Women, Agrarian Movements, and Militancy: Chiapas in the 1980s Author(s): Anna Mara Garza, Sonia Toledo and

Mariana Ortega Brea Reviewed work(s): Source: Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 35, No. 6, Women in Agriculture / Globalization, Democracy, and Revolutionary Nationalist Movements (Nov., 2008), pp. 63-76 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27648136 . Accessed: 07/01/2013 23:53
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Women,

Agrarian

Movements,

and Militancy

Chiapas
Anna Maria Translated

in the 1980s by

Qarza and Sonia Toledo Ortega Bre?a byMariana

Many of the changes thatdirectlypreceded theemergence ofChiapas's contemporary social movements tookplace in the 1980s. The conditions thatgave birth to a broad and heterogeneous women's movement included the development of contacts between A self-critical process tookplace within a context of intenseand violent transformations. out with work carried and the campesina women indigenous analysis of organizational in thoseyears reveals that thepolitical goals of the timeobscured the subordinate role of women participants in the agrarian struggle that have since become one of the central
issues in women-related and women-led political work. campesina and indigenous women, social-movement advisers, and local academics. The

Keywords:

Chiapas, Social movements, Gender, Campesinos, Advisers

The 1980s can be seen as the formative period for a number of contemporary are inmany ways in Chiapas. The recent collective mobilizations movements based on or related to the experiences, ideas, and identities born in or around of that time did not of those years.1 The women the campesino movement on or based kind revisionism of social espouse any participate gender issues or strategic activities, but their experiences in the struggle? in organizational and interaction with members of violent confrontations, daily organization, to a political different regions, cultures, languages, and walks of life?amounted initiation formany. is an outgrowth of our militant and academic This retrospective analysis

in the Chiapas the border zone, and the northern part highlands, experience women's of the state. It is focused on the conditions that gave birth to the first interrelations between academia and the examines the local and meetings of the time.What social movements we did we possess? What materials political motivations? We have and methodological use, openly or implicitly? What theoretical tools did were our

that have adopted various theoretical and methodological perspectives in sometimes been considered or, case, any contradictory incompatible, a to establish between dialogue privileges gender theory, which seeking

Anna

Mar?a

Garza

and

Sonia

Autonomous Chenalh? movimiento Chiapas

University (2002) is among en

ind?gena (2002). Mariana

Ortega

(1975-1985) (1996) and Fincas, poder y cultura en Simojovel, Simojovel in Canberra, is a freelance Bre?a translater based Australia. Issue 163, Vol. 35 No. 6,November 2008 63-76

are researchers at the Indigenous Institute of the Toledo Studies en San Pedro of Chiapas G?nero, (UNACH). interlegalidad y conflicto recent is del while the author of Historia Garza's Toledo publications,

LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, DOI: 10.1177/0094582X08325944 ? 2008 Latin American Perspectives

63

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LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

which are based on subjectivity, and studies involving campesino movements, are also differentiated structural analysis. These two approaches by their lan We to and have tried reconcile the expressive differences guage literary style. between these traditions.

AGRARIAN MOVEMENTS
The

AND MORE

close of theMexican can be understood national

1980s were a time of profound crisis, and many ideas, values, and per were in institutions, the social spectives openly being questioned religious sciences and the arts, government social organizations, and the agencies, life. The economic and political system established at the sphere of everyday Revolution had begun to crack, and the ensuing changes as an of events on various levels from the inter amalgam to the local. In Chiapas the campesino struggles coincided with

teacher mobilizations, of many families religious clashes, and the expulsion in the highlands. from several municipalities movements Complex migratory altered the state's demographic land-use patterns, profoundly composition, economic structure, and social relations. The forest along the Guatemalan border was populated and by immigrants from various regions of Chiapas the cities were surrounded resi settlements whose Mexico; by indigenous dents had come in search of jobs or fleeing from conflict in their hometowns. of Guatemalans Finally, thousands sought refuge in the border zone during these years. The clashes, agreements, and negotiations that arose from these processes contributed to the political transformation of Chiapas. Meanwhile, the condi tions for women-oriented to However, spaces political emerge. began women in the processes that would lead to the creation although participated of such spaces, the extensive literature on Chiapas's social movements during the 1970s and 1980s pays no attention to their role as social actors (see, e.g., 1983; P?rez Castro, 1988; Rojas, 1995; Harvey, 2000). Paniagua,

The campesino movement greatly influenced the Chiapas political scenario, and agrarian struggles became the hub of social transformation. Inmany parts of the country, its emergence took particular forms in accordance with specific and enemies (Bartra, 1985: 104-105). From themid-1970s to causes, demands, were movements on themid-1980s, social focused the the allo land, Chiapas cation of credits, commercial labor demands, and an end to subsidies, the most valued and vio repression. The land thus became economic and and lently disputed symbolic resource, political acts, demands, and identities were constructed around it. discourses, caciquismo of private rural property (predios) took place during the in 1970s themunicipalities of the highlands the (San Andr?s Larr?inzar), early and northern area (Huitiup?n, and the central Sabanilla), Simojovel, valleys (La Frailesca). At the same time, San Juan Chamula was gripped in a violent and indigenous that led to the community members caciques numerous of dissident families. These events, among many others, expulsion became the basis of amassive social mobilization that continued into the following decade. Itwas carried out by local organizations that acted spontaneously and clash between The first "invasions" and

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65

the full support of the population. As nationally established campesino rural move and other social actors entered the scene, Chiapas's organizations were re-created ment was strengthened and solidified and the organizations to suit regional particularities. in themobilizations Women during themost critical moments; participated enjoyed

and protests, often faced physical repression, and they took part inmarches their local and Once chosen the directions groups organizations. by supported went back to their daily tasks and the crisis had been averted, however, they men took charge of the political dynamics. Women usually did not participate in charge of representing their family units2) in local assemblies (men were local representatives. and were not appointed

the gender inequalities present in The new social organizations reproduced the society as a whole and, accepting them as natural, created particular forms fell to small circles of leaders Their political management of subordination. a were to view of social transfor understood hold broad who and advisers the ability to develop the rural poor. The vertical organizational itself reinforced their leadership. Women and to have language and little education strategies, negotiate, and represent structure and the political project who had a limited grasp of the had almost no chance of?or interest

mation

Spanish

in the assemblies, let alone becoming repre organizational in?participating little awareness of sentatives. The main goal being to obtain land, there was were not directly derived from forms of The that production. inequalities women as members to participate allowed of the agrarian movements no of for political questioning class but offered them opportunity campesino that resulted to of responding incapable terms and instead opted for repression. The prolonged conflict in political in some areas were to a large extent the agrarian struggle and its radicalization this of response, which often led to clashes between consequence government the violence and landlords inequality. of the striking aspects of this period was the state and federal governments proved

gender One when

campesinos Venustiano

forces retreated. At other times, however, despite the obvious in charge of evicting the local groups and the battalions between inequality were to not the restricted side. The clashes showed casualties them, campesino or with that women were not passive, weak, sticks, stones, incompetent: more than once managed to stop the evictions. imprecations, and prayers they of these clashes, however, ended, aside from evictions, in rapes, beat Many ings, jailings, and murders. and the armed

and forces. In Simojovel supported by armed for example, where clashes were both frequent and vio Carranza, to for self-defense. One strategy was lent, the local population was organized to and the seized task of the women, children, property protecting assign was convinced sex" that, being the "weaker elderly. The local organization as children and the women would be and by nature as nonaggressive elderly, hid The the and men, particularly Garza, 2003). young ones, respected (Toledo were in charge were the ones in need of protection, for in thewoods; they they were and shared by the local authorities These notions of the movement. on ruse extent to the the worked occasion, that, 1996) (Toledo, groups power

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LATINAMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

this simplistic women?over

classification glosses over) began to try to attract oppositional half of the territory's population?to their own particular agen women's das. The issue of Chiapas issue that political participation?an a center the of in become heated would the times of eventually dispute to thus closely linked contemporary agrarian movements. Zapatismo?was to the first step was From what we shall call an "opposition perspective," women with group interests inmind: help them analyze their real politicize aware of the different social classes, the theft of lands, and become ity, on in and reflect the which the powerful dis ways through labor, exploitation interests and the diverse their methods of guised repression employed by This kind of analysis, itwas society and their consequences. thought, would and contribute to the success of lead tomore informed political participation and their struggle. campesino organizations The San Crist?bal diocese had recently identified oppression and exploitation as major social evils, and pastoral intervention was certainly one of the main

the idea began to take shape Given the intensity of these confrontations, that perhaps the informed participation of women might strengthen the at and the the group, commirnity organization, large. Independent organizations, bodies that (and the vast range of social positions along with institutionalized

in their families, communi Mujer sought to promote the role of campesinas a from and ties, conciliatory religious perspective. At the begin organizations were to revalorize 1980s made the the role of women while of attempts ning honoring "God's plan"

faith also served others as a justification for rejecting such organizations. of the role of The Church has never been averse to the conceptualization women in various social spheres, and during those years its Pastoral de la

sources of philosophical Still, campesinos change among rural communities. and campesinas were directly involved in the process. One of themost impor inwhich they reinterpreted and tant processes yet to be researched is theways to suit their own interests, altered the received discourses logic, and percep tions. Those who became part of campesino created a discourse organizations tied to their own political choices, inspired by "the word of God," but Catholic

and analysis of reality. Soon the first questions the discussion "women's submissive position" came to the fore (Mujeres Campesinas regarding del Sur, 1996), and the nuns began a long process that would lead to the cre Diocesana ation of the Coordinadora de Mujeres for (Diocesan Organization in 1994. Women?CODIMUJ) similar in part to that of other groups now This religious approach was a social transformation agenda, and all of them con arriving in Chiapas with that undertook and practices among the local population. tributed to new discourses Some came as part of government to state's the agencies seeking strengthen politi to political parties or social organi cal infrastructure, while others belonged or Maoist tendencies. The participation zations with Marxist of these militant full of contradictions and ambiguities, for they saw the factions was as part of a revolutionary campesinos vanguard with the power to transform as marginal and themselves the process of change. agents prompting reality did not involve these political The campesinos' demands advisers, and the

in for the family, seeking women's active involvement nuns Catholic women's began teaching literacy, struggles against exploitation. health, and the support of cooperatives. They also initiated group meetings

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Garza andToledo / CHIAPAS INTHE 1980s latter's militancy was to be limited to moral

67

organizational and preters, spokespeople, As we shall see, the advisers and amply evidenced

and

orientation.

support, consciousness-raising, inter the advisers became eventually for these associations of "others." representatives Still, by the women's movement inherited

a national cen "modernization" the state pursued administrations, project a in series of industries and evidenced tered on the oil and hydroelectric and actions. institutional Inmecaf?, Tabamex, Conasupo-Coplamar, important and social support to the countryside, others were created to give productive on the poorer social strata, and counter reduce the impact of modernization and the strengthening of federal govern act social unrest. The proliferation did not automatically translate into the absolute in Chiapas ment agencies

L?pez Portillo (1976-1982) During theLuis Echeverr?a (1970-1976) and Jos?

employed this ambiguity.

not only did the agrarian movements continue but the control of dissidence; new situation inadvertently opened up new channels of communication that new identities. Professionals, fresh changes and the creation of introduced from all over the country took jobs in Chiapas and technicians bureaucrats, new ideas, perspec and began interacting with the local rural communities: were mix. Varied and into channeled the local and tives, beliefs, knowledge as factors and validate other these were, inspire helped contradictory they

in addition to those forms of geopolitical among organizations participation new types of interaction created thatwere already officially established. They in the the social movements benefited and in many ways taking shape had begun developing their own special policies women. were several reasons for There and campesina regarding indigenous one on out: two the the them stand of but hand, this, government sought to the of birth establishment control control the spread of poverty through (Garza

Chiapas countryside. Government agencies

and Cadenas, 1994); on the other, it sought to extend its base of sym a time when its legitimacy as threatened. These ideas, at itperceived pathizers woven into the indigenista discourse state, led long espoused by theMexican The Partido Revolucionario to a series of programs directed at rural women.

and agricultural organizations, in land. The leaders party charge of handi projects involving or in insti the became commercial workshops crafts strongest spokespeople were these projects tutional contexts. Although guided by the logic of the local and federal governments, they certainly helped spread the idea that women's were viable and legitimate. organizations of those years was not evenly distributed across the The social mobilization in which and the ways state or equally intense everywhere, organizations were formed and their actions and impact on a changing Chiapas were quite sans, midwives' and traditional female-owned diverse.

had a long tradition of Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary party?PRI) women lines and used this period to reinforce its insti along party organizing It created cooperatives in the countryside. of female arti tutional mechanisms medicine

differed widely, and political outlooks and methods Organizations' et old practices al., 1998). Still, their (see Garcia many of them reproduced for political participation. presence opened up opportunities affected social The clashes that took place during this period profoundly spaces, the roles of individuals in them, and theirways of life and representation.

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68 As

LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

a result of the numerous land invasions, many of the regions where private saw the introduction of communal was still ownership practiced landholding a of the landowners underwent of land. In some areas, former employees and number of increased the process of "campesinization," campesinos along with new types of social interaction and conflict. At the same time, part of the that had been linked, on a variety of levels, to particular units rural population of agricultural (ranchers, administrators, carpenters, cowboys, production tomunicipal house servants, muleteers, merchants, etc.) moved capitals and ments for example, several settle local or national urban areas. In Tuxtla Guti?rrez, were and inhabitants of Simojovel formed by some of the original or some of them were previous and ranch landowners While Huitiup?n. on a had number been these estate administrators, properties large employed in the distribution of lands but for one reason or another were not included (Toledo, 2002). This intense

in agrarian structure, and violent period of transformation new discourses and social re-created campesino interactions, by accompanied with interests and diverse conflicts mobilized other groups identity. Many under the larger banner of the campesinado, a group whose identity had been two decades. At the these and during re-envisaged metaphorically practically same time, although at a slower pace, the way had been paved for the con as struction of other identities such ethnicity and gender.

THE FIRST WOMEN'S

The

CONFERENCES

women

of various cultures and regions, left-wing militants who had partici and religious and teachers' movements, in the campesino academics, pated workers. Women who had little in common began to get involved in a very led to a partially shared vision. complex process that eventually The first contacts between women's groups were strongly influenced by the was It rural that set the basic the movement.3 organizations campesino women that these of different lan among developed agenda. The dialogue and cultural particularities from different localities and, guages, backgrounds, to examine on occasion, even different countries encouraged the participants to the state had Initially, general opposition with and of civil, party, political organizations loosely cre members of religious orders and lay groups. Work with and forwomen other ated closer ties. Years later, some of these original participants joined to build a broad and heterogeneous movement groups and organizations their personal lives and situations. the members linked based

a unrest of the 1970s and 1980s produced large number of political women from central from the eccle Catholics conferences Mexico, involving and mestiza Guatemalan siastical base communities, refugees, indigenous

on their experiences of this agrarian mobilization (Garza, 2000). The advisers to the party and militant organizations, religious workers, aca and developed them all had their own philosophies demics, and professionals all their varied of them stressed education goals widely, differently. Although as a tool for change or containment. Then as now, the idea that an isolated and ignorance was easily manip hampered by underdevelopment population the fact that new sociocultural approaches ulated had become a burden. Despite

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that ethnicity exacer diversity and tradition, the conviction It was believed condition of the campesino that bated persisted. to ancestral traditions and local loyalties made be prone indigenous people the landlords, or led by alien interests (whether those of the government, some other and training of the rural population The education opponent). thus became a crucial project. the rural poor were generally thought of in thisway, the situation was While The experiences of the campesino movement forwomen. much worse made valued cultural the woes women's subordinate

and the discourse and actions it apparent, position no reference to gender inequal employed against systems of subjugation made as advisers to or supporters who Other women?those of participated ity. were to and/or campesino organizations, belonged left-wing political parties, to work with indigenous women agencies?began employed by government Itwas only natural thatwomen and campesinas. should take care of women? that sex and biological the prevailing view was imperatives were the root of and thatmembers of the same sex would "women's problems" each approach was so But not the crucial with confidence. of this other process aspect greater as the organizational that built bridges, much dynamics gender similarity Common alliances, and negotiations. understanding, (though not necessarily were themes them the limitations raised, among collectively expected) on women to full their bear the brunt of domestic and imposed by having the control exercised and activities, by fathers, grandfathers, child-rearing women's of work and atten devaluation their the the lack of brothers, abilities,

inwhich girls and boys tion towomen's needs, illnesses, and bodies, theways were socially differentiated, women's active participation in an ideological sys tem that harmed them, and their fears and insecurities. The beginnings were difficult and hesitant; doubt and inertia had to be was not easy to defend the need forwomen's meetings openly confronted. It that including women's who believed interests might damage those against in the organiza Some men who had leading positions the larger movement. in themeetings?translating, tions would participate the direction monitoring conversations were taking, and offering corrections. Itwas especially hard to that gender issues were a secondary problem. combat the general perception and men, leaders and members, oscillated between gossip, and criticism, downright suspicion, mockery, "forgetfulness." Women began tomeet inwhat was sometimes open defiance of certain family members and a were to of lack their and needs the collec support regarding subject general tive needs of their budding There were also times, however, organizations. and to have their consciousness when women were forced to attend meetings Both women

identities of all participants, both the advisers and the advised, and had On the one hand, involved consequences. many contradictory Chiapas women were able to come up with an agenda that responded to their personal and could later engage in dialogue with national and needs and perspectives dered

all this, this work eventually raised against their will. Despite led to the cre at ation of small groups the local and micro-regional levels and some state, and national meetings. regional, at and disputes encountered To a great extent the dialogues, negotiations, the conditions for a general women's movement. the beginning established was to the gradual fundamental construction of the gen This development

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LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

feminist groups without international being swept away by outside priori in the beginning had by this ties.4 At the same time, certain aspects outlined the persistent distinction between adviser and time become quite problematic: in spite the women advised had perpetuated relationships between unequal work to Chandra the their efforts of all (1991) explores the contrary. Mojanty's in which the feminist discourse relations dangers of losing sight of the power women as subjects pro and campesina is immersed. Focusing on indigenous vided with the existence to transform their own reality presupposed the tools they needed uninformed of two opposing and/or unedu types of women:

and exploitation, and educated professionals cated ones, subject to oppression as in control of their lives and aware of their rights. The latter were perceived the them and this the prototype towhich all women gave essentially aspired, to conduct the educational process. Discussions regarding the social power men and women should have involved a critical analy asymmetries between sis of the ideas presented by the advisers themselves. as advisers?feminists, women's of us working Those group members, limitations and contra the addressed cultural have openly helpers?should a more what have been dictions in our own environments, opening up might as we saw ourselves At the time, however, supporters of equitable process.5 our country. This to transform had the those who, we potential thought, blinded us to our own situation, and although our involvement was already our initial views, the demands of our project left us little room for modifying reflection during these formative years.

PARTICIPATORY RESEARCH AND WORKING WITH WOMEN

Feminist Chiapas. was absent theory Consciousness-oriented in from the first studies involving women more influential had urban women groups 1983). Local academics made para el Di?logo, (starting with to explain Freire's work [1974; 1979 the generally nontransformative women to their social situation. At the Paulo

results (see Mujeres practical use of participatory research and cultural

(1970)]) approaches response of indigenous and campesina and have same time, they sought to free them from their "false consciousness" tech their potential and better their situation. The participatory them develop actors in of the of inclusion the systematization nonspecialist niques proposed into her the of and the production converting subject knowledge, experiences on them the variations own and methods These of provided study. object notion of the intellectual" (a category based on the Gramscian "committed "organic intellectual") with ad hoc tools. will

and militants6 1986 meeting between academics of an October Discussion research and allow us to explore theway inwhich we combined academic women and their situation. During what we called the with activism political we of Chiapas," and Campesina Women of Indigenous "First Conference a our it into collective of research and transform sought to expand the scope traditional with education of reflection techniques process by combining popular research tools. We used the categories of class, ethnicity, and sex as the basis as of work, family, community, and reproduction for a discussion (biological the causes well as social and ideological). After debating what we considered

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of "the indigenous woman's situation," we met for a week with 20 indigenous women from the areas where we had been carrying out our research. Those run and Las Margaritas from Simojovel (places formerly by ranchers and now movements centers active and of landlords, army- and police campesino were over and conflict land. The women led repression) shaped by violence soon and had close ties to what would from Huixt?n, who were organized become the Partido hailed

came from ejidos founded in the 1970s and 1980s by immigrant Margaritas and had received the influx of thou from the highlands Tzotzils and Tzeltals war. There were also women the sands of Guatemalan pastors refugees during health program pro from San Juan Chamula and, finally, two experienced moters which was made and migrant from La Hormiga, up of expelled close to San Crist?bal. The latter not only joined of municipalities members but also served as translators and bilingual facilitators during the campesinas sessions. group and Evangelical The group was quite heterogeneous, including Catholic a as as traditionalists and representing wide range of ages and well Christians to focus on the common threads of class, eth work experiences. We decided sex discussion around these and and organize topics. Setting aside fem nicity,

Democr?tica de la Revoluci?n (Revolutionary Democratic an formed from the L?zaro C?rdenas ejido during party?PRD), were midwives from Chenalh? Those associated with the administration. a of Physicians, newly independent Organization Indigenous body that had women institutions. The from the official forest of Las from government split

social condition as the result of universal inist theories that explain women's on class structure. This we based our approach strategy was patriarchy, and and and the political activists, meetings symposia religious employed by the First National with similar goals were organized: Conference ofWomen of el women's the round table the Popular Sectors (Mujeres para 1983), Di?logo, Plan Bureau de Conference of 1985 (CNPA, 1985), National the Ayala during

mestizo,

the first laborer-landlord, exploited-exploiter, oppressed-oppressor, and the second reactionaries. revolutionaries The incorpora being potential as that of tion of sex and ethnicity was not as theoretically well developed that were fun issues of class. We included culture and the body as additions saw in the production defined by their position chain. We damentally an at most exacer its least women's tragic consequences?as oppression?or bation of their class condition. Looking back on this period, we recognize the limitations of this approach. And yet poverty and exploitation turned out to be only some of the issues raised at the conference. In addition to subjects such as work done for the benefit of landlords, the low prices of produce, and the became part of our poor quality of the land, a revaluation of housekeeping the division between the discussions. private and public spheres Although we as linked was two the presented becoming popular, through the social

del Sur (1996). and the conferences of theMujeres Campesinas centered on experiences we perceived to be Some of our sessions were related to class structures and interpreted from both pragmatic and academic same time, we presented a series of images created perspectives. At the by the social organizations, the various official Catholic Church, political parties, The society we institutions, and budding organizations. nongovernmental was static and essentialist opposites: polar split into portrayed indigenous

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two Tzotzil women, Anselma, from Simojovel, and Maria, from the were members of campesino organizations, but their Huixt?n. Both of highlands and role in biological views on women's political participation reproduction were radically different. Maria that too children limited many thought having between women's them physically and emotionally, and held political activity, drained a leader and to many forms of domestic violence. Anselma, them hostage Catholic pastoral agent, argued that one ofwomen's main political contributions was the bearing and rearing of children who would become part of the social

on reproduction. This view allowed us to get biological system's dependence a involving the home, work and the workspace, glimpse of the complex web and communal organization, politics. was Our dialogue regarding the body and reproduction probably the most some our it and shifted of ideas certainly Stereotypie enriching, regarding indige nous rural women. One of the events that stood out was the disagreement

to finish off the campesinos," she told us. struggle. "The government wants to stop having children." Still, Anselma had left "That iswhy theywant women was the only way she could find of it her husband; remaining politically active. The political relevance of this issue, with all its ambiguities and contradictions, increase over the years and become a complex knot of clashing interests would (Garza, 2000). Back then, those of us in charge of leading the discussions decided to avoid it.Our fear of jeopardizing this nascent union among women led us to view. end the argument, a move that tacitly approved Anselma's a given culture's dominant values are based on Interpretations regarding arose that indigenous women were issues. Ours from the conviction many in their approach to reproduction and the body?at least simply conservative this iswhat health organizations, and, programs, family planning especially, the Church told us. Our workshops led us to question this notion. When we we were to use two alter women's discussed image of themselves, prepared native methods, one in case they identified themselves through theirwork, the other if they chose to do so through their bodies. When our participants stated was it birth and that that women their bodies that them give distinguished we a human them with from men, silhouette and asked them to presented draw on it the body parts they considered significant. The women thought of the silhouette itself as "an animal; it's far from being a woman." They drew eyes, eyebrows, ductive organs,
a head

eyelashes, mouth, teeth, fingers and toes, nails, breasts, and the pubic area. In their words, one needed
eyes to see, ears to hear, a mouth to talk, hands to make

repro

hair to look pretty, feet to walk and go towork, chak' [a generic term for thepubic area] to live and pee and poop. Men use it so thatwe can get pregnant and have
kids. . . We . or need clothes to cover ourselves and look laces thorns to adorn glass, ourselves, and also a shawl so to carry that no microbes the baby, in. get pretty, earrings to avoid shoes and neck stepping on

to think,

food,

one had to be that, in order to be a woman, They even decided baptized. more mere than involved much Womanhood, then, reproductive capacity. Yet a lot more time and work to start we advisers needed taking this seriously. Later on, the work of Sylvia Yanagisako and Jane Collier (1994), which

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that gender is con the feminist tendency to assume strongly questioned a as function of reproduction, alerted us to structed across time and culture we women were our notion that At the the time, ineluctably tied to prejudices. standard. the remained operative biology us Our participants again. They took another silhouette and used surprised we had the workshop it to represent the male body. While preparing we it but had this decided because considered subject against bringing up not were sure that their conservative would them leanings only discourage

but also offend them. None of this happened, and the from participating are areas in conservative these stubborn notion that rural women generally was evidence of our own prejudices. We decided to use the new silhouette to men inmind. to the According replicate the drawing exercise, this time with women, men had
a head to figure out how to get money for food, eyes to see, a nose, mouth, and

teeth to talk and eat, a hat to protect themselves from the sun, ears to hear; hands and feetwith fingers, toes, and nails towork, walk, look forwork; a watch to know at what time they startwork and what time they finish; some hair on the a body and the face; decorative boobs, like sample; the belly button, the big gut that is used forpooping, and here we get the alteration; a penis to keep his wife
company, to have children.

Men

and clothes. The male also required baptism figure was anatomically its different in order to "keep his wife company," but the salient feature was inwork. Arms, hands, legs, and feet were instruments used to involvement to either the self or others) or participate in other work the land (belonging some time to We had talk taken about the differentiation activities. salaried silhouette the main of labor by class and sex, but the male encompassed differences. We that the confirmed and many gendered points presented as work and women their did not see housework interpreted agricultural served to activities as help rather than labor. The hair, dress, and accessories state their feminine image, along with jewelry to "look pretty" and a "shawl in the male the to carry the baby." Salaries sphere, although belonged was men who women in It salaried activities. themselves participated a hat and a watch and were directly responsible for "[figuring] out needed how to other workshops, courses, and symposia and institutions other during those organized by political parties, were that kinds of with It the used the purpose years. techniques exemplifies social systems. Although we inherited and of building new, more egalitarian Our the Church, re-created the division between advisers and advised and had to deal with specific kinds of tension and conflict, these types of encounters made possible new patterns of reflection and interaction. Women's work and political partic were valued, and evaluation expression ipation personal being key elements. also allowed us to explore the beginnings An analysis of our workshops of as well as the and involvement with women's academic organizations, long movements in Chiapas. contradictory process of women's Inspired by the we rural women 1970s agrarian movements, sought to support indigenous and help them to find ways of interpreting and representing their demands. to get money conference for food." was similar

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LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES

FINAL THOUGHTS
have grown from earlier social movements the past 20 years, Chiapas During and intertwined. As we have said, the campesino move social organizations It not ment can be seen as the foundation formany subsequent organizations. to fore but also the land revealed possession brought problems regarding only new in created demands and and conflicts that, time, many types of inequalities is profoundly The of Chiapas them among history gender. identity categories, of the 1970s and 1980s repre in agrarian life; the intense mobilizations sented a crack in the collective imagination as well as social and political relations. con Once the struggle for land had yielded results, those who had experienced realized that land in itself did not solve all the problems? flict and mobilization rooted

which

which, despite its contradictions, remains fertile ground for collective utopias. in movements for women's After agrarian up spaces struggle opened women as and of work of the (first part campesina general indigenous Chiapas, revealed social institutions, then in expressly created groups) has progressively that are seen as natural not only by rural people but inequalities deep-seated also by many of the social workers who are politically involved with them. The women in the agrarian struggle participants initially subordinate position of and women-led one of the central issues in women-related became political this work. Those who played advisory roles back then had also experienced

was always traceable to the immediate past. The campesino movement that has been a fundamental referent formany social and political movements ter are still rooted in its organizational If demand Zapatistas history. nowadays that have been nurtured it is because and movement, autonomy, they by ritory

also required attention. People who had been that poverty and exclusion of events directly or indi of origin because their communities from expelled new in to the agrarian clashes engaged struggles the character of rectly related

in their respective areas of militancy and, through their work marginalization with indigenous and rural women, undergone processes parallel to those of the advised. This was obscured, however, by political goals that at the time were as essential. The women's groups that formed in later years would perceived maintain their links to past popular organizations, and, because indigenous and movement in Chiapas, many of rural women made up most of the women's their demands are shaped by their particular interests and views.

based on the notion of gender propose feminist perspectives Contemporary and men, and academic of daily interactions between women the examination and in the studies done trajectory of social move regarding gender Chiapas a ments have attempted to explore this. However, critical, historical revision women. Class, should also take into account established relationships among are not to but also to divisions and only pertinent gender ethnicity religion, in the women's movement itself as the participants the relationships between certain aspects are reinforced and others questioned. are flexible and sometimes even between social movements The boundaries has brought together a variety of groups and organiza Zapatismo disappear. as movement did decades the campesino tions, just ago. Contemporary a and hark have rural and demands strong component indigenous complaints back to a very recent history upon which the tensions, clashes, and contradictions they seek to build solutions. are also part of that history. Some

of

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Garza andToledo / CHIAPAS INTHE 1980s

75

NOTES
or the "women's movement" of the "campesino movement" speaking a to various but the linked cultural unified groups any organization by logic action. their collective 1. In 2. Even side, sons now, the few women who who women participate themselves as in general assemblies tend we refer not to

that characterizes

including to represent them, and is still distant. relations 3. The feminist movement the urban

identify

they hardly

ever express

Zapatistas, their opinions.

in the Chiapas country to be widows without older change in gender

A genuine

to reorganize inMexico in close with City had begun relationship movement that followed the 1985 earthquake the inter (Tu??n, 1997), while popular in the 1970s had extended that began to national feminist meetings their influence taking place move context and its Latin America (Nash, 1986). Still, Chiapas's particular history of popular are ments the adoption for understanding of certain ideas and the creation of important equally of women's the landscape others that expanded rights. 4. For example, whereas urban in the struggle for equality, many to end agrarian reform. attempt feminism Chiapas tends to see birth control as one organizations have opposed it as of the major a tools government

to the often mechanical 5. Bourdieu of (2000) and others have called attention understanding and social transformation. of social consciousness between the acquisition the relationship This in future work is a subject worth pursuing the kinds of processes discussed here. involving at the Indigenous 6. Maria Fernanda Studies Institute at the Autonomous Paz, a researcher founder Santana, of Antzetik Workshop of the Organization of that university's School of Indigenous Physicians,

Walda of Chiapas; Barrios, University and Maria of Social Sciences; Eugenia to a also closely allied Chiapas pastoral

organization.

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