although the) may |je iliacusscd with workers' reprt entatives, Vet ll h also assumed that the main advantage ol holding such discussion! is 1 1 < - two sides convt that in matters ol this kind the interests ol s ratliei than conflict . . . Thus we come to tlie paradox, . . . we rcacli a position in which it is suggested thai agreements are only possible when the two sides are basically opposed; when diey are really united, there cannot be any question ol an agreement** (The Rote of Shop Stewards in British fndusttml Relations, Royal c.ommis.ion on I radc Unions and Employers' Associations, Rcscairh Capet I [London: I i\is<). l9oTJ, pp. SB :Wi)
IH, Inlet n a t i o n a l I a h o i C )|li e. I tilnn Management ('ottjuuil inn in If titled Statet M<n I'xnhn ln>n, Stndies a n d RcttttrtS N o , fi ( M o t l

treat: International Labor Office, IMS), pp. 197,257.

49, R e u o l d . op. cit., |> IIKI. 50, " I n m a n y instances the idea took shape in the m i n d s of i n d i x i d

w.\\ employers < managers raced with lapidlv cxiwuding personnel, aiul was originally intended as no more tliati < sulMiiutc, ol sons, lot that direct personal contacJ which is so easily lost when the pay-roll lengthens and the ratio I skilled and semi-skilled workers increases/' T h i s is the testimony of C. S. IValpolc, also an employer (Managemenl and Men | l ondon: Jonathan (ape, 1945). p. 89). 51, The research team of the National Institute ol Industrial Psycliology records: "A number ol yoongct executives told us that their favorable attitude to joint consultation had been acquired through experience in the services during the war" {Joint Consultation in British Industry [London: staples hess, 1952], p, 69). 52, Ihid., p. 59. I his situation is also well rellerted in the contemporary management literature, K. Robertson describes the participative management as "the discipline whereby an organization learns how to tap something ol the latent |mtential of its members. It involves en
l i i e l v new skills |>f l>f-haiiotu. . . . its o u t m o d e d lole o l d i r e c t i n g , It is . . . the g r a d u a l , slicssful, ; to its nev.

risk-taking procesi ol cxpericnci hi which management matures bom

' : Hing

role ol enabling, encouraging, assisting and reinforcing achievement


HISTORICAL hi VI l o p M i N l

by others" ("Managing People and |obs" Personnel Management, Sepi<HIIM i MM,n. 24).

VI. M. W V I K I , ///, l'lntn\ nj Sociot ( L o n d o n : \ \ . I h x l ^ c . 1917), |>. 500,



<)) gfl m?*if ioit

M. For joint consultation, sec W. II. Scott, Industrial Leadership and

joint ConMilfuliftn ( L i v e r p o o l : I In i\< t sil y Pre** oi 1 .i\i l JMIOI. I9&2):

I*. |ai|o<s. iln ( '.hanging tiutture />/ o factory (New \ok. llrydeii Press, lH>2); International Laboi Ottce and National Institute til In dustriaJ Psychology studies already quoted Foi workers' management, see I*. Kovai and I). MHjevil, Samoupravljanje p>roizvadjala H privredi [The Self-Management ol Producers in the Economy] (Belgrade: Savrcincna admiuistracija, I95fc); |. Vattck, The Economic* of Workers' Management: A Yugoslav Cast Study (London: George Allen fc Unwin, 1972), 55. Wal|iole, oj>. c ii . p. IGG, 56. Rennld, op. i It., p. I 19. >7. ItttcriiatifNial Laboi oiluc. Workers' Management in Yugfislama (Geneva: international Laboi Office, 1962), p 283. HI. I I M. McKUterkk and R. D, V. Roberts, Workers and Mamagementf Fabian Research Scries No, IGfl (London: Fabian Society, 19521), pp. 9, 20. 59, National Institute for Industrial Psychologyf o p <h., |>|. 64,65, no. Describing the conditions in the United States, ihc International Labor Office study stales: \ considerable number ol prewar plans bi joint committees in Factories had been developed |irimarily by management in ordci to interest workers in die successful operathm ol Factories and in many instances been aimed at undercutting the ilevelopment ol unionism'* (op. it., p. IBS). 61. I he resulting deep psychological conflict ol workers is well descrilied in die stud) \r) L. jaques: "it seemed as tlmogh the only time
lIlC I I H I I I I K I S H I I In- COIIIK il CfNlM 11I < I t l n i i IK ; I I K high w a s il there

was a itiaiiagemettt*workei Bght on; il tlierc was no light, they [ell guilty as ii tins were not doing what was expected ol them" (op. rit., p. 122). " . . . the desirability ol I-niplounent With the In in lias led workers to look to the management ratha than to ihc trade unions for security ol employment, and has aroused in the workers' leaders an acute conflict ovet loyalties divided between the firm and the trades unions*' (ibid., p. 17!h 52 Historical illustrations ire not difficult to come l>\. Take the (ler1 1 in i tvork* councils ol die vYeimai period, ol which Guillebattd says:


"To the German mawOl the workers' councils stood hn the clenioc rali/.IIIMII dl i he IIKIIISII ssslem and the attaininciil. in the IHHIIIIIIK sphcic, ol die same rights til sell gc>\ ei mucin and sell dcieiniiiialion as they thought they had achieved by the Revolution ol 1918 in the political sphere. . . . When it came to the practical working out of the basic and, to the individual workers, the most ini|M>rtant part oT the stun Hue the VVoiks Councils, they found that the hulk of die political leaders of lah<n were in league with the cmployois to prevent any loo wide extension of powers to these Councils" (O|K cit., pp. 212-1 .-*}. Unions were apprehensive of losing leadership (ibid., p. II), and hence were anxious to insure that works ( o n o n i s did not be nunc really ellectivc; they and their political allies, the majority so eta lists, "were backed up to the utmost bv the employers, who were at least as much concerned to letter the Work* Council* and to confine them within the organization ol the I n ions. ( ) | the latter the employers were not alraid . . ." (ibid., p. II). Ji!^ An empirical illustration is provided by two authoritative pronouncements of British unions and party views. The following siatcnieni ot Mi. (fiiutei in the pai liamculai y debate oil joint tntisulla lion in l!).r>0 is evaluated by the National Institute ol Industrial Psychology as a "very well expressed Trade Union view" (op. cit., p. 82): "There has been an aina/ing revival ol the old syndicalist idea of direct worker*' control in certain sections ol labor. In my opinion it is impossible to envisage any gicat development ii) the iphere ol joint consultation if we imagine that this old, uooly idea ol woikers' tontiol can opciatc. In the last n sort managemeiit must be allowed to inaua^-atnltp-TiTalrc decisions, and must accept the rcsponsibiJity. What wc seek is that their decisions and policy shall IK* translated to the workers so that they may understand their objectives, and then l\ help to ensure that co-operation which can result in much better and higher production. 1 cannot leave the trade union side without expressing; my belief that the majority of trade unionists do not desire to sir the establishment of workers' control, as it is sometimes called" (ibid., p. 58). lite Labor Party's 1 * > 5 7 policy doc timent on nationalized industries, in tin chaptd on workers' participation, asks whether there should be cliiecl icpicscuiat inn and answers the question negatively. "The syndicalist view of industry run by workers, either through their trade unions or through elected boauls was objected to bv the Labor Movement many seats ago" (ibid., p. i')l). Note the reference to "syndicalism" in both instances. T h e situation at the other side of the ocean

> i the United Electrical, is desert lied by fames Matles, the secretary <
R a d i o , [\\u\ M a c h i n e W o i k e r s ol A m c i i c a . in an i n t c i x i e w ol l(><> I

follows: " I he key problem facing the ;uk and die worken in the shop ami trade union movement today b the d Aructioii ol the ibop steward ivttcm i he shop tttwanl liai bean destroyed, undermined oi



neutralized througli the combined Him is ol employers and lop union h adei ship " (Ortlles m i I I ppltam, op. < it., p. H)8). 64. ( I I I . A t I"-", " t o d a y industrial discipline is a different mat I n in ;ill indnsii ics Itom the pie-wai period ol heavy nn* mployincnl. I his is often s;ii| lei he ijttc <>| the }tralesl dillh nil i< s l I'nilisli in <lusli\ today. At the S;IIIIC lime, lull e m p l o \ n n n l fats done mole to make itiduslty more demon at u and to raise the sinus >l the PTOrkd

than any legislation or any machinery f f, i joint consultation ccraW do" (tttdutiruii fJetttorrrfcy mid Natinnttiuilum lOxloctl: Ulackwell,
I(>50J, p. 7tt). I his fa g \ u \ hn id sl.iirnniil, Uut the loncludum, an lilhesis is spurious, the cms.iiinn is different i i o m the one im| !i<*< l I he d< IIMM I ;| i/;iti<>ii o| I tic jnttltntrj?ll tMgattiyatMtfl prtlduccd joint < ( t < ti, not I IK* (iiltrt way l o i m d . ( h n i ;; u ' i ; i l l \ applied, punt (onsult.ition hrconuvs a social institution ami cammi he abolished viihonl so< ial uphcav ds, Imt neither tan it l w ' 4 > i l n [ i c d i n its present

loiui with lite attention l workers channeled toward wciiaf ivhile management reserve* the right to make the crucial managerial
decisions Very soon Worker* will begin to insisi that this "toilet de

inocracy*' he retraced l>\ "propci democracy,* ( A. Myers uttinlen tionnllv describes something ol the kind happening In Sweden when lie nays: "But unless the committees begin to tackle real problems . . the 'stagnation1 may nun inn* disgusi and revulsion. 'Toilet detnoct ; n \ ' as one jHMson described iln* current concern foi hettet washrooms, lighting, et<.. may snllue lm a lime. Init it is hardly ilie 'in ilusitial democracy' that the hifooi movemeni said it was seeking*1 (OJI. ( ii . p. 71). iir. o p ( i i . . |> :>u. (><;. ( J u i c i Metal ( ompaiiN is an inieiesi t B Knglisll example Its

works council constitution reacts: Ilie [mictions ol tlie Ckmncil shall be: . . . to cany the responsibility oi deciding the principles ami |o1
if ies which shall govern I he M anapenient ol the l*:ieioi\ in the light ol the opinions ol pi mllH ei s ami manager*, in lite light <| die inieiesi

ol consumers, iharelioklen and the nation at large, and in ihc light o(

total Companv Policy" (jaques, op. t i l . , p. 15$). In seeking to achieve

this aim that the management surrender arbitrary executive power

and fh^ workers develop responsible and effective crrHfH4UYC_<Iecisionmakiui; instead both management and worker* had to overcome enormous mfnculties resulting Krora theii learned attitudes and horn ihe totally un<oH< n ial institutional Iramewoik in which ih<\ v.eie to uni k.

f>7. CI. G. 11. Bisliop, VI Thingk Common (New Vork: Harper R:

Rroth i i



Report to llie ( kiulily ol

Lanark [i8a]

Report to the County ol Lanark, of a Plai foi relieving Public Distress and Removing Discontent, by giving permanent,
p m d i i f l i v e F i n p l o y m e n l to (he Poor a n d W o r k i n g (.lasses, nuclei

Arrangements which will essentially improve ilteti Character, and ameliorate their Condition, diminish the Expenses ol Production
a n d C o n s u m p t i o n , and create Markets coextensive t i o n IVy R o b c i l O w e n . M a i 1st. I H ) . with Produc-

Details ol the Plan

First, the numbct of persons who <<m be assot <it< d to give . .. the greatest advantages to themselves and to the community.

. . . Viewing it with reference to an improved spade cultivation,

and to all the purposes of Society, your Reporter ventures to i<< ommetid the formation of such arrangements as w i l l unite about
1-nnii \Uv hcN)t> l New linr >>f Society n<l Othei Writing? k) Robert Owen. Itttrti Unction by ( I). I I . Cote. K\< n n u i r ^ MHvary I '. ! ' .. I i \ i> fc C.M.. I..< . an.i tned wnM rhrfa i- P] 88, S B 6





$00 men, women, and children, in theft natural proportions, as the minimum, and about 2,000 as the maximum, loi the fntme

associations of the cultivators ol the soil, who will be employed

also in such additional occupations as ina\ be ad\antaeously an nexed to it. In coming to this conclusion your Reporter never hist sight ol that only sine guide to the political economist, the principle thai it is the interest of all men, whatever may he their present mrtifi(idl \tation in Society, that there should he the Imgest amount of intrinsically valuable product created, at the least expense of labour, and in a way the most advantageous to lite producers find society, . . . It is wiili reference to this principle thai the minimum and maximum above stated (\i/., 800 and 2,000) have hem fixed upon, as will he more particularly developed under the subsc

queni heads.
Within this range more advantages can he given to the individuals and to society than by the association ol any greater (IT lesser

BtH from 800 to 1,200 will he found the most desirable number to form into agricultural villages; and unless some very strong local causes interfere, the permanent arrangements should he adapted to the complete accommodation ol that amount ol population only. Villages of this extent, in the neighbourhood ol others of a similar description, at chic distances, will be found capable ol coin billing within themselves all the advantages that city and countiy residences now afford, without any of the nuuieious income niences and evils which necessarily attach to both those modes of

Second, the extent of land to be cultivated by stock association. Tins will depend upon the quality <>| the soil and other local considerations. . . . Sufficient land, therefore, will be allotted to these cultivators to enable them to taisc an abundant supply of food and the necessities <d life lor themselves, and as much additional agricultural produce as the public demands may require b o m such a portion ol the population.

Undei a well-devised arrangement lor the working classes they will all procure fen dtemselvc i the net esaai ies and t osnforts ol life in so short a time, and so easily and |>leasaiitly, that the mxujw lion will be expei tenccd to be littk more than a recreation, suffi




cienl to keep lliem itl the hcsl health and spii its lor rational en joyment of life. T h e surplus produce f r o m the soi 1 w i l l he r e q u i r e d o n l y for the higher classes, those who live w i t h o u t manual labour, and those whose nice operation* w i l l no! pei m i l them at any time to be employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e and gardening, C)l the latter, very lew, if any. will be necessary, as mechanism may he made to supersede such operations, which are almost always i n j u r i o u s to health. . . .

Third, the arrangement foi feeding, lodging, and clothing the population, and foi training <t)ul educating the children.
It heini> always uinst convenient lor the Workman to reside Ileal to his employment, the site loi tin dwellings ol tlw Cttltiva tois will be t hosen as neai to die centre ol the land as water, proper levels, div situation, etc., etc.. may a d m i t ; and as courts, alleys. Lines, and streets m;n he unnecessary inconveniences, are inj u i i o u s to health, a m i destructive to almost all the natural comloiis of h u m a n l i f e , they w i l l he excluded, and a disposition ol the b u i l d i n g s free f r o m these objections and greatly more economical w i l l he adopted. As it w i l l afterwards appear t h a i the food lor the whole population <an l>c- provided better and cheaper nuclei one general ;nrangemeui o f c o o k i n g , and thai the c h i l d r e n can be better trained and educated together under the rye ol their parents than undc i any other circumstances, a large square, or rather parallelogram, w i l l he f o u n d to combine the greatest advantages in its f o r m for the domestic arrangements of the associal i o n . . . . I he loin sides > ! this figure may he adapted to contain all the private apartments or sleeping and s i t t i n g rooms for the adult part of the p o p u l a t i o n ; general deeping apartments for the children while under t u i t i o n ; store -looms or warehouses i n w h i c h to deposit various products; an i n n or house lor the accommodation of strangers: an i n f i r n i a i y; etc., etc. l u a line ac toss the centre o l the parallelogram, leaving free space* for air and l i g h t and easy c o m m u n i c a t i o n , might he erected the c h u r c h , or places for w o r s h i p ; the schools; kite hen and apart mentS h>i eating; all in the most convenient situation for the whole p o p u l a t i o n , and under the hest possible puhlic: super in tendencc, w i t h o u t t r o u b l e , expense, or inconvenience to an\ p a r t y . . .. This principle ol i n d i v i d u a l interest, oiiposcd as it is pcrpctti all) to the puhlic good, is considered, by the most celebrated po



Iitical economists, to be the corner-stone to the social system! and without whi< h soi i<* 1 > cotild not subsist. Vet when they shall know themselves, and discover the wonderful effects which c o m b i n a t i o n and u n i o n can produce, they w i l l acknowledge that the present arrangement >l societ) is the m o d
anti-social, lllldci i i i i p u l i i n . .mil .ill Mtpciioi thai and i;m he di vised; that its i i i t l u c m e the \altiaMc equalities |

human nature are repressed Irom m l a n r y , and that the most un natural means are used to b r i n g QUI the most i n j u r i o u s propensities; in short, that the utmost pain.s a>e taken t<> m a l e that which hv nature i^ the m o t d e l i g h t f u l c o m p o u n d loi p r o d t t r i n g excel h IKC .111 I happiness, absurd, uuhec ile, and wiett hed . . Under the piesent system theie is the im>s! i n i n i i t e division of mental power and manual labotll in the i n d i v i d u a l s ol the working classes; private interests are plat r d pci petually \i vai iance % s " ili the p u M k good, and in every n a t i o n men aie purpose!) trained from infancy to suppose that t h e i r well-being is incompatible with the progress and prosperity <>l other nations. Such i r e the means l>\ which o l d society sicks to obtain tin* desired objects ol life. T h e details now to he s u h m i t t e d have l>een devised upon p r i n c i p l e ! which w i l l lead to an opposite practice; to the combination of extensive mental and m a n u a l powers in the i n d i v i d u a l s of the w o r k i n g classes: to a complete i d e n t i t y of private and public interest; a n d to the t r a i n i n g oi nations t o comprehend that their power and happiness cannot attain their f u l l and natural tie velopment hut t h r o u g h an equal increase of the power and happiness of all other stales. These, therefore, aie the real |>oinis at variance between that w h i c h is and that which ought In be. . . . Proceeding on these principles, yonr Reportei recommends arrangements by w h i c h the c h i l d r e n shall he trained together as though they were l i t e r a l l y a l l of one lamily. . . . It may be stated, w i t h o u t fear ol contradiction from any party who is mastei of the subject, that the whole success ol these arrangements w i l l depend u p o n the tnannei in which the infants ami c h i l d r e n shall he h a i u c d and educated in these schools. Men ,\M'. and e\er w i l l be, what t h r \ ne and shall he made in inlain > and < h i l d h o o d . T h e apparent tXI cptioiis to this law aie the dice is of the same causes, c o m b i n e d w i t h subsequent impressions, aris
m<> h o n i the new ( i n umstanc is in which the i n d i v i d u a l s showing these exceptions have heen placed. . . .

Fourth, th< formation and superintendence ments. ...

"f these establish-

V% u'onai ies | ROSEA I CIWI N


l bete new fanning and general working arrangements may be formed by one 01 am number ol landed proprietors CM large capitalists; by established companies having huge hinds to expend [01 benevolent and public objects; by parishes and counties, to relieve themselves from paupers and poor-rates; attd by associations
of tin* m i d d l e and Working hisses of farmers, mechanics, and
l t a < l c s n i e n , I n l e h e v e t h e m s e l v e s I l o i n l i t e e v i l -i t h e p t e s e i t t tcin. . . . S\S

W h e n one establishment shall have been formed, t h e i r w i l l be n o great difficulty in p r o v i d i n g superintendents fat many other
e s t a M i s l u n c n l s . A l l t h e c h i l d t e i i w i l l he n a m e d t o he espial I n t h e

rare ol any of llie depatimenis. inure panic ularty is there w i l l he no c n u u i r i a c I inn h t t w e c u those who direct and those who pel foi ti the vai inis o p e r a t i o n s . . . . T h e p e i u l i a i III<(! of governing these establishments w i l l <le pend on the parlies who f o r m them. Those Founded by landowners and capitalists, public companies, parishes, or counties w i l l he* under the <lti(cti(u ol the- i m l i \ i d u a l s whom these powers may appoint In superintend them, and w i l l , of course, he subject to the rules and regulations laid down by their founders. Those formed by the m i d d l e and w o r k i n g classes, u p o n a com plete reciprocity ol interests, should be governed by themselves, upon principles lhal w i l l prevent divisions, opposition <>l interest, jealousies, or any ol the c o m m o n a n d vul&ai passions which a contention lor power is certain to generate. T h e i r affairs should be condm ted by a c o m m i t t e e , composed of nil the members of tlie association between certain ages lor instance, o l those between thirty-live and forty-five, 01 between forty and fifty. Perhaps the former w i l l u n i t e mene of the activity of youth w i t h the experience ol age than the latter: h u t it is ol l i t t l e m o m e n t w h i c h period of life may he fixed Upon. I n a short time the ease w i t h which these associations w i l l proceed in all their operations w i l l he such as lo render the husiness nl governing a mete t e n cat i n n ; and as the patties w h o govern w i l l in a lew yeais again heroine the governed, they must always he coflSCtOUS that at a Future period the) w i l l experience the good m evil effects of the measures of their administration. By this equitable and natural arrangement all the numberless evils ol elections and electioneering w i l l be o

Fifth, the disposal o\ the surplus prodncfi and the connexion which will subsist between the several establishments*



Unclei the |)U)|)os<<l system the facilities ol p r o d u c t i o n , the a1> settee ol all the counteracting circumstances which so a b u n d a n t l y exist in ( o n i n i o n society, with the saving of time and waste in all

the domestic an AngetiM nts, will secure, other circumstances being equal, a much / nouni of wraith at a greatly reduced < \
fwmhhnr. I he next question is. in what manner is this produce to he disposed of? . . . \s the easy, regular, healthy, rational employment of the i n d i viduals f o r m i n g these societies w i l l create a very large surplus nl their o w n produets, beyond what they w i l l have any desire to con s u i m . each m;iv he freely permitted to receive h u m the* general Store til the ff Mimiiiu il y whatever they in.iy l r m u i r . I his. iu piac tice. w i l l prove lu he the greatest economy, and w i l l at once re move ;ill those pie< OIK cived insin mount able difficulties that now haunt the minds ol those who have hcen trained in c o m m o n soc i ety, and w h o necessarily view all things through the distorted m e d i u m ol theii own l i t t l e circle ol ! < > < al prejudices.


Organization of Work [1840]


Yes, no douht a renovated society w o u l d c ^ 1 1 for a new |HiWl't; h u l is I he- e s i s l e n i e ol powei Ml indepciidc i l l ol the C M S lence <>l I IK- \OC icly you can transform the former without

touching the latter? When you have round the means ol inaugurating (lie principle ol association and of organizing woik accord inj lo ihe rules of reason, justice, and humanity, how do yon IIO|K* io realize your doctrines? Power is organized force, Powei 11 sis on interests thai are blind, bul stubborn in then blindness; JIII passions hostile to all that is DCW. Tower h;is chambers that will menace you with their laws, tribunals thai will reach you with their airests, soldiers who will strike you With their hayo nets. Seize power, then, if yon do not wish it to (rush you, Take it as an instrument, on pain ol encountering it as an obstacle, T h e r e is more: the emancipation ol the proletariat is too ((implicated a work; it is linked with too manv reforms, it disturbs too many habits, it Overthrows too many prejudices, it opposes, not in reality hut in appearance, too many interests lor it not to he loll) to believe that it could he accomplished by 8 series ol partial efforts and isolated attempts. It is ncressaiv to apply all the power of the state, and this is smelv not too IIMKII faff such Hi printed horn Oipmiaaim* flu iwmM (Facta I'n-v.u, IHIO). j|>. > ' r> ';. ms 17, MM
l"1 Q I I .IMsl.lll il lY 11. I( II k l . l l l l O .


HISTORICAL n i V I l o i ' M l ' . M

labor. What the proletarians lack Foi their liberation are the instruments oi work: ii is up i d ihe government n> provkW thciti u i t h these. N o . without political reform n> social reform is possible, for if the M-( ond is t h e gna/, t h e Itrst is t be mams. l i u i is ii necessary t o conclude Front tins thai discussion of social questions is useless, even dangerous, and thai one must begin by c o n q u e r i n g power, waiting u n t i l afterward to see what to doi It w o u l d be w o r t h us much to sav: let us begin b) starting en r o u t e ; we shall see aftei ward where we ought to go, I his error is, however, ratltci common Unlay . I h< neces sit\ o| r c s ^ v i n g social ipiesttons is n o t d e n i e d ; the fact thai political reform must be accomplished in order to a n i s e at a sen i;il re Form is even recognized; but it is believed thai the discussion <>l these grave < 1 iflieu 1 1 i< s should be postponed In the i i m n o u o| the polit ii a I r e v o l u t i o n . SIM II IS noi out o p i n i o n . I he revolutions thai do not fail arc those whose goals arc pre is( and have been defined iu advance.. . .

l l o w work could be organized

The government w o u l d IK* considered the supreme regitlaloi | p i o d i K i i o u and invested Willi ",ieal ptiwct In M'CfMII|Ntsli its task. I his task consists of HSIIIg even the weapon ol c o m p e t i t i o n in order to make coinj>etition d i s a p j c a t . I h e government would raise a loan whose yield would be ap p i o p t i a i e d for the creation ol social wotkshoin in the most iiiifnu lain hi am lies ol I be nat ionai industry, Since tins creation would require an outlay ol considerable funds, the n u m b e r of original workshops w o u l d be rigorously circumscribed; but by virtue of their very organization . . . the) w*uld be endowed w i t h an immense powei of expansion. Because the government w o u l d be considered the unique founder of soewl workshops* it w o u l d draw itp the by-laws, This draft illg, debated and \ o t e d on by the national representation, would have the force and powei <>l law. \ l l workers who oitei guarantees of morality w o u l d he called on to w o i k in the fortgj workshops, to the extent ol the capital originally collected fnt ihe tRirchase l the instruments ol wtwk. Since die false and antisocial education aivett to the current

1' is infill f it's

| i . o n is n i . A M


generation leads it In seek e m u l a t i o n and stil latiotl (Mil) whetl motivated by an increase o l r e m u n e r a t i o n , tin difference in wage* w o u l d be graduated according l o t l u hicrarcl ol functions; an c n i i r e l \ new education would have h> ( I n n < ideas and customs on this p o i n t . Il ROCH without saying that lllC WilgC would have l< be h i l l ) MIIIK'icni fot tlu livelihood ol the worker. For t i n lust yeat sifter the establish men l ol the s,,< ial work shops, the government would regulate the hierarchy ol runctions. AI ii-1 the lirsJ year, there w o u l d no longer be any. As the workers would h a w had time t o appraise each other, and , s all w o u l d lie equally interested in die success ol the association, hientrch) w o u l d be transformed i n t o the elective principle. I ai h yeai calculation would be tiiadc <>l the net profit, which w o u l d be divided m i o three parts: one would be distributed equally among the members of the association, another w o u l d be allocated: ( I i to d i e support ol the t i k i , sick, and i n f i r m , and 2 to the alleviation ol crises that weigh on other industries, all the industries being owed aid and assistance; finally, the t h i r d would he devoted i<> f u r n i s h i n g instruments ol w m l to those who would like lo join the1 .iss'M ialHm, so that ii c o u l d exiKiitd indefinitely. . . . T h e capitalists w o u l d he (.died on in ihe association and would receive interest on the capital paid in by t h e m , this interest being guaranteed to them by the budget, hut they w o u l d not share in ih< poilus i \eepi in the <apaniy ol wotkers. Onit" the social workshop had I x e u set up, the CIK! result w o u l d be understood. In all principal industries . . . there would be a social workshop competing with private industry. W o u l d the struggle he very long? No, liecatisc the social workshop would have the advantage over all i n d i v i d u a l workshops thai results from the economies ol life in common and a mode ol oigani/a l i o n in w h i c h all the workers w i t h o u t exception are interested in producing q u i c k l y and well. W o u l d the struggle he destructive? No. because the government would always be in a position to moderate the effects, while preventing the products c o m i n g out ol its workshops from f a l l i n g to too low a level. . . . . . . He?ween the industrial war that a large capitalist declares today against a small capitalist and that which the government w o u l d dec hue in o u r s\sleui against the i n d i v i d u a l , there IS no comparison possible. T h e former necessarily perpetuates fraud, violence, attd all the e* lis that i n i q u i t y r a n us.. iis Ranks; the lat let would be conducted without b r u t a l i t y , i > . and in 9 way solelj to attain its < od, die successive and peaceful ahsoip



lion o l i n d i v i d u a l workshops hy the social workshops. Thus, in stead ol beingas ;uc the Urge capitalists todaythe master and tyrant itl the market, the government w o u l d he- its regulator. It would make ttse ol the weapon ol ( o i n p c i H ion, not in Ofdei vio lenllv to overthrow private iltdtlStr) . . . hut to lead n hnpercep tihly to Combination. Soon, indeed, in every sphere ol industry in which a social workshop was established, people w o u l d (l< K k lo this Workshop because ol the advantages it w o u l d oiler to those associated, the workers and capitalists. At the end ol a certain time, one w o u l d sec o c c u r - - w i t h o u t usurpation, w i t h o u t injustice, w i t h o u t irreparable disasters, a n d to the benefit <>l the prtnciple ol association- the phenomenon that today ot<ms so deplorably, and l>\ dint ol tyrannv. to the benefit ol i n d i v i d u a l egoism. A very rich industrialist today can. in s i n k i n g a great Mow against his rivals, leave them dead on the spot and monopolize an entire branch ol industry; in out system, the state w i l l make itsell the master ol industry l i t t l e hy l i t t l e , and instead ol monopoly, we w o u l d have, as the result of the- success achieved, the defeat <' c ompet it ion assoc ial ion. . . . . . . Note, in effect, that since niter the Inst \eai each workshop WOuM he sell sulhc ieut, the role ol the government w o u l d he l i m ited to supervising the maintenance ol the relations of all the centers ol p i o d u c l i o n ol the same type and Itrevetttilftg the violation ol die pi MM iplcs ol common regulation. I oday tliere is n o public service that dors n n i represent ; h u n d r e d times more complies Hon. . . .
I ' l o i n lite solid.oily ol all the w o i k n s in th< s.mir workshop, w h.o . m i M i l .11 lite solid.nils ol ih< woikshops in the same ill dusli\ I o complete- the s \ s t r t n . M w o u l d he lire rss.n y to c sl.ihlish

the solid.niiv ol different industries, l o t that we have tleducted from the share <>l die profits realized It) each industry a sum I n
mc.ins o| whieh the State w o u l d hr a h l r lo c oiue l o the aid ol a n \

iltdtlStr) has been brought to Suffering h \ unloieseen and r\ traordinary circumstances. Moreover, in the s\st<m that we propose, ciiscs w o u l d he c onsidei ahly more l a i e . I M H H whence* d o they arise today in lni^e pan? l o o m the* t r u l y ah oc ions c oinhat to which all the interests yield themselves, combat w h i c h cannot create victors w i t h o u t creating the vanquished, and w h i c h , likeall combats, harnesses the slaws to the chariot <>l the t r i u m . . . What should i i r d i i be! \ means of Furnishing the instruments ol w m i to the H O I 11 i i ixta) credit i i s o m e t h i n g entirely ^\^

f' i.siotiarics



fcrent. I he hanks lend o n l y t o the r i c h . If they wished to lend to the poor, they c o u l d nol do so w i t h o u t r u n n i n g to r u i n . The hanks established h o i n the i n d i v i d u a l point t>| v i c u i o u l d n n n he Other than thev aic, an adiniral)ly conceived procedure for m a k i n g the rich richer and the powerful mote p o w e r f u l . Always m o n o p o h under the appearances ol liberty, always tyranny under the guises ol progress! The proposed organization w o u l d ruf short so many i n it] t i l l ics. I his share o l profits, ^penally and in variably devoted l o the expansion of the social workshop by the recruitment of workers - t h a i is credit. Now do you need hanks? Suppress them.


Selected Writings [1840-1865]

r i I K K I JOSI I'll PIMM II) H O N

Economics, justice and Equality

Since ( I K I;I\\ ol i i i i t i i i r as well ;is ul |nstice is c q n a l i t ) . tlit l Ml Hi' llie ; 1 1 1 is ol lioth ,n c till luteal, (< oiimiiists ,tlnl stales

men m> longei have i<> deckle wfietltei economics should lie sue riftced to Justice, cir |u$tice to economics, I hcj lia\* to discovei
how best tit c\|il HI I luk physical, intellectual . 111 cl ( ( O I I H I I I K Forces

thai 1 1 1 1 nun intelligence is iierpettiatl) discovering in order i < < *

store t he social e q u i l i b r i u m , w h i c h is I I M M I H nt<n ilv upset l)\ the contingencies <>l c l i m a t e , population g r o w t h , <I i m at i o n , and stronger I lian illness another. aiifl ill like accidents ol l i m e m a j c i n c I >ne m a n , lor e x a m p l e , is higgei O n e is sin < esslnl m ii';ii( i i l l m r . :n t < 11 it* t in incliisiiy 01 shipping. O n e is able 1(1 Ultc ill a vast colliutex ol events a n d ideas at a glance. A n o t h e r is nneipi;iled i n a more l i m i t e d sphere. I n all

these ruses certain romix*nsattons most lie made Fot an equalizing pmcess to be operated that would give use to ttitttttlating com|e t i l ton and friendly rivalry. The way thai man is constituted and the W9) that itidtiitr) is divided provides unlimited sources for
M'piliiKi! Ilnltl S|\\;nl fill* INK. i| . Slirhi! MtillHf>\ f| I'i'ili ftfStbtt I'toUtllmit

(1 .M ( I,.I) :IM.| I .. ,1. Ulacnttftaii, 1970). pp 51 52.5tHM.MHJ8.96 H", 1 0 6 2 IGS, In |JI rmission DI iln- pu .1 i-1M r.





< ihcckittg m.iNilcsi.ili.-M n <l su|(MMiii\ .mil h>i constant!) M . H I , , , , new I I K M I I S ill m a i n t a i n i n g equality between the u n k n o w n l<i ( r s of nature and society, I his i h n i is lh<- ladical and loiever i n s u r m o u n t a b l e d i l h ' i c i i , , . which M'JMI au-s ( I n i ii.m and M a l t h m i a n ( c t i i i . i i i K s , which ai<both materialistic and mystical, I n m i revohit ion.n \ economics, T h e tnsi. w h i c h bases its judgment <>n the phenomena .| i l i i i m c and anomaly, does not hesitate lo uV< l i o ih.ii n u n ;nc | ) y n.Hun nnrcpial. I in n. w i t h o u t bothering to compaic i h r kinds ol work n u n do of to examine the results ol tlieii labors, theii education an<l i h r Hire ts ol (lie Separation ol n u |>h \ inenl ,m,| taking good < n < in ii to look t o o i I use I y at eat h man s share <>i ih<collective product, noi to compare what he receives w i t h what he Contribute* tliey coin hide thai this so-called inequality justifies the privileges ol e x p l o i t a t i o n and p r o p e r t y - o w n i n g . T h e d e v o l u t i o n , on the other hand, staiis w i t h the assumption ihai equality is the law <>l nature >uu\ that men arc naturally equal, II n turns ott( in practice that some are less equal, it is l>( cause the) have not wauled, <>i have not k n o w n how. to make |\||| use ol their possibilities, I he R e v o l u t i o n considers thai the In poihesis that men aie unequal k an t m l o u n d e d insult which is daily disproved by the progress ol science and industry, It devotes all its energy tn t r y i n g h i redress the balance, t i p p e d by |>rejudice, l>\ means ol legislation ami greater and greater e q u a l i t y ol let vices and wages. I Ins is wh\ it declares that all men have equal rights and are equal before the law. O n the one hand il wants all industries, |irofesstotts, Functions, ai is, sciences and trades to he considered as equally noble and w o r t h y ol m e r i t , ( M I the othei n wants all panics m .m\ l i t i g a t i o n a m i c C>UI|H tit ion to he treated equally, except when there is a difference in value lictween prod in is ami sea \ ices, and so thai equal Justice UH all may liecome in treasiugly widespread in society, it wants all citizens to enjo* re jnal iippoi i mot N -s loi ilcvc lopuu nl and ac I l o l l , Dr hi fH$tice d<nt\ hi rrcalulion rl dam /ViW/\r (i8t$\

Political economy s not the science <>l society, hut \\ contains lite elements >l Ihts ience just a>, chaos I* fore creation



contained the elements <>l the universe; in order to arrive 1 at the definitive organization which teems to be ili<- destiny of o u t species on earth all we have to do is to arrange all our contradictions in the form ol ;i general equation* Bui what form w i l l this equation take? We arc already beginning i<> glimpse it. It must be based on a law ol exchange, a theory ol M u t u a l i t y , a system <l guarantees that resolves t h r old forms of our civil and commercially based soi it-lits and satisfies all the conditions of elhc iene\. progress and jtt*ttrc pointed out l>\ I lie c l i t i c s It w i l l he a society that is uol based on ( o n v e i i h o i i , hut on reality; a society that converts the division ol labor i n t o a scientific i n s t r u m e n t ; i society that stops men From being the slaves ol machines and foresees the crisis thai these w i l l cnisc. ji w i l l make oiupc I it ion p i o h i . i h l e and tians h u m monopoly into a guarantee ol security I<i a l l . I h r m i g h the energy ol its principle, instead ol asking tlie capitalist lor credit and the State for protection, ii w i l l m a l e both capital and the State subordinate io labor, T h r o u g h tin genuine nature 1 of exchange it w i l l create true solidarity between peoples. It w i l l , without p r o h i b i t i n g i n d i v i d u a l i n i t i a t i v e or domestic t h r i f t , always restore to the c o m u t m t i t y the wealth that has been privately a|v p i o p i i a l e d . It w i l l he a society that w i l l , t h r o u g h the movement ol the outlay and the return < 1 capital, insure the political and industrial equal it) <>l its citizens, and t h r o u g h a vast system of politic t * h i r a t i o i i b r i n g abortl equal i l ) ii hmeiious and apti t u d r s ihtlHIgll constantly ratfttllg llien level T h r o u g h justice-, prosperity and virtue- ii w i l l b r i n g a renewal ol hitman cow si lousiiess and insure harmony and e q u i l i b r i u m between the gen e r a t i o m . In short it w i l l be a society w h i c h , since- it is baaed on b o t h an organized structure a m i on the possibility ol change, w i l l be m o i e than provisional; it w i l l guarantee e v e r y t h i n g while pledging n o t h i n g , . . . I he theory ol m u t u a l i t y , or m i i t i i i u n . that is to say exchange in k i n d , of which the simples! f o r m is the loan lor c o n s u m p t i o n , w h c i e the collective body is concerned, is t h e synthesis ol ihe no I ions ol piivate property and collective o w n e r s h i p . I his synthesis is as old as its constituent p u t s since it m e i c l \ means that society is r e t u r n i n g , through a maze <l inventions and systems, to its p r i m i t i v e practices as a result ol >\ s i \ thousand yeai long medita l i n n (n the hind.inn ni.d p i o p o s i i i o n thai A I

Sysitme Hes contrndictiom fcanomiqnt\ (ISi6)




In opposition to this idea of [authoritarian] government is thai of the defenders ol individual liberty. According to them, so ciety must be thought of not as a hierarchical system of functions and faculties, but as a system of free forces balancing each other; a system in which all individuals are guaranteed the same rights provided they perform the same duties, one in which they will re reive the same benefits in return lor the same services rendered. T h i s system is thus essentially egalitarian and liberal and precludes all notion of fortune, rank or class. Now this is how these anli authorilai ians or liberals conclude thcii argument. They maintain that since human nature is the most elevated expression not to say I he embodiment ol universal Justice, man as

citizen derives his rights from the dignity of his nature. Similarly.
lie will later gain well -being dhectly horn his pc tsonal labor ami the good use he makes ol his faculties, as well as respect Irom the free exercise of his talents and Virtues. They say therefore that the State is simply the product ol the freely consented union formed by equal, independent subjects, all ol whom alike are law makers. T h u s the State represents only group interests, and any debate between Power and the citizen is really only a debate between c iti/ens. Accordingly, the only prerogative in society is lib city, the only supieme lone. Law. Authority and charily, the) say, have served their time. What we want instead is justice. From these premises, they com hide in favor of an organization based mi the widest possible application of the- mutualistic pi inci p h . Its law*, liny say. is set \ ic e lor service, pioduct lor pioduct, loan lor loan, insurance lor insurance, credit lor credit, security, for security, guarantee for guarantee. It is the ancient law of retaliation, an eye for an eye, a h>olh for a tooth, a life for a life, as it Wert tinned upside down and transferred horn criminal law and the vile pi act ices of the vendetta to economic law, to the tasks of labor and to the good ollices of free fraternity. On it depend all the mutualist institutions: mutual insurance, mutual credit, mutual aid, mutual education; reciprocal guarantees of Openings, exchanges and labor for good cpiality and fairly priced goods, etc:. This is what the principle of mutualism claims to use, with the aid of certain institutions, as the foundation of the State, the law of the State, and 1 will even go as far as to say as a kind ol religion ol the State, which will be just as easv as it is acban

tageom It demands no police Force, no repression i restrictions,

a n d can n e \ e i !>< a I ; I H M ' o l | | j i j |. in l n u lit C M mill l"i to\<ii<



In ihis s\siiin ihe laborer is no longer a serl <>l Ihc State, swamped i>\ the ocean of the c o m m u n i t y He it a fane man, truly his nwn master, w h o acts on bis own i t i i i t a i i v c and is j><irsonall) rcsponsihlr. I le knows 111.11 he w i l l obtain |usi and >iillu ient |i.i\ inetn for his products and s e n i l e s , and his U-llow e ili/ens will give h i m absolute loyalty and complete guarantees l o r all the consumer goods he might need, l he State ot government i* no lonjjei sovereign. A u t h o r i t y is no lotlgei the antithesis <>| liberty, and Stale, govern men t4 iniwer, a u t h o r i t y , etc., arc only ex pressions that designate liberty in a different way* I hey w e geti eral formulae borrowed From outmoded speech which in certain cases l i g n i f ) the sum, the u n i o n , the identity and the lottdaj itv ol i n d i v i d u a l iuteiesi . Dr In r/i/;i, //, kutiltqUf (Irs (lnWi Offff irit'.s (/ Vtf11

A l t h o u g h 1 am a strong snppoitei r.| order, I am in die fullest sense ol the l e i m , .in anau Insti l l any given society, the authority man has over man is in in w i s e ratio to the intellectual level ol development l cached by that society. I lie probable d u r a t i o n ol that a u t h o r i t y may he calculated according to the more <i less widespread desire for t u n ' government, that is, government based on science. Just as the t i ^ h i ol force and the r i g h t of artfulness arc l i m i t e d by the everincreasing bounds of justice, and will finally be eclipsed by equality, so the sovereignty ol w i l l is g i v i n g wai to th<- sovereignty <f reason, and must finally vanish w i d i i t i a h u m ol scientific socialism. Property and royalty have been decaying since die world began, flist as man seeks justice- in ecpialily. society seeks older in anau h \ . Anarchy, that is the absence oJ a r u l e r or a sovereign. This is the I I M I H ol g f i v e i i i n u n i we ,m iiMiving liosci lo rvery day. Because of the deep tooted habit ol t a k i n g one man as represcnttttg imtei ami ol taking Ins w i l l as law, people regard us as the v e n summii ol disorder and the embodiment ol chaos. . . . We all share this prejudice. Kvery one ol i h wants a hadei IM leaders. Die IIMMKt aeh m u d attNMIg ns nc llio.e who Wai|t the greatest >{,- niiii]!>( i r( SUM reigllS. I hen most indent wish h h > i the






royal power to be enshrined in the National (Uiard Doubtless soiiK- petson who is jealous ol the ( i t i / e n s ' m i l i t i a v i l l soon s.i\, "Every man is k i n g . " But my reply to ihis w i l l be, " N o man \% k i n g . We are all, whethw we l i k e it or not, partners," Ml tines lions cil domestic p o l i t y must be iettled in the light <>l Depart mental statistics. A l l questions <>i foreign potic) ate a mattei ol international statistics. T h e science ol government belongs by right to one of the h u m lies ol (he Ac acleim ol Science, whose |K imam-Hi secretary must necessarily become Prime Minister. Since ( i l l / e n s niav l;iv ;i m e m o r a n d u m before the Academy, all citizens are lawmaker*. hut since n o person's o p i n i o n carries any weight unless ii is sti|>|iorted l*y Facts, no csssc iierson's w i l l tan o \ < i i i d ( reason, and therefore no one is king. . . . W ' h i i then ate the |ieo|le i i they arc n o t sovereign and il ih<\ arc n<>i the source ol legislative power? 1 he people are the guard ians o l the law, I T i e people constitute the executive power. A n \ Citizen may affirm lhal such and MM h a t h i n g is t i n e IH jtlSt, bill his conviction hinds no one other than himself. II the t r t i t l i which lie is p r o c l a i m i n g is to become law, then it must be generally recngtiizi d as sin b. Bill what is recognizing a law? It is verify ing a mathematical or metaphysical calculation. It is repeating an experiment* observing ; > phenomenon or taking note ol a tact. O n l y die whole n a t i o n lias a right to say " M a n d o m e t nrdonnons." Ou'cstfc <jnr la fnoprirtfr (1840)

Tor authority and polities 1 substituted the notion <l EGO positive, synthetic idea w i n c h , as I sec it, is alone capable o l leading to a rational, practical conception >i social order. Moreover, in this I was simply taking n p Saint-Simon's thesis, which has been so strangely distorted by his disciples. T h i s thesis consists ol saying, i n the light ol history and oi the i n c o m p a t i b i l > 1 a u t h o r i t y and progress, thai sen H iv is in the ity ol the notions < process of c o m p l e t i n g the governmental cycle For the l^st t i m e ; thai the public reason lias become convinced that politics is powerless to improve the lot of the masses; that the notions ol power ami authority are being replaced in people's minds, as in the course of history, by the notions of labor and exchange; and that the end lesult is the substitution of economic organizations for pnlit ic al mac hinery. etc., etc.

Phihwphie dn jn
I have aheady mentioned



the government



I) I \ I I il M I N I

each man by himselfor as the English say, self -govern ineiitas being one example of the liberal regime. Since the expression "anarchical government" is .1 contradiction m terms, the system
ilsell seems in he impossihle ami the i<h .1 ahsincl. I lowevei, il is

Otlly language that needs to be Criticized. The notion ol anarchy in politics is just as rational and positive as any other. It means that once industrial functions have taken over from political functions, then business transactions and exchange atone produce
the social older. In these conditions each man could call himself

his own master, which is the very opposite ol constitutional monarchy, P > y the word [anarchy] I wanted to indicate the extreme limit of political progress. Anarchy is, il I may he permitted to put it this way, a lonn ol (government or constitution in which public and private const iousness, formed through the development ol science and law, is alone sufficient to maintain order and guarantee all liberties. In it. as a consequence, the institutions ol the police, preventive and repressive methods, officialdom, taxation, etc, are reduced to a minimum. In it, mote especially, the forms >i monarchy and intensive centralization disappear, to be replaced l>\ federal institutions and a pattern ol lite based on the commune, When politics and home life have heroine one ami the same thing, when economic problems have been solved in such a way individual and eollei live inleo sts are identical, then all Constraint having disappeared it is evident that we will he in a state of total liberty or anarchy. Society's laws will operate hy themselves through universal spontaneity, and they will not have
t<) he o i d e i ed t)l < o n h o l l c d .


\ (August20, 1864)

Social Contract
What is I he- S<>< inl ikmtrect} Is il an agreement between citizen and government? No, for this would still be to remain trapped within the mine idea. The tocial contrad is an agreement
between man and man, Irom which what we call society ninst

emerge. Here the notion ol commutative justice, established by the primitive fact of exchange and defined l>\ Roman law, is re placed b) that ni dutribulive. Iraiislati the legal terms centred

t si on at its



r S .

and commutative
have ( O M M I I U K .

just ice into the language of affairs, and you

I hal is. in its most elevated sense, the action

by which nun, declaring themselves to be essentially producers, renounce all cliimis to governing each othc i. Commutative justice, ruled h\ contractt of in other words, rule by economic* and industry, these are all different synonyms expressing the idea whose advent must abolish the old systems of distributive j\isli<e, rule ie\ hues, or to be more ci'iii'ii'lc, the feudal, governmental or military regime The Inline ol mankind lies in this change. . . . I he contract or commutative agreement is characterized hy the fact that it increases man's liberty and well heing. The setting up of any authority, on the other hand, neccssarih decrease! it. 1 his is evident il one reflects that I contract is an act by which two or more individuals agree to organize among themselves, within certain limits and lor a given lime, the industrial Force which we call exchange. Consequently they undertake mutual obligations and make reciprocal guarantees for i certain number ol services. products, benefits, duties and t o o n which they are in a position to obtain and render, knowing themselves to he in all other re Spccts totally independent, both ill what thev consume and whit they prodm < Between the contracting parties there is necessarily a real and
p i s u i i . d inn ?<s( inxolved. T h e w o o l toiiinul i m p l i e s dial a IliaII

negotiates with the intention ol securing his liberty and his in come ftl the same time, without there being any possibility ol compensation* Between governing and governed, <>n the contrary
whatever the system ol lepresenlat ives or d e l e g a t i o n ol the gov criuncutal power s o m e pari of the citizen's liberty Mid fortune

is necessarily alienated. . ..
A contract is therefore essentially bilateral. It imposes no obligations on the contracting parlies other than those resulting from their personal promise ol reciprocal service. It is subject to no outside authority. It is the only law that hinds the patties. It expects to he fulfilled at their instigation alone. If Such is "contract" in its widest sense and as it is applied from day today, how can we describe the Social Contract which is sup posed 1M unite all the members ol I State in a common interest? The Social Contract is the supreme act by w hit h each citizen pledges to lociety Ids love, his intelligence, his labor, Ins service his products and his goods in exchange ( the affection, ideas, works, products, services and goods ol ins Eellow citizens, Whai



n i M U M ' M I M

<arh man may i l a i m is always determined ly what he c o n t r i b utes; as he makes his c o n t r i b u t i o n s , S O Will lie receive his compensation. T h u s the social contract tnusi include the whole body of citizens, their interests and lelalions. If even one man were excluded f r o m the contract, if even one problem which the citizens, who are intelligent, i n d u s t r i o u s and sensitive, were called upon t o deal w i t h w n e o m i t t e d , die contract would he more or less partial and c\< lusive. It could m i he called so< ial. . . .

Furthermore, the social rontiracl being discussed hese is in no way similar to the constat t with sot ict\. By the latter . . the con trading party slienatei tome ol his liberty and ntbmiti 10 a aolidarit) of s burdensome and often haiardons kind in the some what dubiously grounded hope ! gam. I he social contract if ol the nature ol the commutative contract. Not only does it leave ihe contracting party free, but it also increases his freedom. Not
only does it lea\r h i m ill liis possessions, hnt it also actually in creases his property. It makes n o stipulations w i t h regard to his labor; it is concerned only w i t h excltange. None ol these things is
t r u e of the c o n t r a i l w i t h society; in Fact, diey are all completely it m l i a i s n il . . . .

We have already explained that we w o u l d substitute industrial organisation lor government.

Instead of laws we w o u l d have e o i i l i . H l s N o laws w o u l d INpassed, e i l l u a l>\ maji M 11 y vole in u n a n i m o u s l y I a< h i il i / e i i , eat h

c o m m u n e o r c o r p o r a t i o n , w o u l d make its own laws. Instead of political pOWei we would have ( T O I K H I I I I f " n r s . Instead of the o l d class divisions between ( i t i / e n . nohle ami

' commoner, bourgeoisie and proletariat, we would have categories

and < lasses relating to vaiious I I I I H lions, a g r i c u l t u r e , i n d u s i i y . ! commerce and so o n . Instead of public forces we w o u l d have collet tive foices. Instead of Standing ai mies we w o u l d have industrial companies. Instead ol a police Ion e, we w o u l d have . col I n tive in lei est. Instead of political centralization we w o u l d have economic centralization. What need have we of Government when a state of harmony has been reached! Surely the N a t i o n a l Hank w i t h all its hranches provides us with centralization and u n i t y i Surety the agreements made between farm laborers tor the compensation, l i q u i d a t i o n






and redemption of agrarian estates create unity? Do not the workers' companies formed lor the development ol the large in dtistries tlio create unity in 2 different way? And iv not alto tinconstitution of value, ihe contract ol contracts as we have called it. the highest and most mdesti uctible foi m ol unit j If 1 have to convince v < > n by providing examples of precedents within yom own experience; has not the system ol freights and measures, the greatest monument to the Convention, formed lot the h^i liliy years the cornerstone ot ecnnomk unity, which through the progress of ideas is destined to replace political unity? Therefore ask no Further questions as to what we would have instead ol government, nor what will become ol mctcty when there are no longer governments. 1 warrant that in future it will he easiei to conceive ol lociety without a government than it will be to conceive of society with one.
hire i>ettruile de hi rvvohitlOtl UU XIX uicU (185!)

All pnliti<:il conditions mid all Forms ol government, in > < reduced to the following formula: the eluding federalism, may l
balancing of authoitty h\ liberty, and viee versa. It is as a Consc

quence < > f this that the categoric! monarchy, arhlocrtcy, dema racy, etc., used since Aristotle by so many writers to classify goveminent, to distinguish between forms of states and to make distinctions between nations, can all. except fbi federalism, be shown to be hypothetical constructions based on mere experience, which re barely able to satisfy the demands of reason and justice. . . . Two different forms of government may be deduced a prion from these two fundamental notions [authority and liberty], according to which one is given preference, namel) GovetnmetU
based OH Authority and (Governmutt based on /.// ity.

Futhermore, since society is composed of individuals, and since

the relation of the individual ! thr group may be thought ol in

foui different wayi 10 tai .h politics is conct - rt n r .^ a result iom forms of governments, two for each system.



I. Government based on authority


The government of all men by one m a n , lh;ii is,


a. (.oveinment ol all men by all men. that is I W N A I U : I I Y DI T h e essential feature of this system, in b o t h its forms, is lira! there is no division ol power.

'2. Government bated on liberty


The government of all men by each man, tha i is DE-


I he government of each man by himself, thai is ANAKcm

si I.I <.o\ i H N M I N i.

The essential feature ol this system, in both its forms, is the li vision of power.

Ihi priHcipe f4dermtif(l863)


Freeland [1890]



I. Membership in every association is free to everyone, whether or not he is simultaneously a member < > l uthei anocta tinns; everyone also may leave any assui hit ion ;ii any time. 2. Ever) inembet has the right to a share ol the association's net

proi eeds t <nresponding to his work performaiu e. t. The work performance will be calculated for every naembei
in relation to the hours of work expended; however, for older members, a bonus o! * percent is granted for every year which they belong to ihe association longer than Utter associates. I .ike wise, lor skilled lahoi ,1 bonus will he agreed upon by means ol a

free contract 4. The work performance of the manager or directors will be

set equal to a certain n u m b e r of daily expended work hours by means of ;i l u c contract entered into with CM h imlividual. T > . I he association's proceeds will Inst be calculated at the end of each year ol operation and distributed alter deduction ol capital repayments and taxes to be paid to the Freeland CommonReprinted horn Frtikcnd: Bin is'Hi,. pp 1 I- . . r-i. 11 1
iia< i 11.111 i . ! i . i t b)

Zmkunftsbild (Leipzig: frunckei It Humblot, : .,, 0 | ibe put)

11< it 11 i . - . u i K 1.




DEVI i O r M I N I

Wealth. In llu- meantime, ihe mcinhei^ reoeiVC CMh advances in the amount ol \ percent of the previous year'i net proceeds lor each expended <i calculated hoot of work, C . In the case ol the disliaiidiitg IM liquidating ol the assorta tion, the members arc responsible in equal pans hi K H I I I . I I :tel Loans, the security lor which is aligned also to new members in proportion to the* amounts already paid nut. T h e dtsassociation of a member docs not nullify his responsibility fot loans already contracted. I his liability Un the debts of the association corre
sponds to tIn* c l a i m of tin- responsible m e m b e r I n the available

means in the < ase ol dissolution " liquidation. 7. rhe highest administrative authority ol the asso< iation is the General Assembly, in which each membei enjoys an equal right to vote and eligibility as long as his work performance is tun h-ss than hall ol the average achieved hy aU other members. I he General Assembly makes its decisions hy simple majority; a three fourths ni;i|' iit % is necessary 11i amendment of the Statute and lor disbandment and liquidation ol the assm rat ion. H. The General Assembly exercises its rights eitltei directly as such or through its elected officials, who at e responsible to it fol their conduct. 9. The management ol the cooperative business is assigned to a directorate of \ members who aic elected foi v years hy ihe Get! rial Assembly hut whose mandate is nevertheless recallable at any time. I he lowei officials ol tlit management will he appointed hy the director; the determination <>l the salary ol these officials measured in hnms ol work- is made at the suggestion ol the direc tor hy the (.encial Assembly. 10. Ihe General Assembly annually elects one of the \ mem bers ol ihe existing supervisory board to control the accounts as well as the conduct ol the management and periodically to rendei a report. It is immediately striking that, in this Statute, only in the < ase of dissolution ol the association (clause 6) is there any discussion ol what apparently should be viewed as the main point, namely, the ' ' | n o p e n \ " ol ihe association and the claims l the memlien
III this p i o p c i l y . I lie basis ol i h e m a l l e i is t a jnnjjt i(\' ol I he

association, in the generally used sense ol the term, does not exist at all. The member*, to be sure, posai ^s the right to use the avail able capital; however, since ihey shave 'his right with every suit*
l'i IM ' . ' Hii.-ni || ;1| inie S and should he h o u n d to the SSSOI i I

lion through nothing other than interest in the proceeds of theii

/ ' iMonnnr.s




labor, properly intrusts in the association m;i\ not be given at all as long as the same people arc in the firm, And, in fact, i n obiet | howevei useful which anyone can use is not property. There arc i i " owners, unli titers ol the association's capital. And should
a c o i i t i a d i t l i o n pel haps he seen in the Stipulation that the loaned

productive capital must I< repaid by 11K* association, it must noi be overlooked thai ihis capital repaymentWtth the exception ol the cited case of liquidalionnill be carried out by the members
and in t h r u cap.Mils .>. USeTS III die meatlt ol p r o d u c t i o n . When the eapilal icpayineiiis have I M T I I deducted l i o m the |n<H(r(!.

these arc divided among 1 < 1 ~ members according to work perfoi mancc; hence, payment is made to every inembei according to Ins work performance.... One tees thai prodw tivc capitals, as a t onseqttence of this sun ply and certainly Functioning arrangement, arc strictly taken to be ai owneiless as die land: they belong to everyone and hem. property to no one. The community of producers gives them ovei and uses them exactly according to the amount ol the work pei lounanee ol each individual, and payment lor goods consumed is

made 1 > > the community of all consumers, once more each exactly
according to the amount of ins consumption. . . .

Of course, in Freeland, as everywhere in the world, there is bet

ter and poorer l a n d , h u t since more woikers stream to the bettei land than to the lets good, and since, according to a well k n o w n

economic law, the greater application of labor to equal plots ol land entails relatively diminishing returns, in general no higher net return falls to the share ol the individual workei or the indi
vidual houi of vvoik on the best land that! on the poorest land




The fundamental law runs: 1. Every inhabitant ol Freeland has the same inalienable right to the Coram**! laud and to the means ol |mdttrtitti |rovtdcd I . the < ollec I ivity.

2. Women, children, the aged, and those unfit for work have the tigio to sufficient maintenance fairly corresponding to the
amount of the general abundance.

$ No one can be hindered in the exorcist


will, as long as he does not touch the sphere ol rights of another.



4. P u b l i c affairs w i l l be conducted according to the resolution ol all adult inhabitants (over twenty years old) <>l Freeland with out regard to sex. and collectively having die same electoral and suffrage rights in all affairs concerning the C o m m o n w e a l t h . f>. I he decision-making as well as the executive authority is di vided according to industries in such a way that the collectivity ol voters elects for the principal public industries special representatives w h o rentier their decisions separately and control the conduct of the existing managerial bodies of the industries in QlieS lion. T h e essence ol the public law of Freeland is laid down in these five points; everything f u r t h e r is but the obvious result or the close dci ivative of the same. The principles on which associations are builtthe right ol workers to the profits, d i s t r i b u t i o n of the l a t i n according to woik |ierforatance and bee agreement with higher valued laboi - a i e ihus demoiisti ateel to issue n a l u i a l l y and necessarily from the first and t h i r d basic laws. Since everyone has access to die c o m m o n means ol w o r k , no one can he* obliged lo renounce the piweeds i4 his o w n w o i k . and no one r a n be forced to place his greatei capabilities at the disposal o l others; these greater capabilities must find a corresponding value by means ol free agreement insolar as they aie needed lor the c a n \ ing out of product i<>n. . . . Imagine a I'uropean or Aineiican state in which the expei i enced representatives ol each branch of interests can make, cany out. and control the laws ol the spheie closely interesting them:

manufacturers lor manufacturing, formers lor agricultural pro

(lu< I ion. i.nli o.idnieii loi 11 an spot I. etc . Sim e in an exploii.u ive so c ietv the Struggle lot existence is cliiec ted to m u t u a l oppression and dispossession, the consequences of such an " o i d e i " must be t e i i i b l e loi it, and in those cases k n o w n undei the < olh*i 11\ < c on Cept ol political c o r r u p t i o n , where i n d i v i d u a l special inteiests sm Ceed in foisting their w i l l upon the c o m m u n i t y , the sliamelessiK ss of exploitation in lac t also exceeds all l i m i t s . It is otherwise in Freeland; there are no special interests Opposing the common interest or not completely harmonized w i t h it. Producers, Em example, who h i t upon the idea o( increasing their profits by imposing Customs duties u p o n imports must be idiots; for il w i l l seive them n o t h i n g to force consumers to pay more for their products, since the inflow ol labor w i l l reduce their profit again to it*average level. <>n the contrary, it w o u l d damage them to have made tin production ol all othet producers more d i f l i r t d t ,



for thereby even that average level of profit, above which they can never iaisc their own, will he lorced down. And I Ins holds lor all our spheres of interest. Since all of these are ace essiblc to each, and no one has the right and power to claim for himself alone a growing shire anywhere, we aie in the fortunate position l entrusting de (is ton-making on all questions of interest to those most closely in volved and therefore most experienced. Thereby, however, not oidy are legislation and administration expertly formed in the highest degree, bill that vehement bias that is the characteristic trait of the party machine disappears from public life. . . . We prohibit interest on capital as little as we "prohibit" the profit of the employer or land rent. These three types of income do not exist in this country merely for the reason that no one is in the distressed condition of having to pay them. . . . You see, exactly the same holds for inlet est on capital as for en trepienem ial profit and land rent: the attained capability of the association lifts from workers the necessity under which everywhere they cede part of the proceeds of their production to third peisons Interest disappeais epiite by itself, like pioht and rent, on the derisive ground alone that the freely assoc iated worker will he his own capitalist as well as his own employer and land owner. Or if one so wishes: interest, profit, and rent remain, they lose only their special characteristic detached from wages; thev blend with the latter in single and indivisible work remuneration.




The Future of the 1 .abor Exchanges [ 19011


Here is how die tepoit tabled in the name of the l.aboi Exchange of Niines . . . resolved the question posed. What are the attributes of the Labor Exchanges? asked the rcjwMt. The) are. first, to know at cveiy moment with exaditnde, and foi each pro lexsion. the number of unemployed workers and. al the same time, the multiple causes ol the disturbances introduced each day into (he conditions ol work and working life: then, to borrow from Statistics . . ."the cost of living of eac h individual, compared to the wages planted, the number of professions, nuntbei of workers included in each, numbei of products manufactured, extracted, or harvested, and. in turn, the t<>t;il of products necessary fot the Feeding and maintenance ol the population in the entire region within the radius of the Labor Exchange." Let us now suppose, continued the report, that the Exchanges have suitably lulldlrd this lole. and thai s<* ial and corporative action has brought about a social transformationwhat will the Exchange do? And the report replies: "Each profession is organized in a trade union; earh trade union names a council that we could call a professional council of labor; these irade unions m (urn ate federated bj profession nal iotially and m u i rial ionally.
Reprinted from WUnire i< bourses '/ <>, ' / (Paris: Mo. -1 c burs, I9IS), |>|> 856
5f, !K9S2 64. I ranshUcd In Helen Kramer.

< M




"Property is no longer inch, dual: the land, mines, factories, workshops, means of transport, houses, etc.. have Income Social property. Social propertylei us understand well and not e\ elusive and inalienable property of the workers who improve it. unless one wishes to see there arise among the Corporation! the conflicts that urate among the capitalists, and lociety again be
( o i n c die v i c t i m i'I I <ii|i< il ion i n m p r i iii<tti >l c o i p o i . i t e (<>ll<< lives instead ol capitalist i n d i v i d u a l s ! . . .

"Society needs io much wheat, 10 much clothing; the farmers and tailors receive from so< iety whether in money, as long as the latter exists, or in exchange value-the means of consumption ol or use of the products produced by nthet workers I hese are il< ha^es on whii li work should be organized in order for society to be truly egalttai i a n . . . . " i h e Exchanges, knowing the quantity of products that must he manufactured, inform the professional councils ol laboi ol each c orpomtion. which employ all the members ol the profession
in ihe m a u u l a c t i i i e ol llic necessary products, . . . l l l T O U g h then

statistics, the Exchanges know the surplus or deficit production ol their surrounding areas; they then determine ihe exchange <>l products between territories endowed by nature for special production. . . . "Since tools will be improved more and more, science will be making new conquests each day. the workers will have a large di red interest in aiding and intensifying the match of progress, and society will he able to improve the natural wealth and forces that our capitalist society was obliged l' abandon, the social wealth will increase considerably; consumption too will inc tease, for no one will any longer be obliged to deprive himself of food, clothing, and furniture, or ol luxury and art, those two essential factors ol taste and intelligence! . . . " In its turn, the Federal Committee of l a b o r Exchanges, in a report on the same question, stated: M . . . T h e social revolution should then have the objective of suppiessiiu', exchange uulftr, the capital it engenders, the institutions it creates. We derive from this principle the conception that the revolutionary task should be to liberate men not only of all authority but of every institution that does not essentially have its aim the development of production. Consequently, we could imagine the future society only as 'ihe vobmtaiy and Iree associa turn ol producers.1 Bui what is 'he role ol these associations? . . . " I \< h of them has cue o| a blanch ol prodt* tton. All must

HISTORICAL Dl V I l . o i ' M l N I

i n q u i i e hi si ol ill m l i i lite needs ol consumption, then i n t o lli< resources available to satisfy t h e m . How much granite must be quarried, (lour m i l l e d , entertainments organised for a given population each day? I heae quantities k n o w n , how much granite and Horn can be obtained on the spot? Mow many entertainments organized? I low many workers and artists are necessaiy? I low m u c h of materials or producers must be requested oi n e i g h b o r i n g associations? H o w should the task be divided? How should public warehouses be established? H o w should scientific discoveries he used once they are known? . . . " K n o w i n g , (iist of a l l . the relation of production t<> consumpt i o n , the workers' associations u^c the materials produced or extracted by their members. K n o w i n g , likewise the q u a n t i t y ol the products they lack and the quantity ol which they have a surplus, they request elsewhere either the associates whom they need or the special products that nature has denied their soil. . . . ' T h e consequence of this new state, of this suppression of useless social bodies, of this simplihc ;il ion ol the necessary mac b i n t r y , is that man produces better, mote, and faster; that he can, as a result, devote long hours to his intellectual development, thus accelerate the progress of mechanization, relieve himself more and more of onerous manual labor, and order his existence i n a way more conformable to the instinctive aspirations for studious lepose." One now knows the o r i g i n ol the Laboi Exchanges, the way in which they arc constituted, the services i reated by them and those they contemplate creatinghi a word, the role that they a i m to play in the piesent economic- and political 01 gaiii/at ion. Is it sui prising alter that to learn "that they clo not COUSldei themselves to he o n l \ an instrument of struggle against capital." or modest em ploymcut bureaus, but that the) aim at a higher l o b in the loi mation ol the l u t u t e social state? A s s i n e d h , one should not be more optimistic than is leasonahle, and we admit that, among the majority of woi kers. economic instructionthe only certain guide for the workers' associationshas been hardly sketched o u t . Uut have they not l o u n d the key to the organic system of societies in the intellectual c o m m u n i o n that the Exchanges alone c o u l d facilitate for them, and do they thus r e q u i r e a n y t h i n g except t i m e t o be able to substitute for the influence of capital in the administ r a t i o n ol human interests the u n i q u e justifiable sovereignty that ol labor? Enumerate the results o b t a i n e d b) workers* groups in the field ol education; consult tin- program ol the courses iusti




luted by (he trade unions and Labor Exchanges, a |>rogmni from which nothing is omitted that makes moral life lull, dignified, and satisfying; see which authors are represented in workers' li braries; admire the syndic al and coo|>er;ilive organization which expands each day and embraces new categories of pioduceis, this inclusion of all the proletarian forces in a close network of trade unions, cooperative societies, and resistance leagues, this constantly growing intervention in diverse social manifestations, this examination of methods of production and of redistribution ol wealthand say whether this organization, this program, this described tendency toward the beautiful and the good, such an aspiration toward the perfect blossoming of the individual, does not justify all the pride felt hy the Labor Kxc hanges. If it is correct that the future belongs to the "free association ol producers" anticipated by Baktmhfl, announced by all the manifestations ol tins century, and proclaimed even hy the most qualified defenders of the present political regime-it will no doubt lie in these4 Labor Kxc hanges or in similar organizations, but organizations open to all who think and act, so that men will meet together to seek in common the means of disciplining natural foues and making them serve human well being.

Mmh ments

Industi ial I luionisra


Haywoodism and Industrialism | April 15, 191s]


The apolitical Stale" is that six ial structure which mark* the epoch since which lociety was ruptured into classes. ami class inle hcfgait. litis lacl fletei mines the lonndalion I if ihe political Si.iic. I he Foundation ol the State is not, as n was with pievious society, man: the Inundation ol the political State is property. The governmental structure, that is the rellcx ol siidi a socioeconomic Foundation, must needs match the socio economic stains on which il is reared. Ihe immediate consequence, the consequence ol importance to the nibjeel in hand, is that the constituencies of the political Slate are territorial. . . . T h e essence ol the fact is graphically condensed in the Socialist dictum concerning bourgeois society: "Property rules man, not man
p i o p e i ly." . . .

I he political Slate was the step that ethnic sociolouic law com peiled society to take. It was within the shell ol die political Stale that the tool, or machinery, of production was to he perfected; production itself organized: cooperative labor brought about; and. thanks to the abundance Huis rendered potential, lift From the shoulders ol man the primal curse >l the htiues aiduous toil for bate physical existence. This to accomplish being the ethnicRrprirtted from Industrial I ^.!<,t,,i r '. \ (New York* New Vurl labor News Dmnpatry, 1944), pp. 71-7**, by permission ( the pubtithci.





sociology mission of the pcilitii il Stale, tlie arrival of the human race at that stagethe stage o u r generation ha* readied when abundance for all is posti ile without arduous physical toil for any. is the trumpet hl.isi i i n i i o i i i K c n i n i l that the shell of the political Slate is n o longer needed, and should he broken through ;md cast oil. At this stage ol social e v o l u t i o n arises I n d u s t r i a l i s m , or, the I n tlustrial U n i o n , as the u e \ t logical l i n k in the evolutionary c h a i n ; hence, it is the vital aspect of Socialism. It is the aspect of Social ism which d r i l l s , by educating, the " a r m y o l o c c u p a t i o n " that, l>\ supplanting the political Slate, is to reestablish the government ol the race's o r i g i n a l days ol L i b e r t y , Equality, ami Fraternity the government that tests upon m n n , and of man over propcrtv. I n other words, it is the aspect <>l Sd"ialisin that attends the re casting of Modern Society into the constituencies ol Future Society, i n keeping w i t h the altered, improved, and perfected, in short, revolutionised economic possibilities. In ^'iU other words. Indiisl i ialism is ihe aspect <d Soi ialisin which gathers and organ i/es the new constituencies iii the* m o l d ol Industry, m order to supplant the property-and class rule-dictated m o l d ol territory, and thereby overthrow the property-and<las*rule<lictated governmental struc l u r e ol the political State* In a d i l n van*', fcartfl to its histoiie task, the Industrial U n i o n COimeCtl intimately, as all e v o l u l i o n a i y processes must, w i t h the present from which it evolves. America being the- highest devel Dped class-rule State, under the highest expression of class rule, to wit. u i u i a u u u e l e d ( a p i l a l i s m , it is here in America that gathering the experience, left in rough o u t l i n e hy previous efforts in the same d i r e c t i o n , and its steps lighted by Hie M a r x i a n t r i p l e teachings of d e m a n d i n g the overthrow of the political State, ol simultaneously w a r n i n g against " p a r l i a m e n t a r y idiocy," and of p o i n t i n g to the necessity of joint political and economic action, w i t h the economic organi/al ion of the proletaiial as the hasis for the political revoltit is heie in America that Industrialism liist arose, first promulgated its p r o g r a m , and first f o r m u l a t e d its struc tore. This it d i d w i t h epoch-making precision at the first national convention of the I n d u s t r i a l Workers <>| the W o r l d , in Chi
cago. MK>;>.

Needless to say, it was the political State, hence, a political Government that the Revolutionary Fathers established in America. Nevertlieless, the State and ( i o v e r n n i e n l w h i c h they established ".as. and. as a matter ol course, has tncrea loped i n t o



the nearest point of transition from the political State and Government to the Industrial or Socialist Kepuhlir. with ihe Covein nient appertaining theieto. I he laet transpires from two historic documents that are of prime import in Social Sciencethe Con sti tut ton, and Washington's Farewell Address. Ihe Constitution that the Revolutionary fathers set up is the Hist in recorded history to legali/e revolutiona marked innovation in the spirit and traditions of the political Statean innovation that meant nothing less than the contemplation, and rendering at least theoretically possible, ol institutional change without the hitherto inevitable accompaniment of violence and stoppage of industry, The Constitution accomplished the Feat ol legalizing revolution by means ol its amendments (hiusc. thereby providing for the overthrow ol the institution which itself had reared, and thereby also providing [or the method-political actionthereby raising the revolutionary propaganda above the murky and nun kv thoughts-promoting level ol conspiracy, and thereby enabling the revolutionary propaganda to p o a c h and teach, and clear (he way for revolution in the open. Washington's Farewell Add?ess rings the note of warning against the seductions, and against those who would promote the seduction*, <>| State Autonomy. Lei llOt, said he 1 quote the sul) stance-, and fiom memory let not yom pi ide lie in being citizens of Pennsylvania, as against South Carolina. 01 citizens of Virginia as against Massachusetts; let yonr pride lie in being citizens of the Nation. The Nation is greater than any one State; it is something vastly giralei than tin- n i n e MIIII ol all the individual Stales [Kit loge thei . The Constitution and Washington's Farewell Address are hut ( ouveigeuc ies with the soc iologie evolution which hegets the In dusli id I Inion. Connecting with the C.onslilut ion, lndnsti ial isin plants itsell flat footed npon the field of political art ion a held upon which every member of the proletariat, even if not equipped with the ballot, can exert his or her activity as an agent of civilized involutional y propaganda. Accordingly, Industrialism projects what Mam designated as the only hona licle political party ol the Wolfing Class. . . . As the broad mission of Industrialismthe reconstruction of the Nation- dictates to the Industrial Union that it gather all the population engaged in useful occupations into one Croon, a I OK MI ro-extcmive with the Nation's confines, so does \\u spci die




mission of Industrialism-the reconstruction of the governmental constituencies* (littale to the industrial Union that it organize the Nations usefully occupied population into Industries. . . . What the several Stales are to the present Nation, the several Industries are to the Industrial, the Socialist, or Cooperative Re publicwith the difference that, whereas the boundary lines ol the Stales are arhitrarily geographic, the boundary lines of the Industries are dictated by the output. Aiming at the abolition of class rule. Industrialism bends its efforts to the overthrow ol the political State. Aiming at the overthrow of the political State. Industrialism brings together, in the integrally organized industrial l o u t s ol the proletariat, l><nh the requisite Might wlterrwitli to make good the Right, ami also the new constituencies through the representatives ol which to seize the reins of government, and administei production, Aiming al bringing together the integrally organized industrial Forces of the land. Industrialism proclaims the necessity < > l proletarian unity upon the political held as tin only held upon which i he revolution can be openly preached. What, then, is Harywoodism? T h e circumstance that Industrialism carries in its (bid the requisite Might to enforce its Right, prompts the temperamentally unstrung to dot nines of pure and simple physical force. The circumstance that Industrialism is unc ompiomisingly op posed to the autonomous Craft organization, and promulgates the
p i o g i ;un o l n)if I h i i o n c m h i a t |||g the w h o l e p o p u l a t i o n o l use I i d occupations, slaits Wttll the shallow, i h r n o t i o n that the ideal in

Unionism is promiscuity of occupations.

I he- circumstance that Industrialism lavs clown the principle that the prime mission ol . bona hdr political p.niv of Socialism is lo piouiolr the economic: t>igani/ation ol the proletariat, with out which t lass-const ions and goal-conscious organization the day

of victory by a political party ol Socialism would be the day of its tlefeatthat circumstance induces minds constructed tin the pop gun, one-idea principle to discard and jeer at political action as a waste* of time and effort The circumstance dial Industrialism proudly issues through its Preamble lite tall lor Working Class expropriation ol the machinery of production, prompts unbalanced minds t < > acts < > l "individual expropt iat ion." I be circumstance that Industrialism implies lite smash up > !



class-rule, together with its political Slate and iiiltei institutional

appendages ol DeStVttisill and I'.X ploilal i Ml. fsittS in undisi ipluirel

and heated brains the Rums nl Revenge. The collective manifestation ol these errors, half-troths, and confusions ol thought, hooped together with l u n d declamation* is Itaywoodism. Unresponsive to the warningi t>f Experienn which
denies creative power to physical l o u r , I laywooelism attache* U)

physical force creative powers, and. b) pushing physical lone agi tattoo io the hare, placei the can before the horse ol Revolution. . . . Unresponsive t<i the sociology tend that, important though the vote is. it is nt the only, oi must important (actor in political action, the leading purpose ol which is to preach the revolution upon the ool) field tm u l u d i u can be preached to i purpore, hence that investiture with the roffrage iv a non-essential lor political actionunusponsne to all that, Haywoodtsm persistently asks: "What sense is there hi political action when 75 per cent ol the working people awe not voters?1 Unresponsive to the sharp distinction between individual and
collective, private* a n d p u b l i c , single a n d mass a c t i o n , \.x\i mist hie I. sin h ;is "sahe Aagl .' i h r l l . and t von \ \ O I . M \ Haywood

ism advocate* *b) preachment and example acts ol petty and priUnresponsive to the loftily constructive demand of the Age, Haywoodtsm raises Destruction to the dignity of a goal. The world being one city; the* human race one; and the human mind working, within narrow limits ol variation, within the same channel; it is impcossible to fail to deled in the partly written, partly unwritten, program ol Haywoodtsm the theoretic note and practical conduct of the officially adopted program ol Bakounin'i Revolutionary International Brothersa mob whose stall, "having the devil in their howels." confused the- "revolutionary idea" with "destruction, M and had no conception l revolutionary agitation, education and organization other than to use- Bakounin'l official expression "the unchaining erf what we have been taught to call the had passions." From the camp of Haywoodtsm the definition has come ol Industrialism as Socialism with it-* working clothes on faking the terms "Industrialism," "Socialism,* ami "working clothes" m their proper sense, the definition fits -and. therefore, it hints at the definition of Haywoodtsm itself as "Industrialism with its shit t o i l . "


Industrial Unionism and Constructive Socialism [1908)


'There is not a Socialist in the world today who can in dicate with any degree of clearness how we ran bring lui the
II opt I . H I V C c o m m o n w e a l t h e\< e p l alolift lift? INKS sn;;;esled h\

industrial organization <l the workers. "Political institution* are not adapted to the administration ol industry. Only industrial organizations are adapted i< the admin istralion ol .1 CO-opeiali\e coiinnoiiwealth that we arc worknuFor. Only the industrial farm ol organization oilers us even a the outical constructive Socialist programme. There is no constructive Socialism except in the industrial field." The above extracts From ihe speech of Delegate Stirton, editor ol the Hfagd shin\ ol Hancock, Michigan, m well enihody my ideas upon this mallet that I have though! well to take them as a text for an article in explanation of the structural hum ol Social is( society. In a previous chapter I have analysed the weakness ol the craft 01 trade union form of organization alike as a weapon ol defence against the capitalist class in everyday conflict on the eco nomic field, and as a generator of < kiss consciousness on ihe poltl
R r p r i n t r r i f r o m K r n Coatr* and T o n y T n p h a m , rtls.. U'oikrrs' Contml: A Ihxtk of K'mfni/M ntirl W'itrir^r* fot H . ' i ' v n ' CfMtfnM (I .(im ton: l'niiji H..iK, 1970), |>|>. IS-14, by M l I I (>< i"ilt :M'. < ' I I - I :is " I lir \ \ to R it, n. ! c I \\ im in . . H ;



HISTORICAL D I V I l . o i ' M I N I

ical field, and pointed out the greater effectiveness lor both pur poses ol an industrial form of organization.

()rgamzing constructively
I n the present article I desire t o show h o w they w h o are

engaged in building up industrial organizations lor the practical pmposes ol today arc at the same lime preparing the framework
of the society of the f u t u r e . I t is the realization ol that fact that indeed m a r k s the emergence <>f Socialism as a r e v o l u t i o n a r y force front the critical to the positive stage. T i m e was w h e n Socialists, if asked how society w o u l d he organised u n d e i Socialism, replied ifivat i -11 > I \ . and ail i l \ , that sue h things w o u l d he h i t to the l i i t u i c to decide. T h e lac t was thai they had not considered the m a t i n . bill lite d e v e l o p m e n t i>l the I niM and t )i!ani/rd t ".apiial ill ^ n e i a l , iiuiking i m p e r a t i v e the I n d u s t r i a l O r g a n i z a t i o n s of on similar Labour more lines, has p r o v i d e d us w i t h an answer at mice

complete to ourselves a n d more 1 satisfying to our cpiestioners. N o w to analyse briefly the logical consequences ol the position

embodied in the above Quotation.

" P o l i t i c a l institutions are not adapted to the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of

H e r e is a statement that no Scxialist w i t h a clear k n o w l e d g e ol the- essentials o l his d o c t r i n e <mi dispute. T h e political institutions ol Uxkiv aiT Simply 11 n- m c t i r i v r l o u r s ol (:i|halist SM i < l \ ; the \ have git WW Up out o l , a n d aic haseel u p o n , l e u eh\ i lions of powet in the hands ol the r u l i n g (lass in past agf, and were carried o v a illtO capitalist society to suit the needs of the capitalist class w h e n that class o v e i l l n e w the d o m i n a t i o n of its piedee cssoi s.

The old order and the new

T h e d e l e g a t i o n of the f u n c t i o n of g o v e r n m e n t i n t o the hands of representatives elected From c e r t a i n districts, States, or territories, represents n o real n a t u r a l division s u i t e d to t h e req u i i e m e n t S of m o d e r n society, I m l is a survival f r o m a t i m e w h e n territorial influences were more potent in the world than industrial influences, a n d for thai reason is totally unsuitcd to the needs of the new social order, which must l>r based upon iitdtts tn




T h e Socialist t h i n k e r , when he paints the structural f o r m ol the new social order, does not imagine an industrial system d i rected or r u l e d by a body of m e n or w o m e n elected from an indisc r i m i n a t e mass of residents w i t h i n given district*, said residents w o r k i n g at a heterogeneous collection ol trades and industries. T o give the r u l i n g , c o n t r o l l i n g , and d i r e c t i n g ol industry i n t o the hands of sue h a body w o u l d be too utterly foolish. W h a t the Socialist does realize is that nuclei a soe ial democratic f o r m of sex iety the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of affairs w i l l be in the hands of representatives e>| the various industries of the n a t i o n ; that the workers in the shops and factories w i l l organize iheinselves i n t o unions, each union comprising all the workers at a given inelus t r y ; that said u n i o n w i l l democratically control the workshop lile of its own industry, electing all foremen, etc.. and r e g u l a t i n g tin* routine of f a l l o w in that industry in s u b o r d i n a t i o n to the needs o l S<K i e l \ in general, to the needs ol its allied trades, and to the departments of industry to w h i i h it belongs; that representatives elected f r o m these various departments e>f industry w i l l meet and f o r m the i n d u s t r i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n e>r national government of the


Begin in the workshop

I n short, social demoe i.u y. as its name implies, is the aj pi M a I inn lo industry, <N I* I t h e social l i f e o l the n a t i o n , ol the Ion elaineutal principles ol democracy. Such a p p l i c a t i o n w i l l necetsai ily have to begin in the workshop, and proceed logically and eon seeutively upward t h r o u g h a l l the grades of i n d u s t r i a l organiza t i o n u n t i l it reaches the c u l m i n a t i n g point ol national executive power and d i r e c t i o n . I n other words, sen ial demoeiaey must proreed from the b o t t o m u p w a r d , whereas capitalist p o l i t i c a l society is organized from above d o w n w a r d . Social democracy w i l l be administered by a Committee e>f ex pertselected from the industries and professions of the l a n d ; capitalist society is governed by representatives elected from districts, and is based upon t e r r i t o r i a l d i v i s i o n . The local and national governing, or rather a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , hod ies ol Socialism w i l l approach every question w i t h i m p a r t i a l minds, armed w i t h the fullest expert knowledge b o m of experi erne; the governing bodies ol capitalist > <> < \< i\ h a w U) Call in an expensive professional expert to instruct t h e n on every teehni* l

I (Hi



<pieslion, and know dial the i m p n I ialily <>l sai<l e\p<H w i t h , and depends upon, lite size <>i his lee.

I .ni< -s

Nn "wrvile state"
It will he seen thai this conception of Socialism destroys at nnc blow all the feat s o| ;i h i n t - a m i ahc State, r i l l i l l g and 01 d n lllg the lives ol every i n d i v i d u a l h o i n abovi . and thttS gives SMM1 n n c thai the locial order p i the f u t u r e w i l l be an extension >i ihc freedom of the i n d i v i d u a l , and not the suppression ol it. In shoit. it blends the lullesl d e i m x l a i n COOtlol with the most absolute e\ pert supervision, something u n t l i i n k a b l e ol any loctetj built Upon the political State I o Focus the idea p r o p e t h i11 yotn m i n d you have but to real i/e how industry Unlay transcends all l i m i t a t i o n s ol territory and leaps ;uioss rivers, mountains, and eontinenls: then you ( i n imdc island how impossible it would be to apply It) SIM h lai-it a< hhi intricate enterprises tin- p r i n c i p l e ol dentociratw control by the wot kei s t h r o u g h lite n ied i n m ot ptitittcal territorial divisions. Under Socialism, States, territories, ot provinces w i l l exist only as geographical expressions, and have no existence as sources o l governmental power, though they m a ] be seats <>l administrative bodies. N o w , having grasped the idea the administrative force oJ the Socialist republic ol the future w i l l (unction t h r o u g h unions industrially organised, that the p r i n c i p l e of democratic control will operate through the workers correctly organized in such industrial unions, and thai the political t e r r i t o r i a l State of capitalist society w i l l have n o p l a c e or function under Socialism, you w i l l at n i n e grasp the l u l l It nth embodied in (he wolds of this member of the Socialist Party w h o m 1 have just quoted, that " o n l y the i n dustrial form of organization idlers us even a theoretical constructive Socialist programme/ 1

The political state and its uses

T o some minds constructive Socialism is embodied i n the work of our representatives on the various public bodies t o which the} have been elected. T h e various measures against the evils ol capitalist property brought forward by, 01 as a result of,




I hi 1 i f . i l a i i o n of Socialist iepies< M l i u s mi legislative Imdies arc

ligtti ed as being of the nature of t 1 itmctlvc Sin latisin. As we have shown, the political Mate ol capitalism has HO place
nmlei Soi ialisni; I h r n l o i e , measures w h i r h a i m lo pi.Mr indus tries ill (he hands o l . 01 under the r o n h o l of, Mich ;I political Stale arc in HO KltfC Slept l o u n i l s th.n ideal; they a i r bill Uieftll

measures i< restrict the greed ol capitalism and to Familiarize I he workers wilh the conception of cuuuuoii owitciship. I Ins latter is, indeed, i h<-n chief function. But the enrolment oi the workers in unions patterned close!) after the structure <>l modern industries, and following the or gnilil lines ii| industrial development, is p:n excellence tin* swili est, safest, and most peaceful Uww of constructive work the So cialisl (;in engage in. If prepares within the framework ol capital ist society the working forms ol the Socialist republic and thus while increasing the resisting power of the worket against present encroachments uf 1 1 1 < - capitalist class, ii familiarizes him with the idea that the union lie is helping to build up is destined t<> nip pl;mi thai class in die control oi the industry in which he is


The unions can build freedom

The power ol this idea to transform the dry detail worl of trade union organization into the constructive work <>l revoln tionary Socialism, and thus to make* of the unimaginative trade
unionist a p o t e n t lac tor in the l a u n c h i n g of a IICW system of soei

< iv. cannot he over-estimated. It invests the sordid details of the daily incidents of the class struggle with a new and beautiful meaning, unci presents them in their true light as skirmishes lie l ween the two opposing armies ol light and darkness. In the light of this principle of industrial unionism every fresh shop of factory organized undei its banner is a fort wrenched from the control of the capitalist class and manned with the sol diers of the Revolution to he held by them for the n kers. On the day that the political and economic forces ol Labour R nally break with capitalist society and proclaim the Workers' Republic, these shops and factories so manned hv indltstl ial unionists will he taken charge (^ by the workers there employed, and forci ind effectiveness 1 dms given to that proclamation Then and thus the new socict) will spring i n t o 4 . . pupped l perform all the useful functions of its predecessor.


T h e Miners' Next Step [1912]


Collective bargaining old and new

So long as the system of working for wages endures, < n! Iccttve bargaining remains essential. From ilie* men's side we ran not pcimil in<livictual bargains to he made. Such individual bat gains have a tendency to debase wages and conditions. On the employer's side there is no desire foi change in this mailer. As will be seen by lcceiil Speeches by Mr I). A. Thomas and l.oid

Merihyr, tiny realiie its value, in its present hum, t<i them. They
have im lime to boihei with individuals, but ptefet t<> purchase theil labour power in bulk, on an agreed sehednle. On the men's side, however, it is being realized that collective bargaining rati be made so wide rcae lung and all-embracing that it includes the Whole ftl the working (lass. In this form the eniployeis and the old school of labom leadeis have no love lor it. 'I he employe is. because they realize its dangers to their profits. T h e labour leaders, because it will degrade their power and influence by neccssitatiiig a much more stringent and effective democratic Control than at pusenl obtains. I .el us. in o n h i tocleaily tcali/e this, e\ amine at | lose quartet! the labour leader and his hint lions. IU printed imm Km Gotta :IM<I I >n\ Towti inn, odtn Wotktn* Control t* /< > < & of
/*'//, , II >" h, > I ,nfl< ! 1 I ti ' M ' i-lli. 1 Hi >*\ 1970} , p|l
14-24, t>y permission off Grenada Publishing.





Arc leaders good and necessary?

This is not a double question, since if leaders are necessary, they are perforce good. 1 At \is then examine the leader, and Bee if he is necessary. A leader implies at (he outset some men who are being led; and the term is used to describe a man who,

in a representative capacity! has acquired combined adtninistra

tive and legislative power. As such, he sees no need (or any high level of intelligence in the rank and file, except to applaud his actions. Indeed such intelligence tram his point oi view, by breeding Criticism and opposition, is an obstacle and causes con fusion. His m o t t o is "Men, be loyal to your leaders/' His logical basis: Plenary powers. His social and economic prestige is clepen dent upon his being respected by "the public:" and the employers. These are the three principles which form the platform upon which the leader stands. H e presents, in common with othei institutions, a good and a bad aspect

The good side* of leadership

1. I readership t e n d s to efficiency One decided man who knows his own mind is stronger than a hesitating crowd. It takes time for a n u m b e r of people to agree Upon a given polk:y, One man soon makes up bis m i n d .

2. H e takes all responsibility As a responsible leader, he knows that his advice is almost equivalent to a command, and tins ensures that bis advice will have been carefully and gravely considered before- being ten dried.

3. H e stands l o r o r d e r a n d system All too frequently, "What is everybody's business is n o body's business," and if n o one stands in a position to ensure Otdei and s\s!em, m a m limits aic omitted which will cause the men s interest to suller.



'1. l i e a l l o i d s a si.11Hl;iicI o l j'oodncss a n d ;d>ilif\

In the sphere i>l LHIMH usefulness there is i great field <

emulation I he good wishes ol the masses can o u h h< obtained

by new aspirant! lor office showing a higher sums of ability than the existing leaden. This tends i<> his continued efficiently or

5. H i s l a i l h l u l n e s s and honesty are p o n d e d

Hero worship has neat attractions far the hero, and a leader lias great inducements on this side, 'pan Front pecuniar) considerations. t> remain faithful and honest.

T h e l>;i<l side ol leadei ship

1 l eadership implies power

Leadership implies i>owei held by 'he leader. Without

power the leader is inept. The possession ol power inevitably bads to e o n n p t i o n . A l l leaders become c o r r u p t , in spile of their o w n good intentions. N o man was ever good enough, hra\e

enough, or strong enough, to have such power at his disposal, as real leadership implies.

'2.. Consider what it means This power ol initiative, this sense ui responsibility, the self-respect which comes from expressed manhood, is taken from the men, and consolidated in the leader The B M W of theii initiative, their responsibility, their sell resiiect becomes Ins.

3. T h e order and system I he order and system He maintains is based upon the suppression ol the mest, I ran being independent ihinl en into being "the men or the mob. Every argument which could be




a d v a n c e d Hi j u s i i l v h ;i<l< i s h i p <n I h i s s o u r

would apply


wrll h> (he Cni l all the Russians and his policy ol repression. In order to be effective, ihe leader must keep the wen in < M < l < 1.
or be Forfeits ihe respect of the cniployeis anci thus b( I (imcs ineffective as a leader. ihe public, and

4. lie corrupts the aspirants to pttblfr usefulness He Is compelled, in order to maintain Ins power, t < > soto it only those who aie willing to act as Ins dl ill scigeants 01 coercive agents shall enjoy his patronage. In a word, In- is coin

pel led to become 1 1 autoi rai and a foe to (U nan nn \. 5. He prevents solidarity
Sheep CariQOt be mid to have solidarity. In obedience to a shepherd, they will go u p or down, backward* or forwards as they are driven by him and bis dogs. I&til they have no solidarity, Foi that means unity and loyalty. I nity and loyalty not to an individual, or the pulley ol an individual, bin to an interest Slid a polii y whic h is understood -nid W < irked lor by all.

6. Finally In* prevents the legislative power of the workers

> ( An industrial vole will aihet the lives and happiness < workmen Eat more than a political vote. T h e power t<> vote whether there shall or shall not be a stiike, or upon an industrial policy to be pursued by his u n i o n , will alTect far more important issues to the workman's life than the political vote can ever touch. Hence it should be more sought after, and its privileges jealously unaided. T h i n k ol the tremendous powei going to waste because of leadership! ol the inevitable itor>b be IMUUK , on progress, because quite naturally leaders examine every new proposal, and ask first how it will affect then position and power. It prevents large and comprehensive policies being initiated and

carried out, which depend upon tf* nd itchl iicss ol the great majority. National strikes and policies can only



be ( a r r i e d mtt when the h u l k o! the people see their necessity, and themselves prepare ;md arrange t h e m .

Workmen the " b o n o * " "leaders" ilu* servants

Is it |ossihh- to devise such an organization as w i l l b r i n g the ahove h o m the leahn of tin- ideal to the realm ol p i a r l n a h i l ityi I hose lesponsihlc lor this pamphlet, inetl who. residing in all paits ol South Wales, have given their time and thought tt) this p r o b l e m , answer confidently in the* affirmative. I n these chapters
they p i e s e n i ( h e n si h e m e , h e l i e x i n g it t o he not o n l y possihle,

hut the o n l \ practicable f o r m ol organization [m us to achieve, It is d i v i d e d into four pans, each <>l w h i c h depends upon the Other. I hev are, the Preamble, which stuiiinaii/es the needs a m i indicates (he requirements ol such an 01g u i i / a l i o i i . The l*i ogi amine. which states the objective immediate and u l t i m a t e , T h e Coiistil i i t i n n . which gives the h.uuewotk in which the teal worker's or shall naoVe, and (he pol i( \ wlii< h illustrates the spirit and tactics ol that organization. A careful reading of this chapter w i l l place our scheme squarely and simply before you. Hear in m i n d when reading and discussing it. the laulis and failures of the old l o n u of organi/al i o n . the a hoi I ivetlCSS ol ill Up to the pies

ent suggested iinprovetnents; and endeavoui to realize, as we have done, thai a complete alteration in the structure and polk] ol the organization is imperative.

1. A united industrial organization, which, recognising the wai ol interest between workers and employers, is constructed
on l i g h t i n g lines, a l l o w i n g lor a rapid and simultaneous stoppage of wheels throughout the m i n i n g industry, 2. A constitution g i v i n g free and r a p i d c o n t r o l by the rank and hie acting in such a way that c o n d i t i o n s w i l l he unified t h r o u g h out the coalfield; so thai pressure at one point would automatically affect all others and thus readily Command u n i t e d action and resistance, < \ JHOOJ inline > 1 a wide and e v o l u t i o n a r y w o r k i n g class (Inn

acter, admitting and encouraging sympathetic action with other

SCt I n ' l i s o l t h e w<i k i i v




l A policy which will compel the prompt and persistent use of the utmost ounce of strength, to ciisiuc that the conditions of the workmen shall always he as good as it is possible i<>r them to he under the then existing circumstant es. We have endeavoured to suggest methods whereby such an or ganization might he formed. Appended will he (ound our draft f C M I f earnest conproposals. We simply ask that they may receive J 1 1 the present sideration, even if you think they do not entirely < situation. We Reel sure that the) contain suggestions that will help in the solution of some of our most pressing problems... .

Programme l fltiinate objective One organization to cover the whole of the Coal, Ore, Slate, Stone, (lay, Salt, mining or quarrying industry of Great Britain* with one Central Executive. That as a step to the attainment of that ideal, strenuous efforts he made to weld all National, County, ot District Federations, at present comprising the Miners' Federation ol Great Britain, into one compact organization with one Central Executive, whose province it shall he to negotiate agreements and other matters requiring common action. That a cardinal principle of that organization he: that cvri\ man working in or alxml the mine, no matter what his craft or orcupationprovisions having been made for representation on the Executivebe required to both join and ohserve its decisions*

Programmepolitical That the organization shall engage in political action, both local and national, on the basis of complete independence of, and hostility to, all capitalist parties, with an avowed poliey i>i wresting whatever advantage it can for the working class. In the event of any representative of the organization losing his seat, he shall he entitled to. and receive, the lull i n i , < u,n ol the organization against victimization*



Vlliances to be formed, and trades organizations rosteird with a view i " Uc\n being taken UJ amalgamate all workers into one National and International union, to work for the taking ovci of all industries b) the ww knien themselves. The Programme is very comprehensive, because it deals with immediate objects, as well as ultimate aims. We must have our
desired end in view all the l i m e , in order to tcsl new proposal*

and policies, to see whether they tend in that direction C M not For example, ihe working < l.iss. il it is to ln^ht effectually, nmsi be an army, not a mob. It must be classified, regimented and bri <_acted, along the lines indicated hi the I V < I I K I I Ims. all miners, eti . have this in common, ihcy delve m ihe earth to produce lite minerals, ores, gems, salt, stone, etc, which form the basts ol raw material for all other industries. Similarly the railwaymcn, dockers, seamen, carters, etc., form the transport industry. Therefore,
in l o i r an organixrd and sell dis< i p l h n d u< k i n g class r a n achieve ils cin.'HH ipal inn. il nmsi to.ilrsic mi these Inns. . . . N i l Stale

UK ni ol principles, however wide, embracing no programme, however widely desired and shrewdly planned; no constitution, however admirable in its structure, ran be <>l HIS avail, unless the whole is quickened and animated by that which will ^i\c it the breath ol lifea militant, aggressive policy. For this reason our examination ol the policy mnsi be minute and searching The main principles are as follows:

Decentralization for negotiating

I 'he l.nd^es, it will he seen, talc all effective control of affairs, as long as there is any utility in local negotiation. W i l l i such a policy. Lodges become responsible and self-reliant units, with every Stimulus to work out their own local salvation in their own way.

Centralization (<n fighting

I t w i l l he noticed that all questions aie ensured a rapid settlem e n t So soon as ihe 1 odge finds isc1l al the end of ils ICSOIIHCS.




ihe whole fighting strength of the organization is turned on. We

thus reverse (he piesent older of things, where in the main, we

< entralise our negotiations and sectionaliie out fighting.

The u&e of the irriiation strike Pending the publication ol a pamphlet, which will deal in a comprehensive and orderly way with different methods and wa of striking, the following brie! explanation mnsl sulfite. The Irri tation Strike depends for its successful adoption on the men hold itig dearly the point ol view thai tlieii interests and the em
jiloyeis' are necessarily hostile Further thai the etwployet is vtil nerable only in one place, bis profits! Therefore il the men wish to bring effective pressure to bear, they must use methods which tend to reduce profits. One way ol doing this is to decrease prodmiioii. while continuing at work. Quite n ntunhei of instances win ic llns iii11 M > < I lists hern sin < rsslnlly .idojiicd in Hi Kit It Wales c (Mild be adduced. I he following will set \r .is ;io example: At a certain colliery some years ago, the management desired to introduce the use of screens for checking small coal. The men who were paid through and through for Coal getting, e.g., large and small coal in gloss, objected, as they saw in this the thin end of the- wedge of move to reduce then earnings. The- manage* nient persisted, and the men, instead ol coining out on strike, re dticed their output by hall. Instead of lending four Mams of coal from a slall, two only were Idled and so Ml, I IK management thus saw ils output oil in half, while its miming expenses le mained the same. A lew days' experience ol a profitable industry tinned into a losing one elided in the men winning hands down. Plenty of other instances will occur to the reader, who will readily see that production cannot he maintained at a high pies sine without the willing co-operation ol the workmen; so soon as they withdraw this willingness and show their discontent in a practical fashion, the wheels begin to creak. And only when the employer pours out the oil of his laving kindness by removing the grievance does the machinery begin to wcil unoothly again. This method is useless for the establishment of general principles ovei the whole industry, but can he used, like the policeman's club, to hiing individual employers to reason.



Joint action

by lodges

The tendency of large meetings is always towards purity of tone and breadth ol outlook. T h e reactionary cuts a poor figure under such circumstances, however successful he m;iy be when sui rounded in his own circle by a social clique.


the men b\ unifying


It is intolerable that we should ask men to strike and suffer, if nothing incoming to them when they have helped to win the hattie. We have seen many lights in this coalfield, in which all ICC lions of underground workmen weie engaged, hut oidy to benefit one section, i.e., on a hauliers or collier's question. We must economize our Strength, and see to il that every man who takes pan in a light receives something, either in improved conditions or wages as his share < > l the victory.

The elimination of the employer

This can only IK1 obtained gradually and in OftC wny. We cannot gci ti<l ol employers and dave-drivtiig in the mining industry until all other industries have organized for, and progressed to wards, the same objective. Their rate of progress conditions ours, all we < an do is to set an example and the pace.


of mines

Does not lead in this direction, but simply makes a national trust, with all the force of the Government behind it, whose one concern will be to see that the industry is run in such a way as to pay the interest on the bonds with which the (loalowners are paid out, and to extract as much more profit as possible, in order to iclieve the taxation of other landlords and capitalists. Out only concern is to see to it that those who create the value receive it And if by the force of a more perfect organization and mote militant policy, we reduce profits, we shall at the same time tend to i Inmti.tic the shareholders who own the coalfield. As they




feel the increasing pressure we shall he bringing on their profits, they will loudly Cry for nationalization. We shall and must strenuously oppose this in our own interests, and in the interests of our objective.





Today the shareholders own and rule the coal fields. They own and rule them mainly through paid officials. The men who work in the mine are surely as competent to elect these .is shareholders who may never have seen a colliery. T o have a vote in determining who shall be your foreman, manager, inspector, etc., is to have a vote in determining the conditions which shall ride your working life. On that vote will depend in a large measure your safely of life and limb, your freedom from oppression by petty bosses, and would give you an intelligent interest * and control over your conditions of work. T o vote foi a man to represent you in Parliament, to make rules for, and assist in appointing officials to rule you, is a different proposition altogether. Our objective begins to take shape before your (yes. Every industry thoroughly organized, in the first place, to light, to gain control of, and then to administer that industry. T h e eo ordina tion of all industries on a ( < ntial Product ion Board, which, with a statistical department to ascertain the needs of the people, will issue its demands on the different departments of industry, leaving to the men themselves to determine undei what conditions and how the work should he done. This would m i n i real democracy in real life, making for real manhood and womanhood. Any other form of democracy is a delusion and a snare. Every fight lor and victory won l>y the men will inevitably as sist them in arriving at a clearer conception of the responsibilities and duties before them. It will also assist them to see that so long as shareholders are permitted to continue their ownership, or the State administers on behalf of the shareholders, slavery and oj> piession are hound to he the rule in industry. And with this realization, the agelong oppression of labour will draw to its end. The weary sigh of the overdriven slave, pitilessly exploited and regarded as an animated tool or heast of burden; the medieval serl fast hound to the soil, and life long prisoner on his lord's domain, sub ject to all the caprits of his h o l s lust 01 angei; the modem W dave, with nothing but his laboui to sell selling thai, with his man



hood is a wrapper, in the tvorld'i market place l<>i * mess oi pottage: these \\mr phases oi slavery, ;nl in theii Uirn inevitable .iiul unavoidable, will have exhausted die pussihilil u s ol sla v*i ^, and mankind shall at lasi have leisure and inclination lo really live as men, and not as the beast* which perish.


i iuild S < > < iali m

10. Guild Socialism Re-stated

G, i). n. COUE

The demand few Freedom

Guildsmen assume that th essential social values are liutiiati v.dues, ;uid iliafl Society is Ui be regarded as a complex < > l associations held together by the wills ol' theif members, whose well-being is its purpose. They assume further thai it is not > l government should have the passive in enough thai the Utntis < "implied" cxmieiil ol the governed, but that the Society will be in health only il it is in the lull sense democratic and self-governing, which implies not only thai all theili/eiis should have a HrightM to influence its policy il they so desire, but thai the greatest possible opportunity should be afforded for every citizen actually to exercise this right In other woids, the Guild Socialist conception ol democracy, which it assumes to be good, involves an active and not inetels a passive citizenship on the pan ol the members. Moreover, and this is perhaps the most vital and significant as sumption of all, it regards this democratic principle as applying, not only or mainly to some special sphere ol social action known
as polities, ' hut to any and every form of s o c i a l action, and, in

Reprinted from Guild ISMS ' -

$oci*Hsm IIS

ftt-stmted I

(London: Leonard

Partem, IWty, pp. IIW Mai





especial, to i n d u s t r i a l and economic a (Fairs.

f u l l y as m u c h as to political

I n c a l l i n g these the- f u n d a m e n t a l assumptions ol G u i l d Social ism, I d<> not mean t<> imply thai they arc altogctliei beyond theprovince ol a r g u m e n t . I hey c m indeed he sustained hy arguthe ments of obvious force; for it seems clear e n o u g h that only a c o m n u m i t y w i n c h is sell-governing in this c o m p l e t e sense, over is best in its m e m h e i s . 01 lo give t h e m thai m a x i m u m whole l e n g t h and b r e a d t h of its a< livil ies, e an hope to call out what opportun i t y [or peisoual a n d social sc II expression w h i c h is requisite to real i r e e d o m . Hut s u d i a r g u m e n t s as this, hy w h i c h the assump tions stated ahove may he sustained a n d r e i n l o r c c d , really d e p e n d for their appeal u p o n the same considerations, a n d are, in the last resort, different ways ol stating the same f u n d a m e n t a l position. possible The essence* ol the G u i l d Socialist a t t i t u d e lies in the helicl that Society o u g h t U) he so organised as to a i l o r d the greatest o p p o r t u n i t y for i n d i v i d u a l a n d collective self -expression to all its m e m b e r s , and that this involves and i m p l i e s the extension of positive sell government t h r o u g h all its pails. N o one can reasonably m a i n t a i n that Society is organised <n such a p r i n c i p l e t o d a y . W e d o , indeed, possess in theory a \ e i v

huge measure ol democracy; but there are at least three sufficient

reasons w h i c h make this theoretical l i v e in practice. I n the 6 m d e m o n acy largely i n o p e i a place, even the- theoiy ol denim i n v

to-day is still largely el the "consciousness oi consent*' ty|H-. It .is si^ns to the o r d i n a r y c i t i / c n l i t t l e m o r e t h a n a p r i v i l e g e w h i c h is in practice m a i n l y illusoryof choosing his r u i n s , and does not call upon h i m . m assign to h i m the o p p o i l i m i t ) . himself to i ule

Present-day practice has. indeed, pushed tltc theory < > l represents
tivc government to the length of s u b s t i t u t i n g almost c o m p l e t e l y , even ill t h e o i y , the representative for the icpicscnlccl. T h i s is the essential m e a n i n g >f the d o c t r i n e ol the "sovereignty <>l Parliam e n t M Secondly, such democracy as is recognised is conceived in a narrowly "political' sense, as a p p l y i n g to a epiite peculiar Sphere k n o w n as politics, and not in a b r o a d e r a n d more c o m p r e hensive sense, as a p p l y i n g to all the acts w h i c h m e n do in associat i o n Of c o n j u n c t i o n . T h e result is that theoretical " d e m o c r a t s " totally ignore the effects <>f u n d e m o c r a t i c organisation and convent i o n in n o n politic al spheies ol social a c t i o n , not only Upon the lives which men lead in those spheies, but also in pi e v e n t i n g a n d

annihilating m practice the theoretical democracy <i modem pol nits, rite) ignore the (act thai vast inequalities ol wealth and sta




tus, resulting in vast inequalities of education, power and control of environment, are ncressaiily fatal to am leal democracy, whether in politics or in any Other Sphere. Thirdly, the theory of repiescnlativc government is distorted not only l>\ tin- suhstitu tion of the representative: for the represented, bill also as a C O T I S C quence of the extended activity of political government falsifying the o|>eration of the representative method. As long as the purposes of political government are comparatively lew and limited, and I he vast in.iss ol S<M ial activities iseithet not legulaled, or rcg lllated l>y other means, such as the Mediaeval (.ilds. it is perhaps possible for a hody of men to choose one to represent them in relation to all the purposes with which a representative political hody has to deal.1 Hut, as the purposes Covered hy political govM fall life is brought ernment expand, and more and mote ol M under political regulation, die representation which may once*, within its limitations, have been real, turns into misrepresentation, and the person elected for an indefinitely large number of disparate purposes ceases to have any real representative relation to those who elect him. . . .

T h e basis of democracy
I lie omni(oin|M l( nt State, with its omnicompetent Parliament, is thus utter!) unsuitable to any really dcmoctalic community. and must be desltoyed or painlessly extinguished as it has ele shoved off extinguished its rivals in the Sphere ol communal 01 ^.mis.ition. Whatever the sliuc .line ol the new Six icty may be, the ( niilclsmau is sure that it will have no place lor the survival ol the jadohttn State of to clay. The essentials ol democratic representation, positively stated, aie, Inst, that the represented shall have* free choice ol, constant contact with, and considerable control over, his representative. 9 The second is that he should be called upon, not to el loose some one to represent him as a man or as a citizen in all the aspect! ol Citizenship, hut only to choose someone to represent Ins point of view in relation to some particular purpose or group of purposes, -I I lnis government in Gtcat Britain for KMBC linn- aftei 1689 w:is a hurl) adequate H-JMI M-M;ihoii nf (in*ftriatooacfawhan alone ll HI owl icfseauiL '* I urn not uiggestittg thai the repreaemathfc should ae iwftaced < * i - Mauu < > fi
il< |. ; . 1 1 .



in other words, some particular function. All true and democrat!* r |>ICM-iitaiioii is therefore functumal representation, . . .
Man should have as many tlisiiuc t. ami separately excrc ised, votes, as he has distinct SOCtal purposes Of interest*. Hut the demo craltC principle applies, mil ouU to the whole body ol ( H i/< us in a eonmumily in lelation Lo eaeh set of purpose* which the) hive in common, hut also anil equally U) eaeh group ol citi/ens who ail iti C O operation lor the performance < > l ans social hmclion 01 who possess a common so< ial intciesi. I line aie indeed I WO ms M in luict kinds ol bond which may link logrltiei ill ass'xialioii M heis o! tin same tomnninity, and ea< li ol ihesr bollds uia\ exist either between all or between some of ihr members, T h e Inst bond is that ol < oimnon vcu ation. the pciloimam I in common oi some lot in ol s((i;il SCIVKC, wliclhei <>| ,ui imiiomii ihaiarlci Of not; the second hond is that o| common interest, the receiving, using 01 consuming of such sei vices. In the woi king class world today, Trade Unionism is the outstanding example of ihe lovmei type, and ( o operation ol the latter. In a democratic Community, it is essential that tin pi iuc iple of self-government should apply to the affaiti ol every one ol the as S<M iatinns arising out <>| eiihca o| these loinis ol common pin pose. U is. hom this point ol vu w. imniateiial whether a particular is K M in ion includes all, or only some, ol the whole body ol < iti/ens, provided that it adequately represents those who possess the com mon pin pose which it exists to fulfil. Thus, the form ol representative government or administration required ha each particular service 01 intereal will he that which most adequately represents

the persons concerned in it.

But, it will he said, surely to a great extent everything is everybody's concent. It is certainly not the exclusive concern ol the Coal miners, or of the workers in any other particular industry, how their service is conducted: for everybody, including every other industry, is concerned as a consumer ol roil. Nor is it by any means the exclusive concern of the teachers what the educational system is, or how it is administered; for the whole people is conrnned in ('duration as the gir:ifrsf i i vi M a \ i . I H\ the rilhei hand, the coal industry h ;n Iv (("IM-IIIS |hr mine I , an t\ nlucatMftl H.MMIMS the- teacher, m a i . a\ different From that in winch the) concern the rest of the people; for, whereas for the latter coal is only one among a number of commodities, and education one annum icveral < ix w services, to the minet * > the icliei his own tall tug is ttw most impoit.u it single concern in social life.




This distinction really brings u to the heart of our problem, letween Coikl Socialism and and to the great practical different othei schools of Socialist opinion, lor the (suiklsnian maintains that in a right apprehension of this distinction, ami in the ham ing ol sot ial arrangements which recognise and mal e lull provision loi it. lies the key to the whole question It bstie* It is ahsuul to den) the common interest which all Ihe members < > l the <<in
miniily h;i\r, aft coiiMiiners ami usees, in the (rttal industries, Ot as s h . n e i s of a c o m m o n < nihil e and rode in ntrh a service as cdn <alion; hut it is n< less futile t o dm> the Special, and CVCI1 m o i e

intense, concern which the miners have in the organisation irf

their industry, m the teacheis in the i o n h u t ol ihe I dm ational system. Nevertheless, t h e n ;wc schools of Socialist, or quasi Soc ialisi

thought, which take tin u stand Upon ca< h of these impossible de nials. The Collectivism 01 State Socialist, who regards the State as representing the consumer, and the purely "Co-operative" ideal ist, who sees in Cooperation a far better consumers' champion, ate alike in refusing < recogniie the claim ol the producer, or serviie remlerer, to self-government in his calling. The pure
"Syndicalist," or the p u i e "Industrial Unionist," n the othei hand, denies, or at least used to deny, the need ol any special rep

mentation of the consumers' standpoint, and presses for an or ganisation of .Society based wholly on production or the rendering of service. It has heen the work of Guild Socialism to hold the balance between these two si hools ol thought, tu>t l>y splitting tin* difference, hut by pointing out that the solotion lies in a clear distinction of function and Sphere of activity The phrase "control of in
dustiy" : { IS in fact loosely used to include the ( h u m s ol both pit) d u r e i s and c o n s u m e r s : hut it has. in the I w o uses, ically to a great

extent different meanings, and, still more, different associations. When the "Syndicalist"' or the GuiW Socialist speaks of the need for control by the producers, or when a Trade Union itself dc mands control, the reference is mainly to the internal conditions of the industry, n ihe way iii which the factory < > r place of work i> managed, tin* administrators appointed. ih<- conditions detei mined, ami. above all, to the amount of freedom l hu wotl<
3 For t h r rcsl of iMf c h a p t e r 1 shall s j r a k miU in tCTHN ol liwtmtry, anil M l ,,|

!'**; melt n^ education. n < > i hccinar I iniMi that IHK pt

I ill .*.-.< I>i>rli. Inii I lion. . . . n I ii . i i. t i


'|' ,li*-c u s



whi<li the w o i k c i

by h a n d or brain enjoys. W h e n , on the nlhe i speaks ol the need loi

h a n d , a State Sixialisi oi a ( o o p e i a l u i

"consumers' c o n t r o l , " he is t h i n k i n g mainly ol ihe q u a n t i t y and q u a l i t y of the goods s u p p l i e d , of t h e excellence of the d i s t r i b u t i o n , of the price of saleiii short, oi a set which, while they ate intimately bound si iii up chiefly concern the producer, are ol with considerations those which and than

in essence distinct,

have t<> do far less w i t h the internal COlldncI ol the i n d i i s t i \ w i t h its externa! relations. . . .

I he G u i l d Socialist e n d e a v o u r to hold the scales fairly, and t> decide, as far as the m a t t e r < an be decided except in what aie the fair claims on each side. I n d o i n g this, the ( i i i i l d s n i a n has not to lace any p r o b l e m of practice,

arbitrating between divergent interests. In a democratic Society,

the whole hocly of consumers and the whole hody ol different lot mat ions. . . . T h e ( m i l d Socialist contends, t h e n , that the i n t e r n a l managetnent and control ol each industry or scivicc must he placed, as a trust on behalf of the c o m m u n i t y , in the hands ol the workers en gaged in it; hut he holds n o less strongly that l u l l provision must he made for the represent at ion and safeguarding of t h e consumers' point of view in r e l a t i o n to each set v i c e S i m i l a r l y , he eon lends that genera! questions ol industrial a d m i n i s t r a t i o n e x t e n d i u g t o all industries she m i d . inhere lltry m a i n l y c one e m the whole producers aie piai lie ally the same people, only ranged in the t w o cases in

hody oi producers, be entrusted to an organisation representing all the producers; but he holds equally that the general point <>i
view ol all types of consumers must he fully represented and sale g u a i d e d in i c l a i i n n to industry as a whole . . I el us ftgfc emi sel\es w h e t h e r , il all i n d u s h > passed unde r tin m a n a g e m e n t ol a

"State," however democratic, or of a Go-operative


however e n l i g h t e n e d , the w o i k e r s engaged in its various b r a n d i e s w o u l d have the- sense ol b e i n g free and self-governing i n r e l a t i o n to their w o r k . It is t r u e that they w o u l d he voteis in the d e m o cratic Slate, or m e m b e r s of the C o o p e r a t i v e Society, a n d therefore, in a sense, be u l t i m a t e l y when, although then concern in would p a r t < o n t r o i l e n in some de the i n t e r n a l ariaiigenirnts of

gree ol their c o n d i t i o n s ; but w o u l d ihev legaicl this as f r e e d o m , theil industry was fan closet than that of others, they had at most Otlly the- same \ o i i e w i t h othets in detei m i n i n g them? O b v i o u s l y .

tin- answei i^ that the) neithei would, tun rould lie expected to,
take any such view; for, by the t i m e t h e n shaic in detei m i n i n g




conditions had gone its roundabout course I lire High (he c onsiun eis' organ hat IOI1, il would have ceased lo he lei ognisahlc as v\c\\ the most indirect sort of freedom. . . .

A guild in b e i n g
The element of identity between the Mediaeval (iilds and the National Guilds proposed by the Guild Socialist! today is lai more ol spirit than ol organisation. A National Guild would be an ass<Hiation of all the workers by hand and biain concerned in the carrying on of a particular industry or scivit e. and its lun< lion would be actually lo cany on that inclusiiv or scivtce on he hall ol the whole community. Thus, the Railway Guild would include all the workers of every typefrom general managers and technicians lo pollers and engine cleaners required lor l he con duel nl the* railways as a public service. I his association would be enn usted by the community with the duty and responsibility ol administering the railway* efficiently lor ihe public benefit, and would be left itself to make the Internal arrangements for the running of trains and to choose its own officers, administrators, and methods of organisation. 1 do not pretend to know or prophesy exactly how many Guilds there would be. or what would be the lines of demarc a lion bctWCrtl them, foi example, railways and load lianspoil might be organised by separate Guilds, < > r by a single Guild with internal subdivisions. So might engineering and shipbuilding, and a host <>[Othei closely related industries. This is a matter, not of pihuiple. hut ol ( oiivenienc < * ; loi lluie is no reason why the vaiious (iuilds should he ol anything like uniform M/e. I he gen eral basis of the proposed Guild organisation is clear enough: it is industrial, and each National Guild will represent a distinct and cohci cut MI \ i( e or group of services. Il must not, however, be imagined that (iuilclsmen are ad vocal ing a highly centralised system, in which the whole of each industry will be placed under a rigid central control. Ihe degree ol centralisation will largely depend on the chaiacter of the service. dims, the railway industry obviously demands a much higher de

gree of centralisation than the building industry, which serves nablly a local market. But, apail from this. Guildsilten are keen advocates ol the greatest possible extension <! local initiative and of autonomy lor the small group! in Which the) see the best



diaiMO ol keeping the whole organisation keen. fresh and adapta hie. Mid ol avoiding the tendency in rigidity and conservatism in the wrong things, go characteristic ol large-scale organisation, and especially of mists and combines under capitalism lo-day, I lie
NatHHial ( i n i l d s would In . indeed, (01 tin in* ffl |> H I C Otdiliatfttg

rathei than directly controlling bodies, and HWJUM be concerned more with the adjustment ol supply and demand than with the direct control or management ol their several industries.. . . T h e factory, ot place ol work, will be the natural utiii ol Guild lile. It will be, lo a great extent, internal!) self-governing, and it will be the unit and basis of the wider local and national govern litem ol the Guild. The freedom ol the particular laciory as unit is ol fundamental importance, because de object <>l the whole Guild system is to tall out the spiiit ol free service by cs
l a b l i s h i n ; ; really democratic conditions m u i d u s l i y . I his denior i a \ . d it is [n he real, must come home to. and he e\ei< isahle

directly by* every individual member ol the Guild, l i e must leel that he is enjoying real sell government and freedom ni kk a w A ;
01 lii- w i l l n<( \v<nt well and under I lo impulse <l ihc O H I O I H I I I . I 1 spii i i . M m e o v e i . the csseiil ial basis ol the < i u i Id bfhftg isso< ialive

service, the spirit ol association must he given free play in the sphei< in which it is Inst able to hud e\|>iesstm. I his is manifestly the factory, in which men liavc the habit and tradition o! wojrkttlg together. I he factory is the natural and fundamental unit ol industrial democracy, l his involves., not only thai the factory must he hee. as far as possible, to manage its own affairs, but also that the democratic unit ol the factory must be made the basis ol the target democrat v ol the I mild, and that the largei organs of (-uild admin ishaiion and government must he based largely oil tin iwiliciplc ol factory4 representation. I have spoken ol the Guilds as examples of "industrial democracy" and "democratic association/1 and we must understand clear!) wherein ibis Guild democracy consists, and especially hoti it bears fin 'he relations between the cliffci (in t lasses <>| uoi keis inc loded in a single Guild. Fat since a (tiltId includes nil (he workers by hand and brain engaged in a common service, it is clear that there will be among its members v ei \ u ide divergent es ol function, of technical skill, and ol ad nun
I. It slimild be ttnctfmftftl itirntHjItotn tlt nrheti i neat I'ms >l the "factory." I mean i include umta H ;iU<> ili<- stipe, Uw itripyard, tbe dock, the nation, and M ponding I'lt'i" wWetl h : n;ui:il rentrc Of prcvturlinii m neTOCr F.\n\

ili!iiMi \ h ;i- S T H 9 M in o i I

fUi < ;

' .l.-i.i f,. fhf C. :..t %




isii.H ivc a u t h o r i t y , W i l l i ' i the ( . m i d .is .1 win Ai it< 1 1 the Cuilcl l.u t o i \ CMl (IctCrtltillC ill issues by the expedient of the mass Note, in M rait I . u i l d d e m o n ai y mean t h a i , on all questions, C 3 K li mem he 1 j s to CfHtal as one ami none as mote than <ne. A in.tss vote <>n a mat
let of t e c h n i q u e u m l e i stood o n l \ hy a lew e v p e i l s w o u l d he ,,

inanilesi absurdity, a n d , even i l the eleillttfl <>l lee IttiKjite is lelt CHit of account, a factory administered hy constant mass \oles would he neithei efficient inir at all a pleasant place to work i n . . . .

Guild system in industry

I be Industrial Guilds Congress, successor to the Trades Union Congress ol today, would represent dirct'tl) everj Guild
<<u<eiiinl w i t h iiidustiy or economic sen ice. It I o n would haw

its local and regional counterparts in local ami regional G u i l d Councils, successors to the Trades Councils ami Federations of Trades Councils w h i c h now exist. And again, in order thai the ICIMlciM) to a HCtttraltsillg puiin ol view ntav he avoided, tin , Icnal Councils, 01 ai least die regional Councils i< -pn sriilat ive <>| l i t e m , should he directly represented in ihe Industrial Guilds Congress. T h e local p o i n t of view w i l l r e q u i r e to he strongly put, a n d , since the bulk <i inter G u i l d exchange w i l l be h i el) t<> take plac e locally, these I > < al G u i l d Councils w i l l clearly he bodies ol very great economic importance. . . .

The structure ol the commune

We have S O far passed in review foul <hsiin<t l o i m s ol organisation, each of which has subdivisions ol us o w n . First we reviewed tin- producers' organisation of the economic G u i l d s ; then, die consumers' organisation oj the Co-operative Movement and the Collective U t i l i t y Councils; then i l u civii service ol the Civic G u i l d s ; and lastly, the civic, or citizen organisation of the C u l t u r a l and I lealth Councils. . . . I his leads us direi i h to a f u r t h e r considt ration " I the position
of " d i e S t a t e " ; for o r t h o d o x social theorists tttttall) (laiffO lot " t h e

State*1 the supreme task of expressing the spirit ol the cotnmu n i t y , and the positive power of c o - o r d i n a t i n g and d i r e c t i n g the at l l i v i t i e s of a l l t h e various p u t s o f t h e social M l M rrit



icised the structure of the Stale from the point cif view of functional democracy, showing thai its undifferentiated representative theory unfitted it to be the expression ol i democratic spirit which (High! t<> Bud utterance in ever] separate aspect of social activity. By this criticism we destroyed the idea o l State *\>mnicompetence." Secondly, in dealing w i t h Collectivisl theories i n the economic sphere, we destroyed the idea that the State represents the consumer, and so excluded it From functional par l i e i p a l i o n in ihe control ol industry 01 seiviee. I lift i n i l ially. this n itic ism applied also to ihe c ivir services in relation to w h i i h WC showed that representation ninsl equally have a functional ha sis \\Y have tlms, he-sides destroying lite notioti ol State o n m i < < i 1 1 1 M -1 < 1 1 < < / ' ( h l m i h l v <\( lixlt (I it h o r n .1 place in the c o n l i o l (I economic and civic services alike. We have not, however, as \et o v e r t h r o w n the n o t i o n ol Slate Sovereignty in a l o n n in w h i c h it has h e m re-stated w i t h the definite purpose ol meeting these oh jei lions/' This revised theory rejects Slate onnlic ompelenee and agrees, at least in general terms, to the exclusion ol the State f r o m the n o r m a l w o r k i n g of all soc ial functions; hnt it retains in the background a State "whose f u n c t i o n is Sovereignty, ' that is, w h i c h has n o nthei task than thai ol CO-ordinattng the activities t>| the various functional bodies in Society. Now, it is. of course, perfect!) < lear thai the functional demo* r \ which we have been e x p o u n d ing ie<|imes and nmsi have a dearly recognised c o o r d i n a t i n g agency, and there would lie no nhjectioti to r a i l i n g this agency " t h e Stall-." il the name d i d not immediately suggest two entirely misleading idi is I h e lust is this I K W IMMIV w i l l h< h i s l o i i cally continuous w i t h the pieseiil politic ;il i n ; i c h o n i \ ol S.ciel>; the second is that it w i l l , to a g n a t extent, reproduce ils sltue t i n e , especially in being baaed on direct, n o n - f u n c t i o n a l election. T h e co-ordinating body which is required cannot he, in any real sense, historically c o n t i n u o u s w i t h the |iresenl State, and it must not reproduce in any i m p o r t a n t respect the structure ol the pies ent State.. . . I he new co-ordinating body w i l l not he c o n t i n u o u s w i t h the present political machinery ol Society for two good and sufficient reason* I he first, cle;ni\ l a i d clown in modern Marxist teaching, and most de.nlv ol all l>\ 1 euin.' ; is that the present p o l i t i c a l

8 S( Kii bool

I hr stair auil Rettolution.




machine is definitely an organ of class d o m i n a t i o n , not merely became it has been perverted by the power ol capitalists, but be cause it is based on coercion, a m i is p r i m a r i l y an instrument <>i Coercion. Its essential idea is that ol an externally imposed "order." and its transformation i n t o a f o r m expressive of self gov ernment a n d freedom is impossible.. . . I n the second place, this machine, wbere it lias adapted itself to so railed " p o l i t i c a l democracy/ 4 is based essentially on the false idea ol representative government which assumes one in;in can represent another, not ad hoc, in relation to a particular purpose or g r o u p of purposes, but absolutely. This False notion ol representation we have already refected in l o o m of the FHIM tional idea. b u t it may be argued that the defence of the State, in its new f o r m , meets this a r g u m e n t ; for the new " f u n c t i o n of the State" is simply c o o r d i n a t i o n , and n o t h i n g else. This c o n t e n t i o n , however, w i l l not hold water; lor tbc co-ordination of functions is not, and cannot be, itself a f u n c t i o n . Kithei CO o i d i n a t i o n includes the functions which i t coordinates, in w h i c h case the whole of social organisation comes again under the d o m i n a t i o n ol the State, and the whole p r i n c i p l e of functional democracy is dep l o y e d ; or it excludes them, and in this case it d e a r l y cannot coordinate. I n other words, the State "representative" either con trols the economic and civic spheres or he does n o t ; if he does, the representatives in these spheres lose then sell government; il he does not. he cannot regulate their m u t u a l relationships. . . . W e can, then, safely assume that not only w i l l the piesenl polit ic al machine lose its economic and civic - d i l u t i o n s t o new bodies, but that the task of c o o r d i n a t i n g these l u m lions w i l l also p.iss out of its hands. It w i l l thus, at the least, " w i t h e r away" to a very considerable extent, a n d I have no hesitation in saying that, in my belief, it w i l l disap|>car altogether, either altei a frontal at lac k. or by atrophy f o l l o w i n g upon dispossession of its vital powers. . . . W e have, then, to seek a new f o r m of c o - o r d i n a t i n g body which w i l l not be inconsistent w i t h the f u n c t i o n a l democracy on which o u r whole system is based. I b i s can be n o t h i n g other than a b r i n g i n g together of the various f u n c t i o n a l bodies whose separate Working we have already described. ( ' o o r d i n a t i o n is inevitably coercive unless it is self CO o r d i n a t i o n , and it mnsi therefore be : < r o m p l i s h r d b> i h r l o i i n i i o n M t i o n of the vai ions bo<bes which le (pine coordination.



I H V I I O I ' M I N I

I h i s p r o b l e m ol i o o i d i n . i t i o i i h a s h v n s e p a i a t r ; i s p r e | s . It is h i s t .1 p i o N e m o l ( I) f t r d m a t i t l g t h e h u i e t i i n i . i l h o d i e s ol 111< v . m

ous types into a single communal svslem, and it is secondly a problem of CO-orditiating IHXIICS < r|H 1 ;it in; o\er ;t sniallei with
I M M I I I S it|M Hi;', tWTi l a u ' e i . n o . I ' o l h fin si p i o l i | < - m s h . i v r l> lie sol \ ( il 111 l In s l i m till e o l t h e e n o i d i n . i l nil-,, III .is I si I.I 11 h< in i

lot ward <ali it, the communul, organisation ol Guild Socialist So< iety. I n o l d e r , I<n t h e h i s t d i s c i s s i o n , to iedii<e the p i o b l e m lo as

simple elements as possible, lei us tike it m the form in which it presents itsell in a single town-say Norwich. In Noiwidi ihcie will be ;it hasl the following Indies possessing impoihiul social functions' (a) A number of Industrial Guild* organising and managing various industries and ccutiotitk services united hi a t n ild Gutni cil ol delegates or representatives drawn from these Guilds; (b) a Co-operative Council; (c) a Collective Utilities Council; (d) a iniinlni ol (.nilds organising and managing various civic services Civil Guilds; (e) a Cultural Council; and (I) I Health Council. All these, not necessarily in llie same proportions, have dearly a right lo he represented on die communal body, which I shall (all hereafter simply the Commune,. .. The- bodies so far mentioned, however, do not necessarily com plctc the composition of the Commune. Iti any instance, there might he special organisations to which it would he desirable, on account ol their importance in the town, t<> u'V{* representation. Again, is la mote impoi the town as ;i whole c;ninot be treated as an undifferentiated unit. In electing then rcjtresentatives to serve on the lout Councils mentioned above,1 the citizens, if the town were of any si/e. would almost certainly vote by Wards and each member of a Council would sit there as a Ward representative in relation to his particulai function. It is of the lust importance, il this representation is to be a reality, that the Ward should exist, not merely as a polling district for various elections, hut itao as ;MI active <<nlie lor the expiessir.n of local opinion, v.-hie h requires, hn iis SIK c t sslul eliciting, to be made articulate within the smallest natural areas <! common feeling. In deed, in the sphere both ol consumers and of civic organisation, the Ward in the town and the village in the country form the nat7 I c . Cooocitl IN ehstinu horn LuiliU. uluO oittd Umvt irioi O-.MI varying electoral methods.


I <.m i i **CJ \ I ISM

I ;i

in il e q u i v a l e n t s lor |||C Workshop in the sphen- ..', n i d n s i n rn ih< M Uool in llr spheic ni education. T h e Wards, then, in oui rase * if Norwich, nnist have ;i real existence, and the W a n l re|ircfM ni.n ivi s must rc|>ori back regularly
t o . .111(1 i n c i v i iiisl i iK t i< IMS MI IIKI ,id\i<e IUMI. Wllll Mt*C*tiltgS o l

all 111<* d w e l l e i s

11 M Waid w h o (I loose Mi attend.



Meeting would also exercise, within the limits to be discussed hereafter, the right i recalling front any Council the Ward rep
lesentative. ll would ;ilso, especially in ihr target (owns, h a w as

signed to it certain administrative (unctintis which are beat cai ricd out over a very small area, and would execute these either in full w.inl Meeting, m by ihe appointment of wi fco< and usually temporary committees 01 officers. Where, in a largei centre, the function! of the Want* expanded, standing Ward Committees might he developed, and it might he desirable thai these Ward Committees should have direct representation in respect ol theii functions, on the Town Commune. 1 In such cases, these representatives would farm a third griHip distinct both frtmi the Guild and from the Council representatives, Having laid down the essential structure of the Norwich Commune, let us try to see more explicitly what woik it would have to do. What we say under this head will apply. With sin,ill changes, t> the other types ol Commune hercaftei described. Clearly, it would he, in the main, not an administrative hut a co ofdinating body. The various services would he managed by their Guilds and their policy would he determined l>\ the co-operative working of the Guilds and the appropriate citizen Councils. Five essential tasks would remain hi the (101011111110 itself. First, it would have to agree upon the allocation ol ihr local resources among the various services (ailing lor expenditure-that is, it would have essential fmmncial functions, and would he, indeed, the financial pivot ol the whole Guild system in the area. Set ondly, ii would he tin* court ol appeal in all cases ol differences between Functional bodies of different types. Thus, if the Coop erative Society could not agree on some point ol policy with the (-uilds operating in the sphere ol "domestic' production and dis
h i b u t i o n , the ( l o n u n u n e would have to heai the case and give its

judgement 1 hirdly, it would th terminc tin- lines of demarcation between the various Functional bodies, whew any question con
R. I a s s u m e ileal ihr rlcction 'f tUC v . n i n u s Council n p n ' n o i i \ \ would DC In

I-..1I..I of the Waufe, but >ii I 1 H Waul Craw '' Mil r i i h n by the W.IMI ( n i i i u i i n , , , <n. IHIICI. Ermn l u c Ward Gcmuuittec l>y the
W a r d M<Tliu^. t hiiformity, ) I O U < \ I r, is mil i n < r v . n y .



( f i n i n g them arose.' Fourthly, it would itself take the initiative in any matter concerning the town as a whole a n d not in any functional capacity, such as a proposed extension of town boundaries Of a proposal to build a new town hall. The original suggestion, in such cases, would probably come from one of the functional bodies or from a Ward: but they Would be matters lor the Town Commune itself to decide. Fifthly, so lar as coercive machinery, such as a police force, remained, it should be controlled, not by any single functional body, but by all jointlythat is, by the Commune. This, as we shall see, applies also in the icalni of law. I he ( o i n n i u n e could deride to hand over, and would, whei ever possible, be wise to hand over actual admiiiistralive functions falling within its sphere to the Wards, in older lo preserve the most direct loim of populai Control. T h u s , I should like to see the Wards appoint and control the police a reversion to the <l;i\s < > i the town or village c o n s t a b l e . . . . Each region would be a complex of town and country, and the Regional C o m m u n e would have to be based on a full recognition of this fact. It would, of comse, have to provide in the Inst plate lor the direct representation of the various functional bodies within the Region. The lorm of this representation is d e a r enough on the Guild side; lor the Guilds, industrial, agricultural, or civic, would have their own regional administrations, and from these the Guikl re|?rcsentatives would be d i a w n . But wc have so lu s;iid nothing of regional organisation ol consumcis 01 ol citizens, which is clearly required lo cur respond to the regional Guilds and to e x p u s s the consumcis 01 l he civic point ol view in relation to the regional services. Clearly, then, there must be regional Cooperative Societies < > * Unions, regional ( oliective Utilities Councils, and regional Cultural Councils and Health Councils. These, 1 believe, would be best constituted of representatives from the various local functional Councils oi the Towns and Townships within the Region. Ibis, it is line, involves indirect election, to wbkll many profeSti ing democrats take objection; but I have n o faith at all in the Virtues of direct election except when it can be combined with a constant touch of the body of voters with their representative. Thus, direct election is good in the village or the Ward, because J I l < > not Mean, of count, itol if two Industrial <aiilU fell " ' . ihc COMISMMM \,..IIH .HI. it* nuitci i' i "nia " it* c-'iii.i c ouncH Hut ii ''> GalM Gomt rit fatlctf to settle k, even sach 1 liffctence might go to tin Commune



I S3

all the electors can meet with, question, and instruct their representative face to face; b u t it is a larcc in the rase ol Parliament, where the constituency is too large for the elected person to pre serve any real contact with those who elected him. I he teal sale guard lor the voter is to preserve the fidlest Form ol democracy, including the right of recall, in the small units within which veal Contact is possible, and to rely on this contact and power ol recall For the carrying out of the popular will in the larger bodies. These larger bodies can themselves best be composed of delegates fiTttll the bodies working within the smaller areas, always pro \ hied that these delegates themselves preserve constant contact with the smallei bodies whieh (boose ihem. and aie \uhjc t to tin i ighl of these bodies to m all them at any time. .. . According to our current terminology, all the foregoing Com mimes would be regarded as organs of local CJnvemment At pres cut. howesei, we draw a sharp and almost absolute distinction between Local and Central Government, In the decentralised GniM Society of which we are speaking, no sueh sharp distinction would exist; for by far the greatest part of the work ol the com numity would be carried on and administered locally or regionally, and the central work would be divided, according to the function, a m o n g a considerable n u m b e r of distinct organisations. T h e r e would therefore he neither need nor opportunity for a centre rot trie! which a vast aggregation ol littrcattcratk atnlcoei < ive machinery could grow up. T h e national ctMmlinating machinery of ( m i l d S<x iet\ Would be essentially unlike the piesrnt Stale, and wonlcl have lew direct administrative Junctions. It would he mainly a source ol a lew fundamental <l<< isionson pol icy, demarcation between Functional bodies, and similar issues. ;iinl of final adjudications on appeals in cases ol dispute; but it would not possess any vast machinery ol its own. save that, as long as military and naval force c o n t i n u e d to be employed, it would have to exercise directly the control ol such force, as it would in directly and in the last lesorl ol the law. I o n i a n relations, so fat as they did not deal exclusively with matters falling within the Sphere either of the economic or of the civic bodies, would fall to its lot; but the victory of democracy in other communities would tend to reduce these non-functional external activities to a mini RlUfll, The existence, which we have aheacly assumed, of national functional organisations, based on the local and regional bodies. in all the various spheres ol social action, would functional ise national equal!) with local and regional activities.


HISTORICAL DK\ i o i ' M i \ i

Into ihc National <Sommune, then. would etttei ih<* refMresenta lives ol the National (uiilds. Agricultural, and (avu. ol the National (SmifH ils, et ononiir and < i\ i<. and of the Regional Communes themselves, lis general uructure would thus be essen> l the smaller Communes which, e<jinll\ tially ike same as thai < with the national Functional bodies, i' would exist < < > tiMmlittalr. li would be si much less imposing body as the central organ of Society than the Ureal leviathan ol today, with Na buge IH;I chinerj o! coercion and bureaucratic government But it would he none the worse lor that; far where the spirit ol community is most al limiie, there is the machinery ol central government Iikls to he least in evidence.


Two Years' Working ol the Building Guilds in

E n g l a n d | I<)2L>|
C . S. J O M A N

T h e following is a brief summary of an investigation tuidei taken by the writer d i n i n g the winter and Spring ol 1921 lJ22 into the ivork ol the Building Guilds ol ( . o a t Britain. Olllj a lew ampuls ol the matt) sided < U velopinenl ol the Guilds can here he treated.

Extent of operations
Some idea ol the magnitude of the Guild operations to date may hi- gathered hoin the following facta T h e National Building Guild, Ltd., probably represents the largest single building concern in England today. Its organization is reported to comprise over 140 local Guild committees, only about hall <>| which, however, are active. It employs 6,000 operatives, a number constituting between our and two per rent ol the total Building T r a d e Union membership. Its contracts on hand total approxi iiiately / 2.500.000. ol which the London Guild has about 650,000, and its plant and e<|iii|>ment in London alone is valued at something over 20,000, Finally, it has to its i ledit about 1/200 u-jimit| From Nlki Carpenter, GttJM SmtimH$m: in >'
m |,\i-.v Ymk I). A | f t k i f i n , I V n t i o - H a l l , Inc. Iftf-Q, AjiKiiii\ l. pj

' ' rilirml inmfy-




houses constittt led for Local Authorities throughout the United Kingdom, ai an estimated cost of 1,000,000.

Strtictttrc of lite guilds

The fundamental unit of Building organization is the local Guild committee. I his is iirdiiiarily com|ioscd ol one en two, but not mine than two. representatives from each local Trade Union connected with the Building Industry. In addition Ui this. >ne elected representative hrom any "approved group" ol building trades workers, whether administrative, technical, or operative, ma) sit upon the committee. I ho London Guild, owing
tfi the wide extent ol the metropolitan aiea. has evolved a supple

mental t\pe <>| Guild organization known as the Aiea (Smnmittec, composed <l one or two representatives from each local committee in a designated area or district, In other cases, as at WalthamRtOW, where the work in hand is centered mainly in a Single locality, the Area Committee may take direct representation from the local Trade Unions, These and other anomalies in the (mild structure are now being overhauled, An extnt-COnstttUtional development in the local Building Guild organization is the Works Committee* set up in connection with each contract of any considerable size, and usually composed
ol o n e lepicsc n l a l ive h o i n each e r a l l at w o r k on the job and

elected I>N the workers oil the site At VValthamstow and Green> n the t wi housing M hemes are repwich the Works I Committees < resented on the Area Committees through cooption. The status i ih<- Works Committee is still a cause- lor much spirited dispute among the Gtlildsmen, but it is certain to play an important part in the (.uild organization ol the future and before long its Funci ions will probably be more* clearly defined an the (Constitution. The Regional Council, ol which there are nominally ten in Great Britain, is formed of not less than ten Guild Committees, and is based upon the regional areas of the National Federation of Building Trades Operatives. In London the Council is composed ol eleven members representing the unions affiliated to the N l l> I .<).. nine* members representing the Area Committees in different pans of London, one' representative ol an approved group ol architects and surveyors, one From th<* Electrical Trades Li don. and one from the National Union < l Clerks I In National Board, the governing bod) < l the National




Building Guild, is composed of one representative from each Re gional Council, nominated a n d elected by the Guild Committees in that region. The Trade Unions, as such, are not represented <>n (he National Hoard, hill it IS expected that arrangements Will SOOtl be made lor such lepresental ion. inasmuch as the Building Guild, to use the words of Mr. S. C. Ilobson, is "throughout its structure a Trade Union body." Indeed, this is the outstanding feature ol Lite organization and luiu t u r n i n g ol life < .uihls.

Administrators and technicians

\t the head of each Guild Committee, and dec led by its members, are a c hail man and secretary, who may or may not be members of the Committee, but must be members in good stand ing of their own Trade Unions. Supervising the work of each

craft on a job is a departmental Foreman, appointed by the Guild

Committee upon the recommendation of the* Managing Committee of the Trade Union concerned. The general loreinan, who has charge ol all the work on a given contract, is appointed 1>\ the Guild Committee, subject to the approval of the Regional Board. from candidates submitted lo the Committee by the various Trade Unions. No foreman, it should be remarked, is appointed by the men working on a given contract, a but which may ac count in some measure lot the considerable vogue which the Works Committees have so far achieved among the rank and He. The decision to recall is in the bands of the a p p o i n t i n g committers. The Regional Council or Hoard appoints its own officers, selecting them from applications sent in bv suitable candidates. These are: the Regional Secretary, whose work, to use the words of Mr. Malcolm Sparkes, is "to open up new business for the ( m i l d , to conduct its general administration, and to organize its publicity"; the Accountant, who has charge ol the cost and other accounting; and, in London, the Building Organizer, who issues estimates and conducts the building operations. In addition to this, each Regional Council is supposed to pos sess a full complement of technicians, including architects,

surveyors, engineers, etc., although in practice this ideal is id

dotH reali&ed. The surveyor is usually paid on a salarv or comtnis

smti basis (three-fourths percent), while the architects receive the

c u s t o i n a i \ Ices p t e v . t i l i n g in p r i v a t e i n d u s l i s . I Uc v d o ics ol t h e



111 \ I I O l ' M | N I

heads o| depai lineiils. <-.. the Regional S c u r i i i i v


the A

countant, ;nr liom M in 50 percent above those <! general lore men. which, in turn, ate about twice the siaudanl rate For opera
IIVCS. | )r|i.n i n w i i l a l l o i e i n e n receive M. d a n ! i alipel I I O I I I a l m v r lh< sl;m

Dish ihutiou (if him i km

\ p i o m i n e m < harac lei islic , and ;i troublesome one. of I he (he ( m i l d disll i t m t t o t l ol control, is lhal ol local a n t o n o m v

local Guild Committee is responsible in all cases lot the carrying 0111 ol contracts, atMwiints its own Foremen, and controln us own l.inl account, drawing and signing checks (of wages, materials, and all other pntposes. |i cannot, however, pledge die credit ol the Regional < Council withoni lite ( taint ils < o n * m . nor ran thai hod) in i m n pledge the credit ol the National Boardwhich, iindei the recent amalgamation, i^ the legal entity lor 1 1 < * purpose of signing contractu, arranging credit, organizing finance, and in general assuming the legal liabilities involved m die Imshiess wiihoui the Hoard's consent Suhjcct to these limitations, the Re gional (aMitH ils have full i>owcr to cntei into and carry <>iu -ill contracts, exercising general supervision oveT the wnrk nl ilie
G u i l d < ' o n n n i i i e r s loi this pin pose, and also h;i\ < general charge >| supplies, in 1.11 M c. (<Mil in in HIS pay, < le

No one holding ;i managerial posiiion can have i vtite on the Regional Council. 1 he departmental heads de. however, attend the meetings ol tlie Board in an advisory ra|artty, and are likely
In have i h e i l was il l h e \ <.in < a i i y < onvi< I int aniony, I be I I H I I I

hers by ;i reasotied statement ol theii \iews. No formal referen dttm is ever taken among the rank and Me <>u questions <>l polk) 01 technique, bitl in London there ha* developed an unofficial organfoal ion known as the Aiea ('.oiilcicnic. I his is a n i o n l h l y

meeting of delegates from M the Are* Committee*, at which the management is fully represented, and its purpose is to bring the rank ami file into (lose touch with administrative problems ol the Guild. Many questions are referred Ironi the Regional Board to the Area Conference lor discussion and settlement, I he distribution of function ns between the Works Committee and the Guild Committee h still an unsettled question. There is :i strong pressnrc ol opinion among die rank and file h>i extend ing the Functions ol the Works Committees to include even thai




til actual management, ;nid it is ideniabtc 11 *.* some resentraeni has been caused by liie ntatitiei I appointment ol foremen and administrators* who are sol sui i to direct control by the rank and lilc. I n ilic writer, wherevet >ic has < irried ins investigation,
lltlS seemed i l l t h e lushest i l e o i e e l >i < >\ id< i i h i l If is pi< l l \

(generally the o p i n i o n among (he G u i l d management that i o n i r o l hy Works (committees is not conducive t<> the greatest rlhi i f i u v. and then i Ytunsel in this m a t i n is likely Ui prevail,

( i > 111 m i m n s


The standard rale established by the Wages ind C o n d i lions Council ol the B u i l d i n g Industry constitute! the bask i.n< of p.\ fur ill iMieratives in the service ol the G u i l d In a d d i t i o n io ihis the workers receive: ( l i pay lor time lost through accidents a! approximately the standard rate, i n c l u d i n g the amount pay able mtdei the W o r k m e n ' s Compensation Act; (2) pa\ i>i time lost through holidays or bad weather at the Full standard rate; and (9) pay for t i m e losl t h r o u g h sickness, at uu percent of the standard rate, hn terms varying f r o m fotii weeks i n six weeks p< i man net year, according to the length of service. Tins modified scale o f sick pay was adopted in [anuary. 19
I"he cost r| c o n t i n u o u s p;iy l o r t h e L o n d o n C t t i l d * f o r t h e \ e , n ending M m h ' I , l!>22, u n i k s o u l ;it s o i n e i h m ; * l i k e ' . |H'tffHl

ol the total wages b i l l .


c o s is

O n l y die single instance of the W a l l h a m s t o w G u i l d can l i e u be Cited, renders from seven different competitors for the election of the iffl llOOSes weie received L\ the Walthamstow U r b a n District C o u n c i l . I he accepted estimate ol the London G u i l d works out at more than 14,000 below the lowest estimate submitted by the p i i v a i e c o n t r a c t o r ! Figures in the writer's poa session show an avemge saving over avtxiy baste p i n e on houses so far completed, as follows: on T y p e I 19, i'i about f Stt pei house; nn T y p e IBS, <d about 10 per house; i n d on Type 171. of about 1 2 per house. Similar figures for Greenwich show an a p p r o x i m a t e saving, ovei the estimates* ol i o n Type B, .;. S., and ol 33 pei l i o t m on l ype i. L




(w 1 1 i Ic I workmanship
The workmanship <>l the G u i l d s is almost universally adm i t t e d to be superior to that of the general run ol private contractors. Not U ,is% in signifft am r is \Ur testimony ol ihe etW
j l o v r i s 1 h ms i v r s , w h o (IOKC horn liinr to tinir l:i\e- s u h m i l l e e l lahoi on rVI | >i 11 | M ii i:i i^ i o s h o w that l l i c elite I C I H y i>l t llllc1

contracts, as regards costs, is over twice thai on private builders' work. Experts are virtually unanimous i n the o p i n i o n thai the w o r k m a n s h i p ol the ( i n i l d s n i e n , as regards q u a l i t y , is markedlx. s n p ( i i o i i o the workers on private contracts, From personal eh servatton the writer c m state that, although the efficiency of G u i l d labor d i d not strike h i m as a n y t h i n g rcmaikahle, at least when compared w i t h American standards, it certainly excelled the average ol the private contractors and came very near to equaling, in external appearance at least, even the best organised
of private b u i l d i n g < O I K cms.

NOTES 1. "Maintenance" 2, Anihor\ \.('.

iioir. it might be well to point <>nt the significance ol these

Lie Is. I he Untitling (iuilds have hern aide pelt\ consistently to unelei-

hiil "private* 1 contractors! and then luive N;IM'II munc] uu thru OWN estimates, I Ins means that theit e>sis have been low enough to permit litem to tut i imUi the average pi ices im buikling work, and to make
i d d i l i n n a l s;i\in's IHI those i c c h i i i ' d i.ilcs. settled h \ l l i c lolal economies I C J H C I his < i n urn this eloiihlc S . I V I I M ; imist he v. i \ < o i i s i d r i a i d e .

stance is the more remarkable in view ol the fact that the Guilds had
at lc;st two types of expense which the average "private" huilder did

not encounter. First, they made heavy outlays for "continuous pay/' amounting, as shown above, to :_. percent o l thcii total wages b i l l ,
;ind, second, as now cnterpi iscs. opci atini; on slender I m a m ial resoin i es. they must have had to make hcavv provision for oilie es, "plant," and

the inevitable losses involved in new undertakings. Furthermore, as the succeeding section shows, there is general agreement thai the quality ol the Guilds' work has hcen sutwrioi to that ol ordinary "private" contracting. This means that economy has not been achieved at tinox p<ns ol workmanship and BMterial; em the contrary, the Guilds have- been more liberal with hoih dian ttieti rivals. Rie conclusion seems inevitable that at least in this industry, and at this stage of development the1 Building Guilds have secured such d laiM measure ol personal pRiriency, organiring ability, ami Harotm i \jnii tic rmps, as io enable them to do bettei work than the average "private" buildei st very much less ost N.C.

VI. Roads to Freedom [191BJ


From the point ol view of liberty, what system would be the best? In what direction should wc wish the forces of progress to move? Prom this point of view, neglecting l>i the moment all other considerations, 1 have no doubt that the best system would be one not far removed from thai advocated by Kropotkitt, but rendered more piac I ic able by the adoption ol the main principles ol ( iuild Socialism. Since every point can be disputed. 1 will set down without argument tin* kind of organization ol work that would seem best. Education should be compulsory up to the age < > l sixteen, or perhaps longer; after that, it should be continued or not at the Option ol the pupil, hut remain Iree (lor those who desire it) up to at least the age ol twenty-one. When education is finished, no one should be compelled to work, and those who choose not to work should receive a bare livelihood, and he left completely hoc; but prohabh it would be desirable that there should be a strong public opinion in favour of work, so thai only comparative ly few should choose idleness, One great advantage ol making idle ness economically possible h that it would afford a powerful Reprinted boai Rotih to Freedom (Lomtom George MUn & Unwln, 1918), pp.
192 210, l>\ | * i mission of I hi- pnlilislui




motive fot m a k i n g work not disagreeable; and m i c o m m u n i t y where m o n work is disagreeable can be said to have found i silu t i d i i ol economic problems. 1 t h i n k it reasonable to assume that few woilie! choose idleness, in view of the h u t l h a t even now ;il lead nine out >f | m o| diose who have (tiff) 1 M a sear b o m investments p i c l e r to in<tease then income l>v p.iil work. C o m i n g now to that great majority w h o w i l l mt choose idleness, 1 t h i n k we may assume lhat, w i t h the h e l p <>l science, and by the e l i m i n a t i o n of the vast amount ol u n p r o d u c t i v e work in volved in internal and International c o m p e t i t i o n , the whole torn
m u i i i t y could IK kept in <ninl<>ii h\ i n c u r , ul l o i n bonis' wrtrk a

day It is already being urged by experienced employers that then employees can actually produce as much in a six hours 1 day as they can when they w o i k eight hours. I n a w o r l d where there is ;i much higher level of technical instruction than there is n o w , the
same tendency w i l l he accentuated People w i l l lie taught not

only, as at present, one trade, or one small p o r t i o n ol a trade, but several trades, so that they can vary their occupation according to the seasons and the lluctuations of demand. Every industry w i l l be self-governing as regards all internal affairs, and even separate factories w i l l decide for themselves all questions that only con c e m those who w o i k i n t h e m . There w i l l he no capitalist management, as at present, but management by elected representatives, as in p o l n i t s Relations between different g i o u p s <f producers w i l l be settled ly the G u i l d Congress, matters concerning the c o m m u n i t y as the inhabitants ol a certain area w i l l c o n t i n u e to be decided b j Parliament, w h i l e all disputes between Parliament and the G u i l d Congress u i l l be decided by a body composed ol representatives ol both i u equal numbers, Payment w i l l not be made, as at present, only lot work actually r e q u i r e d and p e r f o r m e d , b u l fot willingness to w o i k . T h i s system is already adopted in m u c h of the better paid work: a man CK CUpies a certain position, a n d retains it even at times when there happens to be very l i t t l e to do. 1 he dread of u n e m p l o y m e n t and h^s *f l i v e l i h o o d w i l l no longer haunt n u n like i n i g h t m a r e , W h c i h e i ill who an- w i l l i n g to w o i k w i l l he paid equally, or whethei exceptional skill w i l l still command exceptional pay, is a in.iitei which may be left t< each G u i l d to decide hn itself. An opera-singet who received no more pay lhan a scene*shifiei might dmnse to be a Kette~shifter n n l i l the system was changed: ii so, litghet pa\ w o u l d probably I" f o u n d necessary Rut i l it were freely voted by the G u i l d , it could h a i d l ) constitute a grievance.




Whatever might ho <lone inwards making work agreeable, ii v io be presumed thai mme trades wouM always remain ttnpli M am. Men could be attracted into these by highei pay or ihartei hourt, instead of being driven into them hy destitution. The com nninity would then have a strong economic motive for finding ways of diminishing the disagreeablcness ol these exceptional trades.... (ioveinnicnt atid Law will si ill exist in our community, hut both will be reduced to a minimum. Then- will slill he acts which will he forbiddenfor example, murder. Hut very nearly i In- whole ul i put ol the criminal law whk:li deals with pi op eriy will have heroine obsolete, and many ol the motives whuh now produce murders will he no longer operative. Those who nevertheless still do rouunit crimes will not be Named or H gftfded as wicked: they will he regarded as unloi lunate, and kepi in some kind of menial hospital until it is thought that they are no lottgei a danger. By education and freedom Mid the alio! it ion of private capital, Hie nmnher ol crimes tan he made eXCCCdillgl) small. By the method of individual curative treatment it will gen erally he possible to secure that a man's Inst offence shall also be his last, except in the case ol lunatics and the Feeble-minded, foi whom of course a more prolonged hut not less kindly detent ion may he nei essary. Government may be regarded as consisting of two parts: the one, the decisions of the community of its recognized organs; the Other, the enforcing of those decisions upon all who resist them. The Inst part is not objected to by Anau hists. The second pari. in an ordinary civilized State, may remain entirely in the hack ground: those who have resisted a new law while it was being de baled will, as a rule, submit to il when it is passed, bee a use lesis tance is generally useless in a settled and mdeilv community. But the possibility of governmental force remains, and indeed is the very reason for the submission which makes force unneres wry. .. . The practice < > 1 government h) majorities, which Anarchists criticise, is in lac I open to m*si of the objections which the} urge againsl it. Still more objectionable is the powei ol theexecu tive in matters \ itally alio ting the happiness oi all, such as peat e and war. Rut netthei can be dispensed with suddenly. Then sure, however, two methods ol dimhmhtii] : harm done b\ them (l ( overnnten t h\ majorities {<\n l>c rnadi less <pi sive by devolution, by placing the decision ol questions pi i



marily affecting o n l y a section of the c o m m u n i t y in the hands of thai section, rather than of a Central Chamber. I n this way, men arc no longer forced to s u b m i t to decisions made in a hurry by people mostly ignorant ol the matter in hand and not personal!) interested. A u t o n o m y for internal affairs should he given, not only to areas hut to all "roups, such as industries or Churches, w h i c h have i m p o r t a n t c o m m o n interests not shared by the lest ol the com m u n i t y . (2) T h e great powers vested in the executive of a mode m Stale are chiefly due to the frequent need of rapid decisions, especially as regards foreign affairs. II the danger of war were practically e l i m i n a t e d , more cumbrous h u t less autocratic methods
would !>< possdile. and the* I .egislature might leeover m a n \ ol the peiweis wine h the- executive iistnpi-el. I\ these tvv< methods. (he- intensity ol the interference w i t h lilterty involved in govern menl can be gradually d i m i n i s h e d . . . . The procesi of lending men's t h o u g h t a n d i m a g i n a t i o n away from the use* of force w i l l be greatly accelerated hy the a b o l i t i o n of (he capitalist system, piovicled it is not sue ecede el ley a l o i n i ol Slate Socialism in w i d t h ollu i.iK have e t m t m o u s p o w e t . At pies

em. the capitalist has more control over the lives ol others than
a n \ m a n ought to have: his friends have a u t h o r i t y in the State: his economic power is the p a t t e r n for political power. I n a world w h e i e all men a n d w o m e n e n j o y economic f r e e d o m , t h e r e will not be the same habit of c o m m a n d nor. consequently, the same

love of despotism; a gentler type o l character than that now prei

aleill w i l l g r a d u a l l y grow u p . M e n are f o r m e d hy t h e i r c i l e u m sialic cs, nol h o i n leaclymaelc I he had cUctl III the pieseiil ecu noinic system on diaracter a n d the i m m e n s e l y better ellec t to he expected f i o m c o m m u n a l o w n e r s h i p , a i e a m o n g the strongest rca sons foi advtw a i i n g the change. . . . O u i dis< ussion has led us to the h e l i e l that I he- c o m m u n a l own Jiship of l a n d a n d c a p i t a l , which constitutes the characteristic d o c t r i n e of Socialism a n d Anarchist C o m m u n i s m , is a necessary

step towards the removal o l the evils f r o m w h i c h the w o r l d suffers at present and the creation of such a society as any h u m a n e man
must wish lo see l e a l i / e d . Hut i h o u g h a necessary step. Socialism alone is f>\ no means sufficient There aie various forms of Sue ialis the e m p l o y e r a n d all who ism: the form in w h i c h the- State

woi l receive wages from it involves dangers of tyranny and interference w i t h progress Which w o u l d make- it. il possible, even WOIM- than the present regime, O n the- othei hand, taarchrsm,
wine h avoids the dangers ol Mate- So< i.ilisin, has dange IN a n d ehlh



(\ilties of its own, which make it probable that, within any reasonable period of time, it could not last long even if it were estab lilhed. Nevertheless it lemains an ideal to which we should wish to appioa< h as nearly as possible, and which, in some distant age, we hope may he readied completely. Syndicalism shares many ol the defects of Anarchism, and, like it, would prove unstable, since the need of a central government would make itself hit almost at once. T h e system we have advocated is a form of Guild Socialism, leaning more, perhaps, towards Anarchism than the official (iuildsnian would approve. It is in the matters that politicians usually ignoreJcietlCC and art. human lelalions. and the joy l I iff tb.U Anaic hism is Strongest, and il is chirlly fill the sake* of llirsr things we included sin h nunc 01 l< ss Auairliisl pi 1 1 posals as the "vagabond's wage." It is by its effects outside economics and politics, at least as much as by effects inside them, that a social system should be judged. And if Socialism ever comes, it is only likely to prove beneficent if non economic goods aie valued and consciously ptnsued. T h e world that we must seek is a world in which the creative spirit is alive, in which life is an adventure full of joy and hope, based rather upon the impulse to construe t than upon the desire to retain what we possess 01 to seize what is possessed by olheis. It must be a world in which alletlion has liee play, in which love is purged of the instinct for domination, in which cruelty and envy have been dispelled by happiness and the unlettered de\< lopineiit ill all the instincts (hat build up lile and till it with mental delights. Such a world is possible; il waits only lot men to

wish to create it.

Meantime the world in which me exist has other aims. Hut it will pass away, burnt up in the hie ol its own hot passions; and from its ;ishcs will spring a new and younger world, lull ol fresh hope, with the light of morning in its eves

/:, volutions

Paris (Jommune

13. Decree on the Requisition of Closed Factories 118711

The Pari* Commune, considering thai a large number , of factories have* been abandoned l>y theii directors, who have
fir*.I i n o i d n l o CM ijr 11 . M I I t i n ii d u t i e s ;.s | H i / r i i s w i t h o u t e : i l i l i "

alxmi 1 1 1 - workers' interest*, considering that, as a consequence ol this cowardly High** nu mrtoiis industries important For communal life liave been intermpied. and thai the existence >l the workers h at stale decreet: *""" -. " t b u the syndkal laboi societies are conveogdto appoint a committee <>i httiutr) ttiau will have the task of:

1. establishing statistics < I abandoned factories as well as a pie

cise inventory erf the Kate in whi< h thev are found and the condition of the instruments of work they contain; 2. making a u p o n presenting the practical conditions lor activating these factories immediately, not > v the dtsei-i-is whohave abandoned them, l>m t>v the pooncrative association ol the
wot keis e m p l o y e d in these l a t t o i i c s ; ">. r l a h o i a t i m . a plan lor the f o r m a t i o n of these
\v >i 1 n s
MM n i i r s ;


4. instituting an arbitration trtluinaj which will determine at

|: ,
,,,. < .iMiki tin ij'lr. I* .it l i s : m l o i l.i^;.

J !.<. , . I IK I M Mild " ' C M9*4k o , n . . :


' P Hiiiv.,,,,, n\ R

I i.ils|;inl l>\ I M ' l i





the time ol the (mtniprencurs return tlic conditions til definitive cession ol the factories to the workers' societies ami the couutensaikm to be paid to the entrepreneur! by the sc* ieti. 1 his committee <d inquiry shall present its reporl to the Com mittee lor labor and Commerce and the latter shall submit to ihc Commune us mii<kl\ as possible a draft Ian thai shall render justice to the Commune's interests as well as to those < > l the workers. l/>rtJ It Wl frri

II. The Civil War in France


On the dawn of the eighteenth of March, Paris arose to the thnndei hmst ol ' " V i v e la Commune!" What is the Commune, thai sphinx so tantalizing to the bourgeois mind!
" I he ptolctai iaiis ol P a l i s , ' said die ( '.enli al C o m m i t t e e in its

manifesto of the eighteenth ol March, "amidst the failures and treasons ol the ruling classes, have understood the houi has
Struck I01 them to save the s i t u a t i o n ly t a k i n g i n t o their o w n hands ||ir ilirct lion o| piddle affair*. ". . I hey have innleislood thai il is i h e i i i n i p e i i o u s d u l y attel l l i e h absolute right to i c n d c i themselves m a s t e i s o l t h e i i o w n des

tinies, hs seii.tng upon the government power." Bui the working diss cannot simply lay hold of the ready made slate machinery and wield il for its own purposes. The centralised state power, with its ubiquitous organs of standing anny, police, bureaucracy, clergy, and judicatureorgans wrought alter the plan of a systematic and hierarchic divi sion ol labor-originates From the days <>l absolute monarchy, serving naacent middle (lass society as a mighty weapon in its Struggles againsl feudalism. Still, its development remained
Ki|>iinifl from IJCWII I Fcaci <<i Iftrx awl ttuteh: Bmk Writing? on Wohtics . 1 City, 1.1 tnckoi it. ml . 11 ni I '|aj . I ! '
i>\ \u iinissmn of i l l . publisher,





dogged by all manner of medieval rubbish, seignorial rights local privileges, municipal and guild monopolies and provincial Constitutions. The gigantic broom of the French Revolution < > ! the eighteenth century swept away all these relics of bygone times, thus dealing simultaneously the social soil ol its last bin chances to the superstructure of the modern state edifice raised under the First Empire, itself the offspring ol the coalition war? ol old semi-feudal Europe against modern France. During the subsequent regimes the government, placed under parliamentary controlthat is, under the direct control ol the propertied dasse became nut only a hotbed < > f huge national debts and crushing 4 taxes; with its irresistible allurements ol place*, pelf, and patron age, it noi only became the hone of contention between Ihe rival factions and adventurers of the ruling classes, but its political c haractei c hanged simultaneously with the economic changes ol society. At the same pace at which the progress of modern ifldus try developed, widened, intensified the class antagonism between capital and labor, the state power assumed more and more the character of the national power of capital over labor, of a public force organized for social enslavement, of an engine of class cles potism. After every revolution marking a progressive phase in the class stniggle the purely repressive character of the slate powei stands nut in holder and bohlei relief. Ihe Revolution of 1830, resulting in ihe transfer ol government From the landlords to the capitalists, transferred it from the more remote to the more direct antagonists of the working men. The bourgeois republicans, who. in ihr name ol the revolution < > l I eluuary. took the* stale | tower, used il hn (he | line ni.iss.n u s , in oulei to convince lite woikuig elass that "soc ial" republic ineaul the lepublic ensuring their social subjection, and in order to convince the royalist bulk of the bourgeois nnd landlord class that they might safely leave the cares and emoluments of government to the bourgeois "ic publicans." However, after their one heroic exploit of June, the bourgeois republicans had, from the front, to Ial I back to the rear of the "party of order"a combination formed by all the rival fractions and factious of the appropriating class in their now openly declared antagonism to the producing classes. The proper form of their joint-stock government was the parliamentary republic, with LontS Bonaparte for its president. Theirs was a re giiiie of avowed class terrorism and deliberate insult toward the
"\ile multitude." Il fin pal l i a m e i i l a i v n p u b l i c , .is M. Ilneis

said, divided them [the different fractions ol the uiling <


H I S T O R I C A L . IH \ l I O I M i N I

le.isi.' it opened an abyss between thai class and the whole body ol society outside t h e i i spate rank*. The restraints b> w h i c h their
OWtl d i v i s i o n s h a d . u n d e r i o n n n r e g i m e s si i l I c h e e k e d t h e slate p o w c i w c i c l e n i o v e d by t h e n u n i o n , a n d in v i e w o l t h e U n e a t e n

i n ^ upheaval o i the proletariat, ihey now used thai state powei

mew ilesslv a n d o s t e n t a t i o u s l y as the n a t i o n a l w a r e n g i n e o f capi

tal against labor. I n their u n i n t e r r u p t e d crusade against the pro riiu ing masses they were, however, bound not only t*> invest the en ecuttvc w i t h c o n t i n u a l l y increased poweis ol repression, but afl
t h e s;iiu<' t i nit to di\est t h e i i o w n p;n l i a m e i i t a i v S t r o n g h o l d the

National Assembly one by one, oi ;iii its own means ol defense against tin executive. T h e executive, in the person of Louis Bonaparte, t u r n e d t h e m out. T h e natural offspring o l the " p a r t y of order" l e p u W k was the Second Empire. I he empire, wish the tout rf'ctnt lor it** certificate ol b i r t h , universal suffrage for its sanction, and the sword hn its scepter, professed to test u p o n the peasantry, the large mass of producers not directly involved in the struggle ol capital and l a l w . It pro leased to save the w o r k i n g (lass by breaking d o w n Patiiamentai ism and, w i t h it. the undisguised suhsei vienc e ol government to the propertied (lasses. It professed to unite all (lasses by r e v i v i n g fofl all the chitliera of national glory. I n reality it was the only form ol government possible at a time when the bourgetM&te had aheady lost, and the w o r k i n g c hiss had not yet acquired, the fat ulty of r u l i n g the n a t i o n . It was acclaimed throughout the w o r l d as the savior of society. U n d e r its sway bourgeois society, heed from political rates, attained a development unexpected even hy itself, its industry and commerce expanded to colossal dimensions, financial s w i n d l i n g celebrated cosmopolitan orgies, the mis ery of the masses was set oil by a shameless display ol gorgeous, meretricious, and debased l u x u r y . T h e state power, apparently soaring h i g h above soeiety, was at the same time itself the greatest scandal ol that so< iety and the \ e i \ hotbed ol all its corruptions. Its own rottenness and the rottenness o l the society it had saved were laid bare by the bayonet of Prussia, herself eagerly bent upon transferring the suiweme 'cat ol thai regime from Paris to Berlin. I m p e r i a l i s m is. at the same t i m e , the most prostitute and the u l t i m a t e form of the state powei which naseenl m i d d l e (lass MM iety had commenced to elaborate i^ a means of iis own erasneipattern f r o m feudalism and which fall-grown bourgeois society had linallv trait stormed i n t o a means lot the enslavement ol labor

h\ capital.




The direct antithesis to iltc empire was the Commune. The civ ol "social republic,'" with which the revolution of Ichiuai\ was iinhered in I > > the Path proletariat, did bul rxprcis a i M 1 r> } H1.111< M l ailci .1 icpuhlu thai Was Hot <>l|!\ l(l mprrsedc the H narchical Form of class rule, I mt class rule itself. The Commune was the positive lorm < > l that, lepuhlic. P.ii is. the central leal oi the old government power and, at the same lime, the social slioughoM ol the I'uiuli working class, had M . ii in amis against the attempt of Thiers and the rurali to re stoic and perpetuate thai old government power bequeathed to them hy the empire, Pans could resta onl) because, in conic quern t ol the si< ge, ii had got i id ol the army and replaced it l>\ a National Guard, the hulk of which consisted < ( workingmen This fact was now to be transformed into an in tttutkni. fhe first decree ol tin Commune, therefore, was the suppression of the standing ai m\ and the substitution for it of the armed people. I he Commune was formed of the municipal councilors, chosen b\ m i iv <i s;d MtffragC in the vai ions wauls l the lOWU, respousi Me and revocable at short terms, flie majority ol its members were nalinally woi kin&inen, or acknowledged representatives ol the working class. The Commune was to be a working, not a par iiaincntary, body, <\eculivc and legislative at the same time. In stead ol <outimiiti* to he the agent of the central government I he police was at onre stripped ol its political attributes and turned into the responsible and at all times revocable agent of the Com nmne. So were the officials of all Other brain lies of the Admin istration. From the members ol the Commune downwards tlie public service had to be done at workmen's wages. The vested interests and the representation allowances <>| the high digni t.uies ol State disappeared along with the high dignitaries them selves. Public functions teased to be the private property of the tools of the central government. Not only municipal adminisha lion, but the whole initiative hitherto exercised h\ the stale was put into the hands of the Commune. Having ome got rid ol the standing army and the police, die physical lone elements ol the old government, the Commune was anxious to break the spiritual force of the repression, the "parson power,** by the disestablishment and disendowmenl of all churches as |>roprietar} bodies. I In |i<> ti re intt back to the recesses ol private life, thru- to feed upon 1 H 1 ilms ol il. faithful in imitation ol theii predecessors the Vpostles, The whole of the educational institutions were opened to the people




gratuitously, and ai the same l i m e cleared ol all interference til church and stale. T h u s not only was education made accessible* to all, but science itself freed Irom the letters w h i c h class prejudice and governmental Force had imposed upon it. The judicial functionaries were to be divested ol that sham independence which had bll( served to mask their abject subservience to all succeeding governments to w h i c h , in t u r n , they bad taken, and broken, the oaths of allegiance. 1 ike the rest ol public servants, magistrates and lodges were to be elective* responsible, and revocable. I he Pans C o m m u n e was, of course, t o serve as a model t o all the Ureal industrial (enters o l 1 lance. 1 he c o m m u n a l regime once established in Paris and the secondary centers, the o l d centralized government would in the provinces, too, have to give way to the sell government ol the producer}, In a rottgll sketch ol national organization which the C o m m u n e had no t i m e to develop, it slates eleai ly thai the c o m m u n e was t o be the political f o r m of even the smallest country hamlet, and that in the rural districts the standing auny was to he replaced by a national m i l i t i a , w i t h an extremely short term ol service. I he rural communes ol every district were to administer their c o m m o n allaiis by an assembly ol delegates in the central t o w n , and these district assemblies Were again to send deputies to the n a t i o n a l delegation in Paris, each delegate to be at a n \ time revocable and b o u n d by the wtm
dnl unju'-ialif | follttal insli tic l i o n s | ol Ins cnsl it uenls. The lew

but important functions which still w o u l d remain kn a central government wete not to be Suppressed, as has been intentional I) misstated, but were to be discharged by c o m m u n a l , and therefore slii I|y n'sponsible, agents I lie unity <>l the- nation was not Ml In' broken, but. tut the contrary, to be organized by the c o m m u n a l c o n s t i t u t i o n , and to become a reality by the destruction of the state powei which claimed to be the e m b o d i m e n t of that u n i t y independent of. and supeiioi to, the n a t i o n itself, from which it was but . parasitic excrescence. W h i l e the merely repressive organs of the old government power were to be amputated, its legitimate- functions were to be wrested I r o m an a u t h o r i t y u s u r p i n g I He-eminence ovei society itsell and restored to the responsible agents ol society. Instead ol deciding, one e in three or six years w h k h member of the r u l i n g class was te> inisieprescnt the people

in Parliament, universal suffrage was te> serve the people, eemsti tuted in communes, is individual suffrage serves every other cm llo)ei in ilu- search fin the- workmen ami managers F m hi^ busi



I V;

lie*. And it is well known lhal companies, like individuals, in matters of real business generally know how to put the right man in the right place, and if they for once make a mistake to redress it promptly. On the other hand, nothing could be more foreign to the spirit of the Commune than to supersede universal suffrage by hierarchic investiture. It is generally die late of completely new historical creations to be mistaken lot the counterpart ol older and rven dclunct forms of social life, to which they may bear a certain likeness. Thus, this new Commune, which breaks the modern stale power, has been mistaken for a reproduction of the medieval communes, which In si preceded, and afterwards became the itibatrattini of, that vcr) state power. The communal constitution has been mistaken lot an attempt to break up into a federation ol small states, as dreamed of by Montesquieu and the Girondists, that unity ol great nations which, if originally brought about by political force, has now become a powerful coefficient of social production. T h e antagonism of the Commune against the State power has been mistaken for an exaggerated form of the ancient struggle against overcentralization. Peculiar historical circumstances may have prevented the classical development, as in France, < > f the bourgeois form ol government, and may have allowed, as in England, the completion ol the great central state organs by corrupt vestries, jobbing coum ihns. and leioc ions pool law gtmdians in ihc towns, .Hid virtually hereditary magistrates hi the counties I he communal constitution would have restored t < > die social body all the forces hitheilo absorbed by the state patasitc feeding M u iv. By this one ad upon, and clogging the lice movement ol. K it would have initiated tin icgeueiaiion ol France, lite piovin i ial I truth middle class saw in ihc ( .omnium an attempt lo re store the sway the it order had held over the country under Louis Philippe, and which, under I.ouis Napoleon, was supplanted b\ tin pretended rule of the country over the towns. In reality the communal constitution brought the rural producers under the intellectual lead of the central towns of their districts, and these secured to them, in the workingmen. the natural trustees of theii interests. T h e very existence of the Commune involved, as a mat> f course, local municipal liberty, bill no longer as a check ter. < upon the now superseded state power. It could only enter into the head <>| a hismaick. who, when not engaged m bis intrigues "f blood and iron, always likes to resume his old b ide, s<> befit tmg lus mental caliber, ol contrtbutoi to KUuUradalack [the Bei

1 r> 1


)in Pum fcj; it could o n l y etiief i n t o m c h a head to aai i ihe to the l*;n is ( o m n i u m aspirations after that caricatmc ol the o l d French m u n i c i p a l organization ol 17** 1 the Prussian nmniei|ial <'oiistiiutifiii w h i c h d e c a d e s l b * town governments to n i n e secondary wheels in tin |)ifttcr machinery til ilic Prussian slate I lie ( o n m u i n e made thai c a t c h w o i d ol bourgeois i c v o l u l ions, "cheap

government," a reality by destroying the two greatest sources < > f expenditurethe standing army and state htnetioitartsm Its wtty
I'MMCIIK pie suppose el l i t e n o n e x i s t e n c e o l h \ . u h i i h , in

Europe at least, is the normal eucumlnauce and indispensable cloak of class rule. I t supplied the republic w i t h the basis ol really democratic institutions. I>ui neither cheap government not the " t i n e r e p u b l i c " was its u l t i m a t e a i m ; they were its men* concomitants. T h e m u l t i p l i c i t y of interpretations to which the C o m m u n e has been subjected and the m u l t i p l i c i t y ol interests which have i o n strued it in their favor show that it was a thoroughly expansive political l o n n , while nil previous forms <>l government had been emphatically repressive. Its true secret was tins, it was essentially a working-class government, the product <l the struggle ol the p r o d u c i n g against tlie a p p r o p r i a t i n g (lass, the political l o n n at last discovered tinder which to work nut the economic emancipat i o n ol labor. Except on this last c o n d i t i o n , the c o m m u n a l constitution w o u l d have been an impossibility and a delusion. T h e political r u l e of the producer cannot coexist w i t h the perpetuation of his soc ial slavery, The C o m m u n e was therefore to serve as a lever for Uprooting the economic loiindat ions upon which lesis the ex is tence of classes, and therefore o l (lass rule. W i t h labor emancipated, every man becomes a w o r k i n g m a n and productive labor (cases to be a (lass a t t r i b u t e . It is a Strange fact. I n spile of all the tall talk and all the iin mense l i t e r a t u r e , for the last sixty years, about emancipation of labor, no sooner do the workingmeti anywhere take the subject i n t o their own hands w i t h a w i l l then uprises at once all the apologetic phraseology <>l the mouthpiece* ol present society w i t h its t w o poles ol capital and wage slavery (the l a n d l o r d now is but the deeping partner of t i n c a p i t a l i s t ) , as il capitalist society was still in its purest slate of virgin innocence, w i t h iis antagonisms still undeveloped, w i t h its delusions still uncxploded, w i t h its prostitute realities not yet laid bare. The C o m m u n e , they c\ c l a i m , intends to abolish property, th< b.i is <>l all c i v i l i z a t i o n !




Yes. gen I leu i en. I lie ( n m i m m r intended to ab< tilth that < l.iss prop c i i v which makes the labor o l the many the w r a i t h nt the few. l i aimed at the e x p r o p r i a t i o n of the expropriators, It wanted Id m a l e i n d i v i d u a l projierty a t r u t h l>\ transforming the means <>i p t o d u c t i o n . land and capital, now chiefly th' means ol enslaving and e x p l o i t i n g labor, i n t o mere instruments ol hee and asso d a t e d labor. But this is c o m m u n i s m , " i m p o s s i b l e " c o m m u n i s m ! W h y , those member* of the r u l i n g clauses who are intelligent enough |<i p < n e i \ e (he impossibility ol < i >nt Mltliltg I lie picseiii System .iml i l u \ are m;iii\ liiivc become the obtuisivc and l u l l m o u t h e d apostles ol c o o p e r a t i v e p r o d u c t i o n . II c o o p e i . i i r prodttCtiotl is not i n remain a sham and a snaie: il il is l<> Stlpci icde the capitalist system; il united cooperative societies aie to regulate national p r o d u c t i o n upon i common plan, thus taking it nuclei their own control and p u t t i n g an end lo the constant anai chy and periodical convulsions which are the l a ! a l i l \ ol capitalist

production, what else, gentlemen, would it be but communism, "possible" communism? I be working class did not expect miracles from the Commune,
T h e y have no ready-made Utopias to introduce jun (Mcrtl (lit jteih > f the people). ' I b e y know thai in oidcr lo work pie [by decree < out their own emancipation, and along w i t h it thai higher form to which present society is irresistibly t e n d i n g by it^ own econmti ic agencies, they w i l l have to pass through long M niggles, through a series ol historic processes, transforming circumstances and men. I hey have no ideals to l c a l i / c but to set bee the elements ol the new society w i t h which o l d collapsing bourgeois society itscli is p r e g n a n t In the f u l l consciousness ol their htstortl mission, and w i t h the heroic n solve to act tip to it, the w o r k i n g (lass call affotd to smile at the coarse invective ol the gentlemen's gentle men with the pen and i n k h o r n . and at the didactic patronage ol well wishing bourgeois doctrinaires, p o u r i n g l o r t h their ignorant platitudes and sectarian crotchets in the oracular tone ol

scientific infallibility.
W h e n the Paris C o m m u n e took the management ol the revoltl l i o n in its own bands; when plain workinginc n for tin Inst time dated to i n f r i n g e upon the government privilege ol their " n a t u ral superiors/' and under circumstances of unexampled difficulty performed their work modestly, conscientiously, and efficiently performed it at salaries the highest ol A H M I I barely amounted to one tils 1 1 ol what, according to high A it ntifw authority [Profcs s<i H u x l e y ] , is the m i n i m u m required l o t a iscretary to a certain

I "m



m e t r o p o l i t a n school hoardthe old w o r l d w r i t h e d in convulsions ol rage at the siohi of the red (lag, the symbol of 11<* republic ol labor, Boating o \ c i the l l o i c l de V i l l c . \ m l \t I this was i h e first r e v o l u t i o n in w h i c h the w o r k i n g (lass was openly tive, even M k n o w l c d g e d as (lie only class capable of social initiaby the great hulk of the Paris m i d d l e classshop-

keepers, tradesmen, merchantsthe w e a l t h y capitalists alone ex ceptecl. T h e C o m m u n e had l a v e d t h e m hy a sagacious settlement of thai evei lee l i n i n g cause of dispute* a m o n g the m i d d l e classes themselvesthe d e b t o r and c r e d i t o r accounts. I he same p o r t i o n the of the m i d d l e class, after they had assisted in p u t t i n g d o w n

w o r k i i i g m e n ' s insurrection ol J u n e I M H , h a d been at once u n e e r enioiiioHsIs saciihrcd to theii eiechlois by the t h e n Const itiient Assembly. \\\\[ this was not t h e n at the only m o t i v e lot now 1 allying name it b\ r o u n d the wot kino class. T h e y fell that there was hut one a l t e r n a tivc "the C o m m u n e , the haven empireunder whatever m i g h t reappear. T h e empire' had r u i n e d it made ol puhlie t h e m economic ally

w e a l t h , by the- wholesale

linauc ial expropria-

s w i n d l i n g it loslciccl. by the plops it lent to the artificially ace el erated centralization ol capital, and the c o n c o m i t a n t t i o n of their own ranks. It had suppressed t h e m politically, it had shoe keel t h e m m o r a l l y hy its orgies, it had insulted t h e i r V o l t a i r ianism by h a n d i n g over the education ol their c h i l d r e n fr&rm tgnortuiius, it had revolted rains their national to the as feeling

F r e n c h m e n by p r e c i p i t a t i n g t h e m headlong into a w a i w h i c h left only one equivalent the e m p i r e < ime out For the it madethe disappearance of In la< t, after the exodus from Paris of the high Bonathe- t i n e m i d d l e e lass p a l l y ol o n l e i "union i('publicaine." enrolling it the C o m m u n e a n d d e f e n d i n g in the shape ol the

pattist and capitalist hohrtiu

themselves under the colors of

against the w i l l f u l misconstrue l i o n of T h i e r s . W h e t h e r the g r a t i tuele of this great body of the m i d d l e class w i l l stand the present levere ti ial. t i m e must show. 1 he C o m m u n e was perfectly right in t e l l i n g the peasants that "its victory was their o n l y h o p e . " O f all the lies hatched at V e r sailles and Pe-echoed by the glorious E u r o p e a n penny-a-line, one ol ihc most tremendous was that the rurals represented the

French peasantry. Think only <>f the love of the French peasant
for the men to w h o m , after 181 r>, he had t o pay the m i l l i a r d of i n d e m n i t y . I n the eyes <>f the F r e n c h peasant the very existence of a gieat landed p r o p r i e t o r is in itself an cite loacluucnt on his roil-

quests ol I7W. I he- bourgeois, in IMS. had burdened his plot nl


I PARIS ( o \ t MUNI


land with the additional tax of forty-five cents on the franc, but tllCII lie did so in the name of the revolution, while now he fomented a civil war against the revolution, to sliilt onto the peas a n t s shoulders the chief load of the five billions of indemnity to be paid to the Prussian. T h e C o m m u n e , on the other hand, in one of its fust proclamations declared that thr true originators ol the war would be made to pay its cost. T h e C o m m u n e would have delivered the peasatit of the blood taxwould have given him a ( h e a p governmenttransformed his picsent bloodsuckers. the notary, advocate, executor, and othei judicial vampires, into salaried communal agents, elected by, and responsible to. himself. It would have \\cvd him ol the tyranny ol the gmrde <fnunj)('nr, the gendarme, and th<- prefect; would have put mtightetimeni 1>\ the schoolmaster in the place ol stultification by the priest And the French peasant is above all, a man of reckoning. He would find it extremely reasonable that the pay of the priest, instead of being extorted by the taxgathcrcr, should depend only upon the sponlanroiis action ol the parishioners" religious instincts Sticll w n e the gieal immediate boons which the rale ol the C o m m u n e and that rule aloneheld out to the French peasantry. It is. therefore, q u i t e superfluous here to expatiate upon the more complicated but vital problems which the O m u n u n e alone was able, and at the same time compelled, to solve in lavor of the peasant, vi/ . the hypothec aiy debt, lying like* an incubus upon his parcel ol soil, the \nolchnml fonder |the u u a l proletariat |. daily growing upon it. and his expropriation From it enforced, at a move and more rapid rate, by the very development of m o d e m agriculture and the c on t pet it ion of capitalist farming. I he French peasant had elected bonis Bonaparte president ol the republic; but the party of order created the empire. What the French peasant really watits he commenced to show in 1819 and 1850, by opposing his matfg to the government's prefect, his school mastei to the government's priest, and himself to the gov e i n m e n t s gendarme. All the laws made by the party of order in January and February 1850 were avowed measures of repression aoainst the peasant. T h e peasant was a ttonapartist. because the Great Revolution, with all its benefits to him, was. in his eyes, personified in Napoleon. This delusion, rapidlv breaking down under the Second Empire (and in its very nature hostile to the rurals) , this prejudice of the past, how could it have withstood the appeal of tin- C o m m u n e to thr living Interests and urgent wants ol the peasantry?


HISTORICAL l i l V H . o i ' M i


1 he rurals this was, in h o i . their cliiel apprehensionknew thai ( h u e months' liee c o m m u n i c a t i o n of c o m m u n a l Parts with the provinces w o u l d b r i n g sbout a general rising <>l the peasants, and hence (heir anxiety io establish a police hhwkade a i o u n d Paris, so as to stop i I K spread <>l the i indei pest I f the C o m m u n e was thus the t r u e representative <>f all the healthy elements oi French luciety, and tliereforc the t r u l y lis tional government, it was, at the same time, * i s a workingmen's govern m e n t, ;is the bold champion <>( the emancipation o l labor, emphatically international W i t h i n night l the Prussian A n n . . thai h;ul annexed to Germany i w o French inrovinces, the (Commune annexed to l i a n i e the Working people all OVCI the w o r l d . I lu- Second Empire had been the jubilee of cosmopolitan blacklegtsra, the rakes ol ail countries rushing m al its call [01 i share in its orgies and in the p l u n d e r ol tin* French people. Even al this moment the right hand o l I hieis is liancsi o, the foul U al lachian. and his l i f t hand is Markovsky, the Russian sp\ T h e C o m m u n e a d m i t t e d ill foreigners t> I I K J honor of d y i n g for .in i m m o r t a l < anse. Ici\\c< n the foreign wai hisl l\ I lie i I treason and the c i v i l wai fomented by their conspiracy w i t h the foreign invader, the lioorgeoisic had i o n m l the time i<> displav their p a l t i o l i s m hy organizing police hunts upon the (iennans in l i a m e . T h e ( '.onmnine made a ( criii.m woi k i n s m a n its Ministei <>l l..itoi. T h i e r s , the bourgeoisie, the Second Empire, Irad < > t i n u a l l ) deluded Poland l>> loud professions <l sympathy, w h i l e in reality betraying her to, and d o i n g the d i r t y work o l . Russia. I he ( ' o i n i i i m i e hoiioied the h e m i i sons <>l Poland hy pl.< ill)* them at the head <>l the defenders <l Paris, A n d , i> broadly mark the new eia ol history it was eonseions of i n i t i a t i n g , under the eyes of the conuuei big Prussians <>n the one side .md ol the Bona partist army, led hy BonaparttSf generals, on the other, the Coin m i m e pulled d o w n d i n colossal syml>ol <>l martial glory, the VenUVMIIC 1 o h 1 1 III l.

T h e great social measure ol the C o m m u n e was its o w n w o r k i n g existence* Its special measures could Imt betoken die tendency o l a government o l the people by the people. Such were the abolition ol the l l i g l l l work ol j o i n i i e \ m e i i h.ikcis; the pi o h i h i l i o n , tinder penalty, ol the employers' practice to reduce wages hy levying upon their workpeople fines nuclei m a n i f o l d pretexta process m which the employer combines ill his o w n person the parts ol legislator, judge, and executor, and filches the money to hoot. A n o t l u i measute ol litis t lass was the surrender, t o associai nns o l



I > '

l compensation, ol .ill closed workshop! workmen, under reserve < and factories, no mailer whether the respective capitalists had absconded or preferred to strike work. The financial measures ol the Commune, remarkable for theii sagacity and moderation, could be only Hfcti is were compatible with the state of a besieged town. Considering the colossal < > ! > beries committed upon the <ii\ ol Parii l>\ the great financial companies and contractors, under ihe protection ol Haustmann the Commune would have had an incomparably bettei title v confiscate their prnticrty than IjOtti* Napoleon hid ;i<_;:unst th< Orleans family, llu Hohenzotiern and the English oligarchs, who both have derived a good deal ol theii estates from church plunder, were, i>l course, greatly shocketl al 'he Cotiimune cleai
ittg hut eight thousand h a m s out ol set ulai OMI ion.

While die Versailles government, as soon as it had recovered sonic spirit and Strength, used the most violent means against the Commune; while it put down the free expression of opinion all over Trance, even to the forbidding *l meetings 'I flelegates from the large towns; while ii nibjeeted Versailles and the rest < > i France to an estnoitage lar surpassing thai l the Second Empire; while ii burned by iis gendarme inotiiskors all papers printed at
Paris, and silled all (01 respondent e From and to Talis; while in

the National Assembly the most timid attempts to pm in a word f < i Paris were howled down in a manner unknown even to the Ckambre inirouvmbk ol 1H1 (>; with the savage warfare of Ver
sailles outside, ami iis aUcmpts at <omipli<>ii and coiispiiaiy in side Paris, Wotthl the ( oiiiinunc not have sh;i:n l u l l \ I M*I I a \< 11 n

11use by affecting to keep up all the decern ies and appcaranc liberalism, as in a time of profound peace? Had the government of the Commune been akin lo that ol M Thiers, there would have been no more occasion to suppress pntv oi order papers at Paris than there was to suppress ( onimunal pap- is al Versailles.



15. T h e State and Revolution [97]


T h e special measures adopted by the ( l u w m u n e and emphasized hy M a r x , are paitienlarly noteworthy:- the a b o l i t i o n ol ill representative allowances, and ol all special salaries i n the Utse ol olluials: ;m<l the l o w e r i n g ol the payment ol all servants of the State to the l e \ e l ol the Workmen^ t/rngtS, Here is shown, more clearly than anywhere else, the btrak h o m a bourgeois
<lriinMi.u\ i n .1 |M o l e t a i iaii (IrttH w I M y: hom the deuioMacy ol

IllC Oppressor* lo the d e i m x m r y ol the oppiessed; h o m the llcntl inalion ol ;i "special fofce" lor the suppression ol a given class
l o the s u p p i e s s i o n o l t h e oppressors by the w h o l e lone ol the

majoiiiN ol the n a t i o n - t h e proletariat and the peasants. A n d n is precisely on this most obvious point, pel haps the most i m p o r t a n t so l.ii as the problem of the Slate is concerned, that the teachings ol Marx have been forgotten. It is entirely neglected in all the innumerable popular commentaries. I t is not " p r o p e r " to speak about il as il it were a piece ol o l d lash toned ('naivetc'\ jnst as the Christians, having attained the position of a State r e l i g i o n , " l o r gcl M lite "imivt ir" ol p r i m i t i v e C h r i s t i a n i t y , w i t h its revolutionary

demoi rat it sph h.

i i"oi |>|i

IV' xv .HHI I I
l'.'-' 1 I

ir in


R$%mtutl I rfi
I I n |" i |

<wn Kftgcf*, I ruin

I'm.. I' i ||M

. .Hi.l

Gcorae Allrn fc rnwin.





The lowering of the pay of the highest State officials seems sim ply a naive, primitive d e m a n d of Democracy. One of the "founders" of the newest Opportunism, the former Social -Democrat, K. BelrttStem, has more than once exercised his talents in the repetition ol the vulgar capital istjecrs at "primitive" Democracy, l i k e all opportunists, Iike-ttre~~prcsent followers ol Kautsky, he quite failed to understand that, lust of all. the transition from Capitalism to Socialism is impossible without "return.* 4 in a measure, t<> "primitive" Democracy. How can we otherwise pass on to the dis c h a r a c o l all the functions <A Govern ment by the majority oTthe ]>opulation and by every in<hvidual of the population? And, M< ondly. he forgets that "primitive Democracy on the basis ol Capitalism and capitalist culture is not the same primitive Democracy as in pie historic or pre capitalist times. Capitalist culture lias created industry on a large scale in the shape of factories, railways, posts, telephones and so forth; and oil this basis the great majority of functions of "the old State" have become enormously simplified and reduced, in practice, to very simple operations such as registration, Tiling and checking. Hence they will he quite within the reach of every literate person, and it will be possible to perform them for the usual "working i n a n ' s w a u e . ' I his circumsiance ought and will strip them ot all their tormer glamour as " ( l o v e r n i n e n f ' and, then-lore, privileged service. The control ol all officials, without exception, by the mire served application of the principle ol election and. at any time, re-call; and the approximation of their salaries to the "ordinary p.iy i>| tin workers" these arc simple and "sell c vidciil" demo cratic measures, which harmonize completely the interests of the workers and the majority ol peasants; and, at the same time, serve at a hi idge, leading b o m Capitalism to Socialism. These measures 1 refer to the State, that is, to the purely political reconstruction ol Society; but, ol course, they only Require their full meaning and importance when accompanied by the "expropriation of the expropriators" Of at least by the preliminary steps towards it, that is. by the passage from capitalist private ownership of the means of production to social ownership. . . . " I n a Socialist society | Kautsky writes] there can esiisl, side by side, the most varied forms of industrial undertakingsbureau cratic [??|, trade unionist, co-operative, individual." " T h e r e are, foi instance, such enterprises as cannot do without a burcaucralic [??1 organisation: such arc the railways. Ilcrt democratic orgatii zatioti might take the following form: T h e workers elect dele



gates, who form something ill the natuie <>l a parliament, and this p.nli.uncut determines th<* conditions of work, and lupeiintends the management of the bureaucratic apparatus. Othci cnteipiis<v miglu be handed over i<> ihc workers' unions, which again could l>c organized cm a co operaiive basis." This view is erroneous, and repiesents a step backward by comparison with the deductions of Marx and Engels in I he seventies bom |he example o| the ( '.omnium*. So I n as this assumed necessity < f "bureaucratic" organization is concerned, there i> no difference whatevei between railways and any othei form <>l big industry, any factory, great commercial undertaking isa extensive capitalist hum. I he conduct of all such entei pi is* s retptires tlte sn i< tst dis inline, the nh est act mac y in the apportionment <>l ihe work, nuclei peril ol damage to mecha
nism 01 product, Of r v c u the contusion and stoppage ol the whole

business In all stub "choose delegates who I iament." liu herein lies the parliament'4 will not
kaulskx \ parliamentarism.

enterprises the workers will, of course, will form something in the nature ol a par crux: this "something in the nature of a be a parliament in the middle-class sense.

ideas d o not <o beyond the boundaries of m i d d l e class I his " s o u u t h i t i ^ in the u n l u i e ol a p a i l t a m e n t " of the bureaucratic a p p a i a t u s , " as imag,

w i l l not merely " d c t e i n i i u e the conditions ol w o r k , a n d Mipei intend the m a n a g e m e n t ined by Kantsky. I n a Socialist society, this " s o m e t h i n g in the nature of :i p a t l i a i u c n i ? ' consisting of woikers' delegates, w i l l d e t e r nniu th>- conditions r>| w o i l . . and s u p e i i n l e n d the management ol the " a p p a r a l u s " - b u l this apparatus will not he "bnicauc l a l i c . ' T h e workers, h a v i n g c o n q u e r e d political power, w i l l BieaE u p the o l d bureaucratic apparatus, ihev will shatter it b o m ils Insm (Utttotts up. u n t i l not one stoue is lelt standing u p o n a n o t h e i ; and the new mac h i n e w h i c h they w i l l fashion to take ils place w i l l Inf o r m e d o u t of these same w o i k e r s a n d employees themselves, gnaid against their transformation (|) into bureaucrats, w i j j be taken at once, w h i c h M.ti s and I ie>r|s have been analyzed in detail l.o by they measures

N o t oidy w i l l l h < \

he elected, but

will be subject in uTall M any time. (2) lltcy will receive pa> mem im htghei than thai ol ordinary wSrkcr*. ($) There will be
an i m m e d i a t e p r e p a r a t i o n loi A s i n e of things when nil shall fulfill the lime lions ol r n n h o l and supei i n l e n d r m e. so that ttW shall become "bureaucrats" have the <j)p \tunny loi a t u n e , and I M I one shoulcl therefore bureau* rats at a l l . ol b e c o m i n g

IG. Works Committees in Russia in the Period of Revolution [19171918]


II11 l . u l o r y <otisliiiilion ;iml

the law of April 23, 1917

].-t us now sec tile manifestation < > f workei creation in
llii' d( 1111:1111 11I I h e cs(;il>li.slmi<iil ill I lie "1.11 t <M I 1 mi 11! nt i< 111."

1 he IHUSt pK-< ions and audacious "consi 11011(111' in us formula lion of prol>lemsa>ul its spirit is the one elaborated by the cottfei { thr war industry ! the- city ol I'd ence of factory committees < rograd in Apiil 1917, even before the promulgation ol ihc law ol April iS. Paragraphs 5- 7 < > l thisstatutc ol the factory committees, very much in advance ol the powers sanctioned by the law. arc 1 he most interesting. "All the ordinances concerning the internal procedure fixed by the law [such as regulation of working time, wages, hiring and
firing, holid.iNs, tic.I issue- hum the factory cniiimiiler wilh noli In 'a I inn to die diicc lor ol the factory or ol I he see lion."

**All administrative personnel [highei cadres, heads of sections or of workshops, technicians] are engaged wiih the> ' . m ol the factory committee, whhh musi announce the appointment ai the Reprinted fi<MII A#l*gt$iim, Dmssbec l%7, liMt, SMI, Hi IH, |g w, i,v |i
mission tif tin- |iiililish< 1. 1 laiislalcd by H e l e n Kramer.




general meeting of the whole factory or through the intermediary of ihe workshop committees." "The factory Committee has the right to reject administration personnel who cannot guarantee normal relations with the
W o t k e i s.

"The factory committee constitutes the body which controls the activity of the management in the administrative, economic, and technical domains. In order to carry out tins preliminary control, the factory committee sends one of its members to represent it, alongside the management, in the economic and technical committees as well as in the different sections of the factory; in addition, all the management's official documents, budget! ol production and e\|>eiidilincs. as well as all the d<x unients of in puts and outputs must he presented to the icpi esentativc of the factor) committee to keep it informed." lluis, from April 1917. from this "constitution" of the Petrograd workers, particularly the metallurgists, the idea of worker? control and the coordination of industiy was born by anticipation. At that time, no "factory constitution" had gone as far. The attempts made in Moscow and the provinces to create a "constitution" were more modest, although all exceeded the limits lixecl by the law of April T.\. The "explanatory note" ol the Moscow woi k section belonging to the soviet of workers' deputies accompanies the point by point malysil ol the law of April M; it explains how this law should be understood and applied and gives ralhci detailed indie ations concerning the instructions thai were at the base ol the "rules" elaborated in the most important Moscow enterprises. "The Workers' Committee shall constitute the body for the defense of the workers' economic, professional, and cultural interests," states the note; ,4 when the professional organizations are weak, it is incumbent upon the workers' committees to assume from the beginning the direction ol the economic: struggle, the (t induct ol strikes."

Furthei on, the factory committee is charged with participating

in the elaboration of rules of internal order and hiring conditions, observation of sanitary regulations, control ol factory can teens, investigation of measures to he taken against the crisis in food products, regulation ol conflicts with the help of conciliation boards, etc. ' T h e workers' committee shall be a powerful support ol the professional organization and ol the soviet ol workers1 dep
uties. ...




T h e struggle lot workers' control

. . . The conference of March 13, 1917, unifying for the first time the factory committees of the largest enterprises working > l the workers as a For the artillery, which had fatten into the hands < consequence of the Might of the management, declared that the workers did not consent to assume the responsibility of technical, administrative, and economic organization of production insofar as the complete socialisation of the entire si.nisi and private economy had not been realized. . . . The workers substituted for guard posts the control judged indispensable by the internal regulations. From that time on, the contradictions ol capitalist relations were revealed to them with a pitiless clarity. I he movement Iroin passivr control to active control was dictated by the same logic of preservation. The intervention of the workers' committees in hiring and bring was the first step toward the active interference of the workers in the production process. This is why the capitalists offered such resistance. Later the passage toward higher forms of technical and financial control became inevitable. This placed before the proletariat a new problem: the seizure of power, the establishment of new relations of production, the economic and political dictatorship of the proletariat. Workers' control, becoming a heavy hammer in the hands of the workers, crushed the autocracy of capital in the country and the factory. This action pul an end to the historic lole of the bourgeoisie. . . . In order to combat the lockout in [the textile] industry, on June 16 and 17 a conference was convened of the factory committees of the 164 textile enterprises of the central industrial region partially or entirely subjected to the destructive action of the "lakinsk policy/' 'The proletariat of the textile industry has understood very well the plan of the employers who take recourse to sabotage and the lockout in order to deliver a blow to the essential interests of the working class." declared the conference, which called for blow by blow response by unanimous resistance. This "plan" was elfectively understood by the whole working class. The proletariat found itself confronting a dilemma: "to submit to the reduction of production Of risk being fired while intervening actively in production and taking into its hands the control and normalization ol work in the enterprise.



I litis the epieslioti was posed to tllC Inst e o n l e i e n e c <l t lie*

Workers' committee* by the WW kei delegate nl the I'ulilov factory, where forty thousand workers were laboring under the constant threat of the closing of the enterprise lor lack of fuel Thus it was presented before the entire Russian proletariat. . . . In spite of the attempts ol some Mensheviks to reduce everything in a few worth about "the deroocratw n m t r o l ol the state,"1 the resolution adopted by the conference in accord with ilu- re port of Comrade Wuovicv insisted on wen kits control in a cleat .uul derisive fashion, It b not by lollowmg iIK% bureaucratic way, that is. by creating an institution ol capitalist dominantc. it is not h\ protecting the privileges of the capitalists ami theii ttnnttpo teucc ni pMHhhimu that one ' i n save ciuesell 1mm catastrophe.
I he \v,i\ of sal\alion lies onlv m the estahlishment of real

wotkeis control. 1 ' Further on. the resolution contains the etitire program Concerning this control, which was the ultimate cause ol a cruel war against capital that had passed ovei Ui the -defensive. 1 he principal points of this program ran be summarised as fol lows: I. Workers' control shall develop under conditions of the com |ilcte nonuali/at i<u .f production and distribution,
t, W ' n i h i s npei .it ions. ( O I I I I M I shall e M e i u l l o all I m a m ial mill hanking

3. The greatest part of the privileges and revenues of the large capitalist economy shall pass into tin- worl ers1 hands. 1 The exchange of agricultural objects and machines fur the
p n x h i e l s ol the land to the* u m h i s t h r o u g h the inl c I med iai v l roopeiat i\es shall be n r g a n i / e d .

a. T h e obligation to work shall be implemented ami the workers' militia shall he created. 6. I lie labor force shall be dine ted toward production of edible oil, production of law materials, and transport, and toward the manufacture of products for economic reconstruction.
7 P o w e r shall he taken by the Soviets. . . .

The struggle for the socialist factory

. . . The First All Russian Conference ol Factory Committees, meeting from Octobei 17 to October 22, on the eve of the revolutionary offensive A\i'\ the seizure ol power by the profetar*




i;n. undertook [to unite the disposed manifestation!! ol tin Lit lory committees in theii struggle for Soviet power] . . . . The decision on workers'control had to impose itself natural!) from the combat position taken by the All Russian Conference, li Alter having overthrown absolutisin on the political level, (explains the iesolution| the working I ! ^ > .Ist> \v;mh to make it** democratic aspitatimis ttimnph on the ecniiomit level. The idea ol workers' control, arising in the full economic ruin that the criminal polity of the dominant (lass has created, is the expo s sion ol these asphaiions. "2) The organiiation ol workers1 control i^ a healthy manifes
H i ion of the s p u n <| pi u l r i . n ian i n i t i a t i v e III the d o m a i n oi

> l the Party in the domain of poli production, as is ih<- activity < tics, that ol the trade unions in the domain ol waj^rs, that of coop natives in tin* domain ol consumption, and that ol dubs in the domain oi msliiu lion. M 8) I he Workers, more than the employers, arc interested in > l the enterprises. In this re the regular and uninterrupted work < spect, the introduction ol workers' control guarantees the intei ests of all of contempoi arv society, of all the people, much more than the sole autot ratu judgment of the employers, who are guided by < imsiderations of material or political profit "Only workers* control ol tin* csipiutfisi enterprise, taking into .iMiitmi its objectives .mil so< ial iinpoi e, will create condi tioni favorable to the installation of our itrong w<il< i^* sell man agentenl and to the developntf-nl ol pi oductive l a l x i l . . . .

From workers' control to workers' management

. . . The practice of workers' control before October some times even yielded negative results. 1 he natural concern of the factoiy committees to help the worker escape from poverty and unemployment obliged them to act as a sort of "machinery" charged with procuring by any mentis raw materials, fuels, and other materials indispensable to production. 1 he management of factories sometimes tended t< nse the factor) committees by conBding to them the responsibility of the enterprise, imperceptibly making the workers' organizations iis agents and issistants. If tin employers abandoned then enterprises and factory commit tees became the masters b\ the force ol circumstances, the latter



often adopted the " e m p l o y e r " p o i n t of view and, f o r g e t t i n g the general economic* u t i l i t y , defended their o w n factory, even if other Factories were more i m p o r t a n t for the state and better

C o m p e t i t i o n and the tendency to wrest away the scarce resources that assured the enterprise's life put the factory committees in a situation of m u t u a l economic struggle, thus transforming the factories into semianarc hie "autonomous federations." T h e anarchists, p r o f i t i n g l>y these tendencies, demanded that the* management of enterprises pass i n t o the hands of the factory committees. " T h e production control committees not only should be verifiers [enjoying n o more than the right in examine rnter|irise ; c counts] hut should, at ihe* present time, prepare the transfer of production to the hands of the w o r k e i s " ; ihis is what the anarchists proposed in their resolution at the session of ihe First A l l Uussinn Congress <>! Factory Committees mi October 20, These tendencies manifested themselves in the practice* of workers' control From the first days f o l l o w i n g the October Revol u t i o n , the more easily and w i t h more success as the capitalists' resistance increased Hut the proletariat relied on workers' power and lltrottgll the revolut ioiiai y oig;ins s u M o e d the ieealcili.ini e i i l i e p i e n e m s . I he w o l k i n g c lass accepted the use o l .ill means. Front compulsory a r b i t r a t i o n t< the arrest ol employer! and the sequestiatiotl of enterprises, to break the resistance of the capital
ists. . . .

T h e BlU steps in this d h e r t ion weie made hy the Central com mittee ol the factory committees, which decreed on Fchruary 6, 1918, the instructions and the practical manual on c o n t r o l . A l l the essential points of these instruction* enlarge ihe eontrol cadres and surpass hy Far those established hy the dec I er: " W o r k e r control of industry, as an integral prut of all economic life, shall not he understood in the narrow KUSe of a simple review h u t . on the contrary, i n the* broad sense <>l i n t e r f e r o n c in internal management: capital, the enterprise's property, raw materials and manufactured products, regular f u l f i l l m e n t o l orders, consumption of energy and manpower, p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the organization o l product ion on rational bases, etc. C o n t r o l shall he considered precisely as a transitional itagc toward the organization of all economic life o l the country on socialist foundations, as the I U M indispensable step m tins d i r e c t i o n , made by ihe base




parallel to the work at the summit in the central organs of the national economy/ 1 This broad interpretation of workers' control precedes the instructions given by the Central Soviet of Factory Committees, The decree defines the Functioning of workers' control in the spirit of the proposed instruction while confiding its application to the factory committees and to their associations: the district committees are already no longer simple observers of employer activities, they are ceasing to be "machinery"1 in the search for fuels and raw materials that help the capitalists to keep their enterprises going. According to the sense ol the powers with which they are invested, they are the effective guides of all the entei piises affairs. The Factory committees can check the initiatives of the employers and management and require that no measure, no matter how important, he taken without their agreement. They manage the manufactured products, raw materials, fuel, and manpower; they establish the plan of work, together with the technicians, examine the orchis with the management and decide on their execution, demobilize the enterprises and manpower, control the financial operations, and also supervise the observance of work interests with respect to the internal older, the raising of waives, technical and sanitary conditions, and cultural education T h e organizational outline elaborated by tlie* Central Soviet ol

Factory Committees with respect to the practical application < > i

workers1 Control c m he roughly summarized in this way: the fac tory committee designates live cnnimittccs organi/ation of production, demobilization, raw materials supply, fuel supply, and orgn ni/ation of work. These basic committees can create any necessary subcommittees. T h e factory committees unite in district Soviets of Workers1 control which, in turn, join in urban, provincial, and te gional Soviets of the national economy working under the leadership of the Central Soviet of Factory Committees. T h e Soviets of the national economy are divided into sectors according to branches of industry. Where Soviets of the national economy do not exist, all the practical work for directing the application of control is carried out by the Central Soviet of lac tory Commit tees, divided in turn into corresponding committees and production sections. . . . Workers' control is in fac t applied in the following way: when the factories need raw mateiials. fuel, money, rti , the Supreme

Soviet of the National Economy, represented l\ the correspond



inc section of production, demands < ( the control committees formed in the factories justifying statements, subsequently veri lied on the spoi. 1 his measure , s necessary because the employeis often abuse the COIlfklmce of these committers and profit by their lac I; < > l experience in technical and administrative question*. Too often the factory committees and the control committees inter pret too liberally or too arbitrarily i i < - decreet and instructions on workers' control. Problems arise then on this ground not only witli the management ol factories but also with the Soviet ol the National Economy. No problem! concerning the life ol the enterprise can be re solved without the organs ol workct* rontrot. I he conflicts, the struggle ol the employers, and the liquidation and management of abandoned enterprises during the Revolution caused isiecious time to be lost.. . . The furthei deepenhig < > f the economic revolution requires o r ganizatioti ol production tin socialist bases. But a mote efficient form ol organization than the factory committee and a broader method than workers* control were required. The management id the new factory had to he linked tn th piin< ipl<- < l A unique economic plan piepaied in leinisol the general socialist pel spec tives of the young proletarian state. 1 m that, national organs fot normalization and management of production hail to be set up. I IK I.K i(ii\ committees larked ihe tft|ierirarc ami technical knowledge t< assimilate lite complicated worl ol control ol prti duction. Ihe modem development o! the tattei 1 ^ linked by ^ > many threads to the external world, to othei enterprises, to tin* situation on the market, to the state of transportation, to the l.thm market, etc., thai the factory committees, as well as thcii all Russian imiou. riMthl uoi grasp all these Ihiks; they lai ked the prerogatives of state power. Financial control was particularly dil funk to achieve. In order for it to he fully accomplished, all the enormous power of financial capital, as well as the legal order it had established, had to he broken. Establishment of compulsory trade unionism, the grou|>ittg < > t isolated branches ol |rodoctioti into trusts, the nationalization of hanks, the creation of a new fiscal system, all those immense economic tasks ol the period of transition to socialism required the creation ol \ universal center normalizing the entire national economy on a statewide scale. I he proletariat understood this necessity and freeing from theii mandate the factory committees, which no longei corresponded to 11 it new economic exigencies, delegated theit poweis to newly




created organs, the Soviets of the national economy. One a l u i mother, tiie enterprises became the property ol the prtietarian state. l\ about June I, HUH, more than live hundred
e u l e i |>i is< s, a m o n g t h e m the most 1111 ] x o I in I. Were a h e a d ) n.t

L tonal ized. Up to th< l-nsi (digress ol Soviets ol the National Economy in May |une P.MS, all the fundamental branches ol hi dnstry as well as private commerce were subjected to nationalizs
lion. . . .

The resolution o! the Congress defined die functions, lights, and dutiei ol workers' control as follow*; "Worker*' control not <)idy extends to the itiventnry of taw materials, to production, finance, etc*, but also establishes selling prices and verifies whcthci lite enterprise works in conformity with the [dans elabo rated by the Soviets <>i the national economy In cases in which activity do<s not conform to lite defined tasks, the organs ul workers' rotttrol immediately conmiutiicatc all the shortcomings and variances to the regional 01 provincial soviet " I the national economy without waiting tor tin decision of the administrative Council, The soviet of the national economy shall, on its part, m gently undertake all the measures necessary to eliminate tin noted dnirtcomiiigs, Workers' control ( n m m b not only the employer or the head of the enterprise, hm also the workers, for whom it fixes die clltcieiic) ol work, nouns ol [wodttction, ami woik discipline. Workers' control thus ( o i u n v c d makes in dusliial activity known to the workers and contributes to tin gradual ami systematic carrying out ol nationalization by the re giotial Soviets, until the measures taken by the Supreme Soviet of the National Economy have been implemented." Km in addition to the regulation on workers' control and the creation ol control committees slightly modified iti comparison with the preceding iitstructkjsis the Congress ol the- Soviets n| the National Economy adopted the "Regulation on the Manage ment of Nationalised Enterprises." Paragraph 2 ol this regulation states: "A works management committee is famed in every plant* factory, mine, etc., that has become the property ol the Republic T w o the members of this committee are designated by the regional soviet of the Su preme Soviet of the National Economy (if the enterprise is ch redly subjected If> central direction!: in addition, the Soviet ol the National Economy has the right to prtiuil IIN d <i n i tional trade union to propose hall of t I ;twli ' A third <i th ittembcrs <>. the management committee are



elected by the unionized worken ol the enterprise. The factory management committee shall include a third of socialists from among the technical and commercial employees."
Thus, on the one hand, such a system of organization of management allowed the work of normalizing production according to a single plan to he advanced to a considerable degree; hut. in addition, it stamped a proletarian character on management hy linking to it the working masses, who could directly designate their lepresentatives to the factory management committees.

17. Tasks of the T r a d e Unions: Theses of the Workers' Opposition for the T e n t h Party Session [January 1921]

Genera) principles
1. T h e voir and tasks of the trade unions in the transition period, in which we now find omselves, will le determined |>te( isely and clearly in the Resolution ol the All-Russian Trade Union Congress. The Hist AH Russian Trade Union Congress in January I9I.S defined the task of the trade unions as follows: "The locus of the trade unions' activity al tlie piesenl inoinent must lie in the organi/aliunal-cconnmk: sector. As class organizations of the proletariat! built according to the production principle, the trade unions must tarry out their main work through the organization oi production and the restoration oi the disrupted productive forces of the country." T h e Second Congress in February 1919 estahlished that "in the course of the mutual practical work of the Soviet government in strengthening and organizing the national economy, the trade unions passed from control of production to its organization, in which they actively participated both in the management of inch Vldual enterprises and in the overall economic lile ol the conn try."
K. |.iinir<l h o m \au by l l t k n Kiamcr. lemr (/.;i K id>). I )<N r i n h r r 1971, SB ! Ii.m*lil.<l

I7 \




> VI I i l l ' M I N T

The conclusion of the Resolution stales: "The trade unions, which directly participate in all areas ol Soviet lahoi and from which slate organs are formed, musl therefore train their organi
/ations :md ilit* broad working masses not >ulv Un management ol piodtu t ion, but als< !oi pai thipation in the entire stale ap|a ratus, and must prepare them to interest themselves in Soviet work."

The Third Congress, held in April IfJM confirmed in truth. formally-the most important conclusions ol both preceding cam greases, but limned itself to giving a series of instructions and rt
ominendatioiis with respect to the manner in which die trade unions should iKtrttciiiatf* in the iMgmti/atMW nl the national re on om\ in auras outlined hy the resolutions ol th<- Inst and Second congresses. I he practical tasks ol the tt ide unions were set forth with paithnlai darky and distinctness in the Program <i the Russian Communist Party (RKP), which was adopted at the Eighth Congress in Match 1919. In the Program ol the RKP, we find the following in the secI hi- organiza tion "In the Economic Sector" under point tional apparatus ol socialized industry must hist of all rest on the trade union." Since tlie trade unions, according to tin* laws ol the Soviet Re public and the piaelkc whieh has developed, panic ipale in prar tirally all local and central managerial organs ol industry, it must follow that the complete direction of the entile national economy as a unified economic whole is concentrated hi their hands. 2. The transition from military tasks to economic construction and from militarism wot k methods to democratic methods pro voked a crisis in the trade unions that is observed in the failure of the content of their daily work to agree with the tasks elaborated in the Resolution ol the congress and placed in the1 Party Program. The practice of the Party centers and state organs in the last two yea is has systematically limited the area <! actix it v of the trade unions and practically removed the influence ol the unions in the Soviet state. The role of the trade unions in organizing and man aging production is reduced in reality In the role ol an inlonua tion bureau or bureau lor recommendations, while state officials have assumed the managerial positions: there is no agreement between the state organs r\w<\ tl< trade unions, and the Party oioiui/ations aic burdened by conflicts, \ clear illustration of the position ol the trade moons fa offered h\ the report on the situation ol tlu trade union press. I he unions have in ithei print


I ions



in presses nor paper. T h e j o u r n a l ol tlie large unions appears w i t h many months' dctay. Hie itate p r i m i n g establishment receive! the unions* |Mriiiting orders reluctantly and docs not care they arc given lowest pi u n i t y . !'. 1 his n a n o w i i i " o l KilC role .uxl importance <>l i 1M- trade mi ions occurs at a time* when the experience ol the last three yean ol the proletarian r e v o l u t i o n shows that the u n i o n consistently carries out the communist line and f u r t h e r has behind it a circle ( unbiased w o r k i n g masses, and when it is deal to everyone that iht' realization ol the Program o l ih<* R K P in our country, in which the p o p u l a t i o n consists m a i n l y of small commodity pro ( h u r t s , r t l l l l t t t v i a Rtroitg, anthoi it alive HI i^am/al n Ml ol ihe Work
in;; misses w h i c h is a c c e s s i b l e t o b i o a d c i r c l e s ir4 t h e p i o l c l . i l

I he n a r r o w i n g ol the importance and the real role ol the trade u n i o n organixationi in Soviet Russia is a ion ol the bourgeois (lass enemy o l the proletariat and must he immediately

ended. T h e next tasks and activity of the unions

4. The real breathing spell offered to the workers 1 re p u h l u ID) the liisl l i m e m l l u blond) . i i m t d Mtllgglc aj.;.ihiNl ill ternal a n d foreign c o u n t e r r e v o l u t i o n and against w o r l d imperial ism makes it possible to concentrate all the forces and resources of the c o u n t r y first of all on struggling against economic disruption and on increasing as milch as possible the produc live loiccs ol our republic. T h e experience of l o u r revolutionary years and three and a half years of Soviet construction a n d Struggle taught tis that the tasks posed could be solved to the extent to w h i c h the broadest sttata of the w o r k i n g masses participated. We must take i n t o consideration this experience and organize o u r w o r k so that it will now be focused toward the direct p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the w o r k i n g masses i n managing the economy of our c o u n t r y . f>. W e shall be able to overcome d i s r u p t i o n m d renew and in(Tease the (productive Forces of our country o n l y il the existing system and practical methods of the organization and management of the national economy ol the r e p u b l i c are changed from the f o u n d a t i o n up. The system and methods of construe l i o n that test on heavy bureaucratic machinery exclude ever) < reative ini tialive. every independent activity ol l l u p (tflttcci* who arc orga nized in tiade unions. 1 hat system ol econotiiti policy w h i c h is



conducted by officials and d u b i o u s experts in a bureaucratic way. independently ol the organized producers, led to conflict in managing tlie economy and constantly provokes conflicts between the work committee and the enterprise management, between the unions and the economic organs. T h e conditions created by that system hardly allow enthusiasm for productive work to appear among the broad w o r k i n g masses, and prevent them f r o m becoming active and systematic collaborators i n overcoming economic disturbances. Such a system must be decisively rejected. (">. I Ins effort . . . to c a n y out i n an indirect way the* programmatic conclusions of the Party congress on the i<>le and tasks of the trade unions in the Soviet state testifies to the lack of confidence in the powers ol the w o r k i n g c lass. I he conscious, progressive elements of the w o r k i n g elass. w h o m the communists 01 ga ni/e. must l i y with all their might to oveicomc that lack ol couh deuce and bureaucratic inertness which prevail in the Tarty itself. T h e necessity ol abolishing the present system is dictated by the fact that the trade unions educated and ideologic ally prepared huge- masses of the proletariat to see the effective defense of the class interests o f the producers at the present moment to lie in the overcoming o l economic disturbances and the renewing and raising ol the Republic's productive ibices; the \ e i \ existence ol the w o r k i n g class of our country depends on the successful completion <>f this task. T h e bureaucratic method connected w i t h the present economic construction, however, prevents the attainment ol as gieal productive successes as are possible and introduces clis agreement, lack ol confidence, and tlemoralhEatioii i n t o the* ranks ol the workei s. . . . N. T h e occupational and i u d u s t i i a l associations of workers are organizations ol collective economic experience, b u i l t according to the principles of workers' democracy, election, and responsthil ity ol all oigans from the b o t t o m to the top. I n the period of t l w i i existence, the workers' councils have acquired sufficient experience and obtained people w i t h managerial, technical, and economic capabilities. Worker-managers administer whole branches ol O I I I war, machineiy, metal, and utttrt industries. A collegium m even i n d i v i d u a l worker-managers lead several h u n d r e d com plicated industrial enterprises. As representatives of the workers* unions in the economic organs, they are not responsible to the organizations that delegated them, and are not obliged to account to them, they cannot be suddenly recalled, and they ai<- responsi ble onl) to the <ouomit organ.




Transferring the administration of production to the unions will eliminate this harmful phenomenon. \). I he abandonment <| the present type of bureaucratic administration ol the economy, which does not take into account the initiative ol the working masses, must he carried out in an organised way and must begin with the strengthening of the lowest cells ol the workers' unions, bom the workers' committees in the factories on up, with the goal ol preparing them for direct administration of the economy. T h u s the transition ol the unions from their present position as passive supporters ol the national ceo nomic organs to active, const ions, independent, and creative paiticipants in the administration ol the entire economy of the Country would he guaranteed. T o hasten that transition, the Following measures must be undertaken: a) A limitation with reaped to the characteristics ol production must be carried out among individual workers' unions. h) The itrengtltening of the unions in terms ol officials and technical and other material resources must begin without delay so that they can be prepared lor new tasks. c) Officials of the workers' unions and workers committees must he elected with regard to their capacity to carry out the tasks confronting the unions. This election must he initiated Irom below and under the control of the unions. d) Where the participation of the unions in organizing and administering the economy is concerned, all the prevailing principles of parity between the Supreme Council ol the National Rconotlt) and the All Russian Council ol Trade I 'nions must be broadened to inc lease the rights and privileges ol the workers' organizations. e) No one may be entrusted with a job in managing the economy vvithoul the unions' knowledge. I) No candidate pioposecl by the unions may be rejected; the highest national council and its organs must unconditionally accept all candidates. g) All officials whom die unions have appointed or proposed are to he icsponsible to those unions and subjec t to recall l>v them at any tune. h) The unions entrusted by the All Russian Central Council of Trade Unions with the organization of direc i administration of all industrial branches must carry oul that right regardless < > l whether other unions agree. b). I he whole attention and total a< ti\ its ol the unions must be


HISTORICAL ni v r i o i ' M i N i

directed toward factories and workshops, enteritises and govern incut ofhees. mel must be com e n t i a U d on the d c \ e l o p m e i U ol the activity and c onsc iousnrss ol producers in their o w n JJUMCSS a n d . based on the HtCCCSS id pi ex ess, (iii t l l f development ol 11M consciousness of liberated p u d u r e r s . and on the organization ol tVOrfc so (hat the woiker, instead of being a chad appendage ol the economic machine, w i l l become i conscious creatoi ol comtttunism, b u i l d i n g coiniininism on the f o u n d a t i o n ol die a p p r o p i iate and econotttU al division o| labor . . . 11. 1 In forms ol organizing uid a d m i n i s t e r i n g the e r o n o i n \ and the system ol lelalions among die various economic sectors should in their l o n n enable die achnmislialioii ol the national ecortow) i> a in lifted, economic whole i n be concentrated in the hands o l the HUM >ns. 12. 1 bis Concentration of administration ol the Republic 's uniRed economy shall be a < bieved by introducing an nsder hi whi< h all the administrative organs ol tbf n.u ional econout) . . . aic < lei led bom among the representatives ol the organized producers. In this wav. a kit lilted w i l l is achieved, which is neeessaiv loi n r g a n i l ing the national economy, and. in a d d i t i o n , the broad Working strata are given ihe- real possihiliu ^ i influencing, liy theii own initiatives, the organization and development ol oin e e o n o m v IS. The A l l Russian Congress of Producers, comprised of u n i o n members, shall organize the administration of the entire national economy; it shall also elect tlte central orgatt <| a d m t t i H n a t i o n o l the entire national economy. a) 1 he all Russian Congresses ol the unions o l i n d i v i d u a l induslues shall elect the organs lot administering economic sectors ol p i o d u e l i o n and pioehn t groups, b) l b e corresponding local union congresses shall appoint the administrative organs of the regions, provinces, districts, etc. T h u s a Connection is established bet wean centrali/at ion of product ion and I<K a I i n i t i a t i v e . . . . 14, Medium-size enterprises with similar production shall be united in groups (alliances, join! committees) lot tb<* sake ol ojv tunal use ol technical etuiipmeni and materials. Simitai located in the same city or place shall be- united nuclei a Common leadership created in a general f o r m by the u n i o n . The management of u n i t e d enterprises that are spatially separated front each nihei shall be appointed b\ congresses o l Hie workers' c o m m i t t e r s ol the corresponding enterprises convoked b) the n




(>rg<tJti/.iug work (is' committees For managing enterprises

15, Ml workers and employees ol all enterprises and lei vices n| i lu Republic who ;nc trade union IIICIIIIHIS illllil system* iiic.illy and aeiively participate III the atlniini *t ration I the na tional economy with the goal of organizing work and production as quickly as possible according to socialist principles, 16. All workers and employees, regardless l position and title, who arc employed in i mil vidua! e< cu i<mii< units MK h ;is factories and mines, in all enterprises, government offices, and services, hi trade, in iIK* post office, as well .is in all branches < i agriculture, direr tl) dispose of the values entrusted t < > them; dps. as well as suitable income, is guaranteed to all woi kersol the Republic. 17. As participants in the organization and management < > i en lerprises, workers and employees employed in factories, work shops, and govern men l offices, in trade, i lu- postal lervicc, and the signal service, and in other places in economn units thai com i the entei prise enterprises, elect an organ lor the management < prise, the workers' committee. IX. The workers' committee ;v the l>asi< organisational <eil ol the trade union of the related industry and is created under the leadership and control of the related union. I!). Management of the concerned work oi enterprise is among
the tasks of I lie woi kei s' < OttttHtttCC, and im lodes:

a) Management ol the productive activity < > ! all workers and employees of the concerned economic unit;
b) concern for all (he producers' nerds

I he committee members shall divide up theii ta*ks in managing the enterprise according to the rules and instructions of the union in such a way that, in addition to their collective responsibility, which is borne Inst of all by the chairman, die personal responsibility of each individually is precisely established* 20. The workers employed in the concerned enterprise elabo rate and approve the entire activity, work program, and internal order of the enterprise, in die framework of the allocated tasks and prevailing legal regulations and nutlet the responsible leadei ship of the woi kers committee ol the trade union. . . . 22. All the measures already cited shall he carried out liisi ol all in socialized enterprises, They shall be carried out from time to time in pi ivate etttci IM ises only with the uui< cmiissiou. Wlierever measures an ol a collective ui tonccm en


H i s i OR K \ i


tire enterprises, they should be carried out in every enterprise in accordance with work achievement Measure! which have a purely personal significance for individual workers should be cartied out in the form of stimulation, which should begin With the workers with greatesi achievements. Signed by A, SfiHmfmikao and other members <>l the Central
Committee of the All Russian Union of Metalworkers, various directors and chairmen of industrial units, representatives of the miners , textile workers',end agricultural workers' unions, and a member of the Forty Control Committee <>l the Central Committee o( the Rkf'

18. T h e Workers' Opposition in Russia [1921]


T h e l o o t s ol the (OlltlOVCVSV
Hefore examining the cause of the ever growing split heIvvrrn the "Woikcis' Opposition'' and the official viewpoint of our leading organs, it is necessary to draw attcuti<>u to two fact*: 1) T h e Workers' Opposition emerged From the womb ol the industrial proletariat in Soviet Russia and is a consequence not only of the intolerable living and working conditions of seven million industrial Workers, hut also of the vac illations, the inconsistency, and the serious deviations ol our Soviet policy from the class principles that are clearly expressed in the communist pro

2) T h e Opposition does not have its origin in any particular organization, nor is it the product ol any personal dispute or controversy; on the contrary, it extends throughout all of Russia. where it has met with clamorous accord. . . . The two differing points of view, as they have been expressed by the leaders of onr Party and the representatives of the members of working class organizations, were brought out into the Reprinted fraai Alrismwln KoHontti, L'opposiziont opermit > HHMM (Milan: trio* I omwi m |j> I '. II K, IS, .1. S ,'> ,-' I nHHthacd l > > Midul \;lc. 1H1



II IS I O U I C A I . Ml V I 1 O l ' M 1- N I

light for the hist l i m e at the N i n t h G o t t g m d of out of indush \ . " . . .

Party, when

it discussed the p i o h l e t u ol "collective <M i n d i v i d u a l management

T h e Fact of the matter is thai, although both side* vehemently

d e n i e d thai a question ol pi me i|*le was ai stake, i lus < oni i m < rsy was ihe matt i testatum ol t w o histoi it ally ii i IM OIK ilahle points ol view. " I n d i v i d u a l m a n a g e m e n t " is a product ol ihe individualist viewpoint ol die bourgeois elass. " I n d i v i d u a l inanageine nt

amounts basically to the unrestrained, isolated, and arbitrary ex

< M ise of w i l l hy one peison h o u n d in no way w i t h the eolleeNv

T h i s idea is reflected in ever) d o m a i n of h u m a n activity, h o r n die l u m l i o n ol head ol state to t h u of general ItUUtagei o l i fat*' t m \ . It is the u l t i m a t e wisdom ol b o u r g e o n t h o u g h t , I h e bour geoisie has no faith in the power ol a collet live body and hence

finds i useful t<> reduce ihe masses to an obedient Bock and lead
d i e m wherever its m u e s l i m u d w i l l elesiies. . . . L o n g before the W o r k e r s ' o p p o s i t i o n a p p e a l e d w i t h its theses. and before it indicated the hasi&oil w l l k l t , in its o p i n i o n , the p i o l e t a i i a n d i c t a t o r s h i p should evolve d i n i n g i n d u s t r i a l veconslt ue-

tion. the Party leaden were already in strong disagreement in

their estimation ol the role lhat should he played by the w o r k i n g class organizations in the lee oust i uc l i o n ol industry on c o m m i i

nist foundations, The Central Committee ol the- Party Hdn into

t w o g r o u p s C o m r a d e L e n i n was opposed to lioisky, while ttuI h a r i n took a m i d d l e position. At die E i g h t h Congress ol Soviets

ami immediately thereafter, it became clear that there existed

w i t h i n ihe P a r t ) ilsell a cohesive gTOUll helel together ahove all hy the f u n d a m e n t il positions ol its members c o n c e r n i n g the unions. 1 Ins g i o i i p , the " W o r k e r *


O p p o s i t i o n , " d i d not have any

majoi theoreticians, but despite the resolute resistance of the most popular Party leader*, it continued to grow in strength and spread steadily throughout all of proletarian Russia. . . .

I lie (t isis iii the part}

. . . What was the cause of this "rautious prudem e" ((particularly evident in the lack of confidence ol the central Part} organs in the abilities e>l the lahor unions in matters con tenting industry), a prudence that has recently spread through out all om organs What really, is the can-'- ol this? II we under


I inn s | RUSSIA

IH * :

take a (lose scrutiny ol the reasons behind the controversy within our Party, it is apparent thai th<- Party is going tl rough a <ims thai has three hasir causes. III.-Inst M( tliesc is the difficult situation in which oui Part] is i nii.sitauied to opeiale and act. The Hiissi.m ( 'oinmuiust Part) must (-<.III.SU in I c oiiimimisiii ;ind make its program a reality: (a) in a situation in which the eeononiie structure is completely de strnyed and the economy in total collapse; (h) against the ruth less pressures ol the imperialist Males and the White (.uaidswhich show no signs ol abating; (e) hi a situation in which the Russian working <lass is foiled io go about the task ol constructing communism .mil creating new forms < > l communis! economy in an economically backward country, with a population in majority, where the fundamental which the peasantry comprise economic prerequisites Ecx socialization of production and distribution are lacking, and where capitalism has proved itself incaps hie of completing its lull cycle ol development (from the unn strained competition < > l the Inst stages of capitalism to its mature IMIII. planning ol prodttction l>> capitalist associatifais, i.e., the
11 U S l s ) .

Il is lo be expected thai all these factors should obstruct the practical implementation of mil program (es|teciall) its essential pan. the i< <<HIMiu i tion of industry < > n new foundations) and give rise to diverse tendencies and lack of homogencit) in our ecu iiomic policies, . . . From the standpoint ol the economy as a whole, however, the matter is quite different. Production, organized production, is the essence ol communism. T o exclude the workers from the organization ol industry, to deprive theii industrial organizations ol the opportunity to develop their abilities in the creation ol new forms of production in industry through the trade unions, to deny this expression ol the (lass organization of the proletariat while placing full confidence in tin: "competence ' ol specialists trained and educated to manage production under a totally difEcrent system of production, means to depart from the mainstream of scientific: Marxist thought. . . . As military questions recede into the background and ec o iiomic questions emerge to the fore, and ihe moo- acute our urgent needs become, the giealci becomes the influence of this group, which is not only inherently alien to communism but also totally incapable of developing the <<viir<; in intro during new hums ol organization ol labor, nev incentives lor in



creasing production, and new outlets for production and distribu huti. All these technicians, experienced men, and business expert* who have only now emerged to the surface in Soviet life and are bringing their influence to bear ou our economic lifeare making strenuous efforts to establish ties with the leaders oi mil Party by means of lite Soviets. . . . As long as the working class lelt itself to he the sole creator ol

communismduring the first phase of tin- Revolutionthere was perfect unanimity in the Tarty. During the days immediate!)
following the Oetobet Revolution, it would have been impossible for anyone to entertain the thought that "superiors'" were in

some way different from "inferiors," Because, quite simply, in those clays the advanced workers were actively involved iii making our communist program a reality, point by point. The peas
ants who obtained land did not insist on being an integral part of the whole, citizens of the Soviet Republic with lull lights. I he intellectuals, the specialists, the businessmen, the entire petty

bourgeoisie, and the pseudospecialists who are today making thcii

way, one step at a time, up the Soviet laddei ol lUCCeSS, passing themselves oil as 'experts," kept their distance at that time, wailing warily and thus giving full liberty to the advanced working masses to develop then creative capai hies. Now, however, the exact opposite is the case. 1 he woiker at every instant feels, sees. ;nid understands that the specialists - and. i\cu worse, the illiterate nonexperts who pass themselves oil as

specialistsstep ovei the workei and invade administrative posti

within our industrial and economic institutions. And the Party, instead ol checking this tendency of individuals who are lotalU alien lo the working class and communism, encomages it and at tempts to seek a way out ol the cionouik chaos not in the Worker! but precisely in these individuals. I he workers |>erccive this, and, despite the unanimity and unity in the Party, a split aiises. . . .

T h e l>ase of the protest

. . . T h e more our industrial establishments and the trade unions ate deprived of their best elements by the Party, which sends them to the bout or to Soviet inst itutions, the

weakei become the links between the proletarian base and the leading bodies ,,I \\U- p.ui\ I he gap widens, until now the divi




sinn is beginning to show in ihe base of the Parly itself. T h e worker*, through their Workers' Opposition, ask themselves: "Who tre we? Are we really the bedrock of the dictatorship of l he proletariat, or are we only an obedient 11CM k serving as a sup pnit to those who, aftei having severed all then ties with the masses, <:an y through theii personal policies, constructing indus try with no regard whatsoever (or our views and < native capacities, protected by the secure name of the Party?" . . .

The role of the trade unions

. . . T o find an incentive for laborthis is the major task of the working class at the threshold of communism, bj any case, no one outside of the working class, in its organized lorni. is capable of resolving this great p r o b l e m , . . . The Workers' Opposition has confidence in the creative capacities of its own (lass, the working class. Ihe rest of its program is based on this faith. Hut at just this point the Workers' Opposition begins to deviate From the line followed by the Party leaders. T h e essence of the theses indorsed by our Party leaders amounts to no more than mistrust of the working class (not in the political arena but in the question of creative economic abilities) . The leaders do not believe that the hand of the worker, technically uneducated, is capable of carving out the economic lorins horn which a bar monious system of communist production will develop over the years. 1 or all - - i c biding Lenin. Tiotsky, /anoviev, and Kukharin production seems to be 1 "delicate" thing which cannot be driven forward without the assistance of the leaders. First, we have to "educate" the workers, "instruct them." and only when they have become adults will we dispense with all the coaching from the Supreme Council of the National Economy and pennit the trade unions to assume control over production. Indeed, it is significant that all the theses endorsed by the leaders of the Party converge on one point: we will not yet give control of produc tion to the trade unions; for the present, it is better lo wait. There are doubtless differences of opinion among Trotsky. Lenin, /inoviev. .Hid Bukharin as icgaids the particular areas m which manage men! of industry should not yet be given t < > the workers, but all coitati on one point: that at this pieseni juncture, production



must br managed fmm afroce, through a bureaucratic system inherited from the past. . . .
T n s m n 111: what is the W o r k e r s ' O p p o s i t i o n a i m i n g at?

1) I he formation of an organisation by and Fat the worketi themselves the producers to administei the nation's economy. 2) Sn thai the trade unions, instead ol continuing to |ierfofm their function of passive collaboration with economic insiitu tiona, may participate at lively and have the opportunity lo manifest their creative capacities, the Workers' Opposition proposes s series of preliminary measure! lot the gradual and systematic at taininenl of this objective. Sj The transferral ol the administrative functions in industry
i n ' n the hands of the trade u n i o n w i l l not he possible n n l i l the

All 1^Mssi:m Central Executive Committee decide* that the trade

IlltiottS aie sn flicienll y p i e p a m l and ('apahle ol r a r r y i f l g out this task.

I) All those nominated for economic and administrative posts must have the prim approval of the trade unions None nl the lamlidales nominated hy the trade unions may he nealled hy t he Party All responsible officials nominated by lite trade unions shall be accountable to the trade unions and may be recalled hy them alone. f ) T o carry out <ll these iHttpfisahi, ii is necessary t<> rcinlcHxe
ih< i .1 IIU and hie ol the trade unions and p i e p a i e the la< l o i y r o m

mittees and section committees for the management ol industry, (i) By concentrating the entire administration of the public economy in a single body (thereby eliminating the dualism l<tweeii the Stt|>remc Council h>i the National fcommiy and the All Russian Executive Committee ol the trade unions), a unified will should be created to facilitate the plan and to give life to the system of communist production. . . .

Bureaucracy or autonomous action of \he masses?

. . . In an effort to institute democracy in the Party and to eliminate the bureaucracy, the Winkers' Opposition proposes three hasic piim iplcs: I) A return to the elective principle in all areas and the elimination i l tht bureaucracy, so thai all responsible officials are a <
t< ' i m l a h l e l o I he m.r,se\ loi l i n n l>< ha\ M M.




2) A broadening of the scope for public debate within the, whether on problems of i general or a parttculat nature; greater consideration lor the opinions ol the rank and Ble (wide
discussion o\ all problems by the iank and lile. ami I nal dec ision hy the leaders; admission of any member to the meeting! < > l the executive organs ol the Party, except in cases where problems re quiring special lecrecy are to he discussed); institution of lice dots of opinion and expression (granting the right not only to n the course of discussions but also to use funds criticise freely E lor the publication of written documents proposed b) the vat inns factions within the Party) . S) I he creation ol a Party thai is truly proletarian, placing restrictions on those- presently occupying posts in the Party and in Soviet institutions. I his last clem.nid is p.u I i< illai ly essential in:ismti' h as it is (he task of the Party not only to construct communism but also to sei the stage for preparing the masses for a long, period of struggle against world capitalism, which may assume new and unexpected forms. . . . I his is the line pursued by the Workers' Opposition, and this is its historical task. And whatever methods ol derision arc adopted by the leaders of our Party to repulse the Opposition, W C affirm that it is the only existing vital [owe a^.uiisi which they are Constrained to struggle and to which they must clevole their attention.

19. On the Occupation of Factories and Works [1923]


We established in Pari 1 that the foundation of the revolution lies in ils positive and creative aspect, that the most impoitanl and urgent task consists in organising the entile eroiiomv

ol the < ountryindustry and agriculture Rrsl ol allon the basis ol

pt im iplcs ol equality atld general sell management ol the wot kers, nid that the new mode of production must he unitarian production covering all the fundamental activities ol work in its entirely, in onlcr to avoid falling back into bourgcoia contradictions. It goes without saying that the accomplishment ol this fundamental task must be preceded by the revolutionary combats ol the workers against Capital. It is not possible to pass to the construction <l a new economy and new Social relations while the powei <>| the stale, protecting the servile order of things, remains unbroken, and while the workers do not hold in their hands the Workshops and lac lories. I lie economy, the system of production, and its operation constitute the base on which the life and well-being of the dominant classes icst It is because ol this th;it the latter lesoit to all means ol armed struggle ol which the statr disposes in order to remove from themselves the mortal clanger ol s < > < ial revolution.
Rliiiiitl f m m ' i i s probttoa cofMtractifi de b rtvohitioii lodate/*
\. I IM 1) Mill H \ \j 1 I |'i . 1. 1 1 I lli. till I


j . i t l . l i In 1


rally published iti Attmikhicheskii vctfnik, Berlin, 1923.) rratttlated l> 1 1 < t u ki.i




Consequently, the occupation of workshops and factories by the woikers will take place simultaneously with an armed con Irontation against the power ol the state. In this sense, the first steps of the peasants and woikers appear as the most critical nio ment ol the revolution. The workers must necessarily break with their long submission and their humility in order tu pass to the direct offensive. This is not easy: all the hesitant fortes inclined to moderation, calm, and compromises included in the working < lass will stand in the way. TlieSC elements will preset)! n u m e r o u s arguments to show that, "given the circumstances," the social revolution can only be (h joined to defeat, and will more or less check its evolution. Let us briefly refute here this sntircvoltttiottary argument, since it everywhere and on all occasions letteiN the levolutionai \ action ol the workers. Its tiassical considerations and conclusions are the following: the wankers, in then entirety, are not ready to manage production themselves-they do not have the neccssaiy knowledge nor sufficient experience; there arc not enough raw materials in the lactones and workshops, thus the takeover ol industry by the workers will be a failure; the neighboring countries are not yet read] l<i the locial revolution, hence, if it begins in a tingle country, it will inevitably be defeated; the country does not have an abundance < > l products, and, given such lack, s rule regulating the distribution of material goods must be instituted in the revolution: order and restriction are necessary. Consequently, the social revolution, in its m o d e m libertarian aspect, is not possible. These arguments and many others are invariably advanced each time the workers aspire to a derisive movement to take over industry. It is not difficult to see iti these arguments, in the first place, the moderation inherent moie in the individual than in the broad masses, and, in the second place, the conscious playing on this moderation by the d o m i n a n t classes, which a t t e m p t to reinforce it by theoretical and scientific considerations and in this way utilize it to their profit Nevertheless, the revolutionary experience ol the workers decisively surmounts this moderation, as well as all the calculations that rest on it in order to counteract the revolutionary tendencies ol the woikers. \ i lust, the locial revolution as MI act of struggle and of con stiiuttoii ol a new wot Id does n o t tolerate die shadow < > l modera


ills I ok M A I

Dl V l l . o l ' \l


t i o n : it calls only loi action and audacity, lis su<<ess depends mH

onl\ nil tin* C : I | > : H U \ of the workeis to oii>ani/e themselves, bill ittsoott 11 ni? gpiffl ol <l< ision a m i au<l ic ily.

O n tlie same lcv< I, the experience <>l the miss revolutionary ac linns of o m epoch ol collective work categorically refutes aH the assertions about I he unpieparedness ol the workers i aclirallv to transform social life. T h e fattei argument was one of those most
employed in connection wilh the Russian wmkeis. Ilowevei. lliesr ( o n s i d e i a l ions ;\\v c o n d o n e d as d e v o i d " I all the -Worker! and peasants ol


Russia showed litcniselves e n t i r e l y

ready ami capable ol revolving the l u m l a i m n i al p i o h l c m s o| the

ial reVol III ion. , . . However, the overthro-n ol the powei ol the stale and the lake

o \ e r of industis ley I lie u n i l . c i s d m s out vol glial an tee I lie MM (ess

ol the r e v o l u t i o n ; errors are still possible, e m u s t i n t c o t i M reduce to n o t h i n g the conquests <>l ilw workers, I he Russian Revo l o t i o n is a u r i k i n g example ol this Instead ol passing i m m e d i ately to the organization of ptocluclion fill the basis ol sell man
aoeinent. a l t e r the overthrew <>| powei try. the workers a l l o w e d a new powei in I the laheovei ol m d u s to establish 11 sol I w h i c h .

o i u e well installed, concentrated in its hand* the entire economy of the country and eliminated the forms ol independent managemeni ol p r o d u c t i o n .


I luiunti y

20. Resolution of the Workers

of Budapest on the Formation 1 of Workers Qouncils

[anuary 151 1918]

T h e Budapest workers proclaim that Socialist Parly p<>! icy which Corresponds to the present times, adapts to the develop ment of events, and uses without hesitation and fear all possible means of class struggle, cam had or begin to lead if the worker* late it mii I Itch hainls and constantly and (tit ret I y exercise roll noi ovi r its course. In the ititcresl ol the glials that the prole tarian movement can achieve today, 1 he workers consider it essen ttal to lelieve the Patty leadership of its political and historical responsibility in the explained way and rtiercb) enable more decisive and far-reaching policy to br instituted I'm the sake ol the piaciical realisation l ih< above, a Workers' (Umticil ol Hud.i

pest is formed immediately, in which all factories and profei

sional organizations shall he represented on the basis of a demo Cratk statute which shall be adopted. The council shall be sup plementcd by delegates ol workers' councils that will be formed in the country. The Workers' Council ol Budapest shall be ic sponsible foi all the activity of the Party leadership, which at all otkers1 unm times shall act in accordance with the polk J t ; cil.
Reprinted from Anliij; ki;n m.i iii\. IWIJM. n k , Diklaiurt rmdnHkm uimmtprmm (Rrlgiaffc ' v . 19*57)
rh'- <]Kiis. T i a t i s l a u d Ijy Ilrlrn Kramer.

prolelmripU i rn of

1 M

21. Statute of the Workers' Council of Budapest [November 5, 1918]

T h e Party leadership, trade union council, and Party ac livists have worked out the following statute for the Workers' ( (HUH il ol liiiclapcsl: 1) Willi (he aim ol suilahle rcprcscntal ion ol its (lass inicifsts, the organized workers ol Hungary, not touching the highest f o uiius of organized socialist wankers the organization c>r Party ac livisls, tllC Party leadeiship, the Puly plenum, and the lesolu lions of congresses that are in to iceorganise workers' councils. 2) Workers' Councils are founded in cities 01 at the headcpiai ten ol Parly organiiattons. Their central forum is the Party leadership and ihe e x a itttve < omtuiitee ol the Pai ly plenum. S) The task of workers' COUIH ils is to lake a position on all more important questions thai touch the interests of the working* lass ind ui sci ve as a guidcpCKl 1 < > W f H kc i s. 4) The workers' councils are convened by the central Party leadership in Budapest, and by the local Patty leadership in the countryside. I lie council is also convened if a third of ils mem l>ei s so demand in writing. 5) Persons are elected to the workers' council who have been Reprinted from \iuioi.i k.i<' md rrivo tnriji.'. ru.. Viktturm fwoielmrijaU I Hie editors, translated h) Helen Krsatei 192




members of political and professional ASM* ialions lor at least a year and have subscribed to the Patty press lor ft! least a year. f>) The Workers' Council of Budapest and Ivnvirons is founded on the basis of the following principles, which should be taken into account in accordance with local conditions when councils are founded in the countryside: a) Permanent members are the trade union council, the executive committee of the Party plenum, and the Party leadership. b) Delegated members are: General consumers' cooperative Territorial women's committee National committees 1 lie exci Htive boa id ol the capiml ( hgailU alion al committee ol working youth Territorial and independent centers of free trade unions belonging to the trade union federation District Parly organisations oC Budapest
P a t t y oij;ini/ahoii o l K i s | x s l

2 members 2 members 2 members each 2 members 2 members l member each 1 member each
'.' m c m h e i s

Party organisation of Cspd

Party organization of Kr/.scbctfalva Delegates of the Party organization of Ojpest

2 members
2 members 2 members

c) Elected ntetnbers: terrilurial and independem local tree trade unions elect I member for each 5()0 ol its own members on the basis of the number of members in 1917. The vvoikeis* council in addition can elect I delegate for each additional 500 members. Organizations with less than {50 members are not taken into account, while any number of members above 250 is considered as 500. At least two-thirds of the elected delegates should be chosen from among workers employed in the workshops of the enterprise thai falls under the organization concerned Delegates elected by enterprises can be only persons who truly work in the enterprise concerned. 7) After acceptance ol the statute, the members of the workers1 Council should be elected without delay; elections aie held every year. 8) Under point ( b ) , item ( 6 ) , the leaderships of the organizations concerned (boose the delegates faf the workers' council. Delegates noted under point (c) on bee organization are divided in proportion to the size of the enterprises which are members ol




it in such a way thai, if possible, the- largest enterprises and those that work with organised workers in individual ptolessimis are represented in the worker*' council. The ivorkers pi the rtitet prise concerned elect the delegates of the enterprise. The enterprise's agent signs the identification raid of the elected delegate. The delegate supplied with identification reports to the Party feo relariat.
NIMI'.I.K or
TOTAI M'MIIFKMl MKMHKRS ( ) | TIM V.OPMI'S ril \ ( ' l l 1-MM..M1S

Party leadership I rade union count il > l the Pai ly plenum i \( ( utive committee < (Cooperative Women#i committee (krman committee Slovak committee Serbian committee Romanian committee Executive committee of the Party organization ol the capital Territorial committee of working youth OelegatesoJ <listii<t and Partyorganization* Party organization ol Kis|>est Party organization of (Ssfpel Party organization of Krts^betfalva
l';n 1 \ <ii?>;ini/:ii i o n o t I'Jjprsi


16 r > t 8 2 2 8 8 2 2 81 2 2 2

1.( idcisliip of territorial Ircc organizations

Total delegated members Elected delegates on the basis of statistics of I1*'? Total number ol members ol tl<* worker*' council

126 259 365

9) Members of the workers' council arc elected at the meeting of the commissioned territorial and independent toad tree organizations, at the joint conference of the Party commissioners of the Party organizations of the (apital. and at the conference of the I'nU commissioners of t'sepel, Ojpest, Kispest. and Fizselietlalvn. 10) The list ol names > l the elected members i^ submitted without delay to the Party secretariat. 11) The central executive board of the workers' council consist-: ! ! delegates f the Part) hadership. the trade union
r o n i n i l , the executive UMtltlllttCC ol the Tally p l e n u m , the P | t )




organizations, national committees, and the1< idcrshipsof the lei i itm i;ii her organisations, 12) I he workers1 council is Formed al a plenary sesaton and alter founding, a joint meeting is railed as rteetk il IS) All resolutions of the Workers' ('OUIKII i>i Kndapest and Environs are immediately transmitted to the workers' councils formed in the countryside. < > that its bosk principles ma) We are publishing this statute s serve as guidelines in the founding ol workers' councils in the
<ounlt ysidr.

22. Decree of the Revolutionary Executive Soviet on the Socialization of Mines and Industrial and Transport Enterprises 11919]

I. The Soviet Republic considers il its task to take over the means ot production and delivci them to the owneiship ol the workers, to organize and strengthen production. T h e Soviet Republic takes into eonnnon ownership all mines and industrial and transport enterprises that exceed the limits of small industry and with one blow puts them under the management of the entile proletariat and puts all enterprises under the supei vision of the workers employed in them. All industrial and transport enterprises and mines which employed more than twenty workers on March 22. I(M!>\ fall under stale- management and workers' control. 2. Kirtetprises taken into social ownership are managed by com missioners of production, who are appointed hy the National ( onrnrissai iat lor the Economy of the Soviet Republic. The National Commissariat for the Economy can subordinate several

enterprises to one commissioner ol production. The coratnis

sioiiei ol production is the representative of the entire proletariat in that enterprise at whose head he is placed. !t. In indicated enterprises, the woikers elect a sujK'tvisory Reprinted intm tadriji KrdU rod Trfoo imlji<\ <MIS . DikUUmrm protettrijti* i ifks 1 * * 1 (Rdgfadr S < * d m '>ih. 1967) , pn I ': '' . I>\ petwiliiicm f
the eilinus l i . n i s h m l by l l d c i i Ki;iinci





workers' soviet. If the number of workers does not exceed one hundred, a su|>ervisory workers' soviet of three members is elected; if it exceeds one hundred, five members IfC elected; and ii it exceeds five hundred, a maximum < > ( seven numbers is elected Every worker older then eighteen years of age can elect and be elected. If at least cine-fourth of the workers demand it, elections are held by sec ret vote. Employees are also considered workers. 4. The task of the Supervisory workers' soviet is to establish prolctai ian work discipline, protection of the property ol the working people, and control of production. T > . The Soviet Republic concerns itself, with the aid of control lers sent from time to time, with the expert and economic alls highest control in the enterprises under social ownership. f>. If a dispute occurs between the supervisory workers' soviet and the- commissioner of production, the workers' soviet does not have the power to act arbitrarily, but can complain to the Na tional Commissariat for the Economy, which urgently considers the complaint and makes a decision on it. A decision is obligatory. Until the decision is made, the orders of the commissioner of production should be followed 7. Ibis decree goes into effect on the day of its proclamation.

Budapest, March K, 1919, Revolutionary Executive Soviet.

23. Legal Decree of the Presidium on Workers' Councils [1956]

I'lw practical realization of socialist d e m o n acy ran be insine<l m\\) ii the management ol l.u t >i iis. INttteS, and enter prises (hereafter referred t o as industrial enterprises) which at* i h r property ol the entire people is carried m i l by a workers' council elected by ihe workers <i the enterprises concerned. T h e Presidium ol the Peoples Republic of Hungary has passed lite Following legal decree in connection w i t h the election, a u t h o r i t y , and ai l i v t t y ol workers' councils: 1. A workers' cotincil shall be elected in every industrial enter" prise, m i n e , and stale a g r i c u l t u r a l f a r m , i n c l u d i n g p r o d u c i n g industrial enterprises of i n d i v i d u a l state institutions (state railroads, postal service, etc.). 2. Workers' councils shall not be c h r t c d by hoards, i n s t i l u ' tions, and organizations that d o not c a n y out p r o d u c t i v e activity, such as railroads :nid postal ions, publit bus nansp o r l a t i o n , trolley and air transport. S, I he regulations of this paragraph d o not relate to handicraft cooperatives, home work cooperatives, or agricultural and other coofteratives whose work is governed bs chosen organs -ihe paiI lament, management, etc,
Krprmtrd From
. ' > ' M u


KrtHB4 ;ui<l T r i v o Inrtjif'. ctfcu, fHkMwr*

' I ! < t I

profrtmijmtm i
| i I

tti< i i l i i n i ..

I l . i i i d





in I



Election > l workers1 councils

. . . 1 . 2 Representation of .ill strata < > l the enterprise's Workers in the workers KUIIUII should lie insimtl I wo thuds ol the members ol the workers' council should be elected From the ranks of all workers who directly work in p"<iu< lion (factory wmkers. supei visoi s, let hnic ians, engineers) . . . . 6.2. A ntembet ol the workers' council may be recalled before the ex|>iration ol the mandate ol one >ca. I wo thuds ol the < > the recall ol votes of the worken who elected it are necessary i
the woi kers' ( oimc il.

Aitthoiii\ ol \\\c workers' count il

1 < - workers' rmincil makes decisions on the most iin 'I 1
poilanl cpiestions ol the e n l e i p n s e It leads I he (Utile activity ol

the enterprise. In this framework, it: 1) looks alter payment ol wages and other payments to workers; 2) insures the continuity ol production and the most economl cal business npeiation ol the entei prise;
. " ) insures the carrying out ol obligations to the state;

I) looks after the carrying out ol enterprise obligations prescribed in a collective agreement worked out in cooperation with
the l i a d e u n i o n s and accepted hv the n o i l c i s ; Stlpfiotl* the cliiec

tor in instil ing woi k discipline; ,r) establishes the entcrtwise's plans and number ol workers; t) determines the organizational scheme ol the enterprise, is well as the activity ol individual workers' managerial organs in the enterprise; 1) within the framework of legal regulations, determines the minimum and maximum wage ol workers and employees, approves the incomes of workers and employees, and establishes the forms of wages in the rnterjw ise as well as the holds ol their appii cation; Hi decides on that part of the whole pi old. the |iercentage ol which will he determined later h\ legal regulations, thai re mains to the enterprise alter it settles its obligations to the state: iii this respect, it establishes the proportion anil imotinl < > l the sums that will be spent out ol the profit ol the enterprise for productive, social, and cultural investments and i "pairs, >s well as
ili'f.r that will IK? pif! n workrts ill I he loi in ut ,i,i piiis piolii oi




used for various purposes; a fund shall be (rented of the available sum; !)) submits a proposal to the government lor permission for the enterprise to carry out import and export transactions directly; 10) directs the financial business of the enterprise: a) within the* framework of existing laws, disposes of the faced and working capital of the enterprise: b) permit! the taking of loans; (i approves tlie enterprise's balance sheet. 11) The workers' council has the right to transfer any right granted to it to the presidency O f the director, with an obligatory report. President of the Hungary, Istudn Secretory of the Hung/sty, Istudn (Radio Kossitfh, Presidium of the People's Republic of Dobi Presidium <>l ike Peapte'% Republic of Krisiei Budapest, Nm'embcr 21. I9f6)



24. On Socialization [1919]


Those forms of socialization that pose the danger of ; consumer capitalism are socialization through nationalization through communal izat ion, and through merger of productioi plants with consumer cooperatives. In contrast, the danger o fnoducet capitalism arises in attempts at socialization along tin lines of the producer cooperative movement and modern track unionism ("the mines to the miners," "the railroads to the rail waymen," etc.) . The goal of socialization in the spirit of socialisn is, however, neither consumer capitalism nor producer capitalism hut true common ownership for the totality of producers ;m<
< niistinicis. . . .

The compromise of conflicts of interests between producers and consumers

The most important result of the foregoing presentation is the following: neither the takeover of the means of production from the private sphere of authority hy the public organs of the Reprinted bnm Schriften mt Sotietfjjfnmg (Frankfort tm Main Etaropitiche Vei ii'^nii.h. 1MB), yy \:>. :>\, U) niiilnion ! itn pnbtkher. Priitifatcii l\ Helen Kramei. 201





(mil i o i i a l i / a i i o n . < o n i III I I I I .11 i / a l 1 o n . ele.)

1101 the

transfer ol the means ol production hom the possession ol the private owncis to the common possession ol collective prodta lion associations (producei cooperative trade union socialization)
i j>t esenis in itself a icplac emeul ol eapilalisl p a t l i c u l u |n<> ) MI I y

[SondereigcntHm\ by true socialist common pro|ierty. Rather, besides these two measures* an inner transformation of the property concept i complete subordination of every particular |*op rrty li the point ! view ol ihc common interest >l the wwtmn mty, is still required. I he klea pushed to il*- ton ground l>y Item stein that stresses the lasting importance of all those measures designed to weaken the generally pernicious workings ol the private capitalist economic mode < veil with in the- existing capitalist MM i ety (so-called locial policy) here comes into us own. Muse inea
suns, as we n o w see, still r e m a i n necessity at the rompktion ol

socialization, when capitalist private property is completely done away with and replaced l>y a cooperative particular property, whether this is the particulai property ol officials <>l the collectivity of consumers 01 the particular property ol a producer cooperative. It also remains necessary, with respect to this particular property, to see to a |ust distribution o{ the production inroceeds in the interests ol all segments ol society and generally "to place prodnc t ion and economic life under the control of the collet tivily [Allgemeinheiiy* Only in this way will the development >l social production relations lead From the "private pro|>crty" ol an individual person through the "particular property" ol an inch vidual part ol society to the "common property" ol the whole society.

The socialization ol means (>l production ns "industrial autonomy"

Thus the socialization ol the means ol production consists of mutually different, complementary transformations ol the private capitalist mode ol productftw to bring about true comIIIOII property: the transfer ol the means of p r o d u c t i o n f r o m the

|iowei sphere ol individual private owners to tin powci spliere ol some siit of social Functionaries, and the legal restriction o! the competency ol the present directors ol social production in the
i n n ri <i 1 >l 1 he n a n n u m i t y .

The simultaneous carrying out ol both these transformations


I I "It I I I . H ( M AN ^


give* use it< i l l i d l< what one today usually lioiiali/ation ( i / o m n u m a l i / a l i o n . < l< .) IIHI

I I I H U i stands to In mi uhat IN m icalily i

mere state* capitalism, nor to what one today <ails prodncei o-j n a t i v e track; unionist socialization, w h i c h is in reality only .
p i o d i u < < apitalisin. l-l.if lit i. t h r o u g h t h r s r I lanshii mat ions, a n<-w and IIIOIC complete l o i n i ol the sot l a l i / . n ion ol lite means ol

produc l i o n is created, which w i l l he designated in what Follows a "industrial autonomy."

The realization of industrial autonomy

I in M M I I I / . n i<n o l an industry in ihc form ol in d n s t i i a l a u t o i i n m \ w i l l l i n n out d i l l e r e n l l\ according to the o n u i n t n c n i s of tin i n d i v i d u a l case. It is possible to ( a i r y ut t l , socialization ol an individual plant in the farm o l i n s t i t u t i o n al t t a t tOU . . . lor which the (lassie example <l success, even Utldei a capitalist social order, is the Carl Zeiss Foundation in (cn.i already in exigence fot decades. I he possibility thai entire in dustrtes that are notand perhaps never will heripe lot t e n t r a l i s t k " n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n " can !>e immediately socialized by mean of industrial autonomy and thus transformed i n t o the common p i o p c r i y of society has greater sign i fit ante for the present itttta
lion. Autonomy exists in such a socialized industry in vaiioie

forms: I. T h e trade u n i o n embracing all the plants of the indus try concerned possesses autonomy in relation to state central ad m i n i s t r a t i o n , l i m i t e d only by the necessary regard for the interest o f consumers. V. The i n d i v i d u a l plant possr <s l i m i t e d autonomy in relation to the trade union einbracing tin plants and in p u t centrally deciding on then a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . W i t h i n the admin istration of the trade union ( I ) . as well as ol the i n d i v i d u a l plant ( I ) , the various strata of the othei production participants (th< employees ami workers in the narrower sense) possess a l i m i t e d autonomous sphere ol rights, a right to regulate the matters pai ticularly concerning them, independently of the top busines* management (works management) . The way in which 'he interest <>f the totality of consumers \ taken i n t o consideration in relation to t l " < autonomous" indus tries w i l l vary according to the requirements ol the i n d i v i d u a l case. The general economic goaJ here is ion ol the con sumer organizations (state, c o m m u n i t y , ronsi M I cooperative a n d specially founded local administrative unions) in public df




terminmiion of needs obligatory tor the autonomous hade unions and individual plants, which replaces exchange economy production for the market with a pure production for needs. As long as such a pure needs economy remains itifeastbk today, the present exchange economy among individual perSOUS will be lcplaced at (nst by an exchange economy of the various industries among themselves. In this situation, the individual industries will produce not solely lor needs, hut partially still lor the nunhet (heie one thinks particularly of the export trade). A case could also arise here in which one plant would achieve disproportionately high profits, while another would he unahle even once to earn the necessary proceeds for the scanty wages of its workers. Insolar as one and the same unionized industry is concerned with various plants, the deficit of one plant must naturally be olfset by the extra profit of another: technically, entirely defective plants will be sluil down by tlic* tiade union. Apart houi this, each autono mous plant and likewise each autonomous trade union must set the prices of its produc ts high enough so that the total proceeds ol the plant (of plants included as a hocly in the tiade union) in sine a lasting adequate maintenance to all working panic ipants in production. Overpricing of the totality ol consumer goods by the particular groups of producers which constitute the individual autonomous works or the autonomous trade union will he avoided by legally guaranteed (oopeiation of the lonsuniei oigani/aiions in price setting. Further participation of consumers in the management of production, limiting the autonomy of producer groups, grows out of the . . . principle of the- division of the total proceeds <l each plant (ol each industry) into two parts, only one ol which is available for the working participants in pioduclion, while die other, lor example, in the form ol hixatmu, will be drawn lot the common aims ol the consumer collectivity. . . . After the absolute quantity of consumption necessary loi total consumer needs is determined, the covering eil the consump linn will be divided among the individual iudust i ies (the in dividual plants) according to the principle that each industry (each plant) must deliver more of its product, the greater ^ the total value (land and labor value) of the means of production used loi production in relation to the number of workers employed Only the part of the product of an industry (plant) then remaining is available for the pailieulai aims ol the produc<i contmunitj concerned (loi example, formation of reset \rs.

plain improvement sod expansion, |iayment ol the workers, pen




sinus, etc.). Thus, even as early as this Stage of communal economic development* when a pure needs economy still does not exist, the autonomy of producers also finds its limits in the consideration of the general consumption requirements to be satis tied by the total production of society. However, the consumer organizations (state, community, consumer cooperatives, etc.) again look alter the maintenance of these limits, lor which objective a joint right of determination in the management of the autonomous industries will he g r a n t e d . . . .

Industrial autonomy better than "nationalization"

Tlu* inexperienced usually conceive of "socialization" as simple nationalization. The majority of objection! commonly raised against "socialization" rest on this equating of socialization and nationalization. Thus, the objection is raised that socialization of the means of production is generally feasible without danger ol inefficiency only for a narrowly limited sphere of branches of production, for plants that have become "ripe" for centralized management; as for all other branches of production, their gradual ripening must Inst he awaited. In addition, many branches ol production do not develop ai all in the direction of i gradual rip ening lor centralization, but in precisely the opposite direction; these could therefore never be "socialized" without ineflkietl cy, without a reduction ol productivity. Further, the objection is raised that every "socialization" leads generally to bureaucratization, to schema! izatioii, and. with that, to the deadening of private initiative and to torpidity. The objections have merit as denuirrals against a centralistic "nationalization" of production branches that are not suited for it. They arc not significant, however, against socialization itself. against the leplacemrnt ol capitalist private propelly by socialist common property to be generally begun immediately. For as we have seen, this smialist common property is in no way synonymous with state property. Nationalization was to us only one of the forms of socialization, and all forms of socialization would be recognized by us generally as true, socialist "socialization" only when in their later forms they lead beyond to that regulation of social production relations which we have designated as the form ol nuhistual autonomy.



>K\ 1 I , i i | ' M 1 N I

A l l the objection* usually raised against < e n h a l i / e d n a t i o n a l i z a t i o u " become factually w i t h o u t foundation in relation i o tins sociali/ati<m in the h u m of industrial autonomy, A bureaucratii s( IK HI u i / a l i o n and r i g i d i t y is e\e hided, and p i i v a t c i n i t i a t i v e w i l l not be kilted, but where possible siill heightened, since the possibilities ini the exercise of such initiative t h r o u g h autonomy w i l l be extended to a circle ol enterprise participants w h o . under capitalist private economy, have n o o p p o r t u n i t y to exercise initiative, And rlangei ol iueflicteuc^ could a t i v , ai the Most, i i o u i the hut thai, as a eoust ipi- II< e i l the exclusion ol private i i u n c i s h n i n puidiK I ion, fnhutlr sclfis/nxs^ w i l l < ease to p i n vide a stimulus to achieve the most economic p r o d u c t i o n pos siMc. However, . . an exclusion ol p u v u e scllisltiiess front the Mini ives <>l pioduc I km is in m i wav t on nee led With the n i n e sn< ;il

tzatioti ol the memtu of production', rather, through un :iali ration

ol the means of p r o d u c t i o n in the first phase ol the collective economy, private selfishness can he made serviceable as the m o live hn the most economic >nid iirodtictivc output possible and even i m leased volume ol iirodiu i ion, . . . W h e n "socialization" is demanded today, there n o longer Stands behind this word merely the demand lot the delivery ol the means ol prtxlnctioii i n t o the possession ol the conttuunity or i " c o n t r o l f r o m above.' Rather, alongside this tiMitrol b o m above, in whichever lorm it is carried m i l , must go an equally el l c e l i \ e " c o n t r o l horn below," in w h i c h c v c t y w l i c i c the mass ol workers (hand and brain) w i l l participate in the management of the plant or in the control of this management. I litis, the demand hn "socialization" unlay contains tare mtitu ally complementary demands, which both a i m at restricting the h i t h e r t o existing "free economy" (which was " f r e e " only for the capitalist private owners, the possessors ol the means of product i o n , but which was a particularly oppressive unfreedimi > ! the o v e r w h e l m i n g majority of the property less!): in place o l ibe regulation ol goods p r o d u c t i o n by the bee o p t i o n ol a more or less large n u m b e r of capitalist entrepreneurs, there shall gradually emerge tin planned management of production ami d i s t r i b u t i f m by sot iety. I h t is the Inst l i i a d d i t i o n , however, in evety indus try, a n d . w i t h i n ecu tain l i m i t s , even in every i n d i v i d u a l plant, the u n d i v i d e d sway of the capitalist employer class should be done away w i t h even unlay. before the complete carrying out of control h o m above. T h e masters ol the plant, up to now responsible only to themselves and perhaps to then creditors, shall become the


t ion i


fust servants ol t h e i r p l a n l . who w i l l he accountable FffT l l i e i l plant management to the c o l l e c t i v i t y ol ;dl worker* and employ ee> c o l l a b o r a t i n g in the p l a n t . T o he sure, the i i n m e d i a t c , gen eral realization of such a " c o n t r o l f r o t l l the b o t t o m " will not him<about a real, v a l i d socialization <>l economic l i f e , a "so( i a l i s t " m r i a l order, since* lor ihis the d r a w i n g u p ami carrying o u l ol an overall economic plan is indispensable. However, t h r o u g h the ini mediate i n t r o d u c t i o n ol tins c o n t r o l f r o m below, all o l produi t i o n w i l l he rhauged frotn the private concern ol i n d i v i d u a l pi<> I I I H lion piofneeis into the c o m m o n concern ol the p r o d u c t i o n pai t i r i p a n l s thrmsel \es, and thereby the "wage slave" o l the old s\slem w i l l w i t h one blow he t u r n e d i n t o llie ( I K I I ' I C I I M I I I I I P
" W O I k i t l g < H i / e n " o l l l i r s o c i a l < < Mist H lit i o n . d s t a i r

The o n l \ way, however, in which boih these demands presently contained iti t h e c a l ! lor sociali/ationcontrol From above ( t h r o t i the collectivity) and c o n t r o l f r o m helow ( t h r o u g h the direct p.n ttcipants)--ran be realized side by -ide w i t h certainty a n d speed is tin* " c o u n c i l system" so often m e n t i o n e d and so l i t t l e undei Stood today. ()nl> t h r o u g h ihis, and only u n d e r die assumption that i t w i l l also be really constituted in c o n f o r m i t y with the |*rhi < iples d e t e r m i n e d hy its double task, can i situation he* achievefl in w h i c h the c o n t r o l h o r n helow and the c o n l i o l l i o m above w i l l not come into eonllict w i t h each o t h e r and then become played o i l against each Other by the enterprise system, which shuns ever) c o n t r o l , hu( rather harmoniouslv u n i t e for lite overcoming ami successive replacement r>i the c o m m o n opponent and for ttteorga n i / e d construe t i o n of a regulated collective economy.

25. Proclamation of the German-Austrian Social Democracy [1919]

Socialization < > l industry

I. Every industry in which good* production is concentrated in 1 few targe j>\tn\ts will be socialized, Thus, for example.
nit lal and coal m i n i n g , the it on ;iiid steel i n d u s h y , i l ( .. w i l l be

socialized, Each socialized industry will 1 > c managed by a managerial > f the government, T h e manage hoard completely independent < iiaetn hoaid will he cotti|>osed as follows: one-third <>l the litem ben will be representatives ol the state! who will be elected by the National Assembly, but not from its midst. A second third will consist ol representatives of the workers, employees, and
nlln i.ik employed in the i n d u s t r y ; they w i l l lie elected hy tllC

trade union and employee organizations. I he last third will be representatives ol the consumers. On the management boards o( industries thai produce raw materials, representatives ol the entrepreneurs and workers of those industries thai process these raw materials will be convened as trustees ol the consumers. On the management boards <>l thtisc industries thai produce consinnei
K r j n i n i f l h<mi k . n l | . i < l i M.p.ti . | i - \ 1 I Lift i t lis I M m Ki.nnri. Srhnlifti tMI V l EMfifffcrtrftg U i . m U m l MR M i i n : F.u 1 . < 1 | I H ' J H I I I I I !.< 1 I m n





goods, die rcpicsciitatives <>l ||ic r o n s m i u r s will he elected by the

c unsutner m m iatkma. The managtmoit ol the socialized industries is die duty of the management board composed in this way; no influence in the management! belongs to the government. Particularly incumbent upon the management hoard are the appointment ol the leading officials, price setting, the conclusion ol collective work contracts with the trade unions of the workers and employees, and the division of profits. The profit* ol each socialized industry will be applied in the following way: one third will (all to the stale treasury. One-third will he distributed among the workers, employees, and official* ol the industry as profit shares. The last third will be applied when needed, to expansion or to the technical improvement < > f the plant; if this is not necessary, the last third will be applied to lowe% iftg the product prices. The management of the individual plant will he looked alter by technical officials and commercial employees with the legally regulated cooperation of workers' committees which will be elected hy the workers, employees, atid officials of the plant. Every bureaucratization ol the management ii I be avoided. The principle that a third ol every increase ol revenues will be applied to raising the income of the officials, employees, and workers guarantees intensive work in the plant and careful handling of the me.ins ol woik. A special profit share can be granted to the officials, 2. The right will be granted to the community by law to expropriate plants that serve local needs (gas ;md electricity works,
tramways, vehicle e n l e r p t i s e s , bread I'ac lories, d a i l i e s , b i i c k w o i k s ,

and such). Likewise, the self-governing bodies of the district and region will compulsorily expropriate plants that serve the requirements of their administrative district (for example, load railways, longdistance power stations, breweries, mills, and such) . The principles governing the management of socialised plants also have appropriate application in these cases A similar expropriation right can he conceded to consumer associations, producer cooperatives, and agricultural cooperatives under legally de tei mined condition*. !'>. Those industries that ate not yet ripe loi socialization will be organized into industrial combines. Each industrial combine comprises all the enterprises ol us industry. I he industrial <<>m





bines replace ilie existing cartels centrals, anil military cnttibttti ^ > 1 n i l i m h i s m a l combine will IK- managed li) a manage! hoard. I h c managerial hoard will be composed in the f o l l o w i n g
\va\ : o n c l o i u l h ol the inctiiltcis w i l l he i |H < M u l a l ives o | lli<

slate, who w i l l he elected by tlie National Assembly, but noi I I < H I I its mi<lst: o i i c l o m i h , ie|)ieseniati\ es ol the entrepreneurs r>l the industry concerned: a t h i r d f o u r t h , representatives of the wiirk<is. employees, ami officials ol the industry; the last f o u r t h , rep
i c s c n l a t i \ e s o l i h c c o n s i m n is.

The industrial combine shall promote the technical develop mem ol ihc industry a m i lower profit H i If HI costs t h r o u g h t*st.! I > lishincnt ol d r a f t i n g offices, lahoratoi ies. and materials tenting in si in lies, ihrottgfi i he stamlat di/ai inn r I the goods to lie pun I in i d and through (he allocation ol the production ol i n d i v i d u a l Ivpes ol goods to i n d i v i d u a l plants. I h c industrial COfflbiltf l ail <"ii rent rate the p u n base < ! i aw niatei ials and the sal* ol goritls in its central office, thereby suspending the competition among the in
d i v i d u a l c i i h c p t c i u m . Hid av ii"v sn< iel v I he c nsl s n | t h e c o m p e l i V * - slllliudc. Ihe u u h l s l l t d l i m i t HOC H ; M I I , I I I ' , lh#- aiinuiit I l discs p r o d u c t i o n , a d a p t s n i n n e e d , a n d t h e r e b y j i c v c n t s seven

I he industrial combine sets the p r i e s ol goods; il must set them so that the profit <>l the entrepreneur eipials a suitable wage lov the n o i l pci lot OH d h\ h i m . I inallv. the i m l n s i i i a l comliine ( o n
Mtflt s t h e c o l l e c t i v e htlrttl i D I I I I K I S W i l l i t h e M u l e u n i o t i s o l t h e

workers ami employees: the r o n i ra< Is < one hnlccl by il ate Intldlltg on all the entei pi ises in ihe industry. I h c costs of the industrial c oni hi ne's artiv ity are bonte by the imlusti \ en I icpreiieurs. In the framework ol tlie regulations issued bv, the industrial c o m b i n e , ihc management ol the i n d i v i d u a l plant is left to the entic pic ncm s. However, coopciation in ihe management ol the plant w i l l be insured l>> law to the w t i r l ers1 < <mm Hit tees, < >IK olf the most important tasks o l the industrial c o m b i n e con sisis of concentrating p r t i d u r t i o i t in the technically most ad vamed plants. I he industrial c o m b i n e has the aulhoritv |#i oidei thai technically defective plants he shut d o w n Mid then share <>i production be transferred lo the technically more improved plains. T h e owners >l the cloMfl pi mis w i l l he romp<iisatetl >i the expense nj tltose enterprises to which t h e n p r o d u c t u m sJtau has been allocated. I I . in this way, the production is hnallv concentrated in a lew technical!) i m p r o v e d plants, the industry w i l l
he ,IM a a l i / e d . T h e o r . a n i / . i t i o n o l t h e i u d i M i x i n t o an i i i ' h i s i i i il


transititi n

leading KI its socialization.

26. The Council System in Germany l ion]


1. T h e origin ol ill** \(\CA of councils

in ( ei i u ; i n \ . A l t l t O t t g h

. . . Whl1 d e v e l o p e d i n Russia ;nnl l n - 1 r n l we also lunl d i e C H I M ' S <i( (Ins p i n -lit ' i n . l i o n . l i e i l l '

same, the forms thai result nevertheless diitei outwardly, When the new organization ol proletarian struggle the workers' councilwas formed in (.(lrn.iny in Noveinhc i 1918, it was destg tinted as an imitation of "Bolshevik methods. However, tins new organization <>l struggle was IH Inst formed as a product ol tlw November events, but had already been created earlier, during the war, before the November collapse was at hand. It resulted from the economic effects id the war. From ihe suppression ol every free movement ol the working class through the administration ol the stale ol Siege and the complete refusal of the trade \\\\ ions and the political parties to act. T h e trade unions were hindered in their functioning because ol ihe state oi siege and were,
in a d d i t i o n , m a d e s e n i l e I n ih< v. u plii\ l>\ t i n f r a d e u n i o n I>it

reattcracy. 'Ihe political party "1 the working r\:t%% was split. While one pari supported the regime's wat jmite} without rcsei
R r p r i n l r d ' " i " "Hie klerM tmtl Ritiwicfcltttig U-s So/oN MMO. " ki />'' Hrfreiung dn

. i

t) <i.

n k tauter.

|> i

VtrlBghatN Bong. n . Co., W 2 t ) , pp. 161 .u. Translated




valion, (he olhct was loo weak to olfcr resistance. 1 he politically mature and lcvoluliouaiv minded pail ot the working class sought a new form ol piolclaiian (lass struggle; sought, thcicloic, a new orgaiii/ali>n n| struggle. I hese Striving* inanihstcd themselves Insi in the factories and also found iirm ioiins then*. When, in July 1916, lifty-live thousand Berlin workers suddenly went on strike not in order to improve their economic |x>sition hut on political grounds, bourgeois society, the leaders of social democracy, and the trade unions could not at all grasp this unheard < > ! hut. It simply turned upside down all the previous experiences of ihe workers' movement. Where did die causes lie? Who prepared and led this strike? Bourgeois society, as well as the leaders of the trade unions, cared little about the 6rsfl question. I hey did not see. or did not wish to sec. what revolutionary tendencies the war and the brutal suppression <d the working class must iclease. 1 leu< c. llie\ nought by all means lo lay hold I! the leaders of this movement. I hey sci/cd ihem in ihe large lac to ties, in the Ludwig I .oewe Company, the Sihwar/kopll works, and elsewhere. They were workers who had joined together iu "factory committees*' which operated like the factory committees of huge Petersburg concerns iti 1905, though they had no knowledge of the tatter's activity. T h e political straggle m July 1916 could mt have heen carried out with the help of the parties and trade unions. The leaders of the laitei nrgani/ations weic opponent! ol such a Struggle; after the Struggle, they also helped to deliver the leaders l this political strike to the military autltoritie*. These "factors committees"--the designation is not entirely a|jpropriate can he considered the forcumiicis of the piescnt clay levolu tionai\ workers' councils in Germany. I he idea of councils, bom om ol circumstances, struck its lust loots in ticrtnaiiy al that time. What was manifested in July 1916 developed further and took effect in the grcal political general strike in April 1!U7. in which three hundred thousand workers participated, and further in the great political general strike in |anuary and Februaiy 1918, in which over five hundred thousand workers took part. T led by the existing party These struggles were not supported O and trade union organizations. Here the beginnings of a third ornizationof workers councilsappeared. The large plants were the supporters < > f the movement. T h e leading persons in the movement, who were well organised by trade unions and politically and. indeed, occupied many oKces in the organizations, nev



21 J

eithclcss had to pass im l o create new organizations ol proletarian Struggle. I n all these Struggles, (he designation woikeis' r u t i n ( l i s " or " c o u n c i l system" 01 M ONtllcil orgaui/at i o n " was never ap plied. AIKM the great general strike of |antiary and February 1018. the preparations For the violent overthrow ol the o l d regime were made. I d o not wish to i m p l y , however, thai the November revo l o t i o n was "created." T h e objective causes ol this r e v o l u t i o n lie i n the m i l i t a r y , p o l i t i c a l , and economic collapse of Germany. As early as the b e g i n n i n g of I91B, the m o m e n t ol this collapse could be foreseen. At that time, it was vital to concentrate the revolutionary energy stored up in the w o r k i n g d i s s and to prevent it f r o m dissipating in i n d i v i d u a l actions; to contain it a n d . in ;i given s i t u a t i o n , to set OUl in closed ranks to overthrow the old regime. I n these preparations, it appeared further that the gieat COtlCeril was to find the place where the revolutionary energies ol the w o r k i n g class cotti d best be concentrated. In all these prepara lions, w h a t organization should he created after the decisive snuggle, alter the d o w n f a l l o l the o l d regime, was never men ttoned, The idea ol having workers' councils immediately elected everywhere was nevei discussed. One troubled oneself l i t t l e ovei what s h o u l d happen alter the Struggle. It was v i t a l lirst of all to prepare and successfully carry QUI the struggle. W h e n the November collapse came, the workers councils grew out ol the rcvolu tionary relationships, even where this overthrow was nevei thought ol before. I his briel presentation ol the development shows us dial Lhe idea of councils is not a specifically Russian phenomenon but that it has g r o w n out of the development ol e( I U K I I I I K a n d political rela tionships as a new f o r m of oigani/.al ion ol the- proletarian class Struggle. I he life struggle of the w o r k i n g (lass d i d not advance the idea of class c o m m u n i t y and a feeling of c o m m o n belonging in the e x i s t i n g organizations; that occurred where the masses Stood under the same pressure. The effectiveness ol the workers' organizations was l i m i t e d by external force and internal contradictions. These organizations d i d not happen t o include a large part of the w o r k i n g class. T h e situation was otherwise in the hig factories created t h r o u g h the capitalist form of p r o d u c t i o n . Here the prole lariat, regardless of its religious and p o l i t i c a l c o n v i c t i o n , f o u n d it s<ll together in I c o m m o n desimv. I l e i e lav the loots ol the new

organisational form, of lite council idea. . . .

'21 1

H I S I O K I c VI.

I>t V K L O P M I N I

2. 1 )<'in(H racy <>r I he < o w n il Rysti m

In the council system, die w i n k n s ' councils will
l o < M l h r i | | | e | ( ' | ) t r s c ! i l : i l i \ r s o | (he w o l l i n v economic .nil illi sis wlii< li lies al (lit proplr. n l h r i . I.IIMM a i r I \ ( h i d e d h o l d l l i r l i ' d i l l \<|< h.isis >l (hi


I \ploilcisol pat 11 i m c n l a i v

I n l l n s WIS. lift 1

system ol formal democracy is done away w i t h . I h c workers councils move in close relationship w i t h theii electors and are undei iIi<*ii constant o n h o l I h<\ w i l l not !><' elected UH <! h
i d l e I r o n I til mav he recalled at anv l i m e <)nl ol I It is inows a

strong feeling ol responsibility in the workers 1 councils. 1 lie inIhtetice oi i he votei on legislation and admit list rat ton will he far
shonoci than is I li <ase in (lie h n i u a l deiin M I ;K \ ol llie pallia-

i n e n i . n \ system, In the council system, legislation a n d administra lion are u n i t e d in the hands ol the workers' r o o m ils, and thus all hmc u i u a < \ must disappear h\ itself. I he ( onm il s\stcm w i l l accordingly he the basis d a new s*Mia! order. I lie council system w i l l operate politically and economically, I n the transition pe r i o d , politically it w i l l !>< the sovereign organization ol the prole* tariat: its organs must t a k c o v e i the |>oliti<al a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . Rcom MIIK ; i | l \ . it w i l l heroine (he ol >aiii/at ion ol pmdtM l i o n .

In its political application, i l m council system becomes, then. the organization o l r e v o l u t i o n a r y struggle ol the |>rolctariat. It unites ihe proletariat i n a unitary mode " I struggle in h o l d i n g d o w n ils opposition. I his situation is m i l and must not he lasting. As snem as socialist democracy, the a h o l i i i o n ol private |>iope i i y in lite means (A p r o d u c t i o n , is attained, the dictatorship of ihe proletariat reases. I'hereby the state also withers aua\ and a socialist ( o n n n i i n i l v lakes iis place. Karl M a i \ v.intc f if this Han siiion j M i i o d : "rriwccn the capitalist ami the rotumtititst .><iet\ lies the period of the levolnt tonary transformation o l the l o r m e r i n t o the latter T o ihis there also corresponds a political tratisition period, m whi<h the stale cats h r n o t h i n g n t b n than the rm> fthtfintifll y (In t fit in \/tij) of t/ir jn ritVlrtJ mf." I he council system includes the w o r k i n g people in i n d i v i d u a l Hades. IVue democracy fc thereby move nearly attained, for only a small m i m i i i l v is excluded and thus dm dn l a i o i s l u p nl the p t o h t ai i 1 1 is 11 I expression of the w i l l ! the ovei w h e l m i n g majoi itv of the people. It brings the means of prodtlCtion i n t o the posses ston of the e n i i i e society; it introduces the first |>hase ol c o m m u nis! sor i r | \ . . .





:>. s< N i ilixai ion ind tlic system ol councils

\\\ so<ializaiion we understand the ilclivi n ol the mean
ol ploclttrlioii llilo (he iiwiirt ship ol sociel\ IMI i l\ n o m e a n s c o m n i u m MI 'uc i . d l / a l i o n I lie " .IW.I. Vi I KIN i i l i N i n Uniting

ol economic


h o r n c a p i t a l i s t MH n l \ .

w h i c h IS |)ossd)le o n l \

t h r o u g h p o l i t i c a l s t r u g g l e , is c a l l e d s o c i a l i z a t i o n . S o c i a l i z a t i o n is i m p o s s i b l e as l o n g as t h e d e m o c r a t i c state exists. A l l s o c i a l i z a t i o n me 'astires cl i IM ( I C I M I M i ;iti state a u t h o r i t y m a i i i i a m l l i e c a p i t a l i s t mode o l p r o d u c t i o n , w h i c h has o n l y psendi ten KM I at it c h a p e i i e s In t h e most favorable case, t h e stale Itseil l)\ enieis ne\l Tlanl to tlu o w n e r o l t h e nw ;ms o l p r o d u c t i o n as t h e e x p l o h e i both divide the s i n p l n s v a l u e c u i t e d labor. ol labor and clemoc

racy" will he promised to the worker, and he mas seemingly put in a word; iii reality, the exploitation rights ol the entrepreneur* will be more firmly ordained, their profit insured. I he council system hi its political form ol application tun si lead the struggle in order to achieve socialization and the ovei throw ol capitalism. Socialization also stipulates, however, tin continuing ol production on the foundations created l>y capital ism. These foundations m;i\ not lie disturbed; iherefore, the orga ni/ed socialist needs-satisfying economy lutisl imniecliately tak< the place of anarchical capitalist production. But this is not to W} that overall uniform socialization must begin on a certain da) 1 here are large, extensive splteres of production that must he im mediately socialized, while other, less ittiportatit ones can at first remain undisturbed. Socialization cannot he I h to the worker.*
in l l i e p l a n t ; it c a n h a p p e n o n l y t h r o u g h the ( o i i i i n o n a c t i o n ol a l l w o i he is a n d t o i i s i i n i e i s , a n d the c >oo|tei ai i o n o l st h n l . n s is like wise nc-c c-ssai v. I he 01 gatlizal i o n o l | hes< l o u t s i n t h e c o u n c i l s\s t e i n rests o n e c o n o m i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T w o o r g a n i z a t i o n s , that ol w o r k e r s a n d thru o f c o n s u m e r s , are u n i t e d in d i e c o u n c i l system R o t h o r g a n i z a t i o n s a r e d i s t i n c t ; i n b o t h , s r i e n c e m u s t assert its i n Mneiice. . . .

Production will be carried out through the organizations ol works councils rhe workers and employees elect from theii
midst the works councils, w h i c h c o n t r o l product i o n . o r g a n s For d i e sphere o l p r o d u c t i o n , h a v i n g as t h e i i I he c o n t r o l highest le\<

a n a t i o n a l e c o n o m i c c o u n c i l , w i l l he e l e c t e d From t h e w o r k s c o t i n

rils. The organization of consumption is united with the organi zatton of production i n the national ei il.



Management of the plant lies in the hands of tlu* works council, li w i l l IK* appointed by ihe district group council, which is composed ol representatives of the p r o d u c t i o n brandies of the economic sphere. Scholars cooperate actively in plant managements, as well as in the control organs ol p r o d u c t i o n (district group Council, national group c o u n c i l , national economic council) . T h e planned organization of p r o d u c t i o n requires the b u i l d i n g of an economic council organization, Through it the self-manage incut ol all professions, branches of industry, crafts, trade, and transportation should be guaranteed, T h e basis ol this organization is the workplaces, the smallest socially productive units of ecn n m i i i r Hie, I he ftinted persons ol (he w o r k i n g people w i l l lie elected From ihe plants. I b i s council oijani/atinii u n h i d e s all into it w o r k i n g lum-s ol the p e o p l e // j j tnuh np nrganiznlHmalky central organization vambrising the. tntire inpptttat and economic

T h e ( l e i man Republic forms an economic u n i t w h i c h w i l l be centrally administered. U w i l l be d i v i d e d i n t o economic districts organiin w h i c h productive activities w i l l be included in district tat ions. Total p r o d u c t i o n is organiaed according to industrial, trade, and t i a n s p o i t a t i o n brandies attd indc|eii<leiil professions. I he organ ideational st i uc ture has the Following grou|is: 1. agriculture, h o r t i c u l t u r e , animal husbandry, forestry and Railing 2. m i n i n g , metallurgy and salt works, peat c u t t i n g 3. Stone and earth indusn ies, b t t i M i t t g trades 4. metals industry . r >. chemical industry 6. textiles and c l o t h i n g industry 7. paper industry and p r i n t i n g Hades H. leather and shoe industry ( ). wood and wood products industry 10. necessities and luxuries trade 11. b a n k i n g , insurance, and trade

12. transportation and communications

IS. officials and workers in slate and c o u u n u n a l works 11 lice professions W i t h i n each ol the above-cited groups, the organization of work is built From the works councils on up to a national group organization. In each independent plant, a w o r k s council w i l l be




National economic cou

Works and professions councils

elected, with the group* ofemployees w^ workers taken into con sidciation. The works council, together with the works management, superintends and regulates all affairs 0/ the enterprise.
W h e n an enterprise consists of several plains 04 independent divisions, a works council will he elected h>i each plant. These works councils combine iti a joint works council, which elects from its midst the supervisory council alongside the management dl the overall enterprise. When there are independent small and medium-sized plants with similar production, individual plants are comhinccl gco graphically in local or regional GOftlllCtb. The woiks councils ol large plants of the same type of production can also he included in them through \hvdist)i(! group council. Independent small tnanulac tin ers and other occupational groups that cannot he included in the factories elect a joint works council (vocational council) in counties and l u g e towns hy clis tricts. The works councils, local councils, regional councils, or joint works councils of each g r o u p within an economic district unite in a district group council and elect an executive committee. T h e

district group council oversees ;ml regulate! the production in the district according to stipulation! determined hy the national



I>l \ I I ' M M I N r

group council. Within tlie district, the district group council h the highest andtority fen deciding all questions arising from the
li rirltM t i m i r r l . i h n i i s . i l ih r>WH g r o u p .

I In district group < nutu il <l I ;I< II $^t*>111 elects from 11^ itstdsfl the delegates to ihc district economic council. T l i e lattei decides questions ol jurisdiction amottg the existing groujis in the <lis 1 1 i n : in addition, product ion . 1 1 1 < I economic oncstion* that i an be regulated owfj within the district are sttbjccl tn the decision-mak* ittgol the district pcotiottiit council. The district group council <>l each group elects from its midst delegates to a national group council, which is cotti|Mised l representatives ol the s:imc group <>l M Hisirii (\. Phe national grtjttp council ' s tlie central authority ol die group. It must regulate, according to the overall econonik plan ol the national erottomit i own il, the k i w i attd volume M [Wfidttc lion, tin jil.iiiinno aitd allocation ol ram? materials, and tlte sale ol ilu product, as well ;is nil questions concerning tlie grinip, It can Form sjx'< i;il committees, which can lie supplcnn nh<l l>\ rxperts, i i settle all tiuest if ms ht its comiietcnce. The national group councils *>| the enumerated industrial, craft, and trade branches elect From their midst representatives of i he national a onowic. count il. The representation ol the national group councils in the U.I tiooal economic council IN regelated according n> the total ntwiv ber employed in the individual groups. I IK- national economic council is composed in equal parts ol K|)( srni.n i\cs til the etiunteratcd Itmrtccii rcoitcniiH grott|ia ;uul ol rciiresetttatives ol the cunatuner*' organization, The national economic council is led by the deputies of the central council,



27. Whai Happened at I-reds [97]

KciK)i! Published by the Council f > 1 Workers' and Soldiers' Delegates The Fourth Resolution passed at the 1 eeds Convention,
Workers' ;IIM| Soldiers' ( ,r)llll( ils: " I he Conference <.1 Is upon the constituent bodies ai once to establish in every town, urban and rural district, Councils ol Workmen** and Soldiers' delegates hn initiating and e o m d i n a l iug win king i lass activity hi support ol lite policy set mil in the

foregoing resolution, and to tvork strenuously for a peace made by the people* oi the various countries, and for the complete po I ideal and economic emancipation erf international labour. Such
( m i n i ils Khali alsn watch diligently fn and icsisi every encroachMinn ii | N Hi iin 1 list i and civil liberty; shall give Special alien tion to the position ol women employee! in industry and gener ally snjipoit the work ol the h a d e unions; shall lake active slips to stop the exploitation ol food and all othei necessaries ol life, and shall COIICCm themselves with tpiisiions affecting the pen sinus ol woiuideil and disabled soldinv and the maiiilenaiii e grants to die dependents ol men serving with tlie Ami) and Reprinted fmm Ken Crates and Tony Tonnm rfH., M ' Control: i lint*1 ,.>
.; on,!
lid I/. \}\

It MiM'Mi // WmkrWS
(| i .I.III.I-I.i


| | mi'lni 1 ' f*%\

I . 1 0) . j

p' inns,KIII






Navy; ami the making nl adequate provision for the training ol disabled soldiers and lot suitable and remunerative woi k fen the m their return to civilian lile. And, further, thai theconven* men < crs of this Conference he appointed as a Provisional Committee, whose duty shall he to assist the formation of local Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils, and generally to give elfed to the polity determined by this Conference/1 Movnl by \V. C Anderson, MP.; seconded hy Rohm \\ il I tarns, \V. (.. Anderson. M.P.. moving the resolution before the (Ion vention, said: l gather from the Press reports that this Fourth Resolution is regarded as the ugly duckling among the resolutions, and then fore I claim fw it on that ground your s|>e<:tal solicitude and sup port, (Hear, hear!) I saw a paragraph the other clay in that dear old mid-Victorian journal the Morning Past (laughter) which slates that tin- Fourth Resolution is the one that really matters, being mote than mere rhetoric. I his resolution is clearly,' it says, a violation of the law, as inciting to the subversion ol Ainiy discipline and military authorities/ (lle;u. hear!) I hose who move Such a resolution ami those who act on it are liable to severe pen allies.' (Laughter.) 'It is therefore unthinkable that the Government will wittingly permit such action.' Well. I move the rcsolu linn without any apology of any kind, mid il they want ciiminals (the speakei made a sweep ol his aim fowaids the pac f . < cl hall), theie isa pretty haul ol them in this hall, (C.heeis.) Ihit I wish to sa\ emphatically that the resolution was not intended to he subversive III military rcsponsihiliiies. What we do say is thai soldiers and wnikmeii alike aie men and have the- lights ol men, and we ask the newspapets to howl until they aie black in the lace il lhc\ so desire. (Cheers.) II we are going to have justice for the solclieis, for the wives and the widows and the children ol the soldier*, and if we aie going to have Ireedoin lor the Workmen, the workman and the soldier must join hands. (Cheers.) Ah. they say. this is revolution, If a revolution be the conquest ol political power hy a hitherto disinherited class, if revolution he that we arc not going to put up in the future with what we have put up with in the past, we are not i*oing to have the shams and the poverty of the past, then the sooner we have revolution in this country the better. (Cheers.) . . . We are goin^ to ti\ 111s.t ol .ill to bring into <l<*sei and more organh touch the democracy ol Britain with the democracy ol Russia and with the demoi racy of every other country...."



28, Selected Writings from

LJonline nudvo [1919-1920]


Workers' Democracy
l'here is one problem of urgent concern today lacing every socialist wilh a vital sense ol the historical responsibility testing on the shoulders ol ihe working (lass and on the l*;n I \ which represents Lite critical and active consciousness ol the mis M O H ol that (lass. How may ike immense social forces unleashed by the war be harnessed? I low may they be disciplined and given a political form that would have the potential to develop by a continuous process of organic growth until the first rudiments of the socialist state, the embodiment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, begin to emerge? How may the present be welded to the future, satisfy ing the needs ol the one while at the same time working effectively to create and anticipate the other? This article is intended as a stimulus to thought and action; it is an invitation to the best and most conscious workers to reflect OB the problem, each within the range ol bis own abilities and activity, and to work toward its solution by focusing the attention of their comrades and organisations on its trims Concrete, <on
Kr|>iintr<l fmiu OpCf* <li Antonio (.inmui. Vol fc / ><hnr nuor (Tiiiin: Gilllio Eiliaudi, l!r5). pp. 10 i:V :iG :W, 45-17, 123-27. 132 !T>, l>y i>i mission ol UtfttBtO G r a M d , I i.mshtr<l ly M f e M Yal<\



UKVI l . n i ' M i N I

structive action can mil) emerge from a joint and coojierativc el

fcHl ol < huihe at inn. pel suasion, and nnitual education.

I he socialist Hate already exists potentially within the social institutions characteristic ol the exploited working class. I n link these institutions together, to coordinate them and subordinate them in a high I) centralized hierarchy ol jurisdictions and powers, while respecting their necessary areas < > 1 autonomy and inter connections, means to begin at once to create a true atnl genuine workers' democracy in effective opposition la tin* bourgeois state and prepared at any time to replace it in all ifci essential functions Q( administration and control ol the national paii in ion y. . . . Only nianv years, even decades, ol work x v 1 1 enable the Social
isi T a i i y and the t i a d r miinns to ihsoih the entire w o r k i n g < lass

They will not immediately become identical with the protetariati state Indeed, in the communist republics the) have continued to exist independently of the state, ss a driving Force (the Party) or as institutions l supervision and partial itn|>lemcutation (the
unions) . I he Party must continue in he the organ ol communist

education, lite guardian ol the laith, the repn&iuiri oi doctrine, and the supreme power that harmonizes and leads the organ i red and disciplined forces til tlie working class and peasantry toward their goal. Precisely because it musl rigorously carry out this task.
tlte Part) r a n n m t h r o w open its dnnr to an invasion ol new

members unused to the exercise ol responsibility and discipline. But the social life <>l the working (lass is rich in institutions and takes on multiple forms ol activity. I lnsr institutions and this activity musl he developed, organized in a muiplex manner, and imiled in a broad and flexible s\stem which I an ahsoib and discipline the entire woi king*lass. I he shop with its internal committees, socialist circles, and the peasant communities are the centers of proletarian life, and we most work directly within them. The internal committees are nrgaus of workers' democracy which must be freed from the limitations imposed upon them by management and infused with new life and energy. Today, the internal committees limit the power of the capitalist in the facto lies and perform the functions of arbitration and diseipline. Tomorrow, developed and enriched, they must he the organs of proletarian power that will replace the capitalist in all his useful functions of management and administration. The war! ers should proceed forthwith to the election of broad assemblies ol delegates, chosen From among the best and mosl




conscious comrades, u n d e r the slogan " A l l |>ower in the shop In tlu- shop committees," together with a second, " A H slate power to the woi keis' and peasants' councils." A vast i i r l d [CM concrete revolutionary propaganda would O|JCM up before communists, o i g a n i / c d in the Part) and the w a r d cii cles, T h e cirdes, in accord w i t h the u r b a n sections, should make an assessment of the workers' forces in their /cine and become the scat ol the ward c o u n c i l o l the shop delegates, the Vital nei ve cell ter o l all the proletarian energies ol tlie ward. H i e electoral sys teins could he varied according to the size ol die shops, h u t the target should he one elected delegate lor every fifteen w o r k e r s broken d o w n by category (as is done in English lac lories) I n this way, by a series of electoral stages, the linal committee ol factor) delegates should include representatives of the e n t i r e labor pro (ess (workers, clerical stall, technicians). T h e w a u l committee should also strive to include delegates From the other categories of workers l i v i n g in that ward as well: servants, (abdrivers, Street carronduc tors, railroad workers, street cleaners, salesc lerks, etc. The ward committee should he the expression of the riitht Working class l i v i n g in the w a r d , a legitimate and authoritativebody capable ol generating respect lor a system ol discipline in vested w i t h v o l u n l a i i l y delegated power and oi ordering an immediate and total work stoppage throughout the c n l i i e ward. T h e ward committees would be l i n k e d up citywide c o m m i t tees, controlled and disciplined by 'be Socialist Party and the trade u n i o n fedei at ions. Suh a sysleui ol worker* democracy (c 001 clin.itc-d w i t h llicil n t u i v a l i ' i i l peasant organizations) w o u l d iirovnlc a iiertnaitctn f o n n and discipline to tlte masses. It w o u l d be a magniheent school for political and administrative experience and w o u l d include all of the masses down to the last m a n ; w i t h i n it the masses w o u l d learn tenacity and! perseverance and would become act us toined to regarding themselves as an a r m y in the field that re quires a strong eohesiveness if it is not to be destroyed and reduced to slavery. Each factory w o u l d constitute one or more regiments of this army, w i t h its commanders, its liaison officers, its officers' corps, and its general stall, each w i t h powers delegated b j Free election, not imposed in an a u t h o r i t a r i a n manner. Meetings held in the shops and ceaseless propaganda and persuasion h\ the most con scions w o r k e r s should b r i n g about a radical transformation ol the workers 1 psychology, improve the preparedness oi the masses to




exercise power and their a b i l i t y to d o so, and inculcate an awareness of the rights and duties of both comrade and worker, an awareness that is both concrete and effective because it is derived

directly from living historical experience. Antonio Gramsci <m<\ Palmiro Togliatti, juvr 21, t919

Trade Unions and Councils

T r a d e unionism has shown ilscll to be no more than another form of capitalisi society, not a potential suj>eisession of it. Ii organizes the workers not as producers b u t as wage earners, thai is, as products of the capitalist system ol private property, as sellerj of the c o m m o d i t y ol labor. T r a d e u n i o n i s m unites the workers on the basis of the tool they use in their labor or the material they must t r a n s f o r m ; in other words, it unites t h e m on the basis of the forms imposed upon them by the capitalist system, the system <>i economic i n d i v i d u a l i s m . I'sing one tool or process ing one material rather than another cultivates different skills and different attitudes toward labor ami earnings. The worker becomes fixed i n his skill and a t t i t u d e and comes to conceive of them not as ;i factor in or aspect ol p r o d u c t i o n but as a mere means to eat n money. T h e trade u n i o n , or the industrial u n i o n , unites the worker w i l b his comrades in the same trade- 01 same industry, w i t h those who use the same tool or transform the same m a t e r i a l ; in so d o i n g , it reinforces ibis psychology, m a k i n g the possihilit) <>f the woi ker's cvei conceiving ol hiiusell as a " p r o d u c e r " increasingly more remote. T h e worker is led to consider himself a " c o m m o d i t y " on a national or i n t e r n a t i o n a l market, whose pi ice and value

are determined by competition.

I he u r n I < i w i l l IM a i d e I n sec b i m s e l l ;is :i |>iodu< el o n l y i l he

sees liintsell as an inseparable part of the entire system ol laboi subsumed in the manufactured object, only if he lives the u n i t y of the industrial process, which requires the c o l l a b o r a t i o n o l skilled and unskilled w o r k e r , o f the office employee, the- engineer, and the technical managei alike. . . . M o v i n g f r o m this primary element, seen as a u n i t y , as the creator of a specific p r o d u c t , the tvorkei rises to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of an evei broader u n i t y u n t i l his ihoti] Ju i in b r a n s the n a t i o n , w h i c h i n its entirety is a gi




tic system of production, characterised 1>\ its exports, by the sum of the wealth it exchanges against an equivalent Mini of wealth Bowing from every part of the world, from the numerous other gigantic systems of production of which the win Id is constituted. When liis thought has accomplished this movement, the operator has become a producer: he has acquired the consciousness of his lunclion within the entile productive pioiess from the lactoiy to the nation, and to the world. Then the worker perceives his class and becomes a communis! because he sees that private prop erly is not a function ol productivity; then ho Incomes a rcvo lutionaiy because he perceives the capitalist, the private owner, as a dead spot, an obstacle that must he eliminated. He then understands the "state/' that complex organization of society, as a concrete form of society; lie sees that it is only a particular form of the gigantic system of production that reflectswith all the new and higher relations, interlockings, and functions demanded by its immanent grandeurthe life of the factory. He sees that the state represents the totality of the fine!) balanced and hierarchically ordered conditions necessary for his industry, bis fac tory, and his person as producer to live and grow.

Novembers, 1919
T h e dictatorship ol the proletariat can only be embodied in a type ol organization thai IS spec ilic to the activity ol pro ducers, not wage earners, the slaves of capital. The factory council is the basic unit of such an organization. All branches of labor are represented in the Factory council in proportion to the contribution each crafl (trade) and each blanch of labor nukes to the manufacture ol the object the larlory produces lor the society at large; it is therefore a class institution and a social institution. Its raison d'etre rests in labor, in industrial productionthat is, in a pennanent lac I and no longer in wages, in class division, i.e., in a lai t is liansitoiy and which lor that vciy leason we wish to supersede. Hence, the council makes the unity of the working class a reality, gives the masses a cohesiveness and a form reproduce the cohesiveness and form assumed by the masses in the general or ganization of society. T h e Factory council is the model for the proletarian state. All

the problems inherent in the organization ol the proletarian rtate are to be found in the organization ol the council, In both, the




concept (i citizen gives way to the concetH ol ctntirattei < < >I!;IIH M .I I ion in useful and high-quality prodttt tiati deveh ips solidarity and
inttll ipljes lie I lot ids f il a (let I ion and hat e m i t v. 1 ' \ et \ o i i r is nulls pcnsahle. c\ci\(Mie has q hint lion ;md a p o s i t i o n K.vetl the most

ignorant and backward til workers, even lite most vain and Mpu hte' ol engineers will ultimately be persuaded ol tins iruth m the experience ol the factory organization: all will eventually acquire
i i o m n i u m s ! c onsi i-uisiiess c apuhh f| ;i aspiu<\ the great advance

a ('oimnimisl economy represents ovei a capitalist eeonoiny. The connc il is the body best soiled to see to the mutual pioress ol education anil the development of the new social spirit Restating in the proletariat*! vibrant and ricli experience ol the community of labor. In th<* trade union, workers' solidarity developed through then struggle against capitalism in suffering and in sacrifice, while in the utiiiu il il is ;i |M1&itivc ami permanent phenomenon. It is inheient in the mosi magnificent aspec t oi industrial production, contained in the exhilarating consciousness ol being an organic whole, a homogeneous and compact system, which by the provision of useful labor and hv the disinterested production ol wealth affirms its sovereignty and its power and Freedom in make history... . The factory council is also based on the trades. In every depaitment. the workers are separated into teams, and each team is a labor unit fa trade unit) the council is made un ol the tcpietentative* whom the workers eleci by departmental team (craft). Bui whereas a trade tin ion is based on the individual, the cotmcil is based on the organic and concrete unity of the trade as it is Forget! by the discipline ol the industrial |M<K*C**. The team f (trade) senses its distinctness within the homogeneous body < the (lass, hut at the same time il feels hsrll ;m hltegral unit in the system of discipline and order thai makes possible the develop ment ol production by functioning with exactitude and precision, hi its economic and political interests, a trade is in perfect union with the dass as a whole, insofar as it represents n separate technical interest and the development of a particular instrument used itt the labor piocrss. il is distinct from it In the same way, all in dtistries constitute an integral and botntigenetiits whole as regards 1 1 nil aim of perfecting the product ion, distribution, and ao umu lation ni social wealth. But each industry has distinct interests where the technical organisation of its specific activity is con< erned. T h e existence of ihe councils gives the workers direct response


iI u v

hilily (\TI piodiu linn, indmrs tlietH lo iiii|i(.\c ili; ii woik. and institutes A conscious and voluntary discipline; it create* lite pay* diology ol a prodiM I r, III the niakei of history, I lie workers will caiT) this new < OHM iousnrss into the unions, and now, lathei restricting its activity Ui the (hiss struggle alone, the union > ! imposing a new will devote itself to the fundamental woik < structure on economic life and the lechnology ol labor, and i< working oni iIn- lomi ol economic life and occupational tech ni<pie proper to communist society. In this sense, the unions, made up <! the best and imist riRisrious workers, will realize the highest moment < l the ilass struggle and the dictatorship ol tlic proletariat: the) will create the objective conditions in which classes can no longer exist 01 reemergc.... Organization l>\ factory will bring together the class (the en lire ( l.tssj into a homogeneous and cohesive unit) thai can adapt 10 the industrial process of production and dominate it by plat \\\v it under control omc and for all. Factory organization, then fore, is the embodiment of the dictatorship ol die proletariat, Lite communist state that destroys (lass domination in the political MI persLnic tines and their general interwoi kiie;s. Trade unions and industrial unions aie the solid backbone of the great body ol the proletariat. I hey clal>orate and accumulate individual and local experience, bringing about on a national M ale the equalization ol the conditions ol labor and production on which communist enttalit) is concretely based. But H it is to he possible to impress this positive c lass and communist direction on the unions, the workers must apply the full lone of their will > n of the conn and Conviction to tin' consolidation and pipa'.ai i cils and to the organic unification ol the working < lass. On this homogeneous and solid foundation, all the Itighet Structures ol communist dictatorship and communist econom) will flourish and develop. Or Inherit. 1919

T h e emergence of indnsiiial legality w*% a major victory for the working (lass, hin it is not ihe ultimate and delmil i\e \ i < tory. Industrial legal it) has improved the material living condi tions of the working class, hut it is no more than a compromise which had to he made and which must be supported until the halaine ol powei lips in favoi ol the woi I II tlte oflit i il ol the trade union oi^ani/ation cornicle] 11.0...01.1I legality a nee



estary, though not permanent, compromise; i( they devoir the means sil their disposal toward improving the balance of forces in favor of the working (lass; il they make all the necessary moral ami material preparation to enable the working d a s , at the appropriate moment, to launch a successful offensive against capital and subject it to its law, then the union is an instrument serving the revolution, and union discipline, even when it is used to make the workers respect industrial legality, is a revolutionary

The relations that should prevail between a trade union and a Factory council must he Considered in the light of out appraisal of the nature* and value of industrial legality. T h e counc il is the negation of industrial legality. It tends to abolish it at every instant, chives the Working class unwaveringly onward toward the conquest of industrial power, and aims at placing the source of that power in the hands of the working < lass. The union represents legality and must undertake to see that this legality is respected by its tnembeis. The ttade union is responsihle to the industrialists, but only to the extent that it is responsible to its own members: it guarantees a steady job and in come to workers and their familiesthat is, it guarantees workers enough to eat and a tool over their heads Through its revolutionary spontaneity, the council is at the veige ol unleashing class war at any moment. The* trade* union, because ol its bureaue latic hum. tends to prevent class war from ever erupting. The relationships between thc*se two institutions should be such that tbev tend to create a situation in which a < apt ie ions impulse on the pan e>( the council will not mean a sl<*p backward, a routing, for the working dais; that is. a situation in which the council accepts and assimilates the discipline of the trade union, while the revolutionary character ol the council, in turn, exercises influence on the trade union, dissolving, as it wet e. its bureaue ratism. I he counc il strives at every moment to pass beyond the bounds ol industrial legality. T h e council is the exploited, tyrannized masses, compelled to perforin servile labor; hence, it tends to universalize any rebellion, to give a revolutionary value and scope to each of its acts of power. The trade union, as an organization jointly and severally commit ted to legality, tends to universalize and perpetuate this legality. The relations between trade union and council should he such that thev create conditions in which the e oust taint s of legality ate- transcended and the* prole

tartan offensive launched at the most opportune moment Ion the




working (lass, when it has at least the minimum of preparation necessary for a durable victory. The links between ttade union and council ran be established O H only one basis: the majority or a substantial pan of the voting members of the council must be organized in the union. Any attempt to join the two institutions in a hierarchical dependence cam only lead to the destruction of both. If the conception of the council as a mere instrument of the trade union struggle is allowed to prevail, with the trade union exercising discipline and direct control over the council, the council will be rendered powerless as a force in i evolutionary ex pansion. as a lorin contributing to the real development ol the lev olutionary proletariat, a lorin that tends spontaneously to (Kate1 new modes of discipline, new modes of production and laborin a word, communist society. The emergence of the councils is a result of the position that the working class has won for itself in industrial procluc tion; it is a manifestation of die historical necessity ol the- working (lass. Hence, any attempt to subordinate tlic council hierarchically to the trade union will soonei or later precapitate a clash between the two institutions. The council derives iis power horn its intimacy, its unity, with the consciousness ol the working masses, who are striving toward an autonomous act of emancipation and a bee hand in the c nation ol history: the entire masses participate in the life ol the council and feel that they count for something in its activity. Hut only a very nslricted number of the masses participate in the life* ol the- trade union, and their real strength derives front this hut. Bui this Fact also contains a weakness that cannot be put to test without grave risks. If, on the other hand, the trade union were to rest directly on the councilsnot to dominate them but to become a higher form of themthen the inherent tendency of the councils to pass beyond industrial legality at every moment, and ai any moment unleash the revolutionary act of class war, would be reflected in the trade union. T h e latter would forfeit its ability to make commitments and would lose its capacity to act as a disciplinary and regulative force on the impulsiveness of the working (lass. If its members establish revolutionary discipline within the union, a discipline which the masses recognize as a necessity for the- victory of the proletarian revolution and not as an enslave* nieni to capital, this disc inline will unquestionably be accepted ami assimilated by the council as its own. II the trade union be




cutties an organization hnr r e v o l u t i o n a r y p u p a i a t i o n and ap|>cars ;^ such i n the in.I>M'S iii its o n g o i n g practice, in the men who coin* |XMC It, and in its propaganda, then its. ( ' c i i h ; i l i / c d .iiul absolute character w i l l be viewed by the masses .is ,i majoi revolutionary force, as otic more ( o t i c l i t i o n and :i very i m p o r t a n t o i i e - l m lire 1 they are wholly i t m t t i i i t t e t l , . , . sue i (ss ol t l i f M I uggle to wide 1 Communist! strive to make die revolutionary a< t as conscious and responsible as possible; they therefore want the choice (to the extent thai it is i c h o k e ) ol the moment to unleash the workers' offensive tit remain in tin hands <>l the most conscious and responsible segweiM ol the w o r k i n g class; thai is, ol those workers who are organized in the s , i;>Ii^t Party and actively participate in the life ol the organisation, l o i this ie;ison. ( o i n i n i i nists r.nmol w ish h i M r i In trade n m o i i Inse its disi i plme and sys leinalic (< i i t i a l i / a l i o n . lunr 12, 1920

The Factory Council

I lie proletarian revolution is not the arbitrary a n ot an organi/aihn or set ol organostttotiH i>rot:latmitig llietitsrlves i n l K-vohn ionai y. It is a long and drawn m i l hisl) pmeess b r o n c h i to its f r u i t i o n l\ the emergence and development oi specific forces of p r o d u c t i o n ( w h i c h are Summed Up in die expies sion " p i o i i t.o iat' ) in a specific historical eotitext (la w h i c h we relet hv the expiessions " p i i v a l e piopeity,"' "capitalist mode ol production,' 1 "factory system,'' "organization ol society in a democratic proletarian state"! . . . . 1 lie true process of the proletarian revolution cannot he identified w i t h the development and actions ol revolutionary organizations of a voluntary and contractual nature such as the political party and the trade u n i o n ; these are organizations horn on the terrain of bourgeois democracy and political freedom as the aflii inatkin and further development oi political freedom. These organizations, to tin extent that they embody a doctrine thai interprets the revolutionary process ^\x\ predicts i i ^ development ( w i t h i n certain l i m i t s ol historii tl probability) and are recog nixed b) t h r masses a? a reflection ol then interests and iii ii emhryonM lystetn ' nnient, are at present- and are bc<:< in

Revolutions I 11 ALI


increasingly sothe direct and responsible agents ol the succes sive ;uts of liberation thai will be undertaken l> ilie entire work ing class in the course of the revolutionary process. But even so, th<se organizations are not ihe embodiment of thai process; thej do not su|>ersede the bourgeois state, nor do the] not can the) -embrace all the multiple pulsating foci ol revolutionary Force*
t h a i c a p i t a l i s m unleashes as it m o \ cs implacably l o r w a u l as a

machine of exploitaiion and ofipresston. . . . Revolutionary organisations (the iiolittcal party, the trade union) arc horn on the terrain ol injlittcal Freedom, the soil <>i bourgeois democracy, as the affirmation and development ol [rec doni and democracy in getteial, where relationships ol citiien to citizen subsist I le revolutionary process takes place on the tei tain ol p i o d i u i i o n . in die factory, where die relations are those ol
OpptesSOt l<> oppiesscd. e x p l o i t e r to e x p l o i t e d , w h c i c Freedom does not esist I m the Worker, where democracy does n o t exist.

The revolutionary process takes place where the worker is uotli ing and wants to become alt, where the power ol the proprietor is unlimited, and where this power is life and death ovci the worker, the worker's wile, and his c h i l d r e n . . . . When do w t say that the historical process ol the workers1 iev<> llition has hurst loith into the hftht ol day as a controllable Slid
docimieiitahle I O K V ?

W e say this wlicn | he e n t i l e w o r k i n g (lass has heroine l e v o l u l i o n a i y . n o I t M g f l i n i h e sense it calciori ally i<-luses to par

tictpate HI d u bourgeois institutions ol goveiooietit and thus represents an opposition within the structures ol bourgeois democracy, bill in the sense that the entire working (lass, as it exists in the Factory, initiates a scries ol events that must necessarily result in the Founding ol a workers' statethat is, in the transformation ol human society into a Form altogether different From anything that had previous!) existed, into a universal Form that embraces the entire Workers' International and hence the whole of human ity. Furthermore, we say thai the present period is revolutionary because we observe that the working (lass in every country i s struggling with all its energies (but also with all on mistakes, groping*, and impediments peculiar to an oppressed class that has no historical experience and must do everything for the Ins; time) to give birth U) proletariat institutions ol a new type, Ln&ti tutions with a representative basil within an industrial frame work. We say thai tin present period i revolutionary because the working ciass is ttyiug with all Us enet;g) an I all its will to



f o u n d its own state. T h a t is the reason we say that the b i r t h of the workers' factory councils represent* a major historical event,
Itcntldiltg ;i new e i a in i h r history ol m a n k i n d ; w i l h this event

tin- revolutionary process has burs! f o r t h into the tight ol day and has entered i n t o a phase tha i is controllable and doc unientable. . . . I n the factory, the w o r k i n g class become* a determinate " i n sUumeiit of p r o d u c t i o n " w i t h i n a determinate organic system. The participation < > ( every worker i n this system is governed by " c h a n c e " ; that is. by chance as Ear as his w i l l is concerned, hut by no means ;is regal (la his m l e as a soiuce ol labor, since in the labor process and in production his position is both necessary and spec ideally delined. It is o n I) for this reason that he is h i r e d , only for this reason that he is able to earn his bread. 1 le is a cog in the mechanical d i v i s i o n o l labor, in the w o r k i n g (lass constituted into an instrument ol p r o d u c t i o n . II the worker acquires a cleat consciousness of his " d e t e r m i n a t e necessity" and makes it the basis ol a representative stale system (that is, not voluntary or contractual, t h r o u g h a membership card, but absolute and organic, as a pait ol a reality that must be acknowledged it one wains to be assmed of food, clothes, housing, industrial production) ; if the worker* il the w o r k i n g class, does this, it accomplishes something ol momentous impact: it initiates a new era of history, the era ol workers' states that are destined to coalesce to form the- communist society, a World organised on the basis of and w i t h the sturdiness ol a large engineering works, a C o m m u nist International in w h i c h ever) people, every pan o l m a n k i n d , IIN place-, defined l>\ lite p e i l o i m a m c o| a p a i l i c u l a i l o i m ol

prodtlt l i o n and no longer by the* fact that it is organised as a statew i t h particular holders. In b u i l d i n g this representative system, tin* w o r k i n g class is actually c o m p l e t i n g the e x p r o p r i a t i o n ol the fnst mac l o n e ol a l l . die most important instrument of productionthe w o r k i n g class itself. In so d o i n g , the w o r k i n g class rediscovers itself, a c q u i r i n g a \ mist iousuc ss ol its organic u n i t y and cotittterposing itsell as a whole to capitalism. T h e w o r k i n g class thus proclaims that in (histrial power and its source must be r e t u r n e d to the lac l o r y ; i t places the factory in a new l i g h t , f r o m the workers' p o i n t of view. is a l o i m m w h i c h the w o r k i n g class constitutes itself i n t o a con crete body, as the p r i m e element of a new state, the workers' slate . and as the basis lot a new representative system, the comic il
s\sleni I he workers' slate, since il is boitl out ol a spec ihc sel of

production n lati< MIS, ahead) c teates thereby the conditions lot its




own development and ultimate withering away as a state, and for its oiganic integration into the world system <ii the ( .omnumisi Inieinational. hi the council of a large engineering woiks today, every work team (constituted by trade) is organically linked, from the proletarian point of view, with the other teams ol a section, and every aspect of industrial production merges with all other aspects, throwing the productive process into relief; thus, throughout the world, English coal joins with Russian petroleum. Siberian wheat with Sicilian sulfur, Ycicellian rice with wood from Styria, to Form a single, organic whole subject to an international administration that governs the riches ol the world in the name ol all of humanity. In this sense, the workers' factory council is tlie primary element of a historical process that must ultimately lead to the Communist International, no longer as a political organization of th<- revolutionary proletariat but as a reorganization of the world economy and of the whole of the h u m a n community on a national and international scale. Every real revolutionary action has a value and is real in the historical sense to the extent that it participates in this process and is understood as an act toward the liberation ol this process Irom the bourgeois super sti in turcvs that restric t and obsti uc t it. 1 he relations that should exist between the political party and the Factory council, and between the Hade union and the factoiv council, are already implicit in what we have* said. I he* party and the trade union must not set themselves above tins institution, in which the historical process ol revolution takes n contmllahlc his torical form, as its mentors or as ready-made superstructures; they must become the conscious agents of its liberation from the rest-irtivr forces inherent in the bocngeois state, they must set

themselves the task of organizing the general external (political)

conditions in which the process of revolution can be expedited to the greatest possible degree and the liberated productive forces achieve their greatest expansion. June \ ll>2<)

Hi volutions


L)(J. Report of the Graphic Arts Trade Union of Barcelona

I). A. DC SAN I 11.LAN

Ftinclamental aspirations < > ! libertarian communism

'I hr" National Cnnlcdt o| I ..duo, in lh< following points, establishes its liin<l,itit( aspnalioiis .is c oiulil inns loi proletarian emancipattern and human solidarity. 1, Socialization ol die so< ial w e a l t h - l a n d , raw materials, tools and machines, means o( transportation, health and educational inst iliiliniis mi dial no prison c.ui live IriNN I lie woik ol olliris not pioln I mm paitifuhn piiil<i',<s .it ih< <\p<nsr ol tlir torn
tnuii 1 f \.

2. Suppression of all political power that makes the law lor all and imposes it by coercive means. Reorganization ol economic and social lilt on the basis ol work, taken in its broad meaning ol manual, administrative, and

technical work.
I. 1.11.n.mi. r ui the means nl life to those children, the aged, and the ill who (.1111101 contribute at j nl 01 can no kmg 1 contribute to the process 1 l production. Reprinted from Avlo/psiio*, No. is l( (January April 1975), 104-109, by permission til ittr j>uM> l < . I rSHislaled )r. M r !>n Li.nn.i




5. Suppression oi all ecclesiastic establishment, instrument " I spit in lal oppression, l>m respei I nevei thelcss <l the religious, pin I osophic. sni ial, and pol hie a I he I i d s ol each i n d i \ idnal. (>. A b o l i t i o n of national frontiers, demasking ihe lie ol nation alism. favoring ihe understanding, solidarity, and mutual aid ol all peoples ami all races. 7 Ki < nsti iK I urn n| the l a m i l \ h\ lice liivc, 1 1 1 Ireedom horn

all religions, political, C M economic constraint.

A society of free producers and consumers

All the known social Formsof religious origin of potiti cal establishment--u-si on ihe recognition ol rlassei and privi
h^cs. imposing on a pari ol the population is obliged to Mill its lahoi is a ( o m n i o d i l v , the task ol sustaining the idleness and enjo\ineiit of the other part. T h e National Confederation ol Labor wishes to organize the social c o m m u n i t y on tlie basis ol work for all and the inst distri b u t t o n <i p r o d u c t i o n among the members of society. Soeiallv useful an*l socially recognized woi k alone ran guarantee the consumption ol the fruits of h u m a n effort. While in the k n o w n economic sNsienis p r o d u c t i o n has been separated from e ( i n s m n p l i o i i . Frottl ihe satisfaction ol h u m in needs, as a c nnscipieucc ol the piiinac y that the |M'ivilcgCS and monopolies have arrogated to themselves, in the new c o m m u n i t y work has a solr mission and note raison d e n e : the satisfaction ol mate i ial needs as well as those of the c u l t u r a l order ol man. For the st t net t i r i n g ol these forms ol life, in which work w i l l he the c o m m o n Foundation anil t i n unavoidable ol enjoymeni lor a l l , the N a t i o n a l Confederation of L a b o i takes as the point ol departure the productive cell, the plaee of w o r k , independent of the religious Faith, political belief, spiritual o r i e n t a t i o n , and residence ol its members. W h i l e in an organization of the political type the order to which the p o p u l a t i o n is subjected rests on plan ..i residence, reli gtoita t r e e d , and political choice, in a society >l Free prtiducers and consumers, tin- place <>l work and its connect ions i>\ profes sional affinities shall replace the structures n H in t h e stal ist i n s t i t u t i o n and order- parliaments, city halls, ett . W h i l e the possibility <>l m u l t i p l e social agreements based on



personal allinities. common interests, proximity, and particular tiisics is not disregarded, then social regulation is not considered necessary. But, in contrast, economic regulation, which affects each one and obeys an indisputable need, is necessary. It is Irvi tliis reason thai what interests the National Confederation ol tabor in the first place is the regulation of die economic lile ol the regime to come* In onlei to arrive at this state ol thingswhic h is the supreme aspiration of those disinherited from the social wealthit is necessary to proceed in two parallel and interdependent directions; a) the insunec lional preparation that is to say. prcpaiaiiou < > l the violent struggle against the reigning privileges and moiiop olieshy means ol the general strike; the occupation ol the factories, the land, and the means oi transport and communication;
die iclusal to p i o d u r e lot capitalism and to ohcy the stale; the

defense ol conquered positions by all means, and aid to regions where the fences of labor have not yet succeeded; h) the economic preparation to suhstimte for financial direction of productive life in the interest ol privileged minorities, the direction < > f the producers and distributors themselves in the in terest of the whole lahoi ing collective.

Plan of economic reorganization

The direction and control of production in the

hands of the producers themselves

The l>Ui(c of work. The fust productive cell, the fust expression ol the socialized economy, is at the place of woik: factory, faun, mine, vessel, school, etc. All the manual, administrative, and technical personnel of each > l place ol work form hy delegation ol its sections ;i committee < the lac toi v. latin, mine, etc. I hese committees, recallable at any moment, organize work at the place of their jurisdiction and are responsihle for their functions and management to the personnel that appoint them. The places of work enter into reciprocal relations l>y allinities of function O K the local level and create sections or trade unions 1 hese Sections pi trade unions ol a paihculai industry constitute a fed eiation m ounc d ol ihe industrial hranch.




Federations or councils ol industrial branches

Thus, from below on up, from the place of work to ihe industrial level, embracing by industry the whole < > l activities that tend to the satisfaction of a human need, arc formed as mam branch federations or councils as there are industrial functions in each locality. . . .

Local liaison The industrial federations or councils are assot iated in H local federation of industrial branches (or local council of the economy) in which the particular interests ol various guilds ate balanced, production ami distribution arc coordinated, common regulation is established, the exceptions permitted to this regulation on the local level are studied, and statistical and demo graphic data are centralised.

National liaison Two lines of permanent liaison run Irotn the place ol work to the association ol all the country's productive lorces: a) the geographic line reaches from the trade union, federal llOll, or industrial branch council to the local federation ol industrial councils, whence it rises u> the regional economic federation or council and Irom there to the national economic council; b) the other, professional line leads from the place of work to the trade union or section, from this to the industrial branch or federation of the locality, then to the regional lederation of the industry in question, and from the latter to the national body. In a statist structure, each inhabitant of a country is regisleied in the records of the civil service, the military archives, or the bureau of taxation; in the new economy inhabitants will also be registerednot as citizens, future soldiers, or taxpayers, but as

producers and consumers.

The natural and spontaneous play of these force* oi production excludes parasitic entities, whose function \ields no benefit to useful work Thus courts, jailers, police, professional armies, state

Functionaries, the financial apparatus, rentiers, speculators, and t lergj disappear....



Me< 11; 111 s111 of b u b i t c o p i n i o n

As counterweight to the economic organism of the new social community, public opinion is lull; manifested and can be expressed:
1) at the place of woi 1 , then in the section or trade u n i o n , in

the industrial branch council, hi the federation or local cent* i ol the economy, and thence further (it is understood thai in the general assemblies ol the iiulusuial section < > i federation m branch council, those who re engaged in the productive process ami those- who, owing t< illness, invalidity, < age have ceased < '> !> in it, will have an etioal deliberative voice) : 2) in the social liaisons created by common attach intents, interests, proximity, eti ; the public assemblies, press, etc.. will he employed M l making known the initiatives taken and in obtaining lor those concerned the decisions oi the productive
stun tores.

50, Decree on the Collectivizatioi and Control of Industry and Trade in Catalonia
[October 24, 1936]

The criminal military uprising ol July l( tanked an extraordinary distill c in the c oimlt ys cc oiioinv. Ihc General Otftittcil imisi see to it thai the severe wounds inflicted on the in dnstry and trade ol Catalonia by the trcachciy ol those who tried to impose a government of force on our coiinh\ are healed. The people*! reaction to that Uprising was so strong that it evoked I deep socioeconomic transformation whose bases are now being strengthened in Catalonia. The accumulation ol wealth in the hands of a small group of people who constantly replace each other had as its consequence the inn case of i nisei) among the working class. Since that group, in order to save its privileges, did not hesitate to evoke a criminal war. the victory of the people will be die death of capitalism. It is necessary, however, to organize production and guide it so that the people are the only beneficiaries, which means that the < the worker. leading role in the new social order should belong The abolition ol incomes that do not correspond UJ work is

1 i*.i Indite .) * I . ' tllC editor. s. 1 'mislau-tl liy HtetCH k r a n u i . lt< li ini< <l from \ 11111 ii 1 i.i-'if' MII / > ';. ' *" ' prolrtttijata 1





T i l t 1 p i i n r i p l e of the cconomic and soc \.\\ m ^ a n i / a l i o i i * 1 large inclusii > i nu si be < w i l d l i v i / e d pn id m l i o n . . . .

In keeping w i t h the above considerations, and alter inspection of the report of the Economic C o u n c i l , on the proposal o i the M i n i s l e i of the Economy and w i t h the agreement o l the C o u n c i l , it is r u l e d : Article I. In accordance w i t h the basic principles established in this decree, the industrial and trade enterprises o l Catalonia are
d i v i d e d into:

a^ collectivized enterprises m which tlie responsibility of management lies with the wnikeis ol the elite i pi ise ;md which w i l l be upieseniccl by (he works c o u n c i l : b) private enterprises, in winch management is the task of the owner or manager, w i t h the cooperation and financial c o n t r o l of
tltC w<i keis* c o n h ol h o . m l .

I. Collectivized enterprises
Article 2. A l l industrial and trade enterprises which on |uiie 'M), !<>!(>. employed more than tute b u n d l e d JMISOMS m d
also those which e m p l o y e d lewe r w<ikeis but whose employers Were p ro cl ai me d as rebels or a b a n d o n e d the e n t e r p r i s e , are c om-

pnlsoi ily collectivized, Enterprises w i t h less than one h u n d r e d workers can also be col
1 < < l i v i / e d if not o n l y a n i a j o i i t y ol ihe w o r k c i s bill also the OWIICI oi owners aii r r to it. I*Jttel prises w i t h m o i e than (illy bill less t h a n one hundted

workers can be collectivized in the l a m e w * j il tlnee-fourths ol the win kei s agt re. I h e Economic C o u n c i l can make decision* as to the collectivization <>l (hose industries that, because of t h e i r i m p o r t a n c e for il< national economy <>r other special characteristics, w o u l d be best t o m away horn the i n l l u c m e ol p r i v a t e enterprise. Article >. O n l y people's courts can p r o c l a i m a person a rebel in older to apply the preceding ai t i d e . . . .

II. Works councils

Article fo. T h e collectivized plant is managed by the works c o u n c i l w h i c h the workers elect f r o m their ranks at i gen




cral assembly. This assembly determines I he number ol workers that will comprise the works council. It musl he between live and fifteen. In forming the works council, different branches of em ployment must be represented (production, management, technical services, and commercial transactions). Where that is the case, (he various trade unions to which the workers belong must be proportionately represented in the works council. I he mandate lasts two years. Each year, half of the membership is renewed Reelectkm is permitted. Article 11. The works councils take over the functions and re spniisibil ii i< s ol the burner management ho.uds (xupci \ isoi \ boards) in corporations, as well as the conducting ol business. For the conducting ol business, they are responsible to the workers of their own factory and to the corresponding general < tattM il of the industi y. . . . Atiicle /". I he works councils, at the cml < > l the It mandate, ate obliged to submit accounts ol their management to the workers at a general assembly. Furthermore, the works councils arc obliged to submit to the general council ol the industry a copy of their balance sheets and a semiannual and annual report which shall show details ol the cnleiptisc's situalioii and Future plans. Article 20. T h e general assembly ol workers or the general council ol the industry Concerned Can, in the case- ol evident incapacity or resistance against the guidelines ol the latter, remove the entire woi kl council Of a part ol it from duty. If the* general council of the concerned industry has ordered a m a l l , then the general assembly ol workers of the lac toi y can complain against this decision to the Minister of Kconomy, whose decisionafter a prior report ol the Economic Councilis final.



h o a r d s in



Article 21. A workers' control hoard shall be established Compulsorily in industrial or trade enterprises that are not collectivized. All branches of the enterprise (production, management, technical services) must be represented in this body. The workers freely determine the number of hoard members. Kach trade union should be represented in proportion to the number of its members in the plant Article 22, I'he control board has the folio* ittg las) i;


I l l s I ORICAI

il \ I I.OPM I N T

;) control of the conditions of wo>k. i.e., control <! the e n d execution <i prevailing regulations in ret at inn tci wages, working hours, social insuraiKea hygiene, safety, etc,, as well as control over strict work discipline; all communications and announce* ments of the managei to the personnel an* mafic through the board; h) control ol management in tin sense l sntieivision ol revenues and expenditures, both in cash and through the bank, in > l the enterprise should lie taken into account; which ili* needs < > l all other cotnineti ial operations; further, control < () control ol production a which consists ol close cooperation with the rmjJoyer with the goal of improving the production process. the workers control board* shall establish the best possible relations with 11 * - technical stall ki ordei to insure the good
How ol WOI k.

I ititle 2"i. Employers air obliged to submit balance sheets ami annual reports t the workers1 control boards, which transmit them with their opinion to the authorized general council of the ittdus! iy.

IV. (leitcral totuurifa < > l ititluslry

Article PI. Th general councils < * l industry are formed in the following way; loin elected rc|Mrcscntatives of tfie works council; the clcctoral system shall he announced in JLWMXI time; eight lepiescntat ives of the various trade unions, chosen in proportion to the number of their members; the numerical relation ol the trade union representative* shall he determined by a procedure decided upon jointly by the headquarters ol the unions: four technicians appointed by the Economic Council. The authorized membei ol the Economic Council of Catalonia shall preside over the industrial councils. Article 25, The general councils of industry have 'he following tasl adopting plans of worl of general importance foi the respective industry, in relation to which the) give directives to the
win I v oum il regarding thru faskv u . ih j are %\H lihle ltn : tu K!<hi

regulating all of industrial production;




maintaining uniform [irkres in ordci to avoid competition as

much as possible;

investigating tin* general needs of industry; investigating the needs of the consumers of the industry's products; -"examining the possibility of selling on the Iberian Penin
sula . I I H I abroad;

-controlling the general course ol industry and determining the limits of the rhythm of production for each ai tide; proposing the dec reaie and the increase of the nutnber ol hi toi ics in conform it) with 1 1 * - needs of industry ati I consumption; likewise merging cei lain factories; proposing reforms ol certain methods of work, credit, and circulation; -taking the initiative fan changes in tariff rates and trade agreements; founding buying and selling Centers for machines and raw materials;
conducting certain business affairs with the industries ol

other localities of the Peninsula ot abroad;

seeking b a n k i n g Of rtthei disc imits; - i ol|e< lively f o u n d i n g Ice I III 1 4 al tesearc h lahoi it<i ics; Collect b i g Stat ist ics mi p r o d u c t i o n and cousumpl i o n :

substituting raw materials in the country EM those of foreign

oi igin. In a d d i t i o n , die general councils of industry can examine and apply means that they consider nccessaiy ;ind that are important lor the better development of the work for which they aie

responsible. rfrticU 26. The decisions of the general councils of Industry

are legal and obligatory Neither the woiks comic ds n o r the private enterprise, undei any excuse whatever, however well founded, may neglect their carrying o u t . T h e y can only complain against t h e m to the M i n i s t e r of Economy, whose dec isionafter a p r i o r report of the Economic C o u n c i l - is final.



3 1. I ,aw on Workers' Councils

[ N o v e m b e r 20, 195(5]

In order to realize the initiatives of the working (lass with respect to i u direct participation in the management ol enterprise*, the following is decided: Article /. Workers' councils shall be formed in state industrial and construction enterprises, as well as on State farms, il a majoi ity ol the workers employed in them so de< lare. Article 2. I. I he workers council, in the name of the collet iivr. manages the enterprise, which represents national property. I, I lu- workers' council operates uii the hasis ol cotti|Hihor) legal regulations and tasks that emerge from the national economic plan, aiming at the development ol the enterprise, the increase of |>iodit( tion, the lowering of the eosts of the products and improvement ol their quality, and improvement of the conditions of work and life of the collet live. 5, The workers' council makes decisions in the framework of (he authorization given by the Council of Ministers to the enterin ise. A)tide ?. The jurisdiction of the work of the workers' council

includes particularly:
Reprinted from Indrlji RfcSc* ind Trhra IndJIl, ecb., Diktttwr* proieimrijmlm i
unhti,t:,t \t>t)ntip\,\vi\ i \\< Ifi .nlr: Srhn i Sil.i, Hi- . i l i l m i HI I if. .1 \\ II. It ii kt;un< i 1967), |>|> lr>7 rK. I>v |wi m i s s i o n of





1. giving opinions < l tin- Forecasts o! the ;uinu;il indicators oi die planning goals; 2. adopting animal plans of the enterprise on the basis of indicators that derive from the national economic plan; S, adopting ibe operational plans of the enterprise; 1. determining the enterprise s structure and organization: T . delei -milling tbc directions oi the enlc i pi ise's develop

f>. determining basic directives for improving production, particularly for the rationalizations of technological processes, the improvement of the quality and appearance oi products, the raising of the productivity of labor, tbe improvement oi the safety conditions and hygiene of work, and the conservation oi materials and luel; 7. judging ibe economic activity of the enterprise and also confirming the annual balance sheets after the authorized supervisory organ receives them; 8. deciding on the sale of sin plus machines and tools, on the basis of the dirci tors opinion; 9. determining, in the framework of the enterprise's authorization and on the basis of a collective agreement, tbe work norms, pay scales according to job, and standards for awarding premiums; 10. deciding on tbe use oi the part oi profit that belongs to tbe enterprise lor objectives connected with the enterprise's B C O nomie activity; 11. deciding on (be distribution o| the eiilcrpi ise's fund oi tbe pai t ol profit thai belong! to tbe collective; 12. adopting the internal rules of the enterprise. . . . A)iulc 7. 1. T h e workers' comic il is elected from tbe ranks of tbe workers, engineers, technicians, economists, and oilier workers and employees of tbc enlei pi ise. 2. If possible, two-thirds of tbe members of tbe workers' council should be workers. 3. T h e enterprise's director is an ex officio member of the workers' council . - . Article 13. I. The director of tbe enterprise and bis deputy are appointed and replaced by tbe authorised state organ alter agreement is reached with the workers' council. 2. The workers' council has the right to make proposals with lespcM to appointing and replacing tbe direclat ami his deputy.

Revolutions i Comintern

v>2. Factory Committees and Workers' Control (Theses of the Second Congress of the Communist international) 119a]

I. '11K economic struggle of th<- proletariat ior the increase ol wai>rs and for the general improvement of the living conditions of the masse* constantly accentuates its nature as a dead mil struggle, I h<* economic disorganisation ihai engulfs one country aftei mother in a continually growing proportion demonstrates, even t<> the most backward workers, thai it is not sufficient to struggle lor the increase ol wages and the reduction of the workingd a y ; that, more and more, die capitalist class is losing fhe capacity 10 reestablish economic life and to guarantee to workers merely the conditions of existence that were assured them before the war. I he continually growing consciousness of the working misses is bringing to birth among them a tendency to create organizations capable oJ broaching the snuggle for the economic renaissance 1 > > means ol workers' control exercised over industry through production council*. I his tendency to create industrial workers' councils, which is attracting the workers ol all countries, draws its origin from different and multiple factors (struggle against reactionary bureaucracy, fatigue caused by the defeats sustained by the trade unions, tendencies toward the
Reprinted from I'M-. ' ! -M -l ', / .;/. - mwiitr, < rifts, tuttagrt

Rene Coeckelbcrghs Partisanforlag. Tianslatccl by Helen Kramer.





creation ol organization! embracing ii 11 workers) and is dell nitively inspired by the effort mack i < > realize control of industry, the special historical task ol the industrial workers4 council 1 his is why one errs when rme seeks to Form <>ils councils ol woi kn> committed to the dictatorship of the proletariat. The task of the Communist Party, on the contrary, consists in profiting [mm the economic disorganization in ordci to organize the workers and poini them toward the necessity to struggle h>i the dictatorship ol the proletariat while extending the idea < > l the struggle for workers' control, an idea that .iii now understand. 2.. I fie Communist Party will be able to carry out (his tosk only by consolidating in the consciousness of the massei the firm assurance thai the restoration ol economic life on the capitalist basis is presently impossible, and that it would, in addition, stg nify a new subservience to the capitalist (lass. Economic organization corres|xiuding to the interests ol the working masses is possi hie only if the stale is governed hy the working class and if the firm hand ol the dictatorship <>i the proletariat i^ charged with tlte abolition ol capitalism and the establishment of the new so cialist Organization. !l The struggle of tlie factory and woi Is committees against capitalism has as its immediate goal ihe introduction ol workers1 councils in all the branches of industry. The worl ers of each en imprisr, independently of their professions, stiflei from the labo Utgc o! the capitalists, who judge often enough that the suspension of the activity of this or that industry will be advantageous to them, and hunger forces the workers to accept the most difficult conditions in order some capitalist may avoid an increase < > l costs. The struggle against this sort of sabotage unites the majority of workers independently of their political ideas and makes the works and factory committees, elected by all the workers of an en terprisc, true organizations of the mass of the proletariat. Hut the disorganization of the capitalist economy is not only the conse ntience of the conscious will of the capitalists but alsoand much more the result ol the irresistible decadence of their regime. Also, the workers' committees will he forced, in their action against the consequences of this decadence, to exceed the bounds ol control ol isolated i.u toi ies and works and will soon find them selves laced by the question of workers' control to be exercised over entire branches of industry.and industry as n whole. The at tempts of workers to exercise their conti vei the pro visiotiing ol lactones and works with iaw materials but also ovci




the financial operations of industrial enterprises w i l l , however, provoke measures of force against the w o r k i n g (lass o n the pari of the bourgeoisie and the capitalist government, which w i l l transf o r m the workers' struggle for the control of industry i n t o a strug gle for the conquest o( power hy the w o r k i n g class. . . . 5. T h e industrial workers' councils w i l l n o t know how to replace the trade unions. They can o n l y organize themselves in the course of action i n various brandies of industry and create Utile hy l i t t l e a general apparatus callable of d i r e c t i n g the entire strug gle. Already at present the trade unions represent centralized organs of COIllbat, although tliey d o n o t encompass w o r k i n g masses as

large as the industrial workers' councils can embrace in their type

of mgani/nf i o n , which is accessible to all t h r woikei c n l c i pi iscs. T h e division ol all the tasks ol lite w o r k i n g class between the industrial workers' councils and the trade unions is the result of the historical development ol the social r e v o l u t i o n . T h e trade unions organized the w o r k i n g masses w i t h die goal of struggling for the increase of wages and feu the reduction ol the w o r k i n g day and carried o u t the struggle on a large scale. The i n d u s t r i a l workers1 councils are organized to establish worker control of industry and to struggle against economic disorganizat i o n ; they encompass all the worker enterprises, hut the stiuggle that they undertake can only very slowly assume a geneial political character. I t is only lo the extent that the trade unions succeed in s u u n o u n l i u g the counterrevolutionary tendencies ol t h e i r bureaucracy or become the conscious organs of the r e v o l u t i o n that communists w i l l have the duty of s u p p o r t i n g the i n d u s t r i a l workers' councils in (heir tendencies to become i n d u s t r i a l trade union gioups. 6. The task of communists reduces to assuring that the trade unions and industrial workers' councils are penetrated w i t h the same spirit of combative r e v o l u t i o n , consciousness, a n d understanding of the 1>est methods of combatthat is to say, w i t h the communist spirit. I n order to carry out this task, communists must, in lac t, subordinate the trade unions a n d the workers' coin mittees to the C o m m u n i s t Party and thus create proletarian organs ol ihe masses that w i l l serve as the base of a p o w e r f u l , centralized proletarian party, encompassing all the proletarian organisations and m a k i n g t h e m all m a t c h on the path that leads to the Victory of the w o r k i n g class and to the d i c t a t o r s h i p ol the prole

tariaf to communism*
7 W h i l f ihe Communists make the Li <dr unions and the i n dustrial councils a powerful weapon loi tin r e v o l u t i o n , tltese oi




ganizations of the masses prepare themselves for the grand role that will devolve to them with the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In effect, it will he their duty to become the socialist base of the new organization of economic lile. \ he trade unions, organized as pillais of industry, iclying on the industrial workers' councils which will represent the organizations of the factories and works, will teach the Working masses their industrial duty, make the most advanced workers enterprise directors, and organize technical control of specialists; togethei with the representatives of worker power, they will studs and execute the plans ol socialist economic policy.

33. The Control of Production


In the present period, the entire struggle oi ihe working class should he concent rati d on the control ol production. Without control of the enterprises, it is impossible at the present time to resolve any question whatever thai is posed ti> the working dass. The problem ol unemployment, the problem of the closing f>l enterprises, etc.--all this is linked to the control ol production. Here there can h<* no compromise, no attempt to hod a middle p.iih or to oio;ini/c ;i control that WOllId be as aitcplahlc to the employers as to the workers. It is not a matter ol formal financial control. It is not a question ol establishing a review committee ol the lort that will once Of twice a year examine the accounts or tin virions circulars of the enterprise. That is not control of production, nor even a substitute for control, hut simply a caricature ol the very idea ol workers' control. The object of control ol production is to submit the multiple a< tivities of each enterpriseindustrial, technical, financial, Commercial- to workers' control; in short, the multiple and diverse forms ol contemporary productive activity must be suhmiurd to ihc met it ulous control ol work* is.
Reprinted from Rmesl Mantlet rd., CottJriilf imifie*, rttnteiU manicis, ftitogrj 1 > \ 1 1 1 , - 1970). w I W 5S, I in II, h\ permbitoii of Rene C'-occkcll)ci^h> PartlunE&rlag. Translaiol l>y Helen KUUKT.




Bill does not such a control mi/ccl hy workers violate the interest <>f private property} l* constitutes the Interference ol workers in a d o m a i n that, loi all nitty, has belonged to the employers in i sanrtiiaiy closed to workers, Ves, s I & < ~ control ol pi<> d m t i o n is actually an iuterleo n ol workers 01 ttlC relations ol

private property. But ihis interference has become a historical m ccssity and mttsi be realised in the interest ol the preservation of the working class. I he terrible waste ol productive forcei and values thai took place during the war and thai is observed in equal measure at the present time will cease only when the
Working dass is put in dhect contact With p r o d u c t i o n , only when

it is not merely an element ol the economy but participates in it

directly, only when it is not simply S part of the machine h u t the

conscious director ! the industrial mechanism. Hie transforms

l i o n ol the Working < hiss From i rfsSJ fOf others i n t o a (hiss foi ifsrlf, ;is M u x said, will evidently be made o n l y aftei die social r e v o l u t i o n , alter the establishment <>| the so< ialist regime. Kut the very installation ol this regime depends on the direction that will be taken in the near future by the w o r k i n g (lass in its attempt to establish control over production in Lhecapitalist economy. The idea of c o n t r o l over production was b o r n long ago, well before the war. D u r i n g the war it acquired citizenship in all countries when the bourgeois states, serving the interests ol the bourgeois class, controlled the d i l f e r e n l branches ol the national economy in seeking to preserve and perpetuate* the d o m i n a t i o n of the bourgeoisie as a elass. 1 he government subordinated the different elements of the dominant class to its general interests. State control was the d o m i n a n t economic idea d m i n g the entire war period. T h e end ol the war was marked by the cessation of this State c o n t r o l , by the destruction of the c o m m a n d economy and the free play of all capitalist foices. Tint the l i c e play o f capitalist forces now tuns counter to the particidai interests of the w o r k i n g (lass. Hence, the idea that took root d u r i n g the war period, and especially in the course ol the Russian R e v o l u t i o n , of establishing a real rattier than a Active workers' c o n t r o l . T h e idea of control ovet p r o d u c t i o n has spread so much at the present lime that the bourgeois governments themselves aie (oicccl to become con Cerned w i t h the question. W h e n , at the end of !!>'!<), the Italian workcis oeeupied i certain n u m b e r of Factories frit several weeks, G i o l l i t t i declared himself in favm id workei submitted to Parliament a cot responding di ifl ol I in . . . I he w o r k i n g class is not inspired by the idea ol ecpial rights and




docs not hold ihe point of view of some sort of worker democracy. . . . Workers'control must he established in [act by the workers themselves, and the organization o( control committees must take place outside ol any sort ol authorization. I he control committee oversees all that occurs within the enterprise and all the relations of its enterprise with the outside. Thus, at the same time that control over production is established, the working class must also achieve Imancial control, which is the most difficult task ol workers' control. T h e First Congress ol Revolutionary Trade Unions adopted a detailed resolution on the subject ol workers' control whose thrust is expiessed in the following hriel propositions: 1. Workers'control is an indispensable and important school in the work ol picparino the working masses lor the social revolution. 2. Workers' control must be placed on the agenda in all the capitalist countries as a combal slogan ol ihe Hade union move ineiil and must be employed energetically For the divulgetice >f commercial and financial scents. 5. Workers' control must be used largely lor the transformation of the trade unions into combat organizations of the work iltg class. 1 Workers' control must be used as a means ol reconstructing the Hade unions by industry and not by occupation, an outdated

system harmful to the revolutionary workers' movement

5. Workers' control is incompatible with the principle of equality proposed l>\ the4 bourgeoisie, nationalization, etc., and opposes the dictatorship of the pioleiaiiat lo tin* dictatorship ol

lite bourgeoisie.
6. In the realization of technical, financial, or mixed control, and also during the occupation of enterpi ises. it is especially indispensable to attempt to draw the most backward proletarian masses into the discussion of cjucstions linked to this control. At the same time, in the process of realizing this control, it is necessary to make a census of the most active and most capable workers and prepare them for a directing role in the organization of prodtH lion. 7. For the regular organization of workers' control on the s]>ot, it is absolutely necessary that the trade unions direct tlie factory committees; they must link and combine the work of the factory committees in the enteipiises ol ihe same industry and Forestall in that \va\ the inevilahlc attempts to cultivate the factory local ism that can he produced il contiol is sc attend.




8. The trade unions must in the beginning help the control committees, elaborating to this end some special conditions; dis (iiss the question in the daily press; and conduct broad agitation in favor of control in the woiks and factories, not only when c\ plaining their tasks, but when making reports on the results ol this control by enterprise and by groups ol enterprises, in factory meetings, local conferences, etc


(Jci many

3 I. Constitution of the Weimar Republic [August 1919]

I J fit If 16$, W o r k c i s m i l employees arc t a i l e d upon to roopciale on till c<|u;il lusis in asso< ion Willi employers in the regulation of wages and w o r k i n g c o n d i t i o ! ! ! as well as in the overall economic development c>l the knees ol production* 1 he m u t u al organization* antl their agreements w i l l lie recognized*
In look out I'M lh( II s < M I I I .Hid r e o l i o i n i c i l l i c i t sis. wot I r i s

and e m p l o y e s m a i n t a i n legal representation in factory workers' councils as well as in district workers' councils according to economic regions and in a national woi \ era' t MinciW I In- iruion.11 workers' councils .mil ilt i i , u n m i l u m k c i s ' council meet w i t h representatives <>! ihc eni|i4oyers as well as representatives < f the p a r t i c i p a t i n g popular circles i n district economic councils ami a national ecotioniM council to p e r l m m c o m m o n eco nomic tasks and to cooperate in carrying out the nationalization decrees. 1 he district economic councils a n d the national economic council arc to be composed o| representatives of the mst important vocational groups according to their national economic: and social significance. I legislative proposals concerning sociopolitical a n d economic poitc) ol fundamental importance shall be presented hy the cabinet to the national economic c o u n c i l lor its o p i n i o n before i n i i o i raftsbic < l N) Ih leti Kramer.




( l i n l i n i i (< t h e l \ n 11 i n i e n t .


n a t i o n a l i < < >n o n it

i o n t n tl

n.*l| the right UJ propose Mich lav to the Parliament, and tltey auto receive equal treatment with bills ol the cabinet or <>i the Council ol State. I he council ran delegate representative* \NI<>
(.111 | >.n I it i|>;ile in j.n l i . i i i M i H . i l ) <lis< ussii >i is o n .111 << h.e.r.

Willi representatives <>! Llic regiutis. Control and administrative powers in the spheres assigned to them can be transmitted to the workers' councils ami economic
1 ouncils.



35. Basic Law on the Management of State Enterprises and Holding Companies by Work Collectives [[1111027, l95]
I. Basic principles
Article /. Factories, mines, and communications, and tianspoii. h.idc. agiicnllinal. forestry, < and oilwr state enterprises, as publk properly, arc managed l>y work collectives in the name ol the social community within the liamcwork ol the sine eCOttOtttk plan and on the basis ol lights and responsibilities detei mined by tlie laws and other legal regulat ions. Work collectives carry oul this management through workers' councils and management hoards ol enterprises and of holding
< oinpanies. in whi< h sevei al e n t e r p i ises ate m e r g e d .

Article 2. The workers' council of the etiteiprise and ol the holding (ompany is elected and dismissed by the work collectives. In smallei enterprises, the entire work collective is the workers1 < 1M U M il. Article h T h e workers' council is elected for one year, The workers' council as well as its individual members can be recalled before the expiration of the period for which it was eheled Article I. The workers' council, as the representative of the work collective, electa and dismisses the management board and exercises othei right*determined bj law. 11 iiisl;ii( < l hv Helen Krtmei




Article } . T h e management hoard manages (he enterprise " holding company and is responsible tfl the* workers' Council and authorized stale organs for its work, and the management board of the enterprise also is responsible to the management hoard ol the holding company. In accordance with lhis responsibility, the management hoard works M the basis of law and other regulations, the conclusions of its workers' council, and the orders and instructions of the authorized state organs or ol the management board ol the holding

./>//< J/* ft. T h e management hoard is elected for one year. A maximum of one-third of the members ol the management hoard from the preceding year can be reelected to the management board. N o one can he a member of the management board more than two years in a row. During their mandate, the members of the management board do not give np their regular responsibilities and work in the enlei prise. Members are not paid for their work on the management hoard. A) tide 7. During his mandate, a member of the management board cannot be dismissed from work, nor can he be transferred without his consent. Article S. The enterprise's director administers the enterprise's production and business affairs, and the holding company's due < toi administers the work and business affairs ol the holding company. Until otherwise determined by law, to insure correct, compet e d administration of the enterprise and holding company, the cnteipiisc director is appointed by the management board of the holding company, or the authorized state organ if the enterprise is not merged, and the director of the holding company is ap pointed by the authorized state organ. T h e workers' conned or management board of the enterprise can propose replacement ol the dirci t<i Article <>. The director is ex officio a member of the manage ment board. The enterprise directoi is responsible to the enterprise's man agemeut hoaid, the holding company's management board and director, as well as the authorized state organ ii his work, and the clueetoi ol the holding company is responsible to the manage ment board and the authorized state organ.

36. Constitution of Yugoslavia

| April 7, 1963]

Pai 1 II. SocioecoiKHiii* organization

Article 6, T h e 1 i.t^is of the socioeconomic system <>l Vu ^ ( i s l . n i i is l i r e . asso< iah d 1 . 1 1 >' >i w i t h socially owned means ol p r o d u c t i o n ami .sell management ol the w o r k i n g people in prod u r t i o n a m i b i l l ion of the national p i n d i u l in (lie v\oik organization and sm ial r o n m u u i i l y. Article 7. ( ) n l \ work and the results ol work shall determine a person's material and social position. N o one may directly or indirectly gain material or other advantages by e x p l o i t i n g the w >i k ol others, Artu lr S. T h e means of production and other means of socially organised work, as well as mineral and other natural resources, are soi ial pioperty. T h e employment of the means of product ion and other socially owned means and all othei rights over Muse* and other means shall he regulated hv law in accordance w i t h their nature and purpose1. Article 9. Sell management in the woi k organization shall in elude in partictilai the righl and d u t y ol ilu- w o r k i n g people to: I) manage the work organization d i r e c t l ) or t h r o u g h organs ol management elected by to* IIIM Ives; Translated by Helen Kramer.




!> Organize production i other m t i v i t y , attend la the develop n i n i i oT ilie work organization, and determine plaits and pro \ ,1111s of work and development; 'i decide on r o t i m i e r r t in inroclttcrtfli and - and <>n othci business mat let s of ihe work orgauizat i<n ; I) decide on the use ol socially owned means and theiv (lis posil. and employ them e c o n o m i c a l ^ so as to gain the greatesl re h n n lor the work 01 gaiii/at ion and the so< ial (i urn m m it v: r >) d i s t r i b u t e the wol k cii*ani/at ion's i n o i i i t r and provide fot the development ol the matetial basis <>l ns w o r k ; d i s t r i b u t e in n u n c among the w o r k i n g |ieople; meet the worl organization's obligalions to the S<Kial community; til dec ide on the* admission ol woi k i n g people into the woi k 01 gattizal ion. tlte cessation ol the ii work, and otitci l.d>oi rel Rtioiis; determine lioms of work i n the organization in accordance w i t h general w o r k i n g conditions; regulate other matters ol common concern; secure internal ntiicrvision and rendei then w m k I MI hi u ; 7) regulate ;m<l p m i u o i c their w o r k i n g conditions; organize lahoi salei\ and u< n a t i o n ; provide conditions im iheii ednc a i ion and advance their own and the general standard ol l i v i n g ; B) decide on dissociation ol a pail of the w o i k organization and its establishment as a separate organization nid decide on merger and association ol the work organization vvith other work organizat ions. In attaining self-government, the w o r k i n g people in the socio political c o m i i n i n it i<\ shall d<-< ide on the course ol I H I I K H I I I C and social development, the d i s t r i b u t i o n oi the nation il product, and other matters of c o m m o n concern. Citizens and representatives of organization* concerned and ol the social c o m m u n i t y may participate in the management ol a w o i k organization in a f f a i r * o l special concern to the c o m m u n i t y . In order to secure the u n i f o r m socioeconomic position of the w o r k i n g people, provision shall lie made in law and statute determ i n i n g the rights ol sell management of people who work in the state a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and sociopolitical organizations or associations, in accordance with the nature of the w o i k of these organizations. The w o r k i n g people shall exercise self-iuanagemcnl in the unified socioeconomic system in accordance >vnl> tin C o n s t i t u t i o n , laws, a n d statutes, a n d shall be held responsible foi theii w o r k . Any act v i o l a t i n g tin r i g h i ol sell management ol the w o r k i n g people is u n c o n s t i t u t i o n a l .



A)tide 10. The working people of i n organization, ;is memberi of the working community, shall establish mutual work relations and shall be equals in self -management. The organization of work and management should enable the Working people at every level and in every part ol the work pro < ess that constitutes a whole to decide as directly as possible on matters of work, organization of mutual relations, distribution ol income, and other malters affecting their eionomie position, and assure at the same time the most favorable conditions for the woik and business activity of the organization as a whole. Article II. I he product of socially organized work created in woik organizations, as the basis of economic growth and the satis (action ol social needs and the petsonal and common needs ol (he working people, shall be allocated according to a uniform system of distribution and on the basis of uniform conditions and stan claids. assuring economic growth, distribution according to work, and soc ial sell government. The woik organization, after providing the means for renewing the value ol lesouices expended in woik. and alter allocating a part of the- levenue from sale ol output far equalization of conditions ol woik and ol earning income, shall apportion the work 01 gani/ation s income into a fund to expand the material base of woik and a bind to satisfy the personal and common needs of the woi king people. T o expand the material base of its work, the work organ i/ation shall be* assured a part of the created value ol the product, ptopoitionate to its share in producing the means ol economic growth, and, in noneconomic activities, a part in accordance with the tasks ol the woik organization and soc ial needs. The work organization shall be entitled to a part ol the eiealed value of the producl loi satisfaction of the personal and common needs of the Working people, proportionate to the productivity of labor and depending on the business success ol the work organization, and, in noneconomic activities, proportionate to the results of the woik done to satisfy soc ial needs. 1 h<- binds of the work organization allocated lor renewing and expanding the material base ol work, as common binds for economic growth, shall be used to expand the maleiial base1 of the woik organization and the social community as a whole. The woik organization shall emplov these* means in accordance with uniform piimiph-s ol utilization ol the means l ecmmotfc nt h determined l>> ledcral law MU\ conditions and standards




determined by the regulations coordinating economic develop

ment and the attainment of the f>th< I basic relations envisaged by the social plans. T o expand the material base of its work, the organization .shall he assured other social means, apart from those treated by its own work, under equal conditions and in accordance with the uni form principle of the credit system. Article 12. In accordance with the principle of distribution according to work, each worker shall be entitled to personal income proportionate to the results of his work and to the work of his unit and of the work organization as a whole.


>7. Program of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia


The position ol producers and ihe role vi the state

I l i e stair a lid pi tfllll I i o n

Social ownership of the means ol prndw tioii makes it i>nssill- io exclude IMI4 only lite itrivate ownei IMII ultimately aim the Hate as an intermediary between the |roducei ami die means of product ion. The prodncei becomes the bearer < > l the social function ol managing production and. at the same time, an active participant in the function of distribution ol the national prod net. The state appears less and less in direct production ss political authority. State organs, however, are still an important and essential factor in the carrying oul ol a number ol SH ial functions in relation to the economy and othei spheres i>f soi icty. I he role ol the Mate in that area of sot ial relations does not derive from the political power thai it has. nor from economic monopoly, but from the lac 1 thai the state itsell is changing: that is. in this area it is he
R r p r t l t U i l f1**11 t |)i'Mtj ' ir it n l . pfH., TVortjM I ]>>rih\,i \ntn'*n*"'ii'ljaifJH u Ju-

gvilmnji (Belgrade: Kattntfki Kramer.


1972), pp. 117-22.

Iranstatcil l>\ (Men





( u i n i n ^ . and increasingly must become, a system <l territorial

political self-governing organization! of the producen-consumen

a n d their socioeconomic c o m m u n i t y on v i r i o n s levels I r o n i ihe

township td the federation. I his points simultaneously to the ne ( essity of llie c o m m u n e , as the basic t e r r i t o r i a l organization ol piodiK 111 c niisiimei s, in the social regulation <i p r o d u c t i o n and d i s t r i b u t i o n , as well as to ihe changing role of tlie slate organ iza l i o n in socialism. A m o n g the functions of a stale thus altere<l is decision m a k i n g in niattcis ol common intc-rest h>i both producers an<l c iii/ens in general and their territorial communities.

W'iih respect to ihe* nature <>l these Functional although lot die
most pari they ^lill appear as acts of political power, they no longei relate t< the t l i i e c l management ol producers -to all thost affairs that producers and < itizens and their dire* t organs are in a position to handle but have in CSSettCC a planning c o n t r o l , COOI
d i n a t i o n a l . and refill l a t i v c rhaiac ter.

The ttirod producer in production and distribution

Such a role of the state is determined p r i m a r i l y by ihe in w position of the producers in the ec<>noiui< organization and outside nl it. I hr new social position ol the producers under the conditions n l socialist construction and their changed relationship toward p r o d u c t i o n deiives From the fact thai the producers have been transformed hr<mi trage laborers i n t o the d i m i managers ol produc t i o n and (list i i h u h on, and l i o n i ihe la< I that by this manage m e n ! they daily realize their personal interests higher earnings, an increased personal and social standard of l i v i n g . Under market conditions of p r o d u c t i o n , the producers associated in work collective* necessarily are organized as Independent economic organiza tious and realize t h e i r social rights and obligations i n the managem e n t of p r o d u c t i o n , e n t e r i n g i n t o m u t u a l business relations. S i n n iindei su< h conditions the personal interest of the* prodtu
cis depends not o n l y on the result of the i n d i v i d u a l job b u t also

on the w o r k of (he e n t i r e collective, on the business ol the enter prise ami its funds, on the level ol economic development ol the o m n i u m - in whic h the) live, <>n general economic conditions and the state ol the market, on ihe .VMI.I! conm a whole, . . its economic policy, etc., that personal interest i> .'t the same t i n * a constant stimulus t o personal work and to conscious and active



pa i li< ipalioit of pioduccis in the organ* nl iiiaiiagrment, above ill in lite workers' eouucil, in the- (HIIIIIIIIIK' and the producers' chambers, and. through them, in the overall system ol govern ment and so< inl self-government as well. Proceeding from BllCh an assumption, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia considers that the producer and work collective must enjoywithin the framework of general social interests, expressed by the social plan which guides economic development and by other decisions of social organsmaximum independence in their work and business activity; that is. in production and the* disposal ol certain iunds in the enlerpiise. This means that pro dure is and work collective's ran, within certain planning and legal

frameworks, directly and independently manage production;

merge* link up, and cooperate with other organization! in accordance with the needs of production; and independently and hreely develop their creative initiative in the direction of increasing the productivity ol labor and total production. Under conditions e>l socialist social self government, working people should he offered the real possibility ol deciding on the creation and overall dishi bution of the* national product. Only Wider such conditions does the woi king man obtain full insight into neressaiy material (lends ,iml thus emancipate himself that is, by adjusting his wen k and social activity to the essential material Irameworks e>l SIM i<i\. he- become! the master o( Ins late.

Abolishing t\w wage relation emancipation ol labor

The individual producer and the collective directly influence their own material position. Work becomes emancipated, and work relations lose the character < > l the wage relation. Such free, creative Work at the same time heenmes a la< tor ol the mate

rial progress ol society and the constant advancement of socialist

i el.u ions among people. Conditions begin to be created for the gradual elimination of the contrast between mental and physical labor. Society as a whole is increasingly constituted as a community ol producers, in which all ate interested in as rational as possi hie a management of things and in as productive work bom each and all as is possible. I he re suits in that area of inateiial and so

rial relations determine noi onl) the level < i material well being but also the degree ol the real freedom o( the individual.




When c ac h jM-ison woiks according In his abilities Mid when

the personal income ol the individual and (he conditions lor the development of economic organizations depend on the intensity and quality of their work and success in business, every effort ol the individual producer and of the entire work collective toward greater satisfaction of their material needs through more productive labor and l e t t e r business Operation of the enterprise rcpie sents. at the same time, effort to the benefit of general social intet csts and to the faster progress of society. Only if that interest ol the direct producers is awakened and transformed into the basic

material factor of economic progress can maximum success be uali/ed lor the planning and regulatory measures that the community as a whole consciously undertakes to guide economic development, advance production, develop productive forces, and fur thei develop socialist scnial relations. Socialism cannot subordinate man s personal happiness to some sort of "higher goals," lor the highest goal of socialism is m a n s personal happiness. On the other hand, no one has the right to realize Ins personal interest at the expense of the common interest ol all. Emphasizing the personal and material interest of the working man as the driving l o n e of his creative activity in the capacity ol producer and social being, the League ol Communists of Yugoslavia does not consider that this factor automatically solves the problem of social progress and that it exhausts the content of per sonal life On the contrary, as a consrious s < < id being under so cialist conditions, man will increasingly liberate himself ol blind subordination to material processes and will become, to an increas illg degree, the master ol nature and of his own material position. Hence, ideas, moral lac tors, spiritual creativity, and even the bearing ol material sacrifices to attain certain ideological, moral, and cultural-political goals gain increasing importance in social development. Precisely these factors represent so< ial consciousness and become the spiritual driving force and orientation of practice. . . . The rights of the individual to work, personal income in keep ing with his work and the business operation of the entire collective, participation in the management of the social means ol production, security in the case ol accident at work, protection in case of illness and provision for his family in ease of death, protection in the work relation, and other socioeconomic and political rights that glow and develop on the basis < > l social ownership and tlu constant widening and enriching ol the economic base ol



socialist society, become a component pan nl the personal rights nl ihc w o r k i n g man who produces l>\ use nl social means nl production.

Internal contradictions in socialism and their overcoming

. . . As a new society, slill undeveloped and (hiss shncl t i l e d , srw ialisni in Yugoslavia is lvi i o p i u g in c on pine I ion w i l h ilie* existence ol an int|>ortant mate ml<' w i t h i n ttie hrantework nl a market economy. D i s t r i b u t i o n is carried out by m e a n s o l money in conformity w i t h the principle >l payment according to work. U n d c i these I ondit ions. <'mm ad it t ions appear, are o \ r n ome. and reappear between the collective and i n d i v i d u a l interests of the producers, the stale and sot in I sell government, the e o m m n n e and highei levels ol government, comjHilsion and freedom, the gen eral policy and a man "s personal sell d e t e r m i n a t i o n , etc. I he essence ol soe ialisni lies not in the t o n e d and Seeming aho l i t i o n of these contradictions by means of an o m n i p o t e n t state. In socialist society, internal contradict ions are resolved less hy the antagonistic reactions characteristic of a class society and increasingly by the ennse inns action ol the Icadttii* social Iftttrs swd by < iMM 1111t.1t v\ i t h n i o i i . Conscious that as long as the state exists there is still a dangei that it might obtain independent power and thereby heighten certain contradictions of socialist development ami transform tin n i n t o antagonist** ones, the I *agttc nl (Imnmttnists constricts thai, in the contemporary socialist phase* nl the development nl Yugoslav ia. the State w i l l have a positive rnle insofar as it itself develops i n t o a democratic mechanism through which the interests of the basic socialist factors the producers, work collective, comI I I I I I I C , and society as a c o m m u n i t y ol p i o d n c r i s are e \ p t rssed and harmonised. I he role <>l the* stale w i l l lie imigressive insolat > < - demoi rat ic ally as the < ontradic lions that at isr on tiiai I isiscan 1 resolved w i t h o u t , on the one hand, checking the independence ol the socialist producer and h i * economic and social i n i t i a t i v e , nor, on the other, a l l o w i n g necessary contradictions to develop into a n a r c i i k haphazardness and antagonistic conflicts, which would lead to the destruction ol the basis o f socialism. Prei isrly From u< h rontt i d i r t i o n s env tges the necessity ol lint k i n g the producers' independence by certain centralraed ceo


I vrc.osi W I A


nomir institutions and FltllCtioiM ol society am! llic state, ami I > t limiting the power and economic function of die central social

and state organs In the independence and sell management ol the

pioclncers and basic factors ol socialist material development. In realizing the personal and common interests ol lite pindm cis <'oiisnmcis in Yugoslavia, in addition to the economic organi /ations managed by workers' councils, the territorial-political communities also have a special role and place, among which the most basic belongs to the sell governing commune. In such so< ial isi lommiiiiilirs, social (ItiestinitS, the economy, and culture be come the common political allairs. and politics is transformed into social activity which orients people not toward individual party leadci s h i p - a s happens under condition* ol bomgeois de m o i i a c \ hnt toward public affairs, which are theirs; that is. it turns them directly toward sex ial allairs. i bus, the woik collet tives, along with the workers' councils and the communes, become the basis and starting point for the further construe (ion ol

the overall political structure of socialism and foi the bud pie
vailing of the common interests of Iree (iti/ens over the elements of haphazardness, anarchy, and bureaucracy. In this sense, such a political system of the socialist state, based and developed on so (ial sell government, replaces the political system of the bourgeois multiparty state and is incomparably more capable than the Intel (* I i rsolv in j . , I>\ p < M < <hil social evolution and I he dcmnciat ic struggle of opinions, the social contradictions in the process ol

gradual development in the sen ial base itself, . . .

Administration of things
T h e development < > f the most suitable soc ial mechanism lor the administration of things under conditions ol social ownc > ship of the means of production is expressed above all in the- divi sion between management of a technological process and general economic ami political management in the* enterprise, as well ;is in the development of production and business cooperation and various forms of vertical association of individual blanches of tin ec onomy and other soc ial activities. Vertical linking ol the hasu institutions <| social self govern ment by the creation ol higher forms (t h a m tiers ol commerce,

mergers, various Forms ol production and !>mines5 cooperation ami communities, higher bureaus of social insurance, etc.) repn



seiiis a democratic l o r m of u n i t i n g those expert, technical, and coordinating [unctions that a modern society should manage centrally. I he so( ial and democratic e harac lei of (his u n i t i n g lies in the f a d thai it is carried out not mechanically, by administrative measures from outside, (ml only iti the interest ol the associated producers! and < itizens themselves t h r o u g h their voluntary coopei at ion, w i t h o u t t a k i n g away from the institutions and organs of

the working people the essential functions of self-government.

I he same process also occurs in the fields of education, scienee. culture, health, social insurance, and soeial protection, MS well as olhei field* in \v h ic 1 1 vai ions i n s t i t u t i o n s cai t y m i l puhlie functions and public services. I he lunctious ol management, along w i t h suitably allocated rights and cooperation, are transfen ed to the representatives of the work collectives and of the soeial c o m m u n i t y . These organs are elected and recalled by the c i l i /ens who aie interested in carrying out the corresponding p u b l i c services by broad participation and control in the managerial or gans. At the same time, the state administrative organs in the IK Ids ol education, c u l t u r e , health, si K ial services, and such ineirasingly Income, in both composition and limclions. organs of social self government. This process, finally, is expressed in the development of various forms ol social control and cooperation of interested citizens w i t h enterprises and institutions. W i t h o t i i changing the status of workers' sell'management, self -management ol the w o r k i n g pCO pie is supplemented in the held of trade and in some oilier areas lv organs <l social srll government such as m t i s t t m c i V councils, c OIISIIIIIC i cooperatives, and the l i k e ; and in economic o i g a n i / a lions engaged in educational, c u l t u r a l , and o t h e r activities (publishing enterprises, newspaper enterprises, various enterprises in the held of Rim, etc*), by organs sue h as councils ine h i d i n g representatives ol c u l t u r a l and educational life and the p u M k in gen r i a l Such hums of soeial sell govei innenl help t o assuie thai the public (unctions in which these oigan i/alions aie engaged aie executed in harmony w i t h the needs and interests of socialist soe i ety. The system of sen ial self government also includes housing, as Well as a number ol other b u i l d i n g s and sei vires ol c o m m o n interest loi individual c o m m u n k ies. A l l these relations and i n s t i t u t i o n s :n ise eiut o l the cliieet needs i l the wot 1 and business activity <>l i n d i v i d u a l enterprises and i gan 1 2 ii i on fc, a*, well ,i> the- d u e e l . Vital n< o h " I o i i / o i s in tin




iiicis < > l the family household, consumption, culture, entertainment, social needs, etc. Hence, they must necessarily be very diverse in both organizational (onus and nietliocbo) work. The struggle for the constant advancement ol all these rela lions and institutions simultaneously means a s i m p l e for better npciation of enterprises and organizations, for bitter material supplying of the |>opulation, for faster technical and cultural development, for the prevention of bureaucracy and conservatism, for faster and more just solution ol social problems, etc.. and, at > l socialist and drum the same time, for tin* constant progress < < ratic relations iutNUis proplr.



"<S. Theses of Pulacayo: Text Adopted by the Trade Union Federation of Mtiters of Bolivia* | Novciubei 8, 1946]

(>. Workers' control nl the mines

T h e T U F M B supports Ml measures undertaken by the trade unions in the direction til achieving effective workers' control over .ill aspects of the Functioning ol the mines. Wc must reveal the managerial secrets of exploitation, technical accounting, Maiisloriuat it MI of iniiiri alsf etc., in ordci Ui establish t i 1 4 - di reel intervention <>l the workers as such in the so-called secrets. Since our objective is the occupation of the mines, we nmsl interest ourselves in throwing light on the employer's secrets, l he woi l (is should control 1 IK- technical direction ol[exploitation, control the account books, and intervene in the appoini ment of employees, and they should particularly interest them selves in the publication ol the profits received by the targe mining companies and the hands thej perpetrate iti tsonnection with the payment of taxes to the state an<l contributions to the Workers' Security and Savings Hank. T o the reformers who speal of the sacred tight of the emj)loyers, wc oppose the slogan Honkers' control ovet the mines.
R c p r i t i l r t l f r o m Er*CH ManriH n\ . VUmtrMn MWTffr, rmurih innuns. autogestioH: itrrlfcofagt* (Park: Fiati^ow \ i JV:I, 1978), pp. MS I t , h\ prrwMnitm *f R O N ' c . - 1 IIM MIIN r.ut i ^ m l o i l a g . 1 lan^hiittl b i Helen Kramer. * lh* K ' M M . H I 'in-i s irattr union adopted the demand lot i m t m 1 control in its I !,: .. 1 . 1 in! . , !- " :. ' 1 1 .. it .'. . of iht revolution of 1955, ' I n n s h m h pervertcil, ;is manifested l>\ tin- I b e t a i Colquitt of December 196$. nut in the meantime, markets* comipol bad become a reality.


?)9. Thescs of Colquiri: Adopted by the Trade Union Federation of Miners of Bolivia [Decembers, 1963]

I. We repeal what was already Hated al the congress ol (.(l(|nii i-San |ose: ihe aiilinat ional attitude ol ihr present fpyv eminent enteis violently into conflict with the orientation of the workers, who are seeking to consolidate the conquests made up to today and to surpass iheni. Political evolution is moving into a division into two well defatted camps; (a) the government, which is subsetvieiit to impeiialist and bourgeois interests, and (I)) ihf workers' movement, which is seeking to consolidate national and social liberation by the transformation of Bolivia. Imperialism has imposed its designs Ofl ihe government ol the Nationalist Rev
o ! u ( i< Ulill \ i\|n\c|ii(iii Hid ( I n o i l g i l II n p < n l \ e x p l o i t s the (ouil

try. We miners see nothing in such designs and we leject them. We are alien to the delivery of the mines, petroleum, and forest areas to financial Capital. We suffer from the fact lhat ail social func tions of education and the army have heen confided to the hands of the Yankees. The late of official policy is decided hy the ambassador of the United States. 2. The defeat ol the official administration, inept and immoral, has brought the mines to a situation ol total bankruptcy. When. by our blood, we won the nationalization of the mines, we were sure that they would be put at (lie disposal of the country and not Rrprintrd fimr Ertr*t M i",! I I.. Ctmlt '
autholo^u: (I'.nis: Itaiiyuis. MasptfO, H)70)f pp. 'H' i,. I.;, | Cocckelbcrghs Partismfoilag. Translated by Helen Krnrm i.






converted into the property of profiteers who proliferate in the

shadow o! political power. It is the neneious ollci in^ of the life of the workers that has permitted the nationalization ol the mines, hut it is elements foreign to our cause . . who profit from it. Nationalization, in the hands of the present government ami gradually as lime passes tends lo he converted into a hollow word, lor llie real employe, is none other than the HID. 5, I he government seeks to force the miners to work under the menace of terror and to exclude the working class totally from the direction of COM 1 BOL (Bolivian National Mining Corporation). II the administrative criterion is maintained, the bourgeois
c haiac lei isl i < s o| nal ionali/ation will be accentuated. We w o i k e i s

are lighting for an opposing thesis: the creative capacity of the Working class (which is expressed solely when it acts collectively organized) , with the will to win and the < eilainty that its directing vole must become the real cement of the new administration of the mines, ciinHtllg them to emerge front their present chaos and to
me irasr pel < r|l ihl y the p l o d u c l i o u liiMlies.

4. This constitutes an elementary duty ol the miners to take the mines out of the hands of the present usurpers. We say to the country that we are struggling firmly in ordct to impose workers' management as the unkinc means of pulling the mines at llie set vice of the national majority. Workers' management signifies that the class, acting collectively, takes into its hands the destiny of our hasic industry. 5, Finally, it is this class, mobilised from the base, which will h<- capable of tearing the mines out ol the hands of those who possess the ac tual usufruct. The future of the mines is the Inline pf the country itself, and one cannot pose the problem as mar Rinal to the future of politic al power. Wotket unity to reconquer the mines from their usurpers. Worker administration to sai>e the mines from rum and to increase production.



40. General Law of Industries Decree-Law No. 18350 [July 1970]

Title VIII On industrial community

Article 23. The Industrial Community is a juridical person hereby created iii Industrial Companies, ll represents the whole of the workers engaged full time therein, and it aims at the administration < > l the property that may l>e acquired lor the benefit of said workers, in accordance with this legal provision. Article 24. The assets of the Industrial Community will be pro gressively constituted by the monthly deduction of 15 percent of the Industrial Company's Net Income, which will be reinvested in the same Company, free from income tax. If reinvestment in the same Industrial Company is not convenient and the Industrial Community has not reached the ownership of 50 percent of the Company's Capital, the correspond ing percentage of the Net Income will be investedfollowing authorization from the Ministry of Industry and Commercein the acquisition of part of the Company's Corporate Capital belonging to other partners or shareholders. The Industrial Community Assets are increased when the

Company reinvests the Nel Income corresponding to t><- Capital

OWUed b| the Industrial Community therein. 273



Art kit 25, When they reach ownership of 60 percent < > l the (iHjMH.iu Capital ul the company, the worker* will individually
o w n Lite shales or p n In ipa lion in said 5 0 pric cnl undei the condi

lions nl Industrial Cooperation established by Uic law uf Industrial Community, and die Industrial Community shall continue within the Company as per Article 23 ol the l ^ n c r l,;iw. Article 26. By exception, Industrial Companies ol the Publii Sector iU;it work in the bask Industry shall contribute to the Industrial Community lr percent ol dir Net Income in bond* of the tame (lomutny; these lacl iny, ilie t unti ibtition w ill be made by shares or participation in Industrial Companies that have approved reinvestment plans, at lit* Industrial Community's choice and following authorization from the Ministry ol Industry and (ommerce. The Companies in other sectors whicfi by concession arc e* (dotting has* industries v l ii 1 1 dVHvci '< the Industrial Cntnmu > i in participanit) 15 percent ol their Net Income hi shares of, < tion in, the Industrial Companies mentioned m die previous paragraph, following the authorizat ion therein indicated. Article 27. The distributable profits obtained by the Industrial Community From premium! and interest on its bonds sh;ill be dis tributed among the workers who are really and effectively en gaged full time lor more than one year in the following manner: 50 }>eir<ni pro rata and >t) percent proportionally to the mitnbei of service years. if a workei ihall leave Ins post, he will be excluded from benefits ol the Indujtl lal C )onnnnnilv. f rticlr 2$. The Directorate ol the ItwUistrial Company shall hi( I u d e at least u i i e i c p i e s c i i l a l i v c * ol t h e Iticlusti ial ( '.oiiuiiitiiil y.

Ill the public Industrial Companies that Operate in the basic: industry, the Directorate will include two representatives from the Industrial tlonitiiunity. Article 29. In no case <an the Industrial Community transfer to any title the shares or the participation in ils Industrial (aim pany, nor c an it waive its profits.


( il<

11. Experiences of the Agrarian Reform [1964-1970]


The institution of a system < > f wen kerV enterpi tses, both in the direct working ol the land and in the processing and distribution ol the oul put, is the economic ami social foundation ol die Chilean experiment in agrarian reform ovei the last si.v years. Before laying om the guidelines which derive from ihc application of this system, it would seem appropriate to describe mnieol iis characteristic s. I he basic productive unit of this system is the settlement, or the agrarian reform cooperative, each of winch comprises one 01 several ol the old exjiropriated landhoklings. Whciltei this unit is railed a settlement or cooperative depends exclusively on whcthei or not I he land has been made the property of the peasants. Initially, the settlement was conceived ol as an organization in which the Agrarian Reform Corporation (CORA) would have a much greater power of intervention in order to help the peasant in his transition from th^ status of tenant to thai of worker, the mastci ol his own destiny. However, iiom the sei\ beginning, after the land was expropriated, the experiment led to the instituHrpiiiiiol from Ramon Downey, "\)<>s criteria! Unportantrs para H imiauiarinu < 1 < tin sisunia dc *tn|)us;is !t trak'ijatluics que (linen <! l.t ntpcrienda C M irfmm.i aprntia 1964-197*," in R. Downey, I*.. Ortega, and M faftattn / i auiogejlnfoi (San ,: iii!'- luttittita dc KititHMM rolHkw, 1971, pp. 85 W, lj ' '
I 1 .invl.iu-il li\ Mirlicl Vale.




l i o n of a m o d i freer system, focused <>n the responsibility and abilities <>f the peasant. For tins reason, tllC management of both the settlement and the cooperative, as well as their relationships w i t h credit, technical, and commercial organizations, evolved along basically similar lines. T h e fundamental features of these workers' enterprises arc tite following: In the Inst place, supreme a u t h o r i t y is invested in the peasants* assembly, where all members of the settlement or cooperative have the right to a voice and vole (the sole c o n d i t i o n of " m e m bership" is that one be a permanent worker i n the settlement or cooperative), Besides deciding the general guidelines lor opera lions, investment, social welfare, e t c , this assemhly appoints the permanent executive authoritythe a d m i n i s t r a t i v e council- from among its members. This administrative council is composed ol live peasants, elected by free and secret ballot, and is encharged w i t h the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of the enterprise. The directors (members of the council) d i v i d e the responsibilities among themselves, each one t a k i n g charge of organizing i n d i v i d u a l sj>e c ili( tasks bearing on p r o d u c t i o n as well as on the sales and mann factoring of products and the financing and stocking of the raw materials necessary for p r o d u c t i o n . Obviously, the peasant enterprises ( m i n t on the technical aid of C O R A and other public organizations, along w i t h any assistance that they contract directly from the private sector to carry out these tasks. But this public or private assistance does not alter the fact that the internal decision making power w i t h i n the enterprise lies with the* group id workers and its leaders. I hesr bask units f u n c t i o n by b u y i n g their materials and sell ing theii pnxhicts in the maiket. T h e main advantage they have o v r i other producers is low interest, long t e r m credits for purchasing land, creating an i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , and accpiiring w o r k i n g capital T h e y f u r t h e r m o r e o b t a i n l o w cost, short term credits fur daily operations. As mentioned earlier, the basic difference between a settlement and ;\ cooperative is peasant o w n e i s b i p of the land. I n the settlement, the land is legally the p r o p e r t y of C O R A , even though it h;is been t u r n e d over to the peasants for t h e i r management and use. In the agrarian r e f o r m cooperative, the land becomes defini lively tin- property of the peasants. W h e t h e r they receive it in a communal <>r i n d i v i d u a l form depends basically on their demo crattcall) expressed w i l l C O R A can only m o d i f ) such a decision




when there are outstanding technical reasons that would make one or the other lorm more appropriate. In hut. under the pre vious government, this authority was never used, yet more than 95 percent ol the land was still allotted in communal lorm on the derision of the peasant beneficiaries. The institution of this workers' enterprise system could not re main solely at the level of basic units. Therefore, as the process expanded, the peasants began organizing iti area groups, regional federations, and finally in a National Confederation < > t Settle ments. This organization, structured along the lines of a proles sional association, served in turn as the basis for organizing the peasant economy at local, regional, and national levels. Though this effort was necessarily slow dining the years from 19641 to 1970, it resulted in the formation of the economic and trade committee! at local and regional levels, in the establishment ol loin teen ninltiactive regional cooperatives which encompass a large part of the country in their activity, and in the establishment ol various regional cooperatives or enterprises with specific pur poses, such as the export ol ceilain products or the processing and sales of others. All of these agencies are constituted and managed by the peasants. In addition, the association structure allowed authentic representation of the peasants in the councils and man agement boards of various public or semiprivate organizations linked to their interests. The point of the above description is not to paint ail idyllic pi< lure of the agrarian reform experiment, but to show the main features of the principal achievements that have accrued in the six years since the* establishment of the new system, l i m e does not peiinit us lo go over all its main pioblems and advantages I lence we have chosen lo introduce two general principles dcriv ing from this experience that, although of great importance for the future, are not usually pointed out in writings and discussions on this process.

The need for a general reference point for the new society
During the development of the agrarian reform, a pel tent problem was the inadequacy of manv existing structures and

institutions for incorporating, icrvictng, snd establishing ties

with the new units being formed as I result ol the process. One of



in;my ntch rxatnple!i is the lack <>| mi educational, professional, ami i((Inii< d t r a i n i n g i>rograni thai w o u l d address i l i r specific t i i It in ;t I and t r a i n i n g needs ol the peasants is they l a i r the einei I M ions. A i K ' i l i c i is the lark genl soc i;il. cc o u o m u , and tec lime il 1 ol a c led it svsieiu etnplo) ing spec i:il sei vi< cs. sen Ml \vt lo the p< M ants' needs. ;nul guided by economic criteria ap| M opt iale to the new tyiir ol economic stmc lure b e i n g * reared, I In main piohlems in this lesprrt were to MHIIC extent i f solved l>y \\\c Christian Democratic government through special services offered m a i n l y l\ those institutions rrsj>on*tl>le for the agrarian r e f o r m o r o t h e r p u b l i c en semiprivate institutions. Hut il the process expands into 111is sectoi and others, lltere is no doubt that partial solutions will h;i\<- |o he- worked out unless a n u u h more reorganization taken plaee in the social, c tilt o t a l , and p o l i t i c a l spin u s . us well -is in die economic sphere. In all these area*, the i n s t i t u t i o n ol ;i system ol workers 1 enterprise 1 w i l l require that action* be guided l>y new values, thai conflicts of interest he resolved l>y different criteria, that new altitudes he en rotiraged w h i t e m a i n ol the old be rejected, A l l of this should be reflected in a new type ol instil ul tonal h.unewoik cemented together hy the centra! values ol the new s>steiu. I he primary dis l i n c t i v e features o l this new framework should he that it establish a mechanism for generating power and lot Controlling the exei c isc- ol thai power, thai il assuie (idelilN l o t h c piineiplcs and oh j r d i v e s o l a workers' society, and dial it not restrict itsell merely to the transfer of power from some people t<> others or from iitdi\ i<lu.ils to the- Hate. We should stic-ss this new i n s t i t u t i o n a l l i a m e w o i k < amiol be l i m i t e d to a particular sector or to particular areas o l different sectors, but must encompass the whole o l the sen iai system. O n l y in that way w i l l it be able to f u l f i l l its expected functionthat is, to give coherence, efficiency, and harmony to the new society and the vat ions stages along the way toward it. Obviously, the i n s t i t u t i o n a l framework ol die transitional per i o d w i l l he substantially different from the final one. which w i l l develop clear outlines and take on concrete form as experience is gained. Rul this does not prevent us f r o m b e g i n n i n g immediately to give some s|iecific d e f i n i t i o n to the most fundamental elements ol t i n u l t i m a t e social system and to I he transitional institutions leading to it. I his task represents not merely a n e r d but an absolute necessity d e m a n d i n g political action from those who believe in torn




m u n a l socialism, or socialism w i t h genuine panic ipation ! Workers, l i i s i n| i l l . (lu- idealist, humanist, pottfriar, and above all elegant pmpusals ill tin- present government w i t h renijccl i the social model it wishes to establish in the l o n g i n n can <nl\ fx carried out efficiently to the extent that there exists a long-term so< ial. economic, and political program. At h as! t h f baste rem (<|ts ol this program should lie cleai and I U I K K I C . This is e*pe <tally important For the youth and the intelligentsia. Second, the magnitude ol the structural changes t h e government is m a k i n g re entire* a vigilant a l t i t u d e and immediate a n i o n so thai the new institutions and structures are, if not precisely appropriate, at least nnt too greatly at variance with a social system o l effective wrorkn p a r t i c i p a t i o n * " I vigilant a t t i t u d e and lite action it gen erates are possible only to the- extent that there is clarity about the m e d i a t i o n institutional forms we mentioned before.

Advantages offered by a workers' enterprise system for the transitional period within ;t democracy
Here we w o u l d l i k e to emphasize an advantage of the workers' enterprise system w h i c h can clearly he gleaned From the experiences of the agrarian r e f o r m . T h i s advantage consists i n the fact that it permits the m i n i m i z a t i o n , or at least the substantial r e d u c t i o n , ol the social and economic costs ol a structural change ol the scope thai is intended in Chile. I his advantage is c*j*c cially evident when those changes aie to he instituted w i t h i n a democratic Framework and in a country such as C h i l e , which is in a relatively advanced Stage of political and social development. In other words, if the long-term project is c o m m u n a l socialism and not state socialism, it is much easier to design a transitional mechanism w i t h i n a democracy which w o u l d avoid serious CCO nomic setbacks for the c o u n t r y and unmanageable social tensions. The Christian Democratic government's agrarian reform is a dear step in that d i r e c t i o n . T h e (act that agricultural production more than doubled its rale of growth and sot ial tensions were maintained at a manageable level (allhough, to he sure, some q u i t e regrettable personal tragedies o c c u r r e d ) , w h i l e more than 20 percent ol the agricultural productive potential and almost SO percent ol the e x p r o p r i a t e lamlhukUugs were expropriated,




was not an arc iclent: it was made possible by the intelligent use of

the inherent characteristics ol the system.

The first characteristic of the system which permits the recluc l i o n ol the economic and soc ial costs of transition is the (act that it allows those capitalist enterprises whose c o n t i n u e d f u n c t i o n i n g is necessary d u r i n g the transition to m a r k out a relatively w e l l -delined status lor themselves. Before complete transformation of the soc ial and economic system, they w i l l have the o p p o r t u n i t y to integrate themselves slowly i n t o the dual framework. For example, in the case of the agrarian r e f o r m , I am r e f e r r i n g to the large laiidhohlings w h i c h eotild not i n i t i a l l y be expropriated and the small and m e d i u m producers for w h o m a solution ol eventual integration was sought. This characteristic derives from the fact that a workers' enterprise system presupposes not only centralized p l a n n i n g which directs the productive apparatus on the basis of social efficiency; but also an i n d i v i d u a l economic incentive system that p e i m i t s the operation of decentralized productive units. It is the existence of these mechanisms ol i n d i v i d u a l incentives (call it niaiket 01 whatever) w h i c h , together w i t h the p l a n n i n g .system, is one ol the pillars ol elliciency in a system ol workers' enterprises 1 his pei mils the d e f i n i t i o n of dear guidelines and the o p e n i n g ol prospects toward a final solution as m u c h for the organizations that w i l l be able to maintain their present functions only tempo rarity as loi those which, w i t h the necessatv adjustments, w i l l be able to coexist w i t h the s\stem over the long r u n . In a situation in which common Standards are r o u t i n e l y applied to measure the c o n t r i b u t i o n of each membei of soc ietv toward die furtherance of sound goals (s plan-guided incentive sys ( ( i i i i and in which the organizational lonns are necessarily m u l t i ple and l l e \ i h l e , any well -meaning person or g r o u p can find leasihie ways to integrate himself or itself. T h i s is true even when these individuals or groups have lost power or eeonomie and so
< ial p o s i t i o n .

State so< lalisin. on the other hand, loc uses its (tin ienc y o n the direct and centralized steering of the productive apparatus by planning mechanisms. T h e nonexistence Of irrelevance of a sys leiii ol economic incentive and its i m p l i c i t c o n t r a d i c t i o n w i t h oihei elements o l die state apparatus is largely what impedes the working out of even relative!) dear solutions, whether tran&i ttonal <>i final, loi the above incutioned groups or oiganizations. I he- second characteristic ol c o m m u n a l socialism which factli-




tales the transition toward its definitive establishment within a democratic system is that it demands a profound tespect for genu incly democratic social norms. Its claim to social and economic efficiency is based on the capacity, dynamism, and responsibility of the workers in directing the productive tasks at all levels, and not merely on the centralized planning of the productive process in accordance with social criteria. In so doing, communal social ism implicitly opts for a transition in which the fundamental tool foi change is majority consent to carry out the desired transformations, rather than simply the imposition of these transformations by the state. State socialism, on the other hand, makes its claim to

efficiency on the basis of centralized management by the "political representatives" of the people and on the changes they arcable to institute. Hence, it lends to concentrate on implementing these changes, which are usually conceived a priori and subjected to little consultation, criticism, or approval on the part of the workers, while, by the same token, the administration of the productive process is necessarily infected with a high degree ol sectarianism and arbitrariness. The inherent necessity ol com munal socialism to move along profoundly democratic lines creates an environment in which sex ial tensions arc reduced and unnecessary economic setbacks are avoided during the transition. T h e reduction of economic and sen ial costs, which makes the above two characteristics of a workers' enterprise system possible, is, in mv Opinion, an essential recpiirement if the changes of the dimensions envisioned for Chile are to be instituted within a democratic framework. It might be argued that the example of the agrarian reform is a poor one because its pace was extremely slow and because it was concentrated on a specific sector of the economy without affecting the others in any way whatsoever. However, while recognizing quantitative limitations, we should bear in mind that it involved the introduction of an cxhaordinarily profound and conflict laden structural change that normally should have unleashed grave economic and social ronsecpiences. That these were avoided or minimized tells us something important about the advantages of COmfmmal socialism chuiug transitional phases. In any case. our argument does not rest on this specific expedience but on as pectS of the basic characteristics of woikcr-conholled enterprises.

It is these < haractei istM s that n ally make possible a transition less



<mi|\ and more suitable ki the ('3tilraii condition than itate SO

I istti.

lastly, for those who insist thai socialism has never been achieved without those costs, it is worth reminding them that tins transition has never before been made within a democracy, nor in any country with an economy as complex as that of Chile and with a similar so< ial and politic al development.

12. Experiences of the Federatio qf Workers1 Brigades iynd

Enterprises [1972]

I would like to sneak about 'he question of participation > 1 those n| us who now constitute tin by relating the experience <
so called l e d e i a l i m i ol W o t k e i s ' li igades and Knlei prises. This

experience has the virtue of being precisely thatexperience rather than merely a pure product of the imagination. For those who do not know of us, otn adventure began Four yean ago when wc took over the factor) in which we worked. 1 hat was our real 1 1 tion to the merciless exploitation to which we were Subjected 1 this small enterprise. Although many may find it hard to believe, ir is in Hie small and medium-titled industries thai the most (la grant instances ol iujusii< e ate Found.
W e have traveled a hazardous road, hut we have conic o n !

ahead. We have lived through a hard and painful experience. And we believe thai hard and painful experience is a far bettei teacher than any nuxiel analysis designed by theoreticians who know workers only by their external charat (eristic s. T o us it is very dear that an alternative ibrra ol participation exists in which the essential aspect! of the exploitative conditions under which we have suffered so far would be maintained. T o
Rrrrint<'<l from Victor Anoyn. "Dude ilivnsas trinchcrai ic inativ H pmhlrmj ' 11 \>.\\ M i i|\n MM it-M m rcctond




make ii appear more attractive, it might he disguised in navel wrappings: for example, the distribution ol company shaics to the* workers and employees or the participation of the workers in tltC ownership of die company, without anv actual transfer ol pown into llieir hands. Wr are all too well acquainted with lliis alternative; in our arduous pilgrimage, we have received many Mich oilers. When we took }>osscssiou of the factory, we confess we were guided bv a purely economic motive. We declared, "The ownership ol the enterprise should be in the hands of its workers." A year later, we discovered that this proprietary attitude caused a grave problem. The new comrades coming into the enterprise automatic ally became second-class workers, wage laborers for the group thai had begun the experiment. We were therefore Forced to rethink our entire model, not accoidiug to the latest book ol Some bleary-eyed theoretician, but in direct response to a COOc rete challenge that laced us. In this way, we came to understand that participation is not maintaining the existing system, ill which one peison acquires the labor power that others must sell. T o continue within that framework was leading us inexorably into a tiaxesty of participa lion. Our conceptions matured within a very hostile environment.

The Mobile Group of Carbineros (Special Police Force) kept

tabs on us as though we were delinquents. And when we went to banks to apply lor credit assistance, they consistently denied it be catlfC we had nothing but our hands as collateral. It was a deeply instructive lesson about the reality ol the capitalist system. We shall never forget it. We also learned that a single productive unit, a single enterprise managed by its workers, was meaningless in isolation from lite test of the (lass. Thai is why we began to create and acquire other production units. And gradually we discovered that participation has to evolve from below. Along the way, we had to create popular democratic slogans and guidelines to eradicate once and for all certain bureaucratic attitudes in comrades who had been cite barged with administrative functions. We also had run ins with the political party structure. Chileans who actively participate in parlies constitute a minority. People svmpathi/e with paities and cluster around them. I In \

identify with certain group* hut do not active!) entei into them.


I r.iin.i


This "independent" scctoi in quotes because we know (hey annot neutralis very important in our Country, Political groups do not seem to have understood thisnot even thnsr of a popttlai character. Thai is why even these bitter gnmps I ill mm ilw* vices typical ol the capitalist system wilhin wlinli liny |xi;ilr I IM-S
think ol themselves as the niasteis ovci the people. T h e paily is

an enterprise, the people the workers; and the Administrative Council is the Central Committee or the National Council of tin commonwealth which issues communiques and orders to its base. These were facts which clashed head-on with that reality. We were determined thai we would not fall into the simplistic error that conflltel a political party with the working (lass, because that party is only one of the organizations of the class. In om concern with having even the most uneducated of our comrades participate, we discovered that self-management as such does not exist. It does not exist because we depend on something (ailed a market, on something else called the provision of raw materials, and. third, on something called credit. We then came to understand thai it was essential to alter radically the Chilean so ciopolitic al system to allow workers gradually to assume decisionmaking positions. We realized, on the other hand, that state ownership is not necessarily synonymous with social ownership. T h e United States, gentlemen, has state enterprise, yet no one would think ol calling ii a socialist nation! Our experience has also shown us that central planning is Without it. the risk ol precipitating unhanuncled competition among various workers' collectives is enormous. We could say, then, that sell -management requires central planning. We discovered something else, too: that the agencies of participation cannot be confused with unions. A union represents class interests. The production committee basically represents efficiency indices. A union, therefore, must always remain autonomous, no matter what system of participation is put into ellect. T b e t t are many other things we have discovered along the way over these four years, questions which may seem ridiculous to the technicians, but which have concerned us. I can mention, for example, the problem of including our women in tbe experiment. Those of us workers who embarked on this venture are enthusiastic about it. We often decided to sacrifice distribution of useful goods in order to reinvest; at other times we have decided to ab

sorb highei cosy through greatei productivity. How important it




. 1 . to l( able to count on the support and understanding <>l >m women rtntiracles in w a k i n g decisions <>l i l m k i n d , which have .in ti a d n ( < I hearing <n I he I i j r it id well IM IMI1, II lite I m i l l y . I believe u t n experience is <spe< tally useful i ilms< who work in the thousands of small and m e d i u m si/ctl enterprise*. I wcmdei if i t w o u l d nol be possible to lot in complexes ol intei related p r o d u c t i o n units ol this k i n d . T h e r e a w enterprises thai have been abandoned w an pooily administered by their owners. Peril.ip** l b - v M'ubl \ic used io expand a system w h t n r v i a b i l i t y we have provetl despite the many difficulties We have had In <I\I i (nine. 1.(1 me finish this unnig.-mized exposition for which 1 excuse myself, since I am a simple worket w i t h i cotnmeni an what t lontrade l l u e p e says. He defined capital as 11w sacrifice <l pres m i M>iiMim|)iim mid declared himselt i n lavoi <| society's as sinning the responsibility of compensation [or thai sacrifice. I have mv doubts; l d o not t h i n k that the capital accumulated by St-noi Vansr represents that gentleman's sacrihee <l much |xa SOtial < oiisumpl ion. O n the other hand, it is ( i n l y a sairiliee ol < o u s i n n p t i o n lor me when I must saw so that I can pay m y tax quotas. I hat much I t a n say w i t h certainty!



1 >. Principles, Types, and Problems of Direct Democracy in the Kibbutz


The principles governing the organization and admin is nation of the ktbbtltl ate nol the outcome ol an applied theory or Ideology. They have developed gradually out ol the daily expe rtence ol the kibbutz movement, A desire (or self-management was always present in ihe movement (the lost kibbutz, K'vutsal Degania, was established as a result ol a strike ensuing from clis agreement between workers and managers). This desiie for sell management also separates the kibbutz from other types of Utopian and religious communities, which in the past either were headed hy a charismatic leader or had ;m internal organization that was nondemoi latie and centralized. I he limited size ol Ihc kibbutz, its homogeneous population, its simplified agrarian character, and its restricted contact with the external world ha\e helped in the establishment of a demo era tic procedure involving all members in mattageineitt and administration. The institutionalization of these principles ol sell management is still going on. Kven today differences can be found in organizational structure between one kibbtm and w other, just as a difference may be observed fietween the organizaKepttnird from Priiuffihw, Type*, and Problem* of Dired X)emocrmcy in the Kih

i(.isi lf.\i'.- Gtfttci i**i Social Rrfrarch < "

IMfiS), !- p




lion ol n ji\<-ii 1 11dMH/ 1K 1:iy IIIMI ils oigauizal ion in llie past I Kowcvci, there i-\isis a base common lo all kibbutzim whinli <n;i b i d MS to define ilu* general principles characterizing the system ol democracy in the kibbutz.

The principles oi kibbutz democracy

Democracy in die kibbutz is not only an administrative system "I winch all incinheis lake pail in derision making and in management by electing die kibbutz officials; it is also a system which aims to attain complete identification Ol the individual wilh the nociety. I his aim grows out ol the voluntary egalitarian and coopei ative basis ol the kibbutz democ lacy. A. I he voluntary basis: Since membership in die kibbutz, is voluntary and each member is free to leave when he wishes, ad lumislrative coenion in securing submission to kibbutz decisions is obviated. Only a leeling oi cooperation among members secures the observance ol decisions contrary to the wishes ol one or anothei individual. Gaining conformity of all members to the decisions of the kibbutz is a crucial problem lor kibbutz, democracy. \ positive correlation can be found between identification with the kibbutz and obsc I vaiicc ol its decisions.

Ik CoopenUion: Integral cooperation is characteristic of the

kibbutz The kibbutz is a social and organizational structure which embraces all aspects ol the lives ol its members. This constitutes the source for the mums ol active participation by most members hi all kibbutz functions and not just in the election ol

management ind in decision-making.

('.. Egmlitmrmnism: The wish ol the kibbutz is to achieve equality in all icspects, including powei ol decision and power to in ilucncc- decisions, Such ecpiality cannot be achieved d participation is passive .uid conimecl lo the election ol management and to veiling. Participation of members in the General Meeting without linn all aiound pai ticipal ion in kibbutz lite does not in itself se< me ecpiality. Kibbutz democracy, therefore, is not based on constitutional mles but is a result ol the members' will to identify with the kibbutz. Ibis is expressed in an aclive. a l l a i o u n d participation in kibbutz lile. The conditions necessary lot the attainment of the kibbutz's ideals were dependent on its oiganu structure. (The concept ol




"ide;ds" is usrd pin posely, since flic louiicliug m e m h e i s ol the

kibbutz considered a (omplrte identification ol the individual with society to be Utopian.) The system of communal social tela tionships in the kibbutz is of the Gemcinscfiaft type and is based on an nil embracing social contact, which enables public opinion lo become the major mechanism for social orientation and pres sure. The ideal of identification is expressed in discussions in the General Meeting, which are part of the decision making process. Votitg ;IIK1 majority decisions aic not considered sullic ient. Alter a majority decision has been icac bed, there* is still opportunity lor further objections and the reopening of discussion. T h e small importance given to formal and legal procedure is reflected in the unification of the "powers" (i.e., the legislative, executive, and judicial) in contrast to the usual "separation ol powers" in representative democracy. Thote taking part in a kibbutz General Meeting (the legislature) are in part identical with those executing its decisions (committee members, heads of different work sections, and other official* of the kibbutz make up 50 percent of kibbutz members). There is a complete absence of formal judicial power in the kibbutz. The unity of powers is in fact invested in the General Meeting, which, as well as being the legislature, acts at times as a "judi ciary" and often takes dec isions which normally are the province of the executive power.

Prerequisite!! lor the Fullillnrienl of kibbutz democracy

T h e philosopher Jean (accpies Rousseau, in his treatise on modern political ideas, stated that Direct Democracy is possi ble only in a relatively small, agrarian connnunily with a simple way of life and without a complex social and economic structure. In their beginnings, the kibbutzim fulfilled those recpiiie ments. Later developments in the kibbutz created conditions which many socialist thinkersand also many sociologistsconsider essential for the existence of real democracy. In the light of research done by the American sociologists Lipset, Trow, and Coleman, the following can be said to be the essential social conditions for the existence of veal demon,i<\

within a voluntary organization or society:

1. A relatively ntuUl scale for the society oi organization, allow



ing members proximity to the decisioti-uial in?-, center and thus awareness of events without 1 1 it- urrd to resort to formal means oi
< oiiminim alion.

2. Awnreness ol members about th< life <! the organization, a< live interest in the event! ol ttie organization, and willingness to take pai t in the execution of its [mictions; tins awareness is greater the more functions of the organization there arc or the more these [unciions are essential to its members. I, T h e existence oi conditions for the creation ol non/orntai ized public opinion, which will be a mechanism Un rcgutatit the organization. Nonformalized public opinion should regulate > i formalized legislative w together with oi even in tlie absence < supeivisoiv institutions. I, I h r existence < > i a n icrve < > l potential cuius, i.e., a large number ol members wlm can take on duties and who have both the personal qualities and the experience necessary im carrying out those duties. Generally, the less specialized the linn turns and the less the nved foi specific knowledge to cany them out, the greater will be ilu3 reserve ol cadres. 5, Equality between the living conditions of the officials and those ol other members of society. There should l>e no privileges which will make it advantageous to hold office for long periods. The supposition is, therefore, that a correlation will exist between the equality < l all members and the frequent changeover
> 1 oihrials.

I he economic, social, and organizational structure < > l tlie kibbutz in the past has created the basis lot the existence of all the conditions mentioned above. I he question we will n \ to ileal with in this paper is the extern to which these conditions exist today in tlie light of internal changes in the kibbuti movement. We will deal particularly with the question of whether it is possible to predict future developments in the kibbuti and, il so, what the\ are likely to he. I. The past (up to the establishment of the State) . The number of members in a kibbutz (with very lew exceptions) did not < 1 208, even in the oMest, most established kibbutzim, The inrm!iovii|. w:r homogeneous wnli regaid to jtgr, length *A re*i dence hi d > < kibbutz, and country ! origin. In mnsi kibbutzim, there were still no second-generation members. Today, there ate a large numbei ol veteran kibbutzim with a membership of 400 and a population ol ovei M M )< > i 7(,' (including those which prerivtfi a in. i M ,;it.- i h i j . .II j - i i t i ' ; } i i ' , . ) h i | | idatti I i lir

/ ttablishmeni



rrogeneoua with regard to age and country til origin. 1 lie greatest change, however, h ^ been in the complexity and density ol social i c hi I i >i is. There lias been a rise in social denshv. and a decline in lite visibility of social relations, n> use Durkheim Menus, A similar process ol enlargement and increase in complexity and heterogeneity has taken place in the economy < > i die kibbutz. In this connection, the war brought a real technical revolution. Machinery was introduced into almost all branches of agriculture and ii i\ i( es, and industry started to develop in the kibbutz. 2. I he degree <>f awareness ol members about general life in the kibbutz is linked with the integral, multifunctional, multi sided nature of 'Ins type <! organization. Dcs|Hte llic hut thai there has I n t o no change in the bash cliaractet ! the kibbutz, there are indications of a decline in general awaretn is* Awareness is being affected by an increase in the heterogeneity [the population. Different groups in the kibbutz have special problems, and the <b>i tission <l tliese problems does not seem i<> awaken interest in the othei groups ol the poptdation. Similarly, specialization in many aspects ol kibbutz lifeeconomic, educa tional, cultural, politicalis leading to departmentalization and even greater specialization, and, with this, to an increase in apathy among members over othei problems and aspects of kibbutz lift\ The decline in awareness i* intensified when more decisions concerning the individual arc transferred from the kibbutz to the individual hnnsell l m instance, an increase " i personal con sumption is likely to bring a decline in the awareness and activity l members, since general decisions will then affect only limited aspects ol (he individual's life. Awareness is alstl influenced by outside agents, Awareness declines when the external society becomes .i reference group for members of the kibbutz, and internal cohesion is thus reduced, 3. As mentioned above, in tlie past Ron formal public opinion fulfilled (he role ol a social regulator. Ibis was possible beeanse of the limited sire of the- kihbntz society, its integral character, and the type of social relations in il. These sex ial relations were not confined to specific, predetermined patterns. They therefor led to intense contact between members, which created Specific personal relationships. The particular and personal approach was also apparent in the interpretation of basic so< ial prim iples. The tend "From each according to his ability to < n according t " his needs" was inletpieted so as to emphasise | utictilai individ
u >l ..Inblies ;md meds. (The till hi I IfH ill < i llpll lit



never been fully achieved.) W i t h the rise in the heterogeneity or the k i b b u t z population and the increasing separation of different aspects ol life, it is d o u b t f u l whether public o p i n i o n can now fulfill the same social role. I herefore, a process <>l institutionalization of scxial regulation is t a k i n g place, T h i s process has two aspects: (a) the n u m b e r <>l rules and codes regulating and d e f i n i n g not ins of behavior is in creasing. Some ol these rules are d r a w n Up by the national orga lltzations of the kibbutz movement and some ave specific to a given k i b b u t z , (h) the n u m b e r of formal institutions regulating differ* n i l aspects ol life is g r o w i n g as the functions of the kibbutz, expand, due to the increasing c o m p l e x i t y of the organic structure o l I he kibbutz. I. I he level ol education in ihe k i h h u l z has always In -en above I lie average loi | h r Jewish p o p u l a t i o n , as a whole. I h e k i b b u t / has ;ilso been characterized by a high degree <l social awareness and by the Continual t r a i n i n g and r e t r a i n i n g of its members. T h e

realization of the various functions ol the kibbutz did not require

il high degree of specialization, clue to the l i m i t e d size of ihe kibbutz, ihe simplicity of its social life, and its narrow field of econ o m i c activity. (Economic activity was confined to a g r i c u l t u r e . and services wen- very few due to ibe low standaid of living.) U n d e r these conditions, a certain lytic ol k i b b u t z official dcvel oped Ihe "synl bet it official," i.e., an official who could c a n y out

> l Functions in almost all spheres of kibbutz life. The interchange

( h i t i t s was not confined to one tvpe of activity, such as economic u l i v i l y , but one and ihe same man w o u l d carry out b u n lions that were poles apail (lor instance-, alter being ch.iuinaii ol the education Committee, the same man c o u l d become the treasurer. or, .diei h o l d i n g the post of economic director ol the k i b b u t z , a j> < i son could become- a p o l i t i c a l hint tionarv. ) . It is very difficult to measure precisely the changes in the edu cational level of the members of the k i b b u t z . T h e r e has been an increase in ihe n u m b e r of newcomers f r o m w a r t i m e Kurope and h o i n M i d d l e E'astern countries, and these had a lower educa l i o n a l level than the f o u n d i n g m e m b e r s ol the k i b b u t z . O n the Otliei hand, ihe percentage ol second generation members w i t h twelve-yew schooling is r i s i n g , and the educational level of these Second generation members is higher than the average level of the Founding members. T h e r e f o r e , wc d o not eonsklei there n> have I n t o mi) jn l i n n INC i h , t u v r in ihe general educational level <*l the kibbutZ. In contiast, there has been a q u a l i t a t i v e change i n




the level of specialization needed for the realization oi the increasing number and variety of k i b b u t z functions. T o carry out some ol these functions, specific t r a i n i n g in f o n n a l educational institutions is necessary. The time required for this t r a i n i n g vat ies f r o m months to years. I n the f u l f i l l m e n t of all k i b b u t z Functions, experience gained i n p e r f o r m i n g the actual tasks concerned is becoming increasingly i m p o r t a n t . This tendency is particularly obvious when we consider the growth of associative k i b b u t z activity on the regional and national levels. After postulating the structural conditions necessary for direct democracy, we stated that those conditions were hilly realized at the b e g i n n i n g of the kibbutz movement and loi a considerable l i m e i n its later development. I n this l i g h t , the ideal of u p h o l d i n g those p i i m i p h s w i t h i n a m o d e m society seems unusual. Inl the question is w l u t h e i the new developments that arc altering the necessary conditions lor direct democracy can, by causing deviations and distortions, damage the chances ol preserving and fulf i l l i n g the principles of k i b b u t z democracy. We w i l l try to answer ibis fundamental question by analyzing the three central c o m p o n e n t ! of k i b b u t z democracy: (a) the General M e e t i n g ; (b) the organizational structure; (c) the types of participation of members in the various k i b b u t z activities,

A. T h e general


I his is the < I I K ial. but no! the only. expicssnni ol divert democracy in the k i b l n i t z . In its legulai meeting (at hast once- a week) it u l l e c t s . i n its multisicled discussions and its variegated agenda, the integral q u a l i t y of k i b b u t z life atid the u n i t y of the three powers invested in the meeting. T h e position held by the ( i e n e i a ! M e e t i n g is l i n k e d w i t h the specific organisational slruc lure of the k i b b u t z . T h e latter is not an executive structure serving one particular f u n c t i o n (not solely economic or educational or c u l t u r a l ) . The General M e e t i n g does n o t make distinctions between the three powers and tries to balance all the aspects ol k i b b u t z l i f e in its agenda. The p r i n c i p l e of balance has been preserved throughout the history of the k i b b u t z . I he General Meet ing. i n its i n t e g r a t i n g r o l e , tries to stiike a balance between tbe principles u n d e r l y i n g the different field* of activity (for instance, e i n i i o i n i i . S<H i.d, ailfl educational Consideration*) !i also serfs l o

balance the interests ol various lot ial groups <i diBcrctu depart"



stents (for instance, between work groups iii budgeting li their financial and labor needs). T h e integrative process of the General Meeting is expressed in us practice ol li<- discussion by all sides without a formal tune limit Agreement i^ often reached without the need For a formal voic. In most e ases, the General Meeting fulfills the executive function hy taking majority decisions in cases ol disagreement and hy ratifying proposals from the executive departments, The ItgisUtitM function ol the General Meeting is reflected in the- taking of policy decisions and decisions < > l principle, which affect various aspects of life, and thus codifying behavior; in the discussion ol and voting on budgetary problems; and in the setting of precedents as regards die discussion of various problems. The judiciary funclioti of the (*cneral Meeting is expressed primarily in the circumstantial < onsideiiiiion o[ each case under discussion, and also in the interrelation ol pievious decisions and accepted codes in each case under consideration. In addition to the three functions mentioned, the General Meeting fulfills die* function ol social communication* since all members front all sections ol the kibbitt? aie in attendance. I IK* importance C > l this [miction of the General Meeting increases in light ol the growing heterogeneity in the kibhtltZ population and the- dec Hiring density < > 1 tlie means l developing ,m informal public, opinion. Considering the importance of the General Meeting's functions, ii is interesting to Imd out whether changing conditions have affected the members' participation in it. A survey carried out hy die author among IIKIIIIKMS O| Mveulylour kibbutzim shows a tendency toward a decrease in panic ip.uion with an increase in the membership of the kibbutz* I he Ittidiiigs, however, do not warrant the assumption that the si/e ol membership is a decisive factor in the degree > f participation in the General Meet iug. The following table shows the percentages ol members attending the General Meeting according to si/e of kibbutz membership.
N o . 01 Kir.r.n/iM Si/i; 01 MKMIU Kstur \\HC\C.I r ; Off MEMBERS A l l ENDING MAXIMUM^



R ' 7

Less than 100

tun <'U

200 or more

55 > S 50

(13 70 65





In the same survey, members were asked whether, in theii opinion, the General Meeting is [ulbiting its executive function. The general feeling among kibbutz members was that it is not. A Further analysis ol line answers showed thai there is a differential appraisal according to held of activity. I he moat widespread feel imj was that the General Meeting is not fttlttlliiig its executive function specifically in the economic field, I his can be explained by the peater specialization in economic activity, as compared with oilier field*. Specialization in one held of economic activit) causes a dec line in awareness as regards othei fields of economic activity. Expansion and specialization iii the kibbutz economy made it more convenient ItH detailed discussion to be carried out within the groups of people concerned with the particular work section, and for most d o tMotu concerning that field ol activity to he taken in these groups. Although the decisions art submitted to the General Meeting for ratification, the feeling is growing thai this body is not fulfilling its function in the economic lield. I hose in ihe kibbutz movement who ate concerned with social policy are worried about this situation and h;i\i iiiggeslccl means for checking furthci development in this direction. ITiey propose: (a) a more detailed discussion of economic; matters in the Gen < Meeting; they think that proposals brought lor ratification should he more detailed, ami that (War alternatives emerging from the discussion in the specific committees should he put to the General Meet ing; (h) the iiitiochn lion of a system of communication usin<; mod em techniques foi disseminating information to members < > n
(piesi ions which a n In < miic up lor dec is ion;

(c) the ujiciiitig ol meetings of the* specialized economic com miitees (departments of production) to all members so thai the) may become a forum for discussion ol the economic problems ol the kihhutz. Other proposals concern the development of informal public opinion. It has been suggested that opportunities be created foi members to meet informally; for example, various kinds of cluhs. study groups, and other cultural groups whh Ii would bring to gether the different soc ial groups in the kibbutl Could be estab lished. B. Ihe organizational structure The major changes in the organizat iutial structure <> t,,:" kibbutz have been in the field of subsidiary organizations. 1 he




number of institutions with integrative Functions has increased. The previously separate economic and social secretariats have been synthesized into a single, unified organization. In its piescnt Form, this Secretariat is made n|> of eight t<> ten members who are heads of committees representing various aspects of kibbutz life. The economic -nte is represented by the Economic Secretary! the Treasurer, and the Works Manager; the social side, hy the head of the Social Committee which deals with the problems of individual members. Education is represented by the head of the Education Committee, i n d sometimes the head of the Cultural Committee is also in the Secretariat. The General Secretary heads the Secretariat; his main duty is to coordinate the different fields ol ;u tivity, in particular, noneconomsc activities. The synthesizing character of the Secretariat is reflected in iis sinicime. which allows ecpial representation lor all sides, different though their functions may he. The meetings ol the Secretariat are (Mreparatory i< the General Meeting; there the different views can lirsi be put Forward, differences smoothed out, and in leost sas well as conflk tino viewsbrought together. The Secretarial has the power of dei ision on some questions of administration, and problems are brought to the General Meeting mil) when there is disagreement among Secretariat memliers
oi w h e n a k i h h u t / m e m h e i o h j r c l s t o its d e c i s i o n s . <)ucsi i< ins o l p t i n c i p l r , h < i w e v e i . :\\v a l w i i y s d e c i d e d hy l l i r ( i n i t i a l Mrriimy.

the Sccretat i;it only prepares proposals* I he functions <>l the General Secretary and the Economic Set retary have also changed due to the need for integration created hy the pio(ess of specialization. In hoth rases, the lendency is toward iiMire general coordination in theii work and less intervention by the secretaries in more spet ialized fields. In the past, the Economic Secretary was trained to deal with specific agricultural problems in each field of production. Today,
h o t h his t r a i n i n g a n d his J u n c t i o n s h a v e c h a n g e d a n d h a v e in

rreashtgl) taken ; managerial character, similarly, the t^cnera! Secretary no longer deals with specific problems < > f individual members this is the task of the Social Committeebut shoulders duties that are more on the order ol Social Management. This trend toward integrative functions in the Secretariat should tint lie assumed to be a trend toward central i/;it ion. ()u the contrary, it is accompanied by a pwuess ol decentralization, since- mail) of its functions and powers ol decision haw lieen trattsft rrcd to the numerous spec ialized committer s.




I n general, therefore, there has 1)een Ho d e v i a t i o n



g u i d i n g principles of the k i b b u t t ' s organizational structure, principles t h a t are in c o m p l e t e opposition to the principles o l burcaii-

cratic organization as defined by Max Weber,

The f o l l o w i n g is a list of the contradictions b e t w e e n the guiding p r i n c i p l e s of the t w o types of o r g a n i z a t i o n :

PaiNcaH es OF uavuTZ
ORGANIZATION I. I m p e l ' i n a n e i u \ ol office. im '.. I he definition ol the office is flexibleprivileges and duties are not Formally fixed and often depend on the personality of the official, 5. rite equal value o i all him lions is a basic assumption, and no formal hierarchy of authority exists.

Permanency ol office. personal, duties. fixed privileges and

'Z. I IK* office carries with it


\ hierarchy of Functional anihorities is expressed in the authority ol the olfic ials.

I. N o m i n a t i o n of officials is I>;iscrt on Formal objective cpialilua l inns.

I. Officials are elected, not nominated. Objective qualifications aie MO! decisive; personal <ju;n ilies are m o i e i m p o r t a Ml in ele( I ion. r>. The office is usually supplementary to the full-time on n palion of (lie official.


t h e office is a full-time occupation.

M o d e r n theories of o r g a n i z a t i o n d o not accept the assumptions ol r a t i o n a l structures. crats hureaueratic organization. T h e This change is duv t e n d e n c y today is to vary the type of o r g a n i z a t i o n to suit t h e needs of p a r t i c u l a r social t o the d y s f u n c t i o n of the b u r e a u the systemi.e., its lack of f l e x i b i l i t y , its d i s j u n c t i o n w i t h

i n f o r m a l social s t r u c t u r e , a n d the d a n g e r that arises w h e n proced u r e takes over f r o m the a i m s of the odiee c o n c e r n e d . The kihhutz organization is not o n l y a f u n c t i o n a l alternative is a general to the d y s f u n c t i o n of b u r e a u c r a t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n , it tc anc racy.

way of life f o r m e d f r o m ideals w h i c h negate the p r i n c i p l e s of l>u

T h e interaction between the social structure utd Che organiza tional strut Lure ol tlie kihhutz is entirely dtSen nf brow the inter-




anion between iItt- so i;il structure ami the organizational stun line ol a r!liferent type ol society. While in other societies intoi mai and personal relations between die citizen and tlie official constitute .1 iMwsible threat to lite smooth and eflicteul op< mtion of the organization, in the k i b b u t i it ii precisely personal r*la lions, (1 iffit ted and many-sided, which contribute to its m<M efficient functioni I In- organizational structure ol the kibbttt/ also differs liom olhei organizational structure* in it* tystetn ol rewards loi and si
pel I isinn o \ ci I I > ' > 1 it ials.

(Certain ! 'he principles underlying bureaucratic organtzation arc based on the assumption thai mute officials d< nol klentif) with the aims of the organization, and dial only si i i< f iiipei \ tsiiai and sufficient rewards will ^ i n c adequate service* liom the oilu iiiIs. < I hit given isc i< the btireatu i.11 ic hierarchy nod the s\s tem in \vhi< 1 1 > f IK ial net \ foe is a paid, hill lime uci II pat km.) In contrast, in the kibbutz their is no connection between re numeration and the level ol achievement. Supervision is a luiwtion of pnl)li( opinion, and tlierefore formalized MUM I \ision and a powei hierarchy are absent. This difference between the two types of organization is due to the fart that the kibbutz is based on principles of economic equal" ity. while bureaucratic organization is an outcome of the economic relai ions in the nun ket.

Establish me tit

Enterprise 11 tstori*

11. T h e Changing Culture of a Factory | England]


The continuing effects of histor)

In order to understand tlie present situation fin the (.lacier Metal Company, Londonj. it is uccessarv to consider the dynamics of certain outstanding historical events in the- lifeol the organization, events whose definite mark is left on the pattern of the present There was at fust a small metallurgical works in which the alloying ol white metal was supreme, and engineering a< tivities relatively tin important. . . . By 1935, although the white metal activities had continued unchanged, the new engineering development was stretching to bursting point its boundaries as minor partner in the concern. Radical changes occurred between 1935 and 1910. Engineering became dominant, it swamped the white metal work (which now remains as a small section of the manufacturing shop) and forced sweeping organi/ational changes. Ihe firm was made into a public company, with the previous owner as Managing Director. lie retired in I9J8, and was replaced by co-managing directors. One of these was the Works Manager, a "production man" of Reprinted fawn The (I"- g 1 ultw* of a factory (t/vnrtan: Rotttletlgr lr Krgan
I'nul. 1951 , *' ' '" ' ' "<" " '





l o n g experience, and the other the Sales Manager, a younger man interested both in new technical and adniitiistrativc metluKls. T h e legal requirements for costing, stock and other financial COfttroil through becoming a public company hi ought an extension ol specialist controls. I his trend was l u u l i e i stimulated by the relationship established w i t h an American concern whose managing director was especially interested in advanced costing methods. Accounting, p r o d u c t i o n c o n t r o l , production engineering, and personnel departments were introduced. A sj>cc ial re search section was created. A n d beginnings wete made at establishing a formal managerial structure, and stepping up managerial skills by means ol t r a i n i n g . A l l this happened d u r i n g the period when there occurred an open split in the management. I b i s split was precipitated by a difference in technical and social outlook !>etween the co-managing directors. A l t h o u g h the older of the t w o resigned in 1939, the3 split remained. The new special ist functions were in the hands of those who were identified as Supporting the younger m a n , w h o became sole managing director, and w h o favoured the wider use of specialists. T h e line man agers leaied they m i g h t be d o m i n a t e d by the otheis. I his leai was reinforced by the fact that greater c o n t r o l l i n g power was given to the Specialists as a means of c o p i n g w i t h the large n u m bers ol new and inexperienced su|>ervisois n c a t e d d i n i n g the wartime expansion. At the same time, the national emphasis on joint consultation in the engineering iuclustiy. combined w i t h the- personal interests of the Managing Director, led to the setting up ol joint consultation in the f i r m . I his laid the basis tor an extension ol democratic Control. Ibit it also added h i the confusion .IIMHII the |unci.UlltS <>l the executive, a contusion u l u i l i had al ready lieeti exacerbated by the split between the l i n e manager*
M i d the spec ialists. . . .

I\\rc tit i\ c consultative contusion

The use bv higher management of so called f u n c t i o n a l managers, to keep c o n t r o l over the line managers, was reinforced l>\ tin use ol the joint consultative machinery to by pass the exec titive chains and establish direct contact w i t h the workers 1 repre tentative* I hesc l i n e r were regarded as a mofe reliable source of i n f o r m a t i o n about shop ROOT matters than the m i d d l e and lowei giades ol management I he \ \ 01 ks Committee and Works C o n n




< il were set 1 1 1 > w i t h o u t the support of tlie m i d d l e management levels. Nevertheless, the meetings between workers and top management made it possil)le to put i n t o practice, to some extent at least, the p r i n c i p l e that people should he able to participate in the derisions that a i l e d them. 1 he existence and g r o w t h of the consultative system marked a change i n the character of the f i r m . I l established a basis for good relations between workers and management, and lor tackling some of the c y t l i c i m i and despaii left over f r o m the r o n l u s i o u ot the 1930s. W i t h tin- development of the Principles of OrgtmixMiion, hammered out by the W o r k s C o u n c i l , the pattern was set of the C o u n c i l taking part in policy m a k i n g , w h i l e leaving to the management the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of policy. At the same t i m e , however, j o i n t consultation had the effect of increasing the sense ol loss of a u t h o r i t y experienced by tin l i n e executives. The shop floor had a channel r o u n d t h e m . I n stead of s u p p l y i n g executive leadership for the subordinate management grades, top management was g e t t i n g together w i t h the Workers' representatives. The fact that the superintendents, t h r o u g h t h e i r committee, had i r o i n the b e g i n n i n g been given a seat on the W o r k s C o u n c i l d i d not improve the s i t u a t i o n . O n the Contrary, i t served to exaggerate the difficulties by g i v i n g m i d d l e management the feeling that their contact w i t h t o p management was no (loser than that of the workers (if indeed as (lose) . The dilh( ulties tin own u p by joint consultation arose from on conscious motives w h i c h were at play along w i t h the conscious and constructive aspects ol the developments. The t o p manage ment were partly evading their anxiety about lacing and w o r k i n g t h r o u g h t h e i r relationships w i t h each other and w i t h their subordinates. A n d the W o i ks ( o u m i i l l c e representatives weie using their relations w i t h highei management, whether cooperative or antagonistic, to avoid having to lace their constituents. Both these groups also m i r r o r e d larger wale Forces i n the Factory. Everyone desiied to avoid shesses in g i o u p relationships: and the W o r k s C o u n c i l p r o v i d e d the lead that was wanteda lead in High I from d e a l i n g w i t h these stresses. This consultative Collusion between the a p p o i n t e d manage ment and the elected stall and workers' representatives was bolstered up by a n u m b c i of strongly held beliefs. One ol these was the general belief i n industry that if only the discoid between

management and workers could be rtaolved everything else

w o u l d COme out all l i g h t . Another was the helu f i l i i i m a t i o l i a l 01 e m o t i o n a l influences COtlM not he at woi k among people who


HISTORICAL in \ i i . o r \ i i N i

had reached the level of top management of had become elected representatives, Bui the beliefs thai canned the most afgumfni
were those based OH n h h n a i e valued asso< intc<t w i t h principles ol

democratic living. For instance, the virw that if people were treated responsibly, they would behave responsibly, was ado|>ted
(although individuals differed in the u h o l r I w n i r i l i u s s ol their < IMIMI sriut ol ( | KIU h a view) . . . .

The regulation ol IMWCT

The rhangf In structure of the Works Council completed the differentiation of ihe executive from the consultative chain, the General Managei being h i t as die top level rhannel of < nntmmiic ation between ihe iwo lystettts, with full responsibility l(i implementing the views ol the Council in management, and for placing the views of management before the Council. The Works Council, as an elected bnch representative of the total fac lory, actittired policy-making functions as a member ol a com* p;my-wi<le policy-making network composed ol three groups. These are the Hoard ol Directors, for the company as a whole. and the W o r k i Omincth ol each of the two main factories. Com pany policy <an now he deckled only by unanimous agreement of all three, Ihe way In which this ituauitntt] procedure work* in
practice is \ c i \

a m a l l e i ol (lie h.danre l powei between

these three groups, and the special interests they represent. Unlike responsibility and authority, which are structurally defined and relatively constant, the relative powet rf these groups shilts continuously. Before the significance ol lite unanimity rule can be understood, ihe sources of power of each ol the three bodies must he examined.

Power of the branches of the policy-making network

The present Board of Directors owes much of its power to the fact that a latgc interest is concentrated m the bands ol a few shareholders who consistently supports its policy. Other sources are its special knowledge of the general financial sttuai\\ p oid it5 wvti group cohesion The parttcutai corajjosition of the Glacier Boardlive whole-time executives out ol a total ol


| r.iNtEftPfusff



seven directors-also alfects its power, increasing thai attendant upon intimate knowledge of the firm, hut lessening that arising from wide outside experience, I In- presence <l the Managing Director and lour divisional managers makes ii difficult for man ageinent to scapegoat the Board; but there it again a loss < > l powei ui this Mine situation, due to the difficulties of keeping roles distinct . . . The power of management depends on technical expertise, >UU in leadership, the efficiency <>' operation "l the executive communication chain, and the cohesivetiess < > l the management group, I lie lop management ol each oj the two factories, through the general managers, and finally the Managing Director, hm lay iti policy making with widespread effect, and the shop Root and junior management C M only speak executively through them. This does not necessarily mean tint the executives near the top have greater power, this being the m,titer of how well organized ate tlie lower levels, hut it does mean that the higher level managers have access to greater stores ol information, and these
d o ( o u l e r power.

The power of the elected bodies in carrying oul then authority sanctioning task, and in particular the power of the Works Council, which has ihe authority to participate directly in policy making, derives From the skill of the elected representatives them selves, as well as the degree < > l oigani/ation and ( ohesiveness of tltc members ol then eonslii mill groups. As a special ease, the new Works Committee also acquires powers From iIs relationship to the trade union movement, the shop stewards being able to get support and advice from union and district officers, as well as dii e( t support 11 out union o||i< ers wheie negotiation is involved.

Power and the principle ol unanimity

T h e question, "Where in such a set-up does the final authority for deciding poliry rest when unanimity cannot be reached?" is one that has no absolute answer. Whet i issues are involved and the directors are held responsible al law, the Board of Directors will usually have to make final decisions. Apart from cases of this type, real Failure t< r < h intmit) means that the matter will U rlei kled by power, h us the authority and the responsibility of the different hodi known and defined, their power is constantly undergoing change, and




therefore the m a i n weight for final decisions on policy is likely to rest w i t h d i f f e r e n t bodies al d i f f e r e n t times. For e x a m p l e , the l e l alive power of the Board o! D i r e c t o r s and the trade u n i o n leaclcis u n d e r c o n d i t i o n s ol u n e m p l o y m e n t and weak u n i o n organization w i l l he sharply different h o r n that o b t a i n i n g under c o n d i t i o n s of full e m p l o y m e n t and strong, coherent trade u n i o n o r g a n i z a t i o n . It is precisely because p o w e r relations m a y shift, w h i l e the a u t h o r i t y structure remains u n c h a n g e d , that the- firm's unanimity p r i n c i p l e is of such v a l u e , for it allows the c o n t i n u o u s testing-out a n d e x p l o r a t i o n of the power situation by means of constructive discussion, instead of the i n t e r m i t t e n t testing ol power which accompanies executive policies and actions w h i c h have not been agreed u p o n a n d which w h e n unacceptable lead to a p i l i n g u p of stress a n d to explosive outcomes. N o t that the u n a n i m i t y principle a u t o m a t i c a l l y solves questions of power relationships; rather is it to be seen as a mec hanism for f a c i l i t a t i n g more constructive lelat lonships a n d ensui i n g i n o i e tealistie c c mipiomises when the IIC1 cssaty m o t i v a t i o n s a n d skills exist in those concerned. The unequal distribution of responsibility, authority, and the in power in the three groups is associated w i t h differences in value and extent of t h e i r respective conti ibutions to policy

p a i t i c u l a i sphcies. O n the B e a r d o l Directors a m i the top m a n agetnents falls the m a i n weight ol responsibility lot i n i t i a t i n g li Hut n a m ial and c o m m e r c i a l policy a n d technical d e v e l o p m e n t . then

proposals in these fields are subject to m o d i f i c a t i o n in the light of effects on factory personnel, as perceived by elected repredevelop could sentatives. Fot e x a m p l e , a p i o g i a t n m e ol technological

m e n t which w o u l d radically alter methods ol p r o d u c t i o n

OSlly be p l a n n e d by the B o a r d and by higher m a n a g e m e n t in con j u n c t i o n w i t h the linn's technicians. But it c o u l d o n l y be adopted as pnli< \ alter consultation w i t h , a n d sanctioning ol the plan by, the W o i k s C o u n c i l in the l i g h t of an assessment ol possible effects On the firm's personnel, ( o n v e i s e l y , on m a t t e r s such as p r o m o l i o n , methods of p a y m e n t , status, a n d other aspects of g r o u p tela tionships, the W o r k s C o u n c i l s are c e n t r a l l y placed to deal 01 by representatives, a n d to a d u m b r a t e p r i n c i p l e s to deal with with whatever p r o b l e m s may be t h r o w n u p e i t h e r by the m a n a g e m e n t them A n d such principles w o u l d , however, affect financial policy, so that the o t h e r m e m b e r s ol the policy - m a k i n g n e t w o r k r e q u i r e to have then say, I he delegation of policy m a k i n g to a n e t w o r k of bodies, w i t h p r i m a * ) i r s f x i t i M b i l t t ) in various .i as ( a i l i n g on different bodies




and with final implementation being the subject of unanimous agreement, is a pattern which comes to grips with many real problems. It begins by recognising that members of ihe Hoard of Directors for the Works Council may be better equipped by training, position, and experience to deal with some problems than with others. It takes into account (he fail that changes in any one region of policy have effects on every other region and, hence, thai effective joint consultation means consultation on all matters between all the bodies, though not necessarily in the same order or for the same reason. . . . The members of the factory recognise that this unanimity rule may lead ihem into situations of stalemate. Hut they prefer to maintain it on the grounds that decisions so arrived at have the best chance of being both the most correct and ihe most acceptable. Their experience is that so long as group relations remain satisfactory, no stalemate occurs. People show themselves to Inflexible enough to modify their views. On occasions when stresses between groups appear, the unanimity rule is still uselul. I u n should a stalemate occur, it is by this means that the unfortunate Consequences are avoided of taking decisions without full agreement, for decisions of this kind are usually impossible to carry out successfully.

Significance of the new works

council structure
The original two sided (management worker) Council reflected the general split in industry between management and workers. Hut as the Works Council and the consultative machine* ry generally began to assume a role in the policy -making structure, a two-sided mechanism became confining. The worker-man O O agement Council represented directly by election only some B of the approximately 1,400 members of the factory. The other G O O were represented by the members of higher management ap pointed by the General Manager. In principle at least, the new multi-sided Council lays the basis for an integrative rather than a split approach. T h e General Manager, representing the total managerial structure and indeed the total interest of the factory, meets with elected representatives

ol all stiat.i A strut lure "l thh kind provides ! > < opportunity it
majui issues ol policy affecting the whole lacloiy to be consul


HISTORICAL ni \ I 1 oi'M I \IT

cred, atld lot the dec isions lakril Nl be iui|lc mrnt d by ihr Get)* mil \laii:i<ci through the r\cnil!vc <haili. All 1 1 1 * hurts S UK ttOtltttg authority in the lacloiv nurl in the C'oniiril. Ihr (.eiii*i;iI M;tn;iii n n i r s ihr Sanctions from outside given h\ the Hoard ol Director*. I It also carries the executive n task sanctions given h\ ihc Managing Dirctiot and by the managers and other members of the factory in thcil working roles. I IK elected rc|>ro sentatives carry the sanctions given by then constituents* and the Works Committee representatives those als<> ol then trade unions. All members carry their own personal interpretation ol the sanctions given in the general code of industry and in the unwritten culture i the firm, I hese fon:es arc ill at work iti the Oouu(il meetings I lie work ol the meetings continues until a point ol equilibrium is found which balances incompatibilities between the needs ol thr various seriioiis of factory personnel, the ik ntands of the task, and the standards ol outside society. The new Works CotttM il structure allows mote ol the real sorial forces si Fecting the factory to Impinge directly upon each otliei than did the previous structure with its mote limited rein csental ion. . . . Should .1 given problem not affect the whole factory, provision has now been made in company policy for sectional consultative meetings between the CJeueral Manager and ait) ol the Stall < committees oi the Works Committee. Incisions taken at these meet inj;s affect only tltoae concerned, and ate subject to review by the Works Council, The new structure is capable, therefore, of taking into account splits such as thai between the management and the workers, oi between lite management! and ; iiarticutar grade ol stall, when ami as these splits C M em, without harm to th< multi sided character ol the Works Council itieM hi dealing with IK torywide affairs....

Factory policy
Within overall company policy, as laid down by unanimous decision nl ihr three bodies 11 mi |Msi i ' iln iwriiry making network, the Works Council at tin I MI'IOH factor) has the powei ou its own t> establish prim iples governing h>( ai pl.K ticcs. I ndn these arrangements, a central rcsjiomibility oi elected lepnsrnia tives is to eollret ami collate significant problems <! concern to then constituents so that general principles may lie clarified and developed. I IK* function ol the mattagi merit is t*i run the lac toiy



! W W

within j>iiur i|>lcs laid down and agreed, mid i> raise matters ol principle wltttrh are not cleat and have litem dis< kissed al the Woi ks Council in order to get HUM t ion For executive action, I he management, by virtue ol its Kill-time administrative rolci carries the burden of responsibility for maintaining effective relations between tin- < ottsultal ivc and executive systems It is lot the- management to ensure thai it has a sutlicietitl) cleal policy within which to work, and to make proposals when it has imi. it is also a duty of management to collect the necessary material and information to enable die Works Council to arrive
at well inloi nied I\CK isions. . . .

Confusion ahottl social policy

One ol the main difficulties still to be IfcSOived torn tins the diffidence, based oo suspicion, ol delegating to the man. mem the responsibility h>i investigating problems ol social rela
imnships. and for drawing up proposals loi JI in* ij'hs to govern

them. Responsibility [or these matters has not yet ctcarl) 01 consistently been assigned to any particular executive role. It is still lefl to the Works Council in many instances to talc care DI fclie (IIIIK nities. As a result, a feeling grew up in tlic factory thai i split existed between Social and technical |>oli<\. sot ial j)oli(\ behtg regarded as having t> da with consultation and technical polic) witti management. T h e management, ioi < sample, were re luctani to regard the structure ol joint consultation as i matter
on which they weie entitled to make ieeomin< ndat ions olhei

than as members of the Works Council. I o do so in a managerial role would have been regarded as trespassing. No manager had the right to interfere in matters which affected the democratic rights ami mechanisms < > l members of the factory, 'I he present trend, however, is to recognise that joint consultation, along with all other matters ol social policy, is as much a responsibility ol the management as anything else, and consideration is being given to
mechanisms for delegating lesponsihiliiv Im this function. 1 In

puiiti of confusion has been thai which lies between responsibil it\, on the one hand, tor deciding jwiliiv, am!, n the other, for planning ii and putting it into execution. Clarification ol the Works Council's responsibility with regard l the former has al lowed responsibility for the latter to be delegated to the manage mint in all matters, including social policy, MI that tltc elected




representatives may not be overburdened with carrying mil extensive and difficult investigations. The assignment of greater responsibility io the consultative structure, together with the sanctioning of greater authority lor it, has in turn made greatei demands for efficient and powerful management than have been experienced in I he factory before.

45. Joint Management in a Textile Factory [Malta]


T h e developments at the Drydockl created a climate for more initiative. In Autumn 1971, I textile factory was in a state of liquidation and threatened with closure. The factory was a branch of a larger foreign company and had been in operation for only one year. It had two hundred employees and a relatively large foreign managerial staff. The latter enjoyed high salaries by Maltese ttattdards and emoluments such as hee company can and housing facilities. The majority of the shares were in private hands; the Malta Development Corporation (Mix.) also had shares in ihe company and was represented on the Hoard ol Directors. In consultation with the hanks, the MDC and the owners, the unions had tried to lind a solution, hut without success. On a Friday night in October, the workers received their last wages and faced immediate unemployment On the same night, the secretary of the textile workers section of the Garment Workers Union (ailed the wotkers together and proposed that they should con tinue with production, using the available raw materials to produce garments lor the local market T h e workers agreed, and volunteered to give up part ol their wages, all bonuses and piece

Reprinted fnm "Towardi . Participative Malta*' (The Hague: Institute of Social
Studies), m i n i m . |ij>. IS -l.'i, l>> |M iinissKni ol i l i r h i M i i ' i n B4 Miiihcs.




m- v i M U M j s i

W o r k started the b i l l o w i n g Monday w i t h o u t management. Nevertheless, production was kept going and r>\ the sale ol n r ^ iiKiit s on the kK&l market as well as the sale ol <oinpanv cars, re ditced wages could be paid d u r i n g lite first weeks, i I f greatest immediate problem Was n placement of thr niaiia;;ei i al stall At a meeting w i t h th<- pievious management, tin* manager* were asked which o l the Maltese supervisors w o u l d he the most suitable lo take over their own managerial work. These newlv assigned man agers had to be trained In their new jobs on the spot; they were never h i l l y introduced to managerial Worl h\ then superiois, whether in terms of organization 01 in technical know-how. T h e y now spend then free lime reading and studying, t r y i n g things <ui at the factory, w o r k i n g u n t i l m i d n i g h t . H t r o u g h eBective and getiuine cooperation between u n i o n officials, new managers (who pieviousiy. as supervisors, had not been unionized ami had maintained a social distance between themselves and the rank and hie w o r k e r * ) , and the workers to keep tworitifiwat going, imp< 11is in the operation hit leased. Workers wen- t a i l e d Migethei al regular intervals a n d informed ahont the lesults. W h e n it became clear thai the unions ami tin workers w e n determined to eon

timte, the MDCand the hanks became interested, especially when

the> s.iw that the company's debts were decreasing significantly due to the hut that overhead costs (foreign managers ami then emoluments) had been heavily reduced. D u r i n g this period, die Board <i Directors <>f the piivate com pany resigned, tin general manager was sent on paid leave and, w i t h the consent uf the shareholders, decision-making powers were given to a managing committee. I his committee is composed ol o n l \ two people: one officn ol the Malta Development ( l o i p o i a t i o n and one trade u n i o n ollii ial. I he M l ) ( ' representative manages economic matters such as financing ami accounting. The u n i o n official, secretary of the textile workers section o l the G W U , is restxtttsihh l"t lortal and personnel matters, a f u n c t i o n comparable to that ol labor diratot in West ( . e m i a n y Both men do their managerial work w i t h o u t extra r e m u n e r a t i o n . Positive results q u i t e soon became visible, Business has picked up and is now n o r m a l , i n c l u d i n g exports; the M D G and the batiks have offered Imam ial assistance and eaily this w a r workers were put back to t h e i r original wage level. W o r k relations have nude rgone substantial change. I he former division between man agcmrtit and tahoi has been replaced by a shared feeling of iesponsilulity by workers, sup< i \ isors and union officials, t h r o u g h




their sure ess in safeguarding employment and making (he entei prise feasible again. I he etiler|Hrise claims thai productivity has increased and that absenteeism and labor turnover have been re markably low since the new M>m turc was ititrodtu ed, u m ui the most difficult and i tmiif < 1 i.i t- problems of the entrt prise is what to do .ibout the ownership. With its inn iative hi ion tinuing production, the union intervened on behall ol the
workers, but in the final analysis also on behall ol the owneis

Company shares are mostly in private hands, but die workers and the G W t l evidently Feel thai il the enterprise should again make i automatically go to the shareholders. a profit, it should n< > Another problem is the participative structure itself. Particiua lion was introduced with the original objective of safeguarding employment, bin n has developed into much more than was ion seen. The union i^ fully involved in 1 be managerial decision-making process ami iii the implementation of decisions. Serious pro!) Inns may soon arise bom die role Conflict that seems inherent in
the position ol the u n i o n leaflet r u m " l a b o i director**: how w i l l

he be ablr to match efficient management and effective representation of workers?

Hi. The Work Community of

BoimOtldaU [France]

lioimonclau Up of three words:

the uni.

name (toiler



c ommtmily -was casei, MON,

made inonttr


(watch), DAU, Dauphine (the French province). Boiraondau, so

tliey called themselves in order l o fool the ( i c r n i a i i s in IfM 9 the name sounded pisl like that ol a house Ill Hie woods. Before t h a i .

it was called Community of Work M a u d Barba, named for its

founder. . . . H o w d i d il all slait? I l o i t n o n d a i i has already its legend and so \\.\s \\\ o r i g i n a t o r . Yet w h e n all is e x a m i n e d , il seems dial a lew wait h

essential facts can be retained and summed up:

l l a i h u a m i Ins w i l e , w h o s u i t e d the hall l o l l i n g , u r i c case makers w h o knew t h e i r trade CXI e p l i o n a l l y w e l l . So i n i u h lor

the sound technical background. About the communitarian aspect Whether or not Barbu knew < >l past scattered experiences in coottnunitariati colonies which
had taken place in previous centuries t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d , i n -

cluding America, Boimondau hears little resemblance, i i any, to

n i n e t e e n t h ( e n l u r v c ollectivists ( C o u r i e r , O w e n . e t c . ) . H a r h u a n d his lew companions tackled the p r o b l e m anew and by themselves.

I'ih economically and ideologically, Boimondau is the result of

krprinted fi'HM Ml i |III;IM Common (Nc Vorl
1 ".,. I > | i Ntiwton ni ili' .IUIIMH

Harpci I toothers, l%6), pp.





their own discovery, their work and their experience, On the Other hand, if Hoimondau and other Communities oi Work may. by certain ol iheir aspects, remind the student ol the kibbutzim W lite kolkhozes, it is not because there is imitalion or even re mote adaptation. But because there is a trend nl thought in the air the wot Id over, somewhat perhaps as happened when our modern system replaced feudality, ll is one of the icasons why the experience is successful and has multiplied. Barbu acted as a catalyzer; the elements were a h e a d ) present. He crystallized the thoughts of many.

Ol his own evolution, Barbu has this to say:

Ai home l knew destitution. . . . Then I was taken Into .in Miphana^e. . . . Then at the preparatory seminary where I stayed up to ibe fourth year (fifteen w;iis <>l age) until I discovered that I did not have the vocation. Then they wanted to slick me in an ollice. 1 did not like i t 1 learned a trade in Paris. I was a young worker. I j;ot a firsthand knowledge of what bosses are worth and also workers. Like everyone else, I was onioni/ed. Hut soon 1 understood thai 1 had to look elsewhcic. Together, ni\ wile and myself, we decided we would ly to build QUI own business in older to shape our own means ol liberation. . . . We sold all our furniture to bu\ machines. . . . We slept only three or [our hours ai night in wrier Ki ^i i < k it out. We had no money, no backing, the banks refused to ;ucepi the drafts. I hat's how I started
on my own. . . .

It was not until 1910. after the defeat, that Barbu was able to make a real start toward the liberation be had hankered lor since childhood. At that lime everything in France was so bad that it seemed everything could and must be reshuffled. It was a time when a man could make a choice, and watitecl to make a choice, especially if he had been in the army, where there was no choice at all and where there was only defeat. Barbu tried to find some mechanics in Valence, l i e could not find any. So he went out iti the streets and corralled a barber, a sausagemaker, a waiter, anyone, except specialized industrial workers. The m e n were all under thirty, l i e offered to teach them watch case making, pro viclecl they would agree to search with him for a setup in which ihe "distinction between employer and employee would be abolished." The point was the search. At that time Barbu and his wife (they b i d then Bvf children were the only competent workers, 1 he whole outfit was settled in

>l I

I l l s I O K i<; \ L

hi* \ I l . n i ' M i \ i

a barn, 1 1 ic* only place found For lease, bill within two months they started tu lell, notwithstanding lite la i thai the people who supplied il it - I.I v ni.iii M;IIS were so distrustful that they would ex lend no credit uti theii hills. rhe Inst and epoch-making discovery was that each worker should he free to tell the other off"in wash each other's head*" as the &aying goes in France. At once, this complete freedom oi speech between themselves and theii employer created a buoyant atmosphere ol confidence. It soon became evident, however, that "telling each other off" > t time on the job. So they unaniled to discussions and a waste < itiottsl) s<i apart a lime every week For an informal meeting to iron out different esand t onllti Is, lint as they weie not ottl just for a better economic setup hut a new way of living together, discussions were hound Io leatl to the disclosure ol l>;isir attitudes. '*Vci y soon," says llai bu, '*we saw the necessit) ol a common basis, C M what we railed, From then on, out common ethics/' This necessity: unless there was a common ethical basis, there was no point to statt from logethet and therefore no possibility of building anything. To find a common ethical basis was not easy, hit ausc the two do/en workers now engaged were all different: Catholics, Protestants, materialists. Humanists, atheists, Com niunisis. They *H examined then own individual ethics, that is. not what they had been taught by rote, or what was conventionally areepled. but what they, out ol their own experiences and thoughts, Found necessary. They discovered that then individual rthics had certain points in common. They took those points and made the tit the common minimum on which they agreed unanimously. It was not a theoretical, vague declaration. In their foreword they declared; There is no danger dint our common ethical minimum should he an arbitrary convention, For, in order to determine the points, ue lely on fife experiences, All our moral principles have been uied in real life, everyday life, everybody** life. . . . The men pledged themselves to do their best to practice theii common ethical minimum in their everyday life. They pledged themselves to each otltei Those who had more exacting private ethics |hedged themselves to n , to live vU*\ they believetl, but recognued that the) had ab&oltttel) mi righl to infringe on the




liberties ol others. In fact, they all agreed to respect Fully the others1 convictions m absence ol convictions to llic extent <>l never laughing at them or mak ittg jokes about it, T o find t l i t s e t h i c a l concern at die w r y start '! theit search loi a setup in which the " d i s t i n c t i o n between employer and em ployee w o u l d he abolished" may seem surmising It may even a|i pear out of place and, to some people, almost clerical or Sunday school isli. Vet, history teaches us that OIK* ol the cause* ol failure oi previous c o m m u n i t a r i a n colonies developed out ol disagreements which could not be ironed out because no common ethical basis had bectt originally established. And it seems that one ol the reasons Un the survival ol the early religious communities was precisely thai they had a common spiritual basis. It does not i m p l y that the common ethical m i n i m u m worked out by the young workers ol l l o i m o n d a u is the only one to be had. In the course o l this hook we shall see that even in the C o m m u n i t i e s ol \\'<rk this ethical m i n i m u m occasionally varies. It is true that it does imt vary greatly, but it is not i i an effort t> conform to Boiniondau, b u t because this ethical m i n i m u m is universal in character, . . . " T h e r e was u n a n i m i t y . " T h e common ethical m i n i m u m worked out by all was agreed upon by a l l . It was not a majority vote. U n a n i m i t y , as we shall see later, is the only mode ol deci sioti recognized by C o m m u n i t i e s of W o r k . . . . T h e second discovery the men made was that they craved to ed m a l e themselves. First they wanted (<> be able to sing well to get her, then to polish their French grammar. I l i e u they wanted Ul u a d the accounts, ele. They wete just o i d i n a i v I leneh workers who bad left school at the age of t h i r t e e n . I n older to make a l i v i n g thev had to produce a specified a m o u n t . T h e y figured out that the time saved on production could be used lor education, W i t h i n three months, they gained nine hours on a 48-hour week. Later they were to t r i p l e the pro duction. So it was that, instead of w o r k i n g to make extra money or profit, they worked i n order to better themselves. D o n ' t we a l l d o it? I n o n e way M another? But the originalK^ ol the I l n i m n u d a u g r o u p was threefold: I hev did not work overtime. T h e ) worked less t i m e . That is, they speeded u p at the mac hines in order to have extra lime A n d therefore dial time was irovered h\ theii paj v that to die outsider the) appeared to I* paid For educating themselves. A n d they




were, since to them all human activity is work, as we shall see later. I hen, that time which they had all together contributed to save, they used together too. They did not go out individually to spend in a private way their extra time. T h e group had earned thai eXtlH time as a whole. T h e time belonged to the group, the Community, not to individuals. And last but not least, their choice in using that extra time is worth pondering. It was not used fr additional material comfort.
At the stnt aild iimuiiiii'Misly, they did forego, lor the time bcittf*,

material raising ol the itattdard of living Foi the sake < > 1 then in tellertual and artistic development. It was their own choice. I am not saying that they were right or wrong. I am merely stating a fact. As they all knew that alter a clays n o i k no one was very keen on going somewlieie else to Study, lliev arranged hu the teachers to come to the factory and give the lessons there. That is how the system started which 1 saw working that afternoon in 1946. It tinned out that production and education went hand in hand. T h e new friendly atmosphere created by all at the start had made possible a speeding lip of production, which in turn had made possihle the studies. T h r o u g h it all a climate had been created and the men had thrashed out many questions together.
Soon it b e c a m e e v i d e n t t o all that the n e w s e t u p h a d d e v e l o p e d

through each and all, spiritually and materially. They had (Mated not an organization but an organism. They were the organism within which they could li\e full v. They were a Com The Community is a real person composed nuinity T h e y said: of all the buddies who ate in it. with their wives and c h i l d r e n / ' Two years had elapsed. T h e y had learned much. They had come of age. All of them (90) . including Harhu, agreed that it was time to turn over the means of production to the Community. They took the leap Karhu limp)) turned over to the Coin niunitv the factory that had been created by the work ol all. In older to safeguard the dignity of all. it was decided that Rarbu would be reimbursed gradually his original layout in money, and that in the event he would want to leave and start a new Community a Certain n u m b e r ol mac bines would be given to him. The group called themselves a C o m m u n i t y ol Work for lack of i bettei word Community of W o r t does not mean common living quarters, nor one n u n c foi all. We shall ace latei that Rome Communities ot Work, called integral Communities, do have common living tpiarters and one puise. But this is a speeial tea




tine and not a characteristic of the majority erf Communities <>| Work. It should also he clear that in a Community of Work, though it is work itself that is common to all, it is not so as an established, ineluctable [act. A Community of Work does noi mean plant community, enterprise community. 'I"lie* members might decide to do something else. The work, the plant, the field (there are rural Communities) , is but the economic expression ol a group ol people who wish to search for a way of life better suited to pres nil living c ondil ions : 1 1 1 < I to ;i lullcr e\|H<ssioii <! the wholr man. h is itnc 111:it theie is no (lommunit v ol Woi k without work hut the work eomes second in the title: "We do not Start from the plant, from the technical activity of man. hut from man himself.*1 I have seen Communities of Work where people wanted to live < onmuinitarianly long before ihey had derided what kind ol economic expression, work, iliey would tackle. The mere agglomeration or juxtaposition of workers in a factory dors not make a Community ol Work. . . . In a Community of Work accent is not on acquiring together, but on woi king together lor a collective and personal fulfillment. Of course, "objects" must still be made. Communitarians make them. In our present world, more and more objects are made, through mass production. Communitarians make them that wa\ I In y aim at a style ol living which, far from relinquishing the advantages ol the industrial revolution, is adapted to them. When asked why they get together, people in Communities of Work have different answers which, T found, all amount to this: "We want to he men ' Of course? Not at all. Communitarians are ver\ definite and articulate on what it means to he men 1. In order to live a m a n s life one has to enjoy the whole fruit of one s labor. 2. One has to he able to educate oneself. l \. Our has to pursue a common endeavor within a professional group proportioned to the stature of man (100 families maximum) . 1. One has to he ac-lively related to the whole world. When these requisites are examined one discovers that thev amount to a shifting of the center of the problem of livingfrom making and acquiring "things." to discovering, fostering and developing human relationships. From a civilisation *>i objects to a

civilization ol persons; bettei even a civilization ol movement

between pel sons. . . . That is not all. People who work industrially together are not



Single n i l i t i o s . In the l;uuilv. each one. in his o w n way. is also w o r k i n g and Ms work has value loi the f o m m u n t t y . T h e Com m n n i t y ol W o r k does noi comprise on!) those who w o r k in the factory (men and women) b u t also the w u i s and tin* c h i l d r e n .t home. T h e C o m m u n i t y o l W o r k is a c o m i m n i i l y o| families. I he work ihe wives do at home u W o r k ; housekeeping lias proles sional value to the c o m m u n i t y . In a d d i t i o n wives GUI aKo <<m t r i b u t e to the < ' o m i m m i i y socially, So, like the industi iat iiroduccis, they are rated p r o v i s i o n a l l y and socially and receive an allotment on their total h u m a n value. As loi the c h i l d r e n , they grow, and lhat is work loo So ihev top have lo be ' p a i d . " I hey are so paid the ntoinenl ihc physician recognizes conccptii<t. A sick p r i s o n who follows the doctor*! instructkins is paid I he work of a lick person is to get well . . , T h e countcreffort mentioned above is the work performed at the Farm. T h e C o m m u n i t y acquired a farm, 235 acres. T h e y d i d so lor several reasons. One ol them ia nevei mentioned Ixrcausc I t h i n k the) ate unconscious ol it, l i is the love for the t o i l thai every Frenchman is born w i t h . What they do m e n t i o n is the fact lhat most of them having been in the Resistance, the) yearned for
the o p e n and c a m p life. Also that i h r y w a u l e d lo laise l l u i i own

products. Finally, that no man should l>< e n t i r e ! ) divorced from the soil. A l l . i n c l u d i n g the wives, have to work on the f a r m , during the year, three pel iodl o l ten days eat h. As everyone has a m o n t h vacation it means that people work only ^e\y months a year at the factory, As for u n a n i m i t y , they say ii is the <nU guarantee ol complete freedom for each one. In the parliamentary system the majority rule is an oppression on the m i n o r i t y , it is a p r i m i t i v e way ol r u l ing, l i r s t , one a u t h o r i t y , the kinj*. then the m a j o r i t y tyranny. I he h u m a n way is the l u l l agreement. Agreement nnisi he reached, o f course it requires time, t h i n k i n g , g i v i n g u p too-personal concepts, etc. t h e r e f o r e , u n a n i m i t y cannot he reai heel spontaneously at the General Assemhlv. I t w o u l d he artificial. I t is piepared in the groups, li emerges, then, naturally at the General Assembly, l i it does n o t , if there is one dissident voice with a eountersuggestion, the m o t i o n is not carried out. T h e whole quests >n is re examined in gi emps. h is stirpristng to see how comparatively easy is u n a n i m i t y in a group of people whose interest is c o m m o n . Obstruction For oh struct ion's sake w o u l d not itiak* ro*r I he u i i a n i i m t ) p r i n c i p l e is one of the chief characteristics ol




the prcsc mt-dav communitarian movement It IS also O O C of its as perls most ci ii i < wi-(\ by otitsidrt i, a* we sin II sec later Doiiuoudau has been ki existence leu years now an<l is going strong even From i purely industrial aspect ' < ' accomplish this in the midst of a society entire!) different in structure. Botmoudat has t<> l>c something more than i lucky anarchist realization. People who have experience in industry and with groups ol men always ask' "Who directs? II no one does, ii won't last long. Nowadays a factory needs technicians, managers, executives. It is no child"s. amateur's CH dreamer's pla\." Boiinondaii is HOIK- ol

The communitarian administrative structure, patiently built \ i riencc and by Boimoudan people, is the result ol theii Hail} thoughts. Ultimate power rests on the General Assembly, which meets twice a year. Only unanimous decisions hind the Companions (members). The General Assembly elects a Chief of Community. Unanimous vote only. 1 he Chic! is not only the most qualified technically, as a manager should he, he is also "the man who is an example, who educates, who loves, who is sclllcss, who serves. T o obey a so called Chief without those qualities would he cowardice." I he Chiel lias all executive power for three veais At the end of this period lie may (iud hints* II hack at the machine s.
T h e C h i c l has the right of veto against ihe C c n c i a l Assembly.

IF the General Assembly does not want to yield, a vote of confidence has to he taken. 11 confidence is not granted unanimously, the Chief has the choice either to rally to the General Assembly's opinion or to resign. The General Assembly elects the members of the General Council. The (General Council's task is to counsel the Chief ol Community. Members are elected for one year. Ihe General Council nu-ets at least every lour mouths. There are seven mem hers plus the Heads ol Departments. All decisions have to be taken unanimously. \ \ u I n n ihe General Council, section managers and eight mem IK is (including two wives) and the i hiel of Community form the Council of Dire* tion. whk h meets weekly. All icspoiisihle positions in the Community, including section managers and Foremen, arc secured only through "double trust' appointmeni. that is, the pet son is proposed U\ cm level and unanimously accepted by the other level. Usually, hut not always,




candidates are proposed by the higher level and accepted 01 rejected l>v the lower. This, say the members, prevents b o t h demagog) and a u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m . A l l members meei once a week in an Assembly ol (,out art. w h i c h , as the name indicates, aims at keeping everybody abreast

of what is happening in the Community and also of keeping in

touch with each other.
Neighbor Groups meet periodically. A N e i g h b o r G r o u p is the smallest organism of the C o m m u n i t y . 1 Ke or six families which
do not live too lai horn each othet gel together in the evening alien supper u n d e r the guidance ol a (aYiel ol N e i g h b o r ( i i o u p s

chosen according to the principle m e n t i o n e d above. In a sense, die Neighbor ( i i o i i p is die most important unit in the C o m m u n i t y . It is " l e a v e n " and "lever." It is r e q u i r e d to meej
u one ol the fatuities' homes ami at w^ o t h e i place I heie. while

i l i t t t L t n g cotfee, all the issues are thrashed out litgithet Minutes >i ihc meeting are taken down and sent to the C h i d o l C o m m u nity, w h o sums u p the minutes ol all the N e i g h b o i Groups, A n swers to their questions are then given by those who are in charge
ol the different d e p a r t m e n t s . I n that way N e i g h b o r ( . r o u p s not only isl <pirslious bill voice discontent 01 uiaki siiojesl ions. It is also <| course in the N e i g l l b o l ( . l o o p s that people t o m e to know

eat h othet best and help each other. I have perused I n u m b e r o l notebooks of N e i g h b w (-roups. T h e i n f o r m a l i t y and thoroughness ol the minutes make it de
l i ^ h l l u l reading. T i n - p e n m a n s h i p is b e a i i t i t u l . as M I itftett i4* the < asc in Kratice. I he neatness ol the- notebooks ic lice ts tin eaie ol ioo<l w o i k m a n s h i p a n d lespeit l m the* leaelei. All soils ol C|lieS

tienis are brought to l i ^ h t . trivial ones and i m p o r t a n t ones. Except in very lew cases, politics is e n l h e l y out ol the p i c t i n c . (.ioups discuss: what is c o m m u n i t a r i a n s p i r i t , j^ilts, festivals, visi tens, m a r r i a g f , news <>i everybody. I hen comes the discussion ol the T h e m e that has been proposed by the ( h i e d id C o m m u n i t y to all Neighbor (.roups a l i k e : r e m u n e r a t i o n , collective savings, eounteiellort. attitude in case ol a general strike, e t c Then are discussed the suggestions to present to the Chief, matters t<> he brought to his a t t e n t i o n . I he g r o u p ! also discuss proposed candidates to various posts ol responsibility w h i c h makes it easier lor the unanimous vote at the General Assembly. On th<- level of the N e i o h b o i < i i o u p s . m u c h i m m e d i a t e h e l p is constantly practiced: haby s i t t i n g , c a r i n g (CM the sick* s h a r i n g vegetables grown m o n e s o w n little plot, t a k i n g charge ol c h i l d r e n




while the mother has a baby, painting an apartment, exchanging hooks, etc. Anniversaries and national holidays find the members of the group celebrating together. In summer they make it an outing in ihe country. The Neighbor Group brings everybody together, including wives and children who, not working at the factory, do not nunc in everyday contact with the rest of the Community. . . . T h e General Assembly elects the members < > l the Court. A Community of Work is not composed of perfect people, not even of a so(;dle<l elite, hut of average men and! women. So conflicts are hound to arise between them, or between iwo departments or

between a department and a member. It may happen that the

Chief of Community cannot iron it out. Thai is why a Court is necessarv. So eight members are elected (unanimous votes, as nMub . n*e Commoniti !n no sot of laws. Verdict i^ based on and directed In the Rule, the common ethical minimum, and common sense. The Court does not judge the Fault, hut the man Therefore, the same fault may bring different verdicts according to the culprit. What is to he kept in mind by the judges is the common good, on one side. and. on the other, giving the culprit a maximum ol chance lo make good. Ihe verdict is rendered on unanimous agreement: Judges and culpiit alike. What is the ^oocl of ,\ sanction simply submitted to and not realU understood and accepted, say Boimondau people. The General Assembly elects the members of ihe Commission ol Control. I IK y are niemheis without any otlui icsponsihilil ies who keep an eye on everything and report lo the Chief of Com munity. II something goes wrong and the Commission of Control has not brought it to the attention of the Chief, the Commission is responsible to the same degree as the department at fault. . . . At Boimondau there are two main sec tors: the soc ial sector and die industrial sector. As we shall see later, the social sector is al ways present in any Community of Work. It is not necessarily so for the industrial sector. At Boimondau the economic expression of the- Community is a watch case factory; therefore, an industrial
sec U M has lo exist.

The pattern lor the industrial sector is as follows:

Menmaximum 10form technical teams.

Several teams form a section, a shop. Several sections form a service. Members of teams are responsible all togethei toward the sec
l i o n , se( (ions tow.ud the service.




N o t h i n g very unusual in this except one should In- aware of uhat is meant l>\ being lesponsihle at Bohtiotidatt It i^ IltM onls h o i n .1 h . l n i K . t l IHilM <>l view. 1011 al o h o i n ,i human point of view : At different levels the responsibilities arc human and not onlv technical, Thus the heads ol s r i \ n r s , h u u s o sections have l< < u a t e . w i t h til the professional a* 11\ Hie s, the mos! l.i\ oi;dle it mo sphere lor a production made to serve man and not to dominate him. T h e social det>artmetM dead w i t h all activities othei i I n n technical O I K S . The social department is not made up ol outsiders who devote their lives to that question, hut ol the memhers themselves ivlio form the d i l l rent MM ial trains and aire resi>on*ibh Ira them. As we have already seen, I*, 7, 8, M hours ol the w o r k i n g week aie devoted to the development of the whole man, and paid l i l e piolessionnl hour*, l o t r \ i i . i h o m s . a certain l i u m h e i ol pouils arc allotted. \ l l m<-IIIIM-IS. including WlVCS, aie ( s p e i l e d to < a11\ on i h e n s p i r i t u a l , intellectual, artist< ami physkal develop mem. In that icspeet reading the m o n t h I) review ol Boimondau, I < I inf. \% enlightening. Reports and commentaries on everyt h i n g : k x i t ball matches (( (impel it ion w i t h outside leanis) , photographic displays, \ isiis to an exhibits, cooking recipes, ecumenical gatherings, reviews o l musical perfortuatH es su< h as Loewengnth Quartet, appreciation ol films, lectures on M a r x i s m , basketball scores, discnssioti CHI conscientious objectors, accounts ol days at the farm, reports on what America has to leach, passages f r o m St. Thomas ol Vuuinas regarding money, reviews ol bonks such as Louis Bromfield's Pleasant Valley ami Sartre's Ditty Hands, eit. Sometimes the memhers also indulge in " t a k i n g each other foi a r i f l e " w i t h h u m o r but w i t h o u t malice. It is all lively, gay, strong. A resilient spirit ol good w i l l permeates it all. / c l.icf} is a candid pi< t m e ol people w h o have said MyesM to lile, and this with a maxi m u m ol consciousness. . - . I have talked about Boimondau w i t h people who said: " I t sounds too good 1 be true. Bui g r a n t i n g that it is Boimondau must have a long list ol people eager l o j o i n . H o w <h the) d o the hit in First. 11M \ do ii as in any othei factory in France: i n d i v i d u a l peisom IHCSeilt Iheinsc Ives. 01 some ol the members ol Koimonclau i-icsdii someone the\ k n o w . I 'he (amlidate is interviewed hv the ( hiel of C o m m u n i t y . II



lie is aheadv is possible in It* 1 Viewed as e l i . II he is

B i p i a l i h c d woi kei ;i pl,i< c is (ootid fot h i m so l.n IN keeping w i t h his t < h n u ;il capatities I !< is also ill 1 1 1 X 1 1 i' man: his u isons loi Applying it I'Mimoiidau. nol a qualified worker, he is put through standaid

tests, He then enters ;is a salaried worker hn a m i n i m u m ol tine* months Mi i d e s pat t in all S<MI;I! activities and he Studies the Rule. At tlie end il t h r r e months he mav ask lei l)C 'IVed as ;i po* l u l a m . II he is n o t aiccptc I. lie has Ul h a\e. I he l i \ i n i o u t \m 1 i<id is not lenewahle. If he is accepted, he starts his n o v i t i a t e , which lasts at least one y< ai . D u r i n g thai period he is mt i salaried worker. Me is renin neratcd according to his total h u m a n value, he ii present ai all activities, i n c l u d i n g the General Assembly, hut cannot vote. Ai the end >i the second period lo^ maiks are examined, his cattdidac) fc discussed in the <!eighl>oi (.roups, die General C o u n c i l questions hint mi the Rule and his understanding ol it. I i he is not accepted unanimously, anothei period ol t r a i n i n g i^ offered h i m . I his is extremely rare because usually one w h o ha made good hn at least fifteen months is ready to he received into the C o m m u n i t y . I he pledge >f the C o m p a n i o n upon his e n t e r i n g the C o m m u n i t y has already been sltidied here. Ever) three months the ( U n c i a l C o u n c i l examines evcryhod\ and decides whether lc is still worthy ol Ic.s siams as a Companion. Wives o f ( <mjaui ns < mi hecoinc O m i p a i l i o n s too by going through the ^.uwc three grades. W i t h i n the Companions themselves there are the Productive Companions and the Family Companions. Productive Cotupati i<n men and women aie dii(< lly engaged ill the economic expression <if the C o m m u n i t y . The Family Companions are wives, not w o r k i n g i n the industrial sector. Ml members, Productive and Family C o m p a n i o n s alike, vote in the General Assembly. Children, apprentices and postulants (an voice their opinions, but d(^ nol vote. In case ol sanctions, man and wil< face the C o u r t to geiher, the fault b e i n g always cotiskkrtcd the joint re&|>onsibility ol both. W e have now to examine h o m a business point of view the sys tem adopn d h\ loiin >tid.iu. an i u i mini



Definition of assets runs as follows: Resources of the Community are constituted by the linit of tlie sale of factory products, farm products, rendering of services to people or communities outside our own Com munity. artistic performances, etc. Business transactions are carried out according to the following

Capitalism as the theory of the reproduction of money is (lone away with. Members of the Community pledge themselves not to claim interest in any form whatsoever. Hoimondau makes it very clear that its objective is not the suppression of capitalism. Capitalism does disappear in the new set ting because it is simply dissolved. It is a result, not an end. Com numitiesol Work do not want to despoil owners. They reimhurse them gradually. Hut the reimbursed stockholders receive no divi (lends. "Money does not make monev" anv more: it is "dead

work" and "abusive appropriation of collective savings."


Social and Political




Philosophical Foundations ol the Idea of Self-management


Most economic, sociological, or politicatl texts on selfmanagement take lor granted certain basic theoretical assuinp tiotu about its meaning, its desirability, and its U anibility* I hcsc assumptions should be examined, clarified, and evaluated within the framework ol a critical locial philosophy which
differs Irmil pure, speculative philosophy iltsofitJ .> it concch-

trates on the field of concrete historical possibilities, and also differs from posiiivr. sj)(< ialized si iciu c insofai as it does not remain
v1f1 1 a n i n e description ol tllC oppoi limit ies actual!) satisfied ^

given hut also explores the hidden potential ol the historical situ ation. Critical social theory ol self-management tends, therefore,
to build up a synthesis of experience and wisdom, of theory and

practice, of explanation of the given present forms of social reality and insight into qualitative future social change* Such a theory explores the following three crucial oroblerns: 1. What is the meaning ol the concept of self-management in contrast to related ideas such as workers participation, workers' control, ditrc t democracy, decentralization? 2. What are the mote basic: philosophical principles which can jusiiiy the view that self-management is a dc&tiable form of socu' organization? .. Is the idea of setf-tnanagcmcnl rrrdu 1. i. modern dttstrial sex iety? Is it a mere Utopian dream Of arc there certain





specifiable historical conditions under which it could be practically implemented and give rise to a rational and clhcient social
S \ s l < 111?

I The term self'tnanmgcmtni is curreuth used in a very way. covering a number of different social structures which have tmi \r\ fully eliminated < > 1 < I aotlfturitai ian and literal (Ideal lelationsliips or which contain new autonomous, equitable ic lal tottshipS in an incomplete., not yel Full) developed form. \Varker < Q&ixpl is In all means an important, progressive objective in a (lass society. And yet it may only coon ibute to pre venting undesirable decisions; it is still Ear from determining a positive policy in enterprises and local communities. Winkers' participation is also a progressive demand that has been gaining mote and mote ground in the international labor movement. And >ct this is a broad, vague demand, and in vat ions forms ((Mild be a<<cpled by the rilling rlaSS without really allec I m g tlac general social framework < l a capitalist society, fin workers mighl be given the right to participate1 oid\ in decisionmaking on some matters of secondary importance; they might be in a minority in a given bod) til management; 1 1 1 < \ mighl be al
l o w e d o n l y a d \ ism y 01 o n suit at i v e Im H I i< u is anil n o t t h r 1 ighl t o

make decisions; finally, thev might he denied access Ul inloinii lion and lelt in the position of merely endorsing decisions that have been prepared by others and presented without any real alternat i\es I )i< lahnshi/t of the j>uuctinml, which ill M u \ \ lIlCOT) referred to a transition peiiod ol the ''withering awa\" ol the stale and ol increasing democratization, is nowadays associated with the e\is tence of a strong, centralized, authoritarian state which is actually
in 1 h e han<ls ill a p o l i i K a I b u i e a i i c lie y a n d w hi< h u s e s the p h r a s e s

> t workers? siaXt bi urder to conceal and mysthe poutet n\ Soviets < tify the really oppressive nature of social relationships. Participatory democracy refers to a social form in which the freedom of citizens is not reduced to an occasional election of representatives who rule "in the name of the people" but involves the light of direct participation in derision-making. This is surely mow than the classical liberal conception of democracy, which linns out to be rule by consent of a silent majority thai can IM* easit) manipulated It is also more than mew "participation" be
l o i s e it spi i Hies that what is in <|ii- Itiotl h e r e is nl a n y i n s i g u i h


'2 (.)

cant participation but p a r t i c i p a t i o n in government. I t is less than what the concept of self-management implies, however, because it is not clear, first, whether this i o n n of democracy embraces the economic Sphere ill a d d i t i o n to the |><>liti<.il one. and, second, whether the totality ol social power w i l l stay in the hands of the people Of whether a considerable part of it might remain a monopoly o| a center of alienated economic and political power. Finally, the idea ol self-management should not he confused w i t l i the idea of a mere decentralization. A n atomized, disintegrated society lacking the necessary coordination and conscious regulation w o u l d he at the mercy ol b l i n d , alienated soc ial lories. Self-management is smely not the absence ol any manaemeyu or conscious direction w i t h i n the society as a whole in all matters of common interest (such as general policy of economic development, communications and transportation, health service. Social security, education, macro projects of general social importance in science and c u l t u r e ) . S( M management cannot he reduced to dnrt I thnux ra<y. l i it is to he an integral I o n n of organization oi the whole society aud_ not otdy the organizational form of enterprises and local comm u n i t i e s (which w o u l d then rerptire the existence of the classical stale) , sell management involves not only an immediate c o m m i t - w c i i i at the level ol social i n i t i o Structure but also fir ligation ol soc ial power at the level of the macro structure. In (outvast t o the "people's rcpresentatiyes"| who constitute the apparatus of the classical democratic state, the delegates who constitute the selfinanngiug organs of the global society (the r e p u b l i c , the f e d c r i lion) arc not professional politicians; they must be elected on a r o t a t i n g basis and must not be granted any material privileges.

The idea of sell management rests on a moie general philosophical principlethat o l self-deteritiinalion. S W / d e t e r m i n a t i o n is a process i n w h i c h conscious practical act i v i t y of h u m a n i n d i v i d u a l s becomes one of the necessary a n d suflicicnt conditions of i n d i v i d u a l and group l i f e . I b i s is a process contrary j o external determination,^i.e., a proeess i n w h i c h the necessary and sufhc ient conditions of the l i i e of some h u m a n i n d i viduals are exclusively lac tors outside then control and independent ol theii consciousness and w i l l I n l>< sure, u II u\ terrain

tion U always conditioned by a given social situation, ihc level 61






technology. ilic given structure ol p t o d i t c l i o i t , the nature " I p o l i t ic al institutions, lite level 'l CUltUlC, |b i'\islm. ! '. 11 a* l i t lot I, and habits o l h u m a n behavior. However, it is essential [01 self-determ i n a t i o n : ^l) that all these external objective c o n d i t i o n s c o n s t i tute only the framework <l possibilities ol ;t certain course <>l events, <\\u\ that subjective choice and conscious h u m a n activity determine which ol these possibilities w i l l be realized; (2; that the subjective choice be autonomous, gentiuiel) bee, and not lieteronomous and compulsory. I'hts means that i h r subject by Ins own u e l i v i K . < oales a new i n i i d h i o n ol l licv pro< ess, instead o( meie-ly K | H M i m ^ l i m e and au-nn an ; u l u> w h u h he is r o n i |M II* il or lot which be is pn%ranuncd. I b i s act neeil not IH? ar
I i 11 :! \ anil ;.;ioitndlcss; it should be an art <l sell l e a l i / a j i j j i , ol lln a< l u . i h / a i ion n| basic h u m a n e a p a r i l i i s. ol ibe satisfaction !

genuine b u n i a n nerds. I his active i<l< in the course of events, ihis creation of new -omtiiimis instead di mechanical reproduction a w o r d i n g i n the
laws of ( h e system a m i i n h e i i l e d instincts, 111 is. extension of lite

hattiework ol possibilities instead ol permanently r e m a i n i n g w i t h i n that framework, is a specific power of men, characteristic ol every h u m a n i n d i v i d u a l , present al least in the f o r m o{ a latent

Undei certain social conditions, 111 is powei c m !>< HJjfiuUrjL It w i l l be concent rate*) in the hands o l a pi ivilegcd su lal group a m i become its monopoly. Alienation is a cooseutiencc o l : (I) the professional division o( l a b o r s ( 2 ) flie accumulation of the Surplus p i o d m t; (!) the o r a t i o n ol insi it nt ions whose l u m l i o n is 10 take care ol common social interests; (!) increasing nictitation between i n d i v i d u a l needs and tlie needs CM die whole society. Political and economic alienation involves a process ol social polarization w h i c h , <>n the one pole, transforms a conscious, |m i n i t i a l l y creative subject into an object, i n t o s incmbei ol a i e i
lied, oj)|ncsscd. and e x p l o i t e d mass, and, on the Uther |>ole. Iians-

[onus a n o r m a l , l i m i t e d , and h a ^ i l c J i u m a n gtbjecj into an aut h o r i t y , i n t o a mystified entity that has supernatural power a m i
c i n i t i o ! ovet h u m a n l i \ e s .

SIH li a c r i t i c a l analysis lends to tin* ones! ton ul what social condit M ns arc I K ' ess n v in 01 d< 1 tli a 1 I be life o l individuals and < 1 an nuinifies l>< less and less reified, less and less r n u t t n g e n l upon external a u t h o r i t v , and m o r e and more sell determined. I here are
loot sin h basil i i t u d h i ' i n s . 1 he iii.4 MIC ii 1 onciitiou is negative: c o o r d i n a t i o n and direc-



ttON of social piocesscs must n o longer be in the IKMHIS of .m\ i n s t i t u t i o n that enjoys a monopoly ol ecommtu and political power (such as capital, t h r state w i t h its coercive apparatus, and die party w i t h its bureaucracy, hierarchy ol power, and ideological m a n i p u l a t i o n ) . People themselves must decide o n all matters o f c o m m o n in (nest, ami tins is possible only if the scx.iety is organized as a federation o l councils composed of nonprofessional, notyflienated representatives of lh< people at all levels of social s t r n r r u r r : in the enterprises and focal c o m m u n i t i e s , i n the regious and whole branches ol activity, and, finally, in the so<i<i\ as a whole. 1 fie seci>nd c o n d i t i o n of self-determination is reliable k n o w l edge ol tin situation, o l iis M . I K ilies and l i m i t a t i o n s , of tfie exist m g l i c m U . ol the < out lit Is In he resolved, of (he alternative pt*SI bilitios ol f u r t h e r ileve b'pinent. I i r c d o m is iiu o m n i l ihh* with j o - , n o i a i u e oi biased pctccption ol lealitv. I fie i iglit to make dccisions w i t h o u t p i e \ i o n s access to i n f o r m a t i o n is i mere formality: self d r l r n n i n i l ion hccennesa facade behind which a real manipulation by others, b) political bureaucracy and technocracy, take s place. T h e r e f o r e , a genuine self-determination presupposes [he f o r m a t i o n of c i i t i c a l study gioups at afl levels o] sot [a] decision m a k i n g , f r o m ihe local c o m m u n i t y and enterprise i n tltc federa l i o n as a win h 1 lie t l i i i d c o n d i t i o n of self elciei m i n a t i o u is I! 1 * - existence o l a powct fnl. democratic p u b l i c o p i n i o n , 1 lie genuine genera] w i l l of the jieople can be Formed only through open c o m m u n i c a t i o n , free expo-SNioii ol critical opinions, and dialogue. It i > < U.u. till i i . that any monopoly over the m;iss media (eithci by b i g business, or the church, or the state, or the paily) must be dismantled. -Such a monopoly enables a r u l i n g elite to m a n i p u l a t e the rest of the popniaxjon. create artificial needs ,(> impose its ideology, and to constriK r "it^ieJfish particular interests as the general ones. I 'he n hK (he mass nucha niusl be free and genuinely socialized. I he f o u r t h c o n d i t i o n ol self-determination is the discovery ol the true %elf of the c o m m u n i t y , the development >! consciousness 'about real general needs ol the people. T h i s Condition is basic and most difficult to i' hieve. ( ) n l \ w i t h great effort and ill some crucial situations does an i n d i v i d u a l , nation oi class reach a l u l l sense ol self-identity. 1 Itcrcfore, most of what | isscs under the name of freedom in contemporary society is o n l ) an illusory free dotn: mere o p p o r t u n i t y ol rboice among altern;i tiscs. But alternatives arc often imposed, choice is a r b i t r a r y , and.




even when it has been guided l>y a consistent c r i t e r i o n ol evaluat i o n , this criterion is hardly ever authentic, based on a c r i t i c a l , etilightened examination ol one's real needs awl one** lout; range interests, I his c o n d i t i o n clearly presupposes a universal humanist point of view, and practically implies creation of a new socialist c u l t u r e and a Inimanist r e v o l u t i o n of a l l education. l e a d i n g the i n d i v i d u a l t o discover himself, his own specific |>owcrs and pot en tial capacities, teaching h i m how in develop them and use them as a socialized human being thai cares about the needs erf other individuals, would have to become the primary task of a new humanist education. T h e preceding analysis d e a r l y 4ntUeates~rhat tine transitaon From reiBcation and external d e t e r m i n a t i o n to freedom and self* d e t e r m i n a t i o n is a matter ol a whole epoch. Existing forms of lei (-management, seen in this broad historical perspective, are surely of great r e v o l u t i o n a i y importance, but tbey should be regarded as o n l y the i n i t i a l steps. W i t h general material and cultural development, many other steps w o u l d have to be made, many present l i m i t a t i o n s w o u l d have to be overcome. T h u s , the organs of the classical state (in the sense o i an insti u anient of class rule) w o u l d have t o f>e replaced by the organs o f self-management composed of the delegates of workers* collectives and t e r r i t o r i a l communities. P l a n n i n g of p r o d u c t i o n and social development w o u l d have to be a synthesis ol the decision m a k i n g in decentralized, autonomous units ol the social m i c r o structure and the democratic (enters ol the macro structure. T h e market economy, w i t h its p r o d u c t i o n for profit, w o u l d have to he gradual!) replaced by production for genuine human needs. W i t h further ie< Imological advance, p r o d u c t i v i t y of work w i l l q u i c k l y increase, while, at I he same time, present day hunger lor i n i i s i i n u r goods Will be leplared b\ e u t i i e l v d i l l e i e n t aspirations. The present -day ovei stressed concern about p r o d u c t i o n and management w i l l naturally tend to d i m i n i s h . Self-determination in various other aspe< is ol bee and creative praxis w i l l n a t u r a l l y gain in importance.

In the preceding analysis, it was assumed that a model of society based on self-determination (the SPgyaJ case of which in the CCOIIomk and political sphere is sell management) is superior to anv authoi itanaii (strongly or moderately) social model. 1 his is a < RaTlenge not only to totalitarianism (of the fascist, bureau cratici m technocrats v a r i e t y ) , w hose intellectual and moral pusi


lion is so weak that it must disguise ilsrll behind a ps< udorcvo lutionary, populist ideology, | M it also to lihet alisni, which reduces human einam ipation to political liheralion only, and even in that narrow sphere reduces human freedom to a set of liberties and right! of the individual citizen confronted with the permanently indispensable slate. The state remains always an inevitable external authority. As it is out of the question that human iudi viduals and various social groups could lrccl\ organize themselves

and freely coordinate the efforts that are necessary in order to

take (are of general social intciests, they will, time and again, have to consent to the rule of a privileged, powerful minority. On the other hand, labor remains always the essential part ol a " h e a l t h s " human life, no matter how much the productivity of work increases. If law and order within a stable stale and maximi zation of material production remain the basic pillars of the -human--snerery, then an alternative to the earlier described social form based on self-management would be a computerized con sumer'l society in which an increase of comfort and entertainincut would remain the essential aspiration of the greatest part of h u m a n k i n d . T h i s liberalise model of society has a well-known philosophical, ideological, and religious background. T o i l is an inescapable part of the human predicament. It is both a healthy outlet lor h u m a n energy and a means to c o n q u e r natuie. The coercive* function ol ihe state is necessary in order to curb the evil, aggressive, selhsh chives in human nature and to provide peace and security* What. then, is the philosophical background of the model of SC'H ialist self -management? T h e basic philosophical ideas, developed by Karl Marx and some of his followers, are the following: 1. Man is essentially a being of Iree. creative activity, ol praxis. 2. U n d e r the conditions ol class society, human potential is wasted; man is alienated. .- 3. C o m m o d i t y -frnxhirtlon aTuT^political life controlled and dominated by the stale are two essential lorins of alienation (alienated labor and alienated poll lies') . 4. Ruling classes have a vested interest in the preservation of alienation; therefore, h u m a n emancipation and lull realization of the human potential can be achieved only through a revolution ary transformation of the whole economic and political s t m r t n u and the introduction of self-management.

" I 1



I Ins entire analysis K'sis on 4 concept ol h u m a n nature (hat holds thai beneath a vast variet) of manifested, observable tea t t t m ol h u m a n behavior in histoty is revealed a pet manenl j)o tcniial capacity ol man lo aefcin an imaginative, creative ttay. io poultice CVet new objects and lomis ol social life, in( o n l \ u change in such a way his surrotnidings hill io evolve himsr II Man is often inert and passive; he occasional!) manifests a strong irrational d r i v e td destroy; and, in general, he has many conflicting latent disjwvsitious (to be inde|H*ndenl and free bit! nlso to cst ape t r s | ) ( i i i s i h i l n \ ; to heloim to a social c o m m u n i t y hni also Mi puisne selhsh private goals; lo live in peat e and security b i l l also lo rompete and he aggressive, ( tc.) I bese latent dispositions aie empirically testable in ihe sense that they can he brought to life and observed when appropriate c o n d i t i o n * are created. Some ol M great ac hit veinr uls ol human history them tie \t-sponsible M and an \vnih\ l Itctttg u i u l n i i o l ; some ol them luxe led In great disasters 01 long |>eriods ol ticcay and stagnation and should l>r modified ami overcome. I he capacity lor fnuxis is taken to he the essential tliaractcris tic ol men precisely because ii was and n-mains the neegssan and M i l h i n n t c o n d i t i o n ol human histcny. In all teal historical m o m i n t s , moment* 'l novelty, individuals and whole large collec lives acted in a Specific i l l I y h u m a n \ \ ; n win* h is distinguished from the heha\ Jul ol animals in I he lollow itlg iesp< t is: _ Spi i IIK a l l \ h u m a n aclivhv, praxis, i u v o l w s ;i ciiiisciiHis. p u i jo.s< fill change nl objects. I his change is not i c i w l i t i o u s , it in i r o d m e s a novelty. Man rebelsagainst any h a m ol l i m i t a t i o n , be il horn the outer w o r l d 01 h o m w i t h i n himself. Novelty is eSSCII t tally the o v e r c o m i n g ol the l i m i t a t i o n . 2. Praxis is the object ificat ion ol all the wealth of the bust h u m a n potential capacities and pov.eis. Ii is an activity which is a goal in itself and Iree in the positive sense ol a genuine self-realization. T h e r e f o r e , it is p r o f o u n d l y pleasurable for its o w n saL< no mallei how n i n t h cHoit and energy it might lcciuirc. H. W h i l e it involves self-affirmation, praxis also mediates between one i n d i v i d u a l and another ami establishes a fecial relation h ' t w H - n ' h e y i . In the process of praxis, an i n d i v i d u a l is b i n n e d i ately aware that t h r o u g h Ins activity and his product he latisik i the needs ol oilier i n d i v i d u a l s , e m i r h e s their l i f e , indirectly becomes pait of lliem. Thus, t h r o u g h praxis an i n d i v i d u a l becomes a social heitig.


i I-

'V' r >

1 . J iuallv. praxis is universal m the sense i l u t by c f>nsl;mf l e a r n i n g m a n is able to incorporate in Ins activity the modes ol action and p i o d u c t i o n of all other l i v i n g beings and all other nations a n d ^ r v i l i z a i i o t i s .
these potential characteristics of a specilicallv human, free,

and creative activity vetv rareh conic to expression undei the c o n d i t i o n s ol m o d e r n industrial p r o d u c t i o n and modern political life. I he work of die vast m a j o r i t y ol human beings, dne to a l e r i e l (if historical conditions, dues not have a specifically human char aciei and may be dcsciihed as a hemendnus uaslc ol hnman po t e n t i a l , as mlienated labo). W h e n the necessity for an increase in the productivity ol lahoi i c s u l u iii the division ol labor, in the p a i t u i m i ol Mjctety into professional grottiM, in the polarization of physical and i n t e l t a
m . i l w m k e i s a n d o f m a n a g e r s a n d e m p l o y e r s , i l l I In- rt 111111 > I n i j .

and a t o m i z i n g ol tin* e n i n e w o r k i n g process i n t o individual phases, and, finally, i n the creation of operations around which the whole life of i n d i v i d u a l s or groups ol workers may sometimes he fixed, the entire structure of hlttnan w o r t disintegrates and an
acute gap between its i otisi it u n i t elements appeals; | | H n o Unigei has i! I his is a c ounce t ion w i t h the ohjec l he produced. two-sided like c\ieiitalt7ati<>u an independent (?'.nliius\<'iimp) power which . for the ''I'' it 1 1 1 r> 111 < I Hill Ollly escapes fit HII Hie Control III it* ITCatlM also begins i n :ni m a k e i as a n object, as a t h i n g to l>e used. 1 italisl) product d e t e r m i n e d ptoducct a n d the producer loses all

treats its (die cap (the

This plmiumenon is

possible because h e h i n d the object theie is another m a n l a b o r force) .

w h o uses it t o trail s f o i m the p i o d u c e i i n t o a t h i n g

I he h u m a n q u a l i t i e s ol the labor force are com-

pletely irrelevant except for one: this is a special k i n d ol c om-

itiodity which can produce other commodities, and which needs

l o r its u p k e e p and r e p r o d u c t i o n a smaller a m o u n t ol objectified woik (in the form ol wages) than the a m o u n t of object iliect w o i k w h i c h it creates. This t w o sided r\ (the value ol the p r o d u c t )

t e i n a l i z a t i o n , which i n essence is not a r e l a t i o n ol a m a n to the

1. " D i e RitUhtsscTttng elei A i h c i i o s in sciiwiii Prorlukt h i t die Bcdentung n i d l l ur class H*inr A l b e i t 7ii cincni GcyOTtawd^ / u seiiwr ini^sc u n i . KMMlern flass sir amscr i l i n imaMiaiigig. find \<n i l u n ralrtcffl n u l d u e srlbfct^lsimKge M a t h t ilnu i v i i i i . ! K M ! M I I S :II<! I l i o l i it'll Ktftgrit, If'uhn i r h kl itt\< he

1*. >i i \| n . I , . 1 1 ' nti I ' ' 'j , Vet





natural object, but rather a specific r c l a l i o n s h i p ol a man toward the o i l i n man. is alienation.^*"" Mai \ d i d not discover the idea of alienated labor; it can be [omul in Hegel** early works. However, M a r x reuiiened a pioblem which Hegel had Rctively solved and dosed, l i e gave it a real historical perspective w i t h i n the Framework of a general humanistic philosophical vision. W h i l e w o r k i n g on (Irimthissc dcr kritik der politischen Oekonontie, and in his first draft of Capital. Marx rarely used the t e r m alienation itself, h i t the conceptual structure expressed therein was the basis for Marx's e n t i r e critique o l political economy, Marx** critical position in Capital can o n l y be understood i n the l i g l i l ol his hypothesis ol true human c o m m u n i t y and true production where each man both " n l l i i m s himself and the other
man. I hi , n i . i l \ s i s o l l a b o r i n Capital is t h e S t a l l i n g p o i n t l o r t h e ex p l . i M . n i o n a n d c r i t i c i>m o l c a p i t a l i s t soc iety, a n d ol any u t i l e ! soci-

( i \ which is based on c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n , I IK- character ol labor is contradictory. What Marx in his earlier works called "alienated labor" is now placed under die t e r m "abstract l a b o i . " Only abstract laboi creates exchange value ami only it has a so ( i ally acknowledged importance. I lowevcr. m a n s labor is bete to tall) ( t i p p l e d , deprived of everything personal, bee. creative, spontaneous, or human, and reduced to being a simple supplement to machines. T h e only socially acknowledged rlnoac.trrisljj ol that labor w i l l be I K n u a n t t t y , and this w i l l be judged on the market ;ind w i l l i e( eive its abstract objective formmoney. The fetishism ol commodities, the mysticism of the men handise w o r l d are the concepts by which, w i t h i n the sphere ol economics, Marx expresses the same structure ol productive relations w h i c h he termed in his earlier works "alienated labor/ 1 Again the point is, .is Marx sa\s in Capital, thai " t h e i r [the c o m m o d i t y producers*], own historical movement takes the f o r m ol the movement of things under whose control they happen to be placed, instead ol having control over thein." : { T h e conclusion which M a r x draws from his analyses ol the p r o d u c t i o n ol relative smplus value re2, " D U M I I rtir wechnclseiUge EntSuacrtmg o d d HlHlCrcimluttf; d a Pi iv;it<ii*inouns, INI a;i> l*i i\;tfri<;<-iiliiiu M-IIK! in jlu- Bctf HWtttHtf( d a RtltSllMCrtlltg 1 * 1 iv;tl( i^ iilums ,..,,.i.n M m ami I-11</ Iv, fihi0risrh'kriti$rhi V*es*mt<rHSitbe, v,l :i. p, r i'H. % K;iil Mam, /Ms Kof'ilitl. in K;nl M . n \ iil I-10 1 1 i l> Eltgrfft, Wtrkt f ll< 11111.



produoet, in c o n d e m n form, all ol the elements ( his criticism of alienated labor in early writings,
" W i t h i n the capitalist system, all methods lor increasing sot m l

PMMIIK-tivc forces are carried out at the ex|eitM of the individual

worker; all means lor developing p r o d u c t i o n degenerate into means for the e x p l o i t a t i o n of and rule over the producer. They make of the worker a c r i p p l e , a semi -man; they reduce h i m to

the common equipment ol < * machine, destroy the hist remains of

appeal in his work, t r a n s f o r m i n g it i n t o a real torture* They alien ale h o r n the worker the intellectual possibilities of the pro cess ol labor to tin degree to which science is included as ;in independent Force. T h e y d e f o r m the conditions under which heworks, subject h i m in the |*OCess of labor to a disgusting and pezdantie despotism, transform his entire life i n t o w o r k i n g hours, and t h r o w his w i l e and his c h i l d under the juggernaut's wheel oi capital."' 7-^,

In his Economic and Philosophical Mmnuscripli,* Marx disttn^guished four types of alienation ol the worker:
1) alienation f r o m the product ol labor, w h i c h becomes an indc-pendent b l i n d power; 2) alienation f r o m the p r o d u c t i o n itself, which becomes com pTihTivc and r o u t i n e and loses any Hails of creativity ( w h i c h ,

among other things, implies production according to the laws ol beauty) ;

l\) a l i e n a t i o n f r o m the h u m a n generic being, !<> w h o m con scions, free, and productive labor is characteristic; 4) alienation f r o m the other m a n . because satisfaction ol another's needs, s u p p l e m e n t i n g another's being, tease to be the prime motive of p r o d u c t i o n . A l l of these aspects of a l i e n a t i o n can be f o u n d in Capital T h r fetish charat tcr of commodities lies precisely in the lac t that " t h e social characteristics of their o w n work sevm to people to be characteristics w h i c h objectively b e l o n g to the products of labor themselves, to be properties w h i c h those things have by nature. " Hence, "social relationships among people assume for t h e m a phantasmagurical f o r m of the relationships among things."

11M.I.. p. (7t.

>. K;nl


/,<> <<,nur






Ilo i i i m .


Concept ,,f Mm

(New Nik. IWt), pp. W IWi tfco l WrMnp

(NCM \

f the


Mmx. L K:IMOII and k Gucktat, M|S. and fratti



This reiftcatjon of h u m a n relations spiiu^s from specific chat ;u teuM i( s ol laboi which piodue^s commodities. I.ahor can ta!.< >njjje charactci of a c o m m o d i t ) only " w h e u t v a i ions specific cases. of work arc reduced to a c o m m o n character which they all have as the r \ j i c n ' l i i m c of Working capat ily, as h u m a n la)>< ,i in tin* ah stiael." I 1 1 is abstract la hoi < < as< s | IK* a in ed ami i i i l l d l n u a i l ! the luunaii bcitlg ami IH'HUIICS I I M n i n e iu-< i svu \ mraiis ol 11s subsistence. " T h e accumulation ol wealth al one end is at the same l i m e the accumulation of poverty, hard labor, slavery, igtfon u n c , f n o w i n n tiestialilv. and moral decline -< 'In other, that is,
o|| t l l f pal I o l I l i r | | | u

w l i u 11 l| l||s |f H i l l

l i s o \ \ | |l o d u i I i n 1 ll

s|a| >e <| < a p i l a l .

I he alienation ol the producei from the cither man sinus h u m the simple fact thai the purpose o l the work is n o longer the satis Faction ol another's needs h m rather tlte possibility of transform-, iltg lahoi i n t o money the " a n e i a l and iinptiua^^HWrriiTrTiTobjrt tilled l a l n n . I he diasii( Forms'of alienation among people arise as a ioiiMpiene ol the c o m p e t i t i o n , e x p l o i t a t i o n , and despotism to which the w o i k e r is s u b m i t t e d . In older to increase p r o d u c t i o n and at die same time to prevent a decline in ilte p i o l u rate, h be conies necessary i n smteeze otil from the workei an increasing!) large amount of u n p a i d work. 7 Hence, the necessity foi die most efficient m a n i p u l a t i o n o l workers possible and the need for an increase in the degrei ol the exploit at ton " | labor. C r i t i c i s m ol alienated labor, therefore, is present both in ( ftj>ital and in all earlier works. One who loses sight ol ihis criticism also loses the possibility ol understanding the deepest meaning oi Marx's message and opens himself up to the dattg< nus illusion that many h t s i o i h a l ptoblenis have been ahead) resolved when all that has been tealized are some preconditions a n d all thai has Iicen ac hieved are some first steps toward their r c s o h o i o i i . M a r x carefully explained in his earlier writings thai private profxfrty L\ not the cause hut the consequence <>\ alienated fafror, just as god* are o r i g i n a l l y the cmsrtjtiettir. nu the i ause, ol t e l i {*Htts alienation f h i N later does conditio* l i i ig h< mn- rccipft < aI In the society which Mats; calls " p r i m i t i v e , " "nonrrllective i o i n uunism, "man's peisonalii\ is negated in ever, sphere"; the ent i r e world ol culture and civilization is negated and regresses to a Marx, ftu Kmpitml, Vol. 1. Chp. 8t$. p- 675.
7. Ihirl . Vol 3. C h i p 11 sv, 1.



ward the unnatural simplicity ol ihe poor and waittlss indivtd ual, who has not >nI\ uoi snrpissed private imtperty, but h;s mil yet even attained h.h In this kind -I sm iety, Marx wiya, "iIn rotn
mniiity is only a coTmimnily ol nf>iA" and ol o/m;///y of wagj's paid with c o m m u n a l capital by ihe c o n m n m i l \ as universal < .loMahsi '' I is uliv \ l a i \ hit thai the hasi question w.ts that ol I hi nature of labor lather tin- q u e s t i o n ol private property. "In

speaking ol private property, one believes oneself t<> be dealing with Mum 'thing FNtrwal u> mankind, ftwi in i)M*aking < > l labtfl
one drals ililCClh ViMi mankind Use IT. t h i s new I m m o l a t i o n ol

the problem alreacl) contains n> solution."1* T h e solution, therefore, is to abolish those relations into which the worker (onus during the process ol his labor, to abolish the
si ina lion in u h u h IK- IK< on US only o n e ol the < QUI mod hies in the l n h r d wen Id ol i oimnodit ics, T h e essence o f e x p l o i t a t i o n lies in the facl thai an miiiilalcd. objectified labor that is, capital rules over live work and a p p i o p i i a t e s the value it creates, which is greater than the value ol the labor l o n e itsell. Marx expressed

this major thesis ol his in Capitmt, m ihe Following concise man tier: " I lie rule of capital over tlie worker IS meicly the rule < > l things over man, ol dead over live labor.'*11
T h e specific historical form w h i c h enabled the appropriation I>f objectified labor in Maijj j i n n e ^vaA,xh< disposal ol capital on the basi^^f f^avrttc o w n e i s h i p ol the means ol p i o d u c t i o n . I his spe< ilie feat m e clouded ovri the ;;cneiality ol it*; content, and it is HO woiuler thai to mans M a i x M s it seemed, and still seems. t h ~ ihe possibilily that e x p l o i t a t i o n may exist in a society in whirji p i i v a l e enterpiises have been nationalized is a < oniuuiu lit) in a<L^

iVrclo. Nevertheless, it is obvious that private ownetship of the means ol production' Is not ihe only social institution which allows for ihe disposal ol objectified labor, lorsl. in a market economy dining the transitional period, this institution can be the
monopolistic position ol individual collectives which enables

llietn to sell their commodities above their value Such collectives.

8. Mam, Economic mul Philosophies! ktenmcriptSj in Frooua, htmrx'i tUmctpi of M<m, p. 108. M. i!>i.i.. p m, 10. ibid., p. 128. M M - ; |,






iii fact, appear on the market as collective capitalists and codec tive exploiters; (Needless to say, within the process ol internal distribution, it is assured that this appropriated surplus of value will never reach the poekets of the producer! themselves, hut ratliei will find iti <y into the bureaucratic and technocratic: elements < l the enterprise.) Second, it can he a mouopoly over dec ision-making in a statist system. T o the degree to which a huleaurrac y exists and takes control of the disposal of objectified labor iulo its own hands, rewarding itself with various privileges,
then is no douht lhal this is only another h u m ol appiopriat ing the- smphis value treated l i j the w o r k i n g class. The only way definitely to abolish e x p l o i t a t i o n ^ to create the conditions which w i l l pi event object ihe<l labor Ironi r u l i n g over

live labor, in which, above all, the righi to dispose of Inboi will he given h* the producers themsehfes.


Aliriialion 1 1 1 the held ol material pmcluclion entails a r o n e

KpOtldillg h u m o( alienation in the1 held ol public, social life, the st;itc, and politics: politics is separated from economics, and sue i ^elv is divided into two opposite spheres. ( t )neTs civil .wwiWv. with
all t h e e g o i s m ol l i t e ( n i i n i l r nvvnci ol < i HIIIIK M I i I i t s . w u h .ill Us

I envy, giccel for private possession, and indifference toward ibe true needs of others. T h e other sphere is thai of the ppliticMl society of the abstract citizen, which in an illusory way |>ersonilies within it sell the general interest ol the community* kani and Hegel outlined two b;isie but contrary concepts of the slate and law. Kant's liberal concept stalls from the real, empjrically given society, characterized f>y""thc market and the mutual Competition among egotistic individuals, and attempts to ie< onctle the general inteiest and freedom ol the individual in a negative manner, by demanding restriction of the self-initiative and arbitrariness of the individual. Hegel correctly perceived that simple common coexistence and mutual restriction ol sclhsh individuals docs not constitute a true h u m a n community. He thereIon- hied to transcend this negative relationship of one individual with the next, seen as bis limit, by the assumption of a ra tional citizen and a rational community in which the individual relates positive ly to the social whole and, through it, to the other IIHIIMCIIUI. However, I lege! himsell remained within the Frame



work ol the l i m i t e d horizon of bourgeois society, conceiving rat i o n a l i t y as an abstract identification of the subjective spirit of the i n d i v i d u a l w i t h the objective s p i r i t ol the stale. The state as the personification ol ideal human c o m m u n i t y is a pure ahatrat lion which lie lively transcends the existing empirical real i t ) <l bourgeois locicty. In his criticism of HeggTl philosophy of law, Marx properly observed that: (a) such a reduction of a concrete possible human c o m m u n i t y to an abstraction of the state (the moment of the <b jeclive s p i r i t ) , along w i l h lechiciion o| a c o n n e t c . h i s t o r i c a l ^ given i n d i v i d u a l to an abstraction ol the c i l i / c n , lakes the l o r m ol alienation, and (b) this alienation in thought is the result of alienation in reality itsell. T h e p i c t u r e ol the modern state imagined by the Germans was possible only because the state abstract* itself From true people and f u l f i l l * (he total man in only ;m

imaginary way.1*
C o n t r a r y to c i v i l society, in which there is helium omnium contr* tonnes and in which only intersecting and m u t u a l l y contradictory separate interests come to expression, in (he political state (he state in -general appears as a necessary supplement, and The slate, in Hegel's conception it "exists an siih and f u r tick/' then, is an alienated universal and necessarily entails the formal 4 I.M y all< nipls to al ism ol lh< stale, namely, buieaoc a ac y. Unreal 1 In m general iiileicsl as something special, hesitic an<t atmce all Other private and sjxiial interests.** In that way it pn scnts itsell as an alienated social power w h i c h treats the w o r k ! as a mere <>b jec i of its activity.'* On the other hand, the state and bureaucracy are necessary supplements to the c r u m b l i n g w o r l d ol the owners of commodities, who all follow o n l y their special and private goals; the state also supports a special interest but creates the i l l u sion of its generality. "General interest can be m a i n t a i n e d in the lace of special interest only as something 'particular* inasmuch as the p a r t i c u l a r in the face of the general is m a i n t a i n e d as somet h i n g general." l r ' Needless to say. this dualism between the bureaucrat i/ccl state and special private interests was impossible to resolve by i d e n t i t y
12 K;nl Mara, "Kiilik <lrr Hcgehcbctl RcdiCsphilosopliic." in M;ux ;in<l Eltgrfft,

WeHte, Vol. l. p, "HI ft. 13. Ibid., p. 9 1 i( ibid . p. gfto. IS IbkJ.. | '^MK.






illg these e m i i i a t l i e l i o n s in a n imaginary

way. w i l h i n the


work ul abstrai I thought.

I In a h o l i t i o n ol lmiean< lacy," sass M a r x , "is possible only interest.'' , , : A n d thai is m i ) ) possible when w h e n m a n teases to sepaiate his wlicii i neral interest la t oincs r e a l i t y . " anil w h e n "special interest really becomes general m a n in a h u m a n forces Inofnes Marx the i n d i v i d u a l man begins to I i\e.~ \\\ >i k. and u Lite to his fellow way. " O n l y as .i serial powci Iroin hinisell in t h e l o r m of politithis c o n c e p t i o n more dearly iii Grundrixse.

eal power, o n l y t h e n w i l l h u m a n e m a n c i p a t i o n l>e a c h i e v e d . " 1 7 explained

Here lie comparts political with religious alienation; in both cases, man projects hi* general human generic characteristics and
needs e i t h e i o n t o an < oil o| this woi hi nnl\ being o r onto the stale. l>olh ,ne a net |-ssat J siippleinent to the i n c o m p l e t e social realily aild can w i l h c i a u a \ w h e n m a n liberates h u n s r i l ft m i l till that a l l the hasic rights g u a r a n t e e d hy t< dispose ul his comid i o n <l tying his e n t i l e life to o n e i a Hint*, ol to wage l.ihor. M a r x shows in ('fiftital I \< < iUtm the stale to its citizens have a l o i m a l a n d a l i e n a t e d characJei. is essentially the c i t i z e n s l i g h t m o d i t y . Eaiudjh is H I ealit\ ineiely t h e a p p l i c a t i o n til the pi hit i-

ple <| equality to the exchange of commodity.1* Everyone looks

out for himself a n d Hot hn the other. G e n e r a l good can o n l y he leali/t d "behind shoe the hat k of the i n d i v i d u a l " Maix. h\ I he " i n v i s i b l e h a n d . " as A d a m S'nnih says. I'oi (he oanstion is \mv. to

for the general goals o| the < o i n n m n i t y consciously and "1'ieedt.m M I I I M S I S in Irans inli i an

freelv. in the most r a t i o n a l a n d most h u m a n wav possible. Fflf that, the stale is n o longer necessary f o r m i n g i h< slate I r o m an mgnti which d o m i n a t e s M M i d )

organ w i d t h is c o m p l e t e ! ) subordinate t o it, a n d even at the present, the (onus til the state a r e more or less hee to t h e degree that thev l i m i t the f r e e d o m of the stale.'* 1 " I n his early w o r k The Poverty will u p l a t e tin of Philosophy, M a r x offered the

theory that "in the process ol it; development the working class
o l d civil so<icty w i t h a n association w h i c h ex T h e n there will n o longer ( h i d e s classes a n d t h e i r contradictions. M5, l.i.! . |>. 25U
17 r n l M u x , " / m ' /i'i;...' i~ I'i |urtf-ttfr9J*l . in M ; n \ :IIII1 1 i i f / K ffhtmfoh krilhrhe tle%*9* \ 1 * 1 1 t i l l 1 , J- V' p o p u b i ' d i i i ' H i (i'..liu. 1947), Vet. I. p. 1 H l.

K . , 1 \t n x. this h'ojtihil, | ||| M . M \

" k i i h k ( l i s l . - ' i l n r i I ' K . M I .minis." in M ;n \ m<t KttgjH . II t-'ht . V o l . I'I.



lie political rule in the t r a d i t i o n a l sense, because political m l c is precisely the official expression for the class contKHjl&Hons HI Civil society.' J" I n The Communist'x

says that achiev-

ing democracy is the firttjfctfrifi the workers r e v o l u t i o n . 1 he to ^ s;.ii. v,;iM)e^j4^HTTn^riuo!e than " t h e proletariat organized as llic_i_ui+rrg class. "J1 M a i \ s (in < pi ion ol the- late <! <I slate chu Trig tin r e v o l u t i o n IS p a r t i c u l a r l y cleai i n his analysis ol the expe l i c n r c s ol the Paris C o m m u n e , l i e talks t h r o u g h o u t of " d c s i i . . \ ittg state rule-,' ol "smashing ' . > ! its being M i p ( llluous." W i l l i

enthusiasm ht accepts tw.. M infallible means,M as I ngels calls them, for preventing bmeaiu iaiiMn. First, "the Commune ap pnmted hn its officials persons elected hy the general voir, pel sons who ;ue directly responsible ami u anv time replaceable by their electors"' V i otttt, "publk >>ii,(r, whether it cooa m i high in low positions, had to be performed for worker's wages,***1 For th<Inst time m history, il o n l ) for a sluoi p e r i o d , the state was re IS f t the road to o v e r c o m i n g placed hy sell -management. I n his "Paris M a u u s M ipis" o! alienated labor was not \ e t clear to M a i \ . l i e m a k e * uilly a lough draft here o f t h e general vision ol a society In w h i c h all indivtdit als d e v e l o p freely a n d realize themselves as c o m p l e t e personalities. Social relationships are n o longer tliose <>l envy, c o m p e t i t i o n , ahnse, or m u t u a l indifference, hui r a t h e r relations in w h i c h die in liv klttat, while f u l f i l l i n g the needs ol the ne> i m, and fulfill ini; and e m i d l i n g his hi in;;, d n r c l l y e x p e i i . m i s his own alln illa^ tion and self-realization as a m a n . M a m gives a c o m i c te historical d i m e n s i o n Hi this general \i

sion ol transrettdtng ali< n a t e d labm; in his c,iitwhis\i\

I t was csi

lirely clear to M . u x that n e w , more h u m a n e relations of production w i l l occur o n l y in an advanced society, in the p r o d u c t i o n relations




M ientilic governed

and by

technological people hut


already heroine universal, no m a t t e r how r e i l i e d . ( h i l y when is n o long* j d ' n e i i | \ hy abstract to social laws, w i l l the
ol Philosophy,


lorccsTTy t e i l u d

possihility he created

. Kill M m x . The Poverty

in Marx ftltcl Eitgefe, HhiorUeh


Ge*mi*u*%mbe% Vol. '. ;>. IS? '21. k i l l M u x und rJiltitli IMIJV H, The Communis Kuprh iit.ui, i. K. < i i * i. i -i i . 'MHI , 1972) . p Monifesto in The Man

a KTII Mirx, "Addms to 'In- Oewew! Council ri tl International Workm' i IMMI, (;,)in< rifting :'" i Svil v . i In I i In W ' 17.




hrinir these rcilicd conditions of exigence under < social contiol. In Capital, Marx's solution for the problem of alienation of labor is quite dearly outlined, for example, in the discussion on lhe fetishism of commodities. "The iorm of the process of social life, i c . ol the process of material production, will east oil from itself the mystical foggy VCtl cyply u j i e n t h e product ol heely asso I iated people is under their eonseiou^rpFaTmeTtTTyrr^^ requires such a material basis and such a set ol material conditions which in themselves are the wild product of a long and painful history ol development. ' m One should particularly underline that famous passage in the third volume of Capitol where Marx says: Freedom in the field of material production cannot consist of anything else but the fact that socialized men, associated producers, regulate their interchange with nature rationally, bring it under theii common control, instead of being ruled by it ;is by some blind powei; th;it the) accomplish their task with the least expenditure ol energy ami undei conditions most adequate to their human nature and most worthy ol it* All b.isi( elements of self management are already given H o e : I I he regulation of the process ol labor should be left in the bauds ol the workeis themselves; it rannot remain the monopoly < > l any special profession of managers who concern themselves with that only and who, as the only historical subjects, will ma nipulale all other people like objects, ~ " 2. 1'ioduccrs must be associated, ami that association must be

Free. Self-management is not, therefore, i synonym lor the atomization and disintegration of society, as some of its opponents
like to represent it and as it may appear in practice when mistak enly understood. Self-management assumes integration, and this integration must be free and voluntary. Tg. 1 he control of production carried out by the associated piodnccis must be conscious and planned; the exchange with nature must be regulated tn a rational manner and not abandoned to the rule ol blind powers. Self-management, therefore, assumes constant direction, the elimination ol uncontrolled economic
I ii v this Knpitml, V-.I. I. Cfeap s,, t

I Mini . Vol :\. Cl*p m, fee. S,



> f culture and science*, forces. presupposes the development < and a dear understanding of the goals of development _4. ll)is communal control and direction of material produc tion should engage as little human energy as possible, for manag ing thingsand above all people-cannot he a goal in itself, bill only a means for securing tmly free, creative, ami spontaneous ac tivily. r>. Khe kind of self-management which Marx had in mind is possible only with a relatively high degree of social development. According to him, it requires the kind of material basis which is the result of the "long and painful history of development." However, if something is ever to achieve a developed form, it must start to develop in time. That is why Marx investigated s < seriously and with such interest the experience of the Paris Com niune and derived conclusions from it for the practice of the workers' movement. That is why history will certainly justify the efforts in Yugoslavia to begin with the introduction o( the initial 'forms of self -management, even if in unripe conditions. b. Still, in observing the conditions under which the exchange with nature is to take place, Marx does not consider the greatest success and efficiency, the greatest increase in jKnver over nature, the greatest material wealth, as the most important things. For him, it is of greatest importance to carry out this process nuclei those conditions which are the most adequate and the most worthy of the human nature o\ I he worker. M a n concludes the third volume of Capital with the same hu niiinisi ideas which lie expounded in his early writings, espec iall\

Economic aud Philosophical Manuscripts.

T h u s , sell management is far nunc tltail one among several al tentative p r i n c i p l e ! ol economic organization ancl economic deci sion m a k i n g . It is a necessary c o n d i t i o n of a new, genuinely socialist society; it is the f o r m of socialist democracy and radical h u m a n etnancipa tion.

S What most critics of self-management try to challenge is not so ^ much its desirability as its feasibility. The most customary objection against self-niauagementlis that such | system is incompatible with the demands < > l technological

efficiency <uu\ rationality in a complex modem industrial society

The argument is: self-management is a noble humanitarian




idea, but ii <annot be brought t< life because workers and o n l i itaiy e i i i / e n s a t e not educated enough t o " i n a i i i n d n u economy .it H I a Ml' MI'-I 1 1 stair. I'mlevsioual c \ | >ci Is a i r l i m i t d lo do I In j .!>. In m o d e m so< lely, it is m m b IHOtC u n p o i i a n t thai decisions br taken b\ the persons who arc a p p i o p i lalrly e q u i p p e d lot l u u e l i o n l>\ necessary technical and oilier knowledge and si ill than by persons w h o arc just elected in the I t o u thai l i n y \sill best exptess tin- nerds <>l die people. ( NtsetltH nl |y, sell manage mein is either a Utopian s < heme 01 it must be reduced lo a l a l h e i l i m i t e d pat tic ip aiioti ol w o i k e t s in the decision -making |>HKCSS T h e r e are two u a \ s in which I humanist philosopher might t liallenge the very idea ol elhc ieney. First, he might argue that, l>cy*md ;i certain high level ol tech Itologicat, economic, and c i i l l m a l d( \ < l |tlH n l . i lih n n< \ will begin l o lose ns importance. Altei a l l , elite ienc y in its ptesent clay meaning is a b i l i t y t o preH!nee a desired result, t o p c r f o n n well JL certain derned role i n the SCK ial division ol labor, h i a h i g h ! ) developed I n l i n e lociety, automata w i l l increasingly replace man ill routine physical and intellectual operations. As " p r o d u i l i o n ol specified, desired icsults" and "performance, ol well ill "fitted roles" are typical r o u t i n e activities, it w o u l d iollow lhai man w i l l h i computers be efficient instead of himself, and he w i l l engage more and more in the p r o d u c t i o n ol u n i q u e , beautiful objects, and in p l a y i i i " new. sm|>ii>iii- lolcs tn>i defined in advance. In other woicb. be w i l l enua^e in praxis, and in praxis ihe ciuestion ol CIIK ieney either does not aiise at i l l , or is ol scrondaiy impentatu e. Secotut, ii might lie argued that the roncepl ol riliciettcy i s d e void ol an\ humanist tueatlllfg It a p p e n s lo be value Ilia- and ideologically n e u t r a l . On closei scrutiny, however, it turns out la be ideologically loaded and encourages certain h a r m f u l and dan gertMis attitudes toward nature and existing so* iely. M a x i m u m el In ieney in ( o i i ( | i u i m ^ and c o t U r o l l i n g natural surroundings means a dangerously (trowing rate of waste ol scarce material re sources and available tonus ol' energv. M a x i m u m ellit'iency in r u n n i n g present (lav social organizations and instnutions means l u l l scale endorsement of t h e i r i n h u m a n , degrading practices. For unjust systems, elhc ienc \ rt ally is l i e n best t hance ol survival. U n d e r given assumptions, this c r i t i q u e is perfectly sound. In a highly developed future society, both material prod net jon and the max inn/.it e H t > i| <f|'iieitiN w.i! I m o m i - M H I . I ! ^o.iis O: s < eond aiy importance. H u t Utey ate still the primary concern of every


present-day society. Man will liberate himself from LOO well deRued and ordered roles in material production uul will I K able to TilloHl Hi n i l , .iliniii i |||i_jjjjjj_j|_jjjjjy-\% In n In m.isn is it, when lie .in Ins 1 1 (11 I ill n to such an extent that lie will IH 1 iMt to i l l i c i t ii to machine*, Ami. even then, there is a sense of the term efficiency which will always be associated v\iih achievement ol,>.i ! ^ >l human aetivity, whatevet these glials mighl be. f This leads ns to the second :ii"unieiiL I T O I I I the l.ict that "el ficiency" i** a neutral roncetH, it dues Fulton dial it could h<and, as a utattci ol (act, is--assu i.iu'd with all kinds of wasteful, irrational, and inhuman practices. But it also Follows that its mean* ing would be entirely different in relation to progressive and ra t tonal human goals. A u i all, no theory and n pi i no <>l social change is possible without some neutral concepts.'there is an element of neutrality in most concepts, including self-management. There is no guarantee that scK-maitgetnent will always, in itself, make people happier, moie rational, less alienated. It is only part of a complex project not the absolute.

With these qualifications in mind, one must take quite scri onsly the problem ol cotnpatibltity of self-iiiatiagctuent with efficiency. While dozens of countries average one hundred dollars of national income p<i capita 01 even less, while there is still poverty among large segments of the population even in Kurope and North America, while human beings still spend theh besl life en ergy in boring, technical work, further increase ol efliciency is a necessary condition ol human liberation and possible sell -realization. Human liberation is certainly inconceivable without tin* right of every individual to [participate in social decision-making, ttut is it leally the case that l u l l , meaningful participation of each citizen destroys Hliriciiry? This does not happen if ihe following three groups of condi t ions are satisfied: L T h e fast group follows analytically from the very concept ol integral self-management. Workers' councils ill the enterprises and the councils of local communities ate not isolated atoms but elements of a wlmh rieiwoil it diffeten > iht* ten itorial point of view: iocal-rcgionalfederative; Iruui the proles-




sionnl |Miini of view: basic unil-thc whole enterprise the branch the community ol all producers). Any individual has djred decision-making power in the basic units wlieie he WQI ks an<V where he lives, and, in addition, he has an iii(lite<i decision making power at higher levels through his delegates (freely elected, serving on a rotating basis, always replaceable, responsible to him). Any unit has all necessary autonomy and responsibility for the decision-making on matters ol its ipecifa concern. Bui there must also be a readiness to cooperate and harmonize interests with other units ol the system. On the other hand, higher-level organs <>l self-management must have maximum,possible understanding For the particular interest ol a < h subsystem. I hey are vastly different from the organs of the state insofar as they are not instrument! ol any titling elite, they do not oppress, and they tend to reduce interference to a minimum. Ihit in matters of common interest, after a certain |>olicy has been widely clis( ussed and accepted, its decisions must be binding. Otherwise, social life would lack a minimum of necessary organization and coordination, and would tend to disintegrate. _2*A n,, diei <>'roiip ol conditions follows Ironi llic Rciicial < har l sell acleiislics ol s( II delcrmiiiat ion discussed above. Organ* < management opetate in an area c haia< in heed l>\ the billowing tea tures: mass media ol communication are free and contribute t < > the creation of a genuinely democratic public opinion; political paTTrr?TTn the classical sense air absent, but there is a phnaliiv ol \!uious other Forms of nonaitthorilai ian and noimianipulal ive political organisations; ami there is an oni>oini; process of education and fgfttng nf Ihf'socialist consciousness ol all individuals. I he thiol group of conditions under which the principles ol pai IN -ipaloi v democracy and efficiency would be reconciled dcii\<s From the analysis ol the basic Stages ol the pTOCCSS ol dec i sinn making and of different kinrls of knowledge ind competence needed Each rational technical decision presupposes (an a cut! i\ll .ut.ihsH of the situation ^inchulme Miiujia\_oj the etlcithc no>$ M p*ticte* adopted in the pa<t > . atul ,h a loTuTTaTixr-f1*1^ ui.f111 < t development, a ^et ot basil goals ol the organization, ivith respect to wJiich all concrete technical decisions would constitute the means. In other words, there are three distinct necessaiv bine I ions in the process ol talional dec ision making: One is fail finding, analytic, informative Another is governing, political. The third is technical, managerial. Accordingly, (here arc,three, distinct kinds ol knowledge lelative to these luiKt.|<>us: l.ulnil



theoretical knowledge (know thai) ; knowledge of the basic, needs of people in a certain situation (know what is got id and pist to do) ; technical knowledge of the ways in which basic decisions <an most effectively Ire realized [know how). T h u s , in addition to the organ of sell management composed ol wise. experienced persons who understand the bask needs at a given moment (who know what could and should be d o n e ) , there must be, oft the one hand, a group of analysts who critically study the imple mentation of adopted urogram* and the changes tn external and internal (actors, and. on the other hand, the technical manage ment, composed ol people who "know h o w . ' who elaborate concrete alternative polity proposals and who try to bring to v life decisions of the organ ol self-management iti the most ellirient possible way. In this complex structure, the technocratic tendencies are the main danger For sell-management. (To be sure, while there is still a state and a ruling party, much greater danger comes from political bureaucracy. However, we are discussing here a model of highly developed, integrated sell-management in which the functions of the traditional state and authoritarian party have been taken over by the central orgattS of sell -management.) A permanent source of technocratic tendencies lies in the fad that it is t h e , managers who hold the executive power* who usually have better an ess to data, and who. therefore, might try to manipulate the srlf managing council. Excessive power of the managers, the executives, is dangerous because their understanding ol social needs might be very limited and their scale ol values \ n v biased, giving priority to typically instrumental values of growth, expansion, and order. Contrary to a common prejudice that modern society reciuires the rule of experts, the truth seems to be that experts arc? the least epialihed candidates for good, wise, rational rulers, precisely because they are onlv experts and their lationality is oftly technical. Sell management ha< at U\i<i three po^ciful potential dc\ ic./Os to ie*Nt m.inipuhtuMi h\ the techno<tnu t i n e : (I> independent ac ee*i of the self-management organ to data; tti the iron rule rfiat the management must always prepare its proposals for the organ of self-management iti the form of alternatives among which to choose; (W) the- right of the sel I management organ to elect, u elect, or replace the manager. I he organ oj sell-management must have its own i n l o r i n a t i \ e and analytic set vice and must not depend on the manager. O t h e r



Wise, M Will l)f H the n n i i \ of i h e k i l l l i u l l i s p i o d m c d h\ the m a n a g e m e n t w l n - n e w i the I.HUM is i n t e r f i l e d m h a v i n g lis o w n p.n l m i l n poini o| \-jew ;idi i|>n (|

I he mgan cil sell nianageiitetU must, time and again, asterl its right ol [reel) taking ;i decision after carefully examining utiles j)ossil)ie alternatives. D m c it is reduced Ui an institution thai
merel y votes on ihe pioposals pic'pared l>\ I I c a i l y heroines a vi< I im oi i n a n i |; 1:ii i HI. ihe management, it

In order to keep the balance sod U > be aide to assert its rigltts, the organ < > l sell management must have the powei ol rotating the manager. I l i n e is no real danger i)wit a "primitive," "ignorant"
w o i l . e i s ' < o n m i l w i l l I n c . i gnud, e l h < i n i l manager. In t h c e s p c - i i

ence ol Yugoslav self-management, it Ihe workers' council V\V\ fire* a manager! ii is eithei Itecattse h< is utter!] incompetent or
l)i(.iusi- lie is h o iilhei anthoi n.u i: n KH hotln . I IK real Lit IJMI is that I IM* u o i k r i s use ihis right UNI I . I M ' I V ol loo late, a h e r l i n n don* , .11 i<l ihe elihipir.e

< onsidetahle llailiagC' has . i h r a d \ r a t e * that what

opeiates with In-avv losses T h i s l e h t r j a m e |ci ie;nt p i o m p l U i n d i l e o p a i d i / e s t In- elheicncv ot pi od net ioiiNm social ism is ioo l i t t l e , r a t l i n than too linn Ii u o t k i i s ' participation^ A tlevelojied s c II maiia^emc lit lias the hisKn u al l i m i n e to ov (oine both waslelnl and irrational lllodelsSol the < onteinpcn ai y I he other elluienrv: one imposed liy c a p i t a l nnd ninVket.

t\U laic (I l>\ the a u t h o r i t a r i a n political m a c h i n e .

Alienation <nul Rfifimtitm


Alienated I .ahoi

T h e worker becomes nil the poorer tin m<ne wealth he

produce*, iiie more hi> iirodtictHfii increases in powei and range. The worker becomes til ever cheaper commodity ihc more com modi ties he rrenies. With the intreasing inuic ol the woild ol thhlga proceeds in direct proportion ihe dci'ahtalioH ol the woild ol men. Labor produces noi only commodities: it produces itscll and the workei as a commodityand does so in Ihe proportion in which ii produces commodities generally. This facl expresses merely thai ih< bbjeci which labor produces -labor's product confronts it as somefhing alien, as a power miependeni of the producer. The product of labor is labor which has been congealed in an object, which has become material: it is the obfectificaiion ol tabor. Labor's realization is its objectificafion. In the conditions dealt with by political economy this realization of labor appeals as losi tfj reality for the workers; objectiii cation as loss of object and object-bondage; appropriation as estrmgetm ni, as alienation. So much does labor's realization appear as lo^s of reality thai the workei loses reality to the point of starving t < > death. So much does ob}ecti heat ton appear as loss of the objeel thai the worker is
Reprint* | in Frtmomit nn*l Fhih " ' ' Hunts*
1 wgMag i I i blishiitg II ; i ' , , , | I.

(Moscow: Few




robbed ol the objects mosi necessary not only l<n his life but lot his work. Indeed, labor itselt becomes an ohjeii which he can get hold ol only wilh the greatest effort and with ihe most irregular
inlc n upturns. So IMIIC h does ihe a p p i o p i ialiott ol the object ap

pear as alienaiion dial the niure objects the worker produces ihe fewer cam he possess and the moie he [alls under the domination ol his prcxlih i, capital. All these consequences are contained its the definition thai die worker is ielated to ihe product of lus labor as to an alien object. IMI on this premise ii is clear thai the more the worker spends himself, the more powerful the alien objective world becomes which he creates over against himself, the pooler he himsell-his inner world- becomes, the loss belongs to him as his own. It is die same in religion. The more man puis into (iod. the km he* retains in himself. The worker puts his life into the object; bul now his life no longer belongs lo him 1ml lo (he object. Hence. the greater ilns ac ttvtty, ihe greater is the workei \ \m k ol obje* is.
Whatever the piodnrt ol his lahoi is. he is not. I h e i e l o r e the ne.ite i this pouhii t, the less is he himself. I h e nhcmil ton ol the

worker in his product means noi only that his laboi becomes an object, an tXlemml existence, bul thai il exists QUtiide him, hide
pendeiillv. as s o m e t h i n g alien to h i m . and that il b e c o m e s a powei on its own c o n f r o n t i n g h i m : it means that the life which he has conferred oil the ohjei I c u n h o n l s him .is s o m e t h i n g hostile .md alien. ns now look more closely at the objeclification, at the pi<> liniion ol the u')ikei; ami therein ai the eslrmigementt the loss ol
die i>l|< t. his piodoc i.

The wftrkci can create nothing without unlaw, without tlt* world, It is the material > n which his laboi is manifested, in which it is active, from which and by means of
\HSUOHS external
whie h it p i o d n c es.

But just as nature provides labor with the menus of lift III the sense that laboi cannot live w i t h o n i objects em w h i c h to ope rate. on I h e a d i e r hand, it also provides the menus of life in the more

restricted sense i.e., the means lot the physical subsistence of die workei himself. Thus the mote the workei by his labor appropriates the external world, sensuous nature, the more he deprives himsell of meant o\ li\<- m the double respect: Inst, thai the sensuous external world more and more ceases to be an object belonging i" his laboi to be his lab<M % memm <>l Ufa , and ten ndly, thai il n* re



and more ceases to be means of life in the immediate sense. means for the physical subsistence of the worker. Thus in this double respect the worker becomes a slave of his object, first, in (bat he receives an t)biect of hiho). i.e., in that he receives work; and secondly, in that he receives means of Stubiifr (ence. Therefore, it enables him to exist, first, as a worker; and, second, as a physical subject. The extiemity oi this bondage is that it is only as a worker that he continues to maintain himself as a physical subject, and that it is only as a physical subject that he is ,i worker. . . . Political economy concemls the alienation inherent in the nature of labor by not considering the direct relationship between the worker (labor) and production. It is true that labor produces for I be rich wondetlul thingsbut for the woiker it produces privation. It produces palacesbut for the worker, hovels. It produces beautybut lor the worker, deformity. It replaces labor by machinesbut some of the workers it throws back to a barb a mils lypc of labor, and the other woikers it linns ill In mac bines. Il pioduces intelligence but lor the woi kci . idioc \ . c actinism. The direct relationship of labor to its product is the relationship of the worker (o the objects of his production. T h e relationship of the man of means to the objects of production and to production itself is only a conse(iuence of this Inst i elat ionship .ind c oiiln ins it. When we ask, then, what is the essential relationship < > 1 labor we are asking about the relationship of the worker to production. Till now we have been considering the rsli an^cment, the alien alion of tin worker only in one- of its aspects, i.e., the woikers relationship to the products of his labor. Btt1 the alienation is manifested not only in the result but in the act of production within the producing activity itself. How would the worker come to face the product of his activity as a stranger, weie it not that in the very act of production he was estranging himself from himself? The product is after all but the summary oi the activity, of production. If then the product of labor is alienation, production itself must be active alienation, the alienation o! activity, the activity of alienation. In the estrangement of the object of labor is merely summarized the estrangement, the alienation, in the activ ity of labor itself. What, then, const itutes the alienation of labor? First, the fact that laboi \s external to the worker, i*c., it does not belong to bis essential being; that iii bis woik, therefore, he-

"o 1



does m>t affirm linns. II bin denies himself, does nni feel content but unhappy, dues noi develop freely his physn ll Mid menial energy but mortifies his body and ruins his mind, riie worker therefore only feels himself outside his work, and in his woik h ( Is outside hiniscll. I l < is at home when lie IS n-'i working, :in<I when he \< working lie is IHI at home, lltslaboi is therefore not voluntary, hm coerced; it is farced fa6or. It is therefore not ihe satisfaction of a need; it is merely a means to satisfy needs external to it. its alien character emerge* clearl) in the fad thai as soon as no physical < > other compulsion exists* labm is shunned like I he plague. External labor, labor in which man alienates himself, is a labor of idf-sacrifice, ol mortification. I astly, the ex rharaetet ! laboi foi the worket appears in the feet that it is not his own, hnt someone else's, thai it does not belong t<> him, In it he belongs, noi to himself, bm tn another. |nsi as in religion the s|jontaiteous activity of the human imagination, of the human brain and the human heart, operates independently ol the indiv idnal dial is, operates on htin as in alien, divine Ol dial>oli<al activity in the same WHY the worker's activity is not his spontaneous activity, ll belongs to another: it is ihe loss of his self. \s ;i result, therefore, man (the worker) no longer feels himself to he hel\ active in inv hut his animal fudl lions eat in;;. tit inking |oMie;uinu, oi ;it HKISI in his ilurllniM .md in dressing up, etc.; uid in I lis Ion nan lum t ions lie m . I < > i1 1 , ' feels In in sell in lie anything but an animal. Whal is annual lieconics human and what is hit man heroines animal. ( eii;unl\ eating, drinking, pox usiting, etc., ;ni' also genuinely hum in lum lions |ut in the abstraction which separates them front the sphere of all other human activity and turns them into sole and ultimate ends, lliey are animal. We have considered the act of alienating praetical human activii\. labor, in two#4 its aspects: (11 I lie relation of the worker to the product of ////no as ;m alien object exercising pnwei ovei him. This relation is at the same time the relation to the sensuous extemal world, to the offsets ol nature as an alien world antagonis tkally opposed to hmi. [2\ The relation of labm t^ the mi "f fnoducliott within the labor process. This relation is the relation of the worker to his own activity as an alien activity not belonging i> him: it is Activity as suffering, strength as weakness, beget i:n" IN emasculation tlw worker's OWH [ihysical and mental energy, his personal lif< or what othei than ictivtt) is an ac



livily wliii 1 1 is turned against him, neither depends on nor be longs t< Kim. Here we have sell alienation, as we li;ul previously
the alienation of the thing.

We have yet n third *tsj>ect trf alienated labtn in deduce from the lwo already nttsi<tetcd,
M ill is .1 spr ics lieiuv:, IKH MI I * because in |>l m lice and ill i h<01^ he adopts ihe spceies as his object (his own as well as those

of other things), but -and this is only another w;\ "i expressing it .ilso because he treats himself as the actual, living species; because he treat* hitnseH as a universal and tlierefore a bee being. The universality ol man is in practice manifested precisely in ihe universal if y which make* all nature Ins inorganic bodyboth inasmuch as nature is (I) his direct meant '>l life, and (2) the material, the object, and the instrument c>l his life activity. Na tine i, man's inorganic bodynature, that is. insofai as it is not ilsell human hotly M;ui Uves 'ii nature-means that nature is his body, with which he must remain in continuous intercourse d he is not to dir. That mans | >li y sic ;i I and spiritual lile IS linked to nature means simply that nature is linked to ilsell, lor man is a part of nature. In alienating from man fl) nature, and (2) himself, his own active functions, his lile art iyiiy, alienated laboi alienates tin- sjtr<irs from man II I mns for him tin* tife "I //"' yf'mrs into a means ol individual life, Kirsi it estranges tin life ol die species ami individual lile. ami secuttdl) it makes individual lile in its abstract Form the purpose "I the lile ol the spe< ms. likewise in its absirac t and alienated lot m. For in the first place labor, life-activity, ptoilucthff lift' ilsell, appears to man merely as a menus of satisfying a need -the need to maintain the physical rxfStettce. Yet the productive life is tin life of the species. It is lile engendering life, 1 lie whole charadeof a speciesits generic characterii contained in the charactei > t its life-activity; and free, conscious activity i. man's generic c haiaeter. Life ilsell appears only as a mrans to life. The animal is immediately identical with its life activity. It does not distinguish itself from ii Ir is its life-activity ^\^ makes his life activity itsell tin object of his will and >! his conscious ness, He has < OHM inns life-.u ti\ itv It is not a determination with which be directly inergi Cf>nsciou3 life icti " In rtl} distill guishes in in ftutti at i i u ity. I' i> of lltii that he is a generic being. Or k is only because he is a generic

S T > f >


being t h a t he is a Conscious Being, i.e., that his own life is an objec i lor h i m . O n l y because of that is his activity Iree activity Alienated labor reverses this relationship, so that it is just because man is a e onsc iows being that he makes his life activity, his essential b e i n g , a mere means to his existence. In creating an objective world by his practical activity, in work in g-it j) inorganic nature, man proves himself a conscious spe (ies b e i n g , i.e., as a being that treats the spec ies as its own esscn tial b e i n g , or that treats itseli as a spec ies being. A d m i t t e d l y animals also produce. T h e y b u i l d themselves nests, dwellings, like the bees, beavers, ants, etc. But an a n i m a l only produces what it immediately needs lor itself or its young. It produces one-sidedly, whilst man produces universally. It produces only under the dom i n i o n of immediate physical need, whilst man produces even when he is free f r o m physical need and only t r u l y produces iti Freedom thetefrom. An a n i m a l produces only itsrlf, whilst man tcpiodures the whole ol nature. An animal's product belongs immediately to its physical body, whilst man Ireely confronts his

product. Ati animal forms things in accordance with the standard

and the need ol the species to which it belongs, whilst man knows how to produce in accordance w i t h the standard of every species, and knows how to apply everywhere the inherent standard to the

object. Man therefore also forms things in accordance with the hw's ol beauty.
b is just in the w o r k i n g - u p of the objective w o r l d , therefore, that man lirst really proves himself to be a sjweies being. This pi OIIIK l ion is his active species lilc. T h r o u g h and because of this p r o d u c t i o n , nature appeals as Ins work and his reality. T h e ob jtt t of labor is, therefore, the objectifuat re* of man's species life: 1 <n he duplicates himself not only, as in consciousness, intellec llially, b i l l also actively, in reality, and therefore he contemplates himself in a world that he has cieated. I n tearing away I r o m man the object of his p r o d u c t i o n , therefoic, alienated labor tears from h i m his sj)C( ies life, his real species objectivity, and transforms his advantage over animals i n t o the disadvantage that his inorganic: body, nature, is taken from h i m . Similarly, in degrading spontaneous activity, free activity, to a means, alienated labor makes man's s|>ec ies l i f e a means t o his physical existence. I he consciousness which man has of his species is thus trans Formed by alienation iii such a way that the species life becomes ho hint a means.




Alienated labor turns iluis: (S) Mans species being, both nature ami his spiritual species property, into ;i being alien to him, into a means to his individual existence* It alienates man's own body limn luni, as it does external nature and his spiritual essence, \\\s human being. (4) An immediate consequence of the fact thai man is alienated from the product of his labor, horn his lite ac tivity, from his species being is the alienation of man from man. If a man is con fronted by himself, lie is confronted by the othe\ man. W h a t applies to a man's relation to his work, to the product ol bis labor and to himself, also holds of a man's relation to the other man. and to the other m a n s labor and object of lahoi. \\\ fart, the proposition that m a n s species nature IS alienated from him means that one man is alienated from the other, as each of them is from m a n s essential nature. 'The alienation of man, Mid in fact every relationship in which mail stands to himself, is Inst realized and expressed in the icla tionship in which a man stands to other men. Hence within the relationship of alienated labor each man views the other in accordance with the standard and the position in which he finds hiniscll as a worker. . . . If the product < > f labor is alien to me, if il confronts me as an alien power, to whom, then, does it belong? . . . T h e alien being, to whom labor and the product of labor be longs, in whose service labor is done and for whose benefit the product ol labor is provided, c m only be man himself. 1( the product of labor does not belong Ul the woiker. if it con hrotttS him as an alien power, this ran only be because it belongs to some other man titan the worker. II the worker's activity is a torment to him, to another it must he delight and his life's joy. Not (he Rod*, not nature, but only man himsell (an be this alien power over man. We must bear in mind the above-stated proposition that m a n s relation to himself only becomes objective and leal for him through his relation to the other man. T h u s , if the product of his labor, his labor objectified, is for him an alien, hostile, powerful object independent of him, then his position towards it is such that someone else is master of this object, someone who is alien, hostile, powerful, and independent of him. If his own activity is to him an unfree activity, then he is treating it as activity performed in the service, undei die domination, the coercion and the yoke ol atmthei man . . .



Through estranged, alienated labor, then, ib<- worker produces the relationship to this Labor < * l a man alien to labor ami standing <MIi*>i*i< it. The relationship of the worker to labor engenders the relation < > ii ol the (apitalist, <* whatevei one choose* n> <;dl 1 1 1 < ^ ntastei o! labor, Private property is ilms the jirudttct, tin result, the necessary consequence, ol alienated labor, ol the external ie laiion ol the worker to nature and lo himself. Private property thus results by analysis from the concept of alienated labor- i.e., ol alienated man. We also iiml< therefore, ib it uMiges ami private property are identical: where tin- product, the object l UIMM |M\> for labor itself, the Wage is but a iie<essai\ r nse jnenee of labor's alienation, l<n alun all m the wage ol labor, taboj doci not ap pear as an end in itsrll but as the servant ol the Wage. We shall develop this |M>ini lain, and meamvhili will <nl\ deduce mute eon lusions. A forcing-ap of wages (disregarding ill other difficulties, including the fad thai it would only be by force, ioo, that die higher wages, being an anomaly, tould be maintained) would therefore be nothing but better payment ftn the slave, and would not cotiqttei etthei l>i the workei or foi labor theit human status and dignity. Indeed, even the equality of rer^es demanded by Proudhon onlv transforms the relationship ol the present day workei to his I at M M into the relationship ol all men to labor. Society is then << > m eived as an abstract capitalist Wages are a direct consequence ol alienated labor, ami alien ated labor i^ tin dirert ranse ol private |wo|ieTty, I he downfall of I lie our asp<< I iniisl tinirloir nif an ihr downfall ol ihr tilhei . . . . From the relationship ol alienated laboi to private prop erly it Invtloo follows that t he emaiu ipaliou o| so i < i\ horn private property, etc., bom servitude, is expressed in the political form of the emancipation c>( the a*orker.%\ not that their ptnanripaii"M alone \\,is ;ii stake bm b << aiiM- tin- eiii.ini ion ill ihi" wnrkcis contains universal liuiuan emancipation and ii contains this, because the whok ol human servitude is involved in the re lation of the worker to product km, and every relation of servitude is but a modification and consequence ol this relation. . . . l b - transcendence of self alienation follows the same course as sell ali< n,nion. Private properly is first rotisidered onlv in its oh jective aspei t but nevertheless with lal*M ;h H, i v n u c . It. lot III ol < \r.iMi< / is therefore . >; /,</ , . which is lo be annulled " r inch"



(Proud hon) . Or a particular form of labor4aboi levelled down. parcelled, and therefore unfoecis conceived as the source ol pri vaie property's pemicionsness and ol iis existence in alienation from men Finally, communism is the positive ex|>re*stoii ol an Itulled piivatr piopcilv it Inst .is universal private propcity. B) embracing this relation as a whole, communism is: (I) In iis first ioim only a generalization and consummation ol this relationship It shows itself as such in a twofold form: on the one hand, ihe dominion ol material property hulks so large dial u wants to destroy everything which is not capaMc ol being pot M-sscd l>y all as private property. It wants i < > abstract by force fioni latent* etc. For it die *ul purpoac < > i life and existence is direct, physical possession. I he category < > l laborer is not done away with, Inn extended t< all nun. The relationship of private pio|.citv JXJSISIS as the relationship < l the community to the world ol things. Finally, this movement < l countcrpusing univei sal private property U) private property finds expression in the bestial form of ootroterpusiiig to marriage (certainly a form of ex* elusive privale properly) the community o\ women, in which a Woman becomes a piece ol Communal and common properly, it may he said that tins idea of the community of worn* n gives away the secret l tins as yet completely crude and thoughtless communism. Just as the woman passes from marriage to general prostitution, so the entire world ol wealth (that is, id man's objective substance) passes from the relationship ol exclusive marriage with the owner of private property to a state o! universal prostitution with the community. In negating the personality of man in every sphne, this tvpe o| c t JIMIMIIII ism is icallv nothing lull the lgi<al e\pi<sM>ii ol private protK'tty, wliuli e, this negation. Ucncral oivy constituting itself as a power is the disguise in which ttvtoin' re-establishes itself and satisfies itself, only in another way. The dioughts < > l every piece of private propertyinherein in each piece as sucharc at least turned against all weullhirt private pmpriM in the form > I envy and the urge to reduce to a common level, SO that this envy autl urge even constitute the essence of competition. I he crude communism is only tfie consummation of this envy and of this leveliing-down proceeding from the preconceived minimum. It has a definite, limited standard. I low little this annulment of private property is really an appropriation is in lact proved by the altttracl negation ol the entire world of culture and civilization. Uic regression to the unnatttittl simplicity i I tlic poo\ and i man wlm




r o i i ti< ; \ I. I ' l i i i . o s i i n n

has not o n l y Failed to go beyond private property, b i l l has not yet even attained to it I he c o m m u n i t y is only a c o m m u n i t y of labor, and an equality of wages paid out hy the r o m m u n a l capitalthe community as the universal capitalist. Both sides of the relationship are raised to an imagined universality labor as a State in w h i c h every person is put, and capital as the acknowledged universality and power of the c o m m u n i t y . In the approach to woman as the spoil and handmaid of coin tnunal lust is expressed the i n f i n i t e degradation in which m a n exists For himself, l>r the iccrel <l this approach has its unambiguous, decisive, i>l<un and undisguised expression in the relation ol man to woman and in the inamiei in which the tiued a n d natural procreative relationship is conceived. The direct, n a t u r a l and necessary relation of person to person is the relation of man to woman. I n this natural relationship <l the sexes m a n s relation to nature is immediately his relation to man, just as his relation to man is immediately his relation to naturehis own natural function. In this relationship therefore, is sensuously manifested, reduced to an observable /'*</, the extent to which the h u m a n cs seme has become nature to m a n , or to which nature has to h i m become the h u m a n essence ol man. From this r e l a t i o n s h i p one can therefore judge m a n s whole level ol development. It follows from the c haracter of this relationship how m u c h men as a spades bring, as man, has come to be himsell and to comprehend h i m self; the relation of man to woman is the most natural relation ol human being to h u m a n being. It therefore reveals tlte extent t<> which man's natural behavior has become human, or the extent to w h k h the human essence in h i m has beeonie a natural essence the extent to which his human nature has come to be nature in him. In this relationship is revealed, too, the extent to which m a n s need has become a human need; the extent to w h i c h , therefore, the other person as a pet son has become lot h i m a need the extent to which he in his i n d i v i d u a l existence is at the same time a soc ial being. Ihc- Inst positive a n n u l m e n t of private property crude communismis thus merely one form in w h i c h the vilcness of private property, w h i c h wants to set itself u p as the positive community? comes to the surface. (2) C o m m u n i s m (a) ol | p o l i t i c a l nature stilldemocratic o r despotic; (b) w i t h the a n n u l m e n t ol the state yet still incomplete, and being still affected l>\ private- property (i.<\. by the




A l l o N

M\ I

alietiatiott of m a n ) . I n both forms coniintinisin already knows it sell t o he r e - i n l c g i a t i o n or r e t u r n of man to himself, the transcendence of h u m a n self a l i e n a t i o n ; h u t since it has nol yet grasped the positive essence of private p r o p e r t y , and just as l i t t l e the human n a t u r e of n e e d , it r e m a i n s captive to it and in lee led by it.

It has, i n d e e d , grasped its concept, b u t n o t its essence'.

(J) Communism as the positive transcendence ol private jtrojh

erty, of hnmtn ation sell-alienation, a n d therefore as the real appropri(i.e., <>j the human beinga essence by a n d lor m a n ; c o m m u n i s m therereturn become conscious, and accomplished This e o u u n u resoman

fore as the complete r e t u r n of m a n to himself as a social human) w i t h i n the entire w e a l t h of picvioiis d e v e l o p m e n t .

uisin, as fully d e v e l o p e d n a t u r a l i s m , equals h u m a n i s m , and as ful ly-de velojK'd h u m a n i s m ecpials n a t u r a l i s m ; it is the genuine l u t i o n of the conflict b e t w e e n m a n and n a t u r e and between essence, between object ihc at ion and self conln mat i o n .

and manthe true resolution of the strife between existence a n d between f r e e d o m a n d necessity, b e t w e e n the i n d i v i d u a l be this s o l u t i o n . T h e e n t i r e m o v e m e n t of history is. t h e r e f o r e , b o t h its act e>f genesis (the b i r t h act of its e m p i r i c a l existence) . property as the a p p r o p r i for its t h i n k i n g consciousness the comprehended ( ess of its (oming-lo-be,.. a t i o n ol human alienation T h e positive transcendence of private actual a n d also a n d the species.

C o m m u n i s m is the r i d d l e of history solved, anel it knows itself to

a n d fcflOWfl pro

life is, t h e r e f o r e , the positive tiause e u d e m c e>l all i.e., social m o d e of existence. . . . only c o m m u n a l a c t i v i t y anel diree tly com* activity a n d which communal are maniand consumption

that is to say, the r e t u r n ol m a n I H H I I r e l i g i o n , lain

ily, slate, etc., t<i his humatf, in the form of some directly munal consumptioni.e., activity

Social activity and social c o n s u m p t i o n exist by n o means c o n s u m p t i o n , a l t h o u g h communal

fested and d i r e c t l y c o n f i r m e d i n real association will occur w h e r e v e r such a direct to the n a t u r e o f c o n s u m p t i o n . H u t again w h e n 1 am active scientifically, n i t y with Others

w i t h other m e n

expression of sociality stems

From the t r u e character of the activity's content a n d is a d e q u a t e etc.when I a m enman.

gaged in activity w h i c h I can seldom p e r f o r m in direct c o m m u t h e n I a m social, because I am active as a Not only is the m a t e r i a l ol m y activity given to nie as a social piochif I (as is even the- language in whie h lh t h i o l f ! is ae live)

'< '




I'llll.O - n l ' i n

m\ awn existence u ^M.II activity, and therefore thai which I make ol myself I make <>i ntysell foe society and ivitli the consi MMISIM'SS i| myself ;is ;t M M i;d liettlfg. . . . What is to l>e avoided above all is the re-establishing of MSoci ety" ;is an abstraction vi$-n-vi.\ the individual, live individual h the writtl bring. Mis lilt*, even il ii may not appear in the direct (firm ol a cotmmiual life can ied out together with oilu-is is thctr[ore an expression and confirmation of sociai life. Man's individual and Species lili an not Hiffetettt. however niiirh and this is inevitable* the mode of existence <>l the individual is a tnarc pot* iiruhn. <>i more gtnerml mode ol iIK* life < > i the sjiecies, <n the life of the species is a more partit uhn or more general individual life.


The Human "Relevance" oi: Marx's Concept of Alienation

(. uo n rRovrc

Marx's thesis thai modem man and modern society arc self-alienated is not ottry a pure "thesis" hut at the same lime a cat] to change existing man and society. And this is not a call for any kind ol change whatever. II modem man and society arc h.tsi (ally sell -alienated, this means that the fulfillment ol man and the le.ili/.ation ol a only society arc impossible without their revolutionary ttansloi mat ion. II are were to characterize existing man and society simply as iiisnflic iently humane, then a solution COitld he Umnd in (lie gradual further development **l hutnatieiies& Bui il it is a basically inM iety, such gradual change rannot help. humane, self-alienated K Radical revolutionary change > l the existing class society ami liinn is necessary. Thus the "concept" of alienation is sinmlta ncously a call for the revolutionary transformation of the world. Some think that dealienation could he accomplished on the in dividual level without any Sort of change of the social structure or of "external conditions*' through internal moral revolution or the application of certain medical-psycliialrM therapies, others think that dealienation tan be carried out only on die social level by the transformation of the social structure, primarily by changes in the sphere of tin economy, altei i (responding
Rj>iiiiUil from Mv%ttitio*t /<>r/Art (/..igicb: Ka/.lnf*. ISS6), |>|. 09 71. I l.imhtnl

by Helen Kramer.


S O C I A L AND P O M T I C A 1 ,


changes in nil rillier spheres of life w i l l automatically follow. K m alienation is a phenomenon thai is encountered b o t h in the n i d i vicinal person and in human society, and it does not dominate only this or that aspect of man's lile. but die whole man. H e i n e , ihe way toward dealienation does noi lead across o n l y the transform a t i o n of the external conditions n! man's existence or only change m his " i n t e r i o r . " The dealienation of social relations is the precondition for the f u l l development of unalienated, free h u m a n personalities, and free personalities are the necessary pre condition loi the dealienation ol social relations. There is no theo rctical way out ol this theoretical circle. The only way out is r e \ o Ititionary social practice by which people, changing social relations, also change their own nature. I he question of the decisive or essential sphere of human dealienation is justified only il we do not Forget that the difference between the essential and inessential is very relevant. Perhaps the most fundamental f o r m ol man's sell alienation is the split of his activity i n t o various "spheres" in external interpersonal relation ships In accordance w i t h this, we can say that the essential sphere ol dealienation is not some separate Sphere but the "sphere ' ol relations among spheres, the "sphere" <>l the itruggle foi overcomi n g man's split i n t o m u t u a l l y opposed spheres. This does not mean that the e x i s t i n g difference a m o n g spheres
should be ignored or d e n i e d . I n all ol past history the decisrn

lole in the interaction ol different splteres ultimately belonged Ui the economic sphere. H e m e , the Struggle lor the dealienation of that sphere has particular initxirtatice. It should not be t h o u g h t , however, thai the struggle for dealienation in other spheies has no importance. It is also necessary to avoid the illusion that it is pos sible lo carry Otll dealienation of the economic sphere while i c inaining only w i t h i n the I r a m e w o i k ol that sphere. I he problem of the dealienation of cronomic l i l e cannot be solved by t h c a b o l i t i o n ol private ownership The transformation ol private ownership i n t o state ownership (whethei "capitalist!! or "socialistic" state ownership) does not introduce an essential change in the position of the w o r k i n g m a n , the producer. The dealienation ol economic life requires also the a b o l i t i o n of state o w n ershlp, its transformation i n t o t r u l y social ownership, and that can be attained onlv bv organizing all of social life on the basis of the sell-government ol the direct piodueers.

Hut il producers' sell government is ihe necessary condition for




llir dcalicnalinii ol the Wonomic "sphere" oi man's life, if .done is no! sufficient. Producers' sell goveininenl does not lead aulomati-

cally to the dealtenatiou ol consumption; neither is it sufficient for the dealinialion ol JIKKIIK I ion. Some forms ol aliettatiotl in production have then root in the nature ol modern means ol production and in the organization of the process ol production, and they cannot be eliminated only l>y a change in the form of managing production, Some farmi of the struggle for dealienatioti have already been found and verified; others are still to be discovered and tested.


Alienation and Power


Alienation appears on many levels. Most of these can be explained in terniS III %Oi ml loirs. \ social role is a "slot" thai people (it into, tarrying whit it characteristic duties and obligations, defined by institutionalized expectations as to the he lutviol < > l the role c ( "ttuiehcr." "baker, " w o r k e r . ' "sol1 clici ,'* ''capitalist/ "lover/' "husband," "community m e m b e r - a l l lluse are social toles. The nature of these roles and their availability to the individual ate quite as important as the distI ihntion ol material ^MMHIS and power in assessing the value ol a social sys tein. Alienation occins because the roles open to individuals do not satisfy their immediate needs in terms ol theii interpersonal activities in faintly, community, and work, and their requirements lor healthy personal mythic rli vel< ipmrnt. T h u s we center on the role-concept to emphasi/e the inherently s\ni<il nature " ' alienation. T o be alienated is to he separated in concrete and specific ways From "things" important to well being, b u t these "things" are not physical objects or natural resources, but types of Collaboration with others, with society, and with nature. I In if "things" ate social loles. The structure < > f toles at a point in time rind the way they
Repiinfed From Urvim- "/ RiwftVviJ PoitfVl Ecrmomics, A, No ^ (Fall 1972}: 6 11. 5 M !/.i>s prt mission ft! tin publisher.




< liattgv and develop O V C I tittle, depend on criteria and priorities required by basic social and economic institutions. This is not in obvious assertion, an<l its truth c;ui only be ascertained through sp< < ilic examples lo be presented below. Hut its it nth allows us a pailiculaily simple CQUsal c\pl anal ion ol alienation under capiinli&ni: alienation arises when die institutionally-patterned social criteria determining the structure and development of an important social role axe essentially independent <>j individual needs, (>ur discussion < > i social roles tal es N some distance in undei standing alienation as a s<*ial rathei than purely psychological phenomenon. An individual's welfare depend* on the constellation el social roles available to him as worker, community memI lei .'Hid ( ItlZen, as well as the matci lal goods and sri vie is that enable him to ad to the limit ol his capacities in these roles. Thus. for instance, an individuals alienation bom his work is due to the fact thai the s<x:ial criteria explicitly or implicitly used to determine die value of his work do not take into consideration his personal needs. Vet the source of the "gap" between individual needs and social loles leniains to be anaU/ed. This depends in turn on wbn has power to determine social roles. How arc social roles determined? What is the relative power of various social forces in choosing from the set ol potential social roles, those winch will actually be available? We LHI llmikol two broad types ol power: institutional and political, Institutional decisions are those where outcomes are determined by impersonal forces outside the control of any group of individuals. All tlte dei ision mechanisms of this type that we shall treat are market mechanisms, where the price vA a commodity or factor of production (land, labor, capital) is determined by the "impersonal" forces of supply and demand. Very few outcomes in modern society are the result of purely institutional decision mechanisms. An example would be the price of a perfectly homogeneous commodity supplied by a large nuuibei ol small producers, and demanded by a lai&c number ol individual consumers (c... the market for table salt). Nevertheless, the prices of most goods and services are determined on a market over which individual producers and consumers have only limited control. Hence our analysis of power and alienation will emphasis the overriding power of institutional decision-mechanisms. Pm. as we shall see, they provide the structured environtnmt within v',; *h politi H not cai decision mechanisms operate, and they stroi essentially determinethe actual decisions reached concerning





Pit ll.OSOI'H V


pattern and distribution

of essential


roles and


S<MII< ( S

By a political decision -mechanism we mean one in which the outcome is determined hy ihe direct, consciously applied power ol a group ol individuals. T h e r e are two types ol political power that are important for onr analysis ol alienation. O n the one hand, there is slatr power legislative and slate administrative. I \ m i p l e s of social outcomes determined by legislative decision mechanisms are tax schedules, m i n i m u m wage laws, zoning regulations, and the si/e of the military budget. Examples in the domain of state-administrative decisions are the setting of postage rates, the choice ol military technology, and the President's deci sion to send troops to Vietnam. O n die other hand, there are important decisions which are definitely political in the sense of being consciously made by ei ther one or several individuals, lmt are not state decisions, l o r example-, the owners and managers of a firm drcidr what is to be produced and with what technologies ami work loles, although their decisions are powerfully c ire uinscribed by the firm's institutional environment. Similarly, the wage structure in General Mou r n is determined by Collective bargaining, again a political dec i sion nice -danism, however constrained by its institutional context. W e shall call this form of "political" DOWC1 p\tvatr-adttiinistrafive. T h u s pi ivale administrative decision mechanisms determine although only in the* most immediate sense, the structure o l work-roles, the direction of technological development, the use of natural resources, and the pattern of community land use and de velo|>meiH. All are effected and implemented hy those who own capital, land, and have some control over production. T h e shape of society at a point in time, and the1 way it changes over lime depends on institutional power, state power, private ad m i n i s t i a l i \ c power, and how they interrelate. W e shall see that available social roles and the forms of social interaction in the most important areas ol life are determined outside the area of state decision-making. I lie disinhnl ion of income, the prices ol factor* ol production, (he historical development ol technology, the organization ol work activities, the structure and development of communities, are all basically directed through the impersonal operation ol market institutions and private-administrative control. In fact, we shall argue thai, given the backdrop of economic institutions (markets and private-administrative decision-mccJiauism*), tin

A 1.1 KN A T I O N




latitude of stale power Tor a u t o n o m o u s , effective derision - m a k i n g is sevei ely l i m i t e d W h a t about the relative power of i n s t i t u t i o n a l ;md private-administrative decisionmechanisms? We should nole that both forms are i n v o l v e d in most private economic decisions. For instance, while wages are d e t e r m i n e d basically by the supply and demand for different types of labor ( i n s t i t u t i o n a l d e c i s i o n ) , tliey decision). arc also a l l r r t e d by u n i o n m a n a g e m e n t negotiations, as well as racial and sexual d i s c r i m i n a t i o n Similarly, while (private-administrative a capitalist can decide the technologies to be

used a n d the work-roles be uses to apply t h e m , his dee ision w i l l be closely allec ted by the prices of capital goods and various types of labor-all determined by essentially institutional decision

T h t l l the real cptcstion is not which s t i i u l i o n a l a n d which we must ask: W h a t is the latitude decisions are p r i m a r i l y in are basically p r i v a t e - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e . R a t h e r , of private a d m i n i s t r a t i v e power daily

in the d e t e r m i n a t i o n of any p a r t i c u l a r outcome? H e i e , we shall see that lor the most i m p o r t a n t dec isions that affect o u r lives, this l a t i t u d e is r a t h e r m i n i m a l . The small capitalist in a

perfect m a r k e t lor a h o m o g e n e o u s c o m m o d i t y in l a d has no latitude at all. The pi ices of his lac tors ol p r o d u c t i o n , as well as the price <>l his product a n d its q u a l i t y , are d e t e r m i n e d by the* market (instil utiotial power , The w o r k roles he chooses mttSl be those and implement power. decisions that m i n i m i z e his costs, o r else he w i l l lose m o n e y a n d go o u t of business. Such producers m e r e l y ratify really made* in the sphere ol institutional Oligopolistic

pioducers d o indeed have some i n d e p e n d e n t some degree the d e m a n d a n d political Nevertheless, lobbying even here for t h e i r the

l a t i t u d e t h e y can advertising

c o n t r o l both price a n d q u a l i t y ol o u t p u t t<> some e x t e n t , a n d to product through of their (e.g., t h e so called " d e f e n s e " industries) . latitude administrative

p o w e r is h i g h l y c i r c u m s c r i b e d , l o r they must g l o w a n d m a x i m i z e profits to satisfy their o w n e i s a n d stockholders. T h i s is most s i n k ingly seen in collective b a r g a i n i n g , w h i c h is a p r i v a t e - a d m i n i s t * .* live dec ision -mechanism h a v i n g epiite l i m i t e d powei to alter the market-determined management wage rate. I.IW Workers can only bargain OVl bom "excess" profitWhat is left OVer *ftet interest, d i v i d e n d s , t.<\<

wages, a n d

m a t e n a U ceists aie d e d u c t e d

total revenue. Moreover, since the corporation requires the* profits for the expansion without win ition on \tu sicnk market would icriously deteriorate, wage- increases must be



followed either by unemployment in the industry, of twice in creases which Imrl consumers. The latitude that corporate dire* iois have dors not include the ability 10 permit iise in the share ol labtM significantly tbovt thai determined by the market in labor (;in institutional dec ision-met hnnism). We shall sec thai the latitude of pi ivate administrative power is in other locial spheres equally limited. ThllS institutional power lies at the bate ni all o| soi ial !il<' and I il development. Il i< the COJttCXt wilhhi which both vlair IK)wet and pi i\ air aduiitlisl ial ive powei must Ir analyzed. I he importance cannot be overemphasised, because it cuts counter tti our most immediate political ex|ierieitre. We experience tin- war in Vietnam an inherent!) poluiial I- isnm while tin inn.i nn p<iii nit a^pr < is oi ihe ( a|iii.i11 a itottttttalioti ol IIOOI count! ics air effected through tin normal operation ol international commodity, (actor, and financial markets. We obscn* the political battle over ta\ latrs. mitiiiimiti wage legislation, income redistribution, and welfare programs all drtri niiiird hv political <lr< ision inn h anisinswhile the la< t that tin- income distribution is basically determined l>y supply and demand ol privately owned Eactovi of production is so immediate, it remains unnoticed. We observe collective bargaining;again a political decision-mechanism when in fact the level ol wages is determined largely by market
i n c d i . M i i v t i h , a n d i h r i n s l i i u i i o i i . i l c o n t e x t w i t h i n w h i c h t h e wage

bargain is fought sets the determining limits ol its outcome. And so on. This observation sheds light on the problem ol alienation. We have already argued that alienation is not merely a psychological problem, and hence cannot be cured 1>N puolv individual means (drugs or psychiatrists) . We now see thai alienation is an institutional problem, not merely political, In this sense it is a problem af everyday life, not ol political struggle divorced from the immediate day to day concerns of individuals. Nor could it he otherwise, for. as we shall sketch below, the application of political power-however "tHrojn-esstvel) realigned"is severely delimited by the institutional contexts within which it works. To change ih < course ol historical development requires a rhangf in ecu noiim iiislitutions at llieii base in rvei \da\ life. The lihetal theory ol the stair, in contrast, views state decision making n> the guiding l o u r in social development, insofar as tretinoin determine out cot lies. I l.ns such eco



itomii problems as inequality, poverty, ecological destruction, alienation, unci the like, are etthei seen as inevitable in due to j>olitical mismanagement and tan be cured by a turttovei of politi < al representatives. Whether tins mismanagement v due to the "backward ideas" ol political leaden, or that tltey have "vested interests" in th^ stains pn>. or that they are controlled by targe < 01 poraiions ami congressional lobbies, or that government is simply an unwieldy and unresponsive bureaucracy, the solution is the lame: elect "progressives who will respond to the people's
needs. We shall see, h(wc\ri, thai since the leal gtltditlg loice in

locial development is the set ol economic institutions, the politi < il power to cute social problems is quite limited, unless the state (i.e., politM'iil Kiivity) attacks, destroys, and replaces basic capi
lalisl ((oiioiiiM itiSiitlM K ills at then niflt, I litis ( \ < u ! perfect lit"

mucracy were achieved in the state sphere, the majoi contours < > i people's lives would he determined l>\ processes beyond theti control. The state is really a dependent forte, whose main function is i < > preserve, in as pine a form as is ft a&ible, the hasic capitalist institutions* which determine social development. The growth of the
slate is d u e to seveial conditions: (a) basic e c o n o m i c institutions

have functioned less perfectly over time, so increasing intervention lo "shore them up" has been neeessarv; (b) conflicts between various groups of capitalists have become increasingly severe, requiring more and more legislative mediate n; (c) more and more state palliatives have been rtecessar) to avoid the "politicizaliou" of workers and < iti/ens over intolerable social conditions: and (d) certain services necessary to the expansion of capi tal (r.g., roads, education, the military) tan only be supplied by the state. In all cases, slate power is a dependent and condition ally applied power. But if the operation of the slate depends on capitalist economic institutions, then the Stud*] > f institutional decision-making be (amies rentral. This is in Linn captured in the theory ol alienation. A decision-mechanism will be tenned ''alienated" when (he criteriaimplicit or explicitaccording to which it determines out tomes me tubsteniimUy independent from the needs of nidi
i'ldurils wtinrn the outtouir aliccts. I leure the c

<|iu in es ol de

cisions made according to these criteria will only by accident serve the needs of affected individuals. Insofar as this is true we sh:*ll say thai Hit- individuals are alienated from tin - ia! objccl



(be it a physical object, a scxial role, another individual, an element of culture, the natural environment, or their own personalities) whkh is the outcome of the decision mechanism. We shall aiguc that the basic institutional derision mechanisms of capitalism are alienated. Since political decision-mechanisms even within their rigidly circumscribed sphere of effective actionmust conform to the dictates of the capitalist institutional environment, they are alienated as well. Hence the course of his tory within capitalism is itself a series of alienated outcome*. . . .

Alienation from sell and culture

Alienation liom woik aelivit irs ami e oinmiiiiity are the basis ol the individual's estrangement liom all aspects ol social

According to this explanation, alienation is a form of deprivation-deprivation from important scxial loles. Bill this deprivation holds deep personal implications heeause nulivnhial pSfchti development ii controlled by toeM experience. Just as "individu als develop through theii so< ial relations ol production" atid licmc Ix < ome incomplete individuals when alienated liom theii wen k aetivilies, so individuals develop through theii loles relating to Community, product, and Other individuals. When deprived of

these formative influences in healthy forms, they become "selfalienated." T o continue a nietaphoi, society may alienate a m a n s |>s>< he as mm h as a pie k pocket his wallet We ne alienated horn ourselves when we ate not what we nally could lie when wecannot love, play, run, work, spiritualize, relate, create, empa thi/e. aid, as much as our potential allows. Sell alienation in this sense is often seen as a personal rather than social pieblem, and the "alllie led* h o o p to rouusclois and psychiatrists (and chugs) in seaich of themselves. But the social base ol even this most intimate lorm ed alienation lies in the dep rivatiou of growth conducive social environments and relationships, and its cine IS accordingly social. When one glows up alienIted hom others, he cannot love or relate; alienated from work, lie- cannot create; from community, he cannot mature as a social being. Dominant economic institutions, especially markets in labor, land, and capital, and their control l>\ individuals making decisions em the basis ol profit rathei than human need, provide



unrewarding social roles. Hence psychic growth is thwarted, much as vitamin deprivation inhibits physical development. Individuals become alienated from themselves [of yet another reason. T o produce workers with the proper ideologies, values, and personalities to participate effectively in alienated social roles requires special attention on the part o( those institutions which regulate the development of youth. Thus communications media, especially advertising, instill materialist values which hold meaningful work and community of no importance in comparison with individual consumption. I hey depctsonali/r and objectivi/e

interpersonal, intersexual, interracial, and international relations,

reducing them to brute power, competition, and ruse, by equating the individuals success as lover, worker, I M eomiiiunily mem
hei with what he pnssessc s m the lorm ol goods or status.

Similarly schocjls, hy mirroring the impersonal and competitive relations of community and the bureaucratic authoritarian aspects of alienated work, thwart the development ol true initiative, independence, and creativity in their charges. Thus they attempt tit pioduec docile, unimaginative workers Ruing the needs ol hierarchical commodity production. I he media and the schools arc alienating, but ;uc not the true till pi itsthey merely Serve an economic mechanism which shapes community and work in patterns alien to human needs. Nevertheless, the educational system warrants special attention in any analysis of alienation. For it is the educational system thai is turning out Cultural and politic al revolutionaries, as well as dis affected and unhappy workers. Why %tt schools beginning to fail in producing properly alienated workers? i l i e r e are many reasons for this, and we shall discuss only several of the most important. First, there has been an important qualitative shift in the C O W position of the work in modern corporate, bureaucratic capital
ism. Most i m p o i t a n t , the middle class and the capitalist class n o

longer coincide as in the days of early entrepreneurial capitalism. Indeed they scarcely overlap. T h e vast majority of middle class people today are workers, in the sense that they sell their labor at a market and have no control over production. The social tech nology ol corporate capitalism has reduced the bourgeoisie to the middle strata of the labor force. Students, who are by and large of middle class background, are thus fntiur monhcrs of the WOfking <law, and their political actions must be viewed in this light. Moreover, long-term trends in occupational ItrtlCtUre exhibit a





shih away l i i n n (IK- tl adit ional MttC-Collai m a n u f a c t u r i n g stia t i i t n , toward the white-collai i orporate bureau* ratii (clerical, secretarial, sales, administrative, and technical) and service (teacher, government worker, postman, policeman, soldier) strata. Hence the p o l i t i c a l views ol students w i l l be increasing!) transferable to the w o r k i n g class as time goes on. But the u n d e n t movement is especially i m p o r t a n t because <>| the special position of education in relation t<> the modern capitalist economy bureaucrat t< ordei in p r o d u c t i o n requires itti increasing period <>/ socialization of lehot tot the occupational roles the worker must assume. Kduc at ional institutionshigh schools, j u n i o r colleges, and universities ue among the i n s h u m e n t s of this socialization process. The schooling p r o f t m a basic forma ii\< influence on i n d i v i d u a l personality -is progressively reduced to its functional i<>le in i n s t i l l i n g the psychological requisites ol an adequate alienated labol l o n e M e n become "alienated b o m themselves 91 in the sense that their personal development is /.lie d u i the requirement* o( ;m rumtomtM system whose needs
.ue based on c i Hei i.t i n d e p e n d e n t oi h u m a n v a l u c v

It is assumed by liberal and radical alike that the purpose of schooling is p r i m a r i l y intellectual. Schools produce "good workers*' by s u p p l y i n g i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h the cognitive and psycho motor skills to operate in an increasingly "technological* 1 work e n v i r o n m e n t . T h i s is in large p.nt false. In fact, one < annot <\<

count j<n the contribution of schooling to worker MPfstitgi in terms of the concrete cognitive attornments < ( students. Given the
number < > ( year* ol i c l i u o l h i g an i n d i v i d u a l has attained, additional i n f o r m a t i o n as to his [ Q or actual cognitive achievement (tending and mathematical facility, logical reasoning, etc.) have v i r t u a l l y no value i n prediction of eventual income or position in tfie status-hierarchy ol production. ( ogttifl ive development is aw> ciated w i t h occupational status only through t h e i r c o m m o n asso ciation w i t h level of educational attainment. I here is l i t t l e direct causal connection. 1 In fact, schooling contributes to the generation of an adequate laboi force through the inculcation of a "bureaucratic mentality" in itudemts.* 1 his enables them to f u n c t i o n properly in alienated workmenvironments; i e.. b j d i r e c t i n g the ewntii*n&l development
i I'M ru,piii.i! support, M-<- Herbert CintU, "Mucin ion. Technology, ami khr c ha tariff Utic* nl IVorkei Productivity/* Amftiam ." / .'. . Review, May 1971.

J . liHd.



oi a lutm< worker, since ;m increasing imiiw11 i nowadays a > l ''psychic large majorityof workers pass through tins process < bureaucratization," ///> development o\ s counterculture negal ing the bureaucratic mentality is <i necessary instrument in the emergence <if working class consciousness. Phc Marxist principle thai socialism can result only from the political activity of a working <lass conscious <! iisell aa an oppressed class, remains essentially correct today. However, psychic miirlnMining as student is an essential and increasingly time- and energy-consnming segmetil < l everi worker's life. Education > i alienated labor. Contradii tions in the edserves the production < ucational system ate quickly transformed to lactones and offices themselves.n A breakdown m the educational system produce