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Jesper Jespersen
Table 19.1 New dividing lines in EU policy attitudes Left Positive 1 Defence against globalisation 2 Pooling national sovereignty Sceptic 1 Democratic deficit 2 Centralisation 3 EU bureaucracy 4 ECB monetarist project 5 Deflationary bias 6 Stability Pact too restrictive 7 Regional differences Right 1 2 3 4 Gains from foreign trade ECB secures low inflation Increased market power A modern project
1 Loss of sovereignty 2 National currency symbol of state power 3 Euro first step to United States of Europe 4 The European labour market is unfit for fixed exchange rates
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In Britain, unlike Continental Europe, a Euro-sceptic wing developed from within the Conservative party at a rather early stage. The EU seemed to them to imply more centralisation and regulative power in Brussels. Within the Conservative rhetoric Brussels came close to a social democratic project which involved too much market regulation, whereas New Labour started to see Brussels representing a possible solution to some of the problems related to increasing globalisation. A European currency might match the dollar and yen on equal terms. Brussels might negotiate international trade agreements with the US as equal partners. Brussels might even match the biggest transnational companies. Pooling the waning, national sovereignty within the EU might imply regaining some European sovereignty in a world which was becoming increasingly globalised. Consequently, New Labour has adapted an increasingly positive attitude towards the EU and the Euro. One of Tony Blairs first actions after gaining office in 1997 was to go to Brussels and sign the Social Charter. Different attitudes towards the implication of and the right answer to the challenges of Global capitalism have thus unveiled the affinity between macroeconomic schools and ideology. The comparatively free movements of financial capital and enterprises together with (nearly) free trade have to some extent undermined the economic (and political) sovereignty of the nation state. The positive economists applaud this development. They agree that gains from increased international competition are beneficial for all countries and should unconditionally be welcomed. Then it is up to the decision makers in Brussels to correct possible negative regional side effects. On the other hand Left and Right disagree on how to correct, and on the necessity of correcting, these side effects. The Left points to fiscal federalism as a possible corrective instrument whereas the Right is against handing more power to Brussels and look instead to the market for stabilising factors. The sceptics are, of course, sceptical about the unconditioned positive effect of increased globalisation in a number of economic areas (e.g. unrestricted financial flows). It is no wonder that the public firmly believe that economists always disagree. In relation to the Danish referendum in 2000, this state of confusion led to the conclusion that the economic consequences of the Euro were not decisive. In Chicks taxonomy I found a thought-provoking pattern between the leading macroeconomic schools and the four different political attitudes towards European monetary integration, as set out in Table 19.2. Really hard-boiled market economists the New Classical economists say that the only thing that matters in a rational economic world is competition. Avoid
Table 19.2 EMU attitudes and the political spectrum Left EMU-positive: New Keynesians EMU-sceptic: Post-Keynesians Right Moderate EU-monetarists Orthodox (Anglo-Saxon) monetarists
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regulations (i.e. intervention from Brussels), secure a steady rate of money supply growth and leave the rest to the market and the rational actors. Monetarists are in fact divided. The European wing that is the moderate monetarists (close to the opinion of the EU Commission and the European Central Bank (ECB)) favour a monetary union. This is because, if anything, a fixed exchange rate and a firm monetary rule (maximum 2 per cent inflation) will force European labour markets to be more flexible with regard to cross-border mobility and wage reduction. The other wing is led by the orthodox (mainly Anglo-Saxon) monetarists (Milton Friedman, Martin Feldstein, Patric Minford). They were among others supported by 155 German economists who in an open letter to the Financial Times in February 1998 voiced their disagreement with the European monetarists with regard to the benevolent consequences of fixed exchange rates within the EU. They consider the Euro an obstruction to free market forces, which will inevitably cause increased tension between the participating countries due to lack of labour market integration. New Keynesians are neoclassical economists in disguise. They have developed their theory around labour market rigidities (Layard et al. 1991). Within an institutional framework of rational agents, reasonable arguments can be made for removing any labour market inflexibilities. They are considered as, mainly, structural barriers to full employment. The inflexibilities dominate the different European labour markets. But the rational rigidities might also impede the adjustment to shorter-term business cycle unemployment. The New Keynesian answer to these different kinds of unemployment is to establish a case for shortrun demand management to overcome the business cycle part of unemployment. According to the New Keynesian economists, it is strongly recommended that the demand side of labour market policies is restricted to only the short period and always supplemented by intensified labour market structural reforms. Coordination of economic policies within the EU is needed for small open economies because, according to New Keynesians, national sovereignty has been lost to global market forces. There is only one actor (the EU) left which might stand up to global pressure. That is the reason why new, modernised Labour, Social Democratic governments in both Continental Europe and Scandinavia look to Brussels as the crusader against roaring unrestricted international competition and big transnational firms. To post-Keynesians, the differences among European countries are seen as much more pronounced and the economies less integrated both at regional and global levels. According to them, European countries are able to pursue different goals in macroeconomic and welfare policies. They consider real demand shocks as the most likely source of future disturbances for which reason traditional economic policy instruments are needed to keep unemployment low. On the other hand, structural problems in the labour market are accepted as a possible cause of macroeconomic imbalances which might cause inflation, should they not be taken seriously. But concerted actions under EU leadership are considered the best 195
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remedy against symmetric demand shocks. But the correlation of business cycles within the EU is still rather weak, so that asymmetric shocks are more likely. This leaves each country with rather wide scope to pursue independent national economic strategies as long as the country maintains full command over the traditional economic political instruments (fiscal, monetary and exchange rate policies). Furthermore, post-Keynesian economists favour the argument that some national sovereignty could be regained by controlling international financial capital flows and the activities of transnational firms. Within these areas they call for intensified collaboration between independent sovereign nations and give a high priority to redistributive national policies (on the basis of traditional Social Democratic values).
That development, of course, created difficulties when negotiations for the new Amsterdam Treaty were started. Furthermore, the political landscape had changed, with the European Council now being dominated by social democrats except for Germany where Chancellor Helmut Kohl was still in power. Although a German election was due within a year, no one dared to reopen negotiations concerning the chapter in the Treaty on monetary union. Instead a new, separate, chapter on employment considerations was added to the new (Amsterdam) Treaty. This chapter was met with fierce resistance from the German conservatives. In fact, they managed to water down the national commitments to the labour chapter and to prevent any recommendation to improve the employment situation becoming mandatory.
When the Euro was launched, there were great expectations related to it as a likely future reserve currency which could, at least to some extent, substitute for the dollar in that function. That seems not to be the case. Since its launch the international value of the Euro has been unstable and fallen by approximately 20 per cent. Different schools have different explanations of the causes of this development. The EU monetarists cling to the different business cycles in the US and the Eurozone, together with an excessive growth in the money supply, an unfavourable difference in interest rates, and irrational speculation which has moved the dollar/ Euro exchange rate far away from the law of one price. In fact, they argue (on the same lines as some of the New Keynesians, see Buiter 2000) that the Euro is substantially undervalued and will regain its proper international value sooner or later. 197
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In contrast, Milton Friedman could not have been surprised by the fall of the Euro exchange rate. When he was interviewed in February 1996 by Snowdon and Vane (1999) on the desirability of forming a single currency in Europe, he answered as follows: It seems to me political unification has to come first. How many times do we have to see the same phenomenon repeat itself? After the war there was the Bretton Woods system and it broke down, in the 1970s the Snake broke down and so on. How many times do you have to repeat an experience before you realize that there must be some real problem in having fixed exchange rates among countries that are independent. There is a sense in which a single currency is desirable, but what does it mean to say something unachievable is desirable? (Snowdon and Vane 1999: 141) Post-Keynesians (e.g. Arestis and Sawyer 2000) have been equally sceptical with regard to the stability of the Euro from a structural and political perspective. According to them macroeconomic stability requires a political structure which is able to stabilise the economic performance of the whole area under consideration (the Euro-zone). At the same time, the central authorities should be empowered to provide special packages supporting regions that run into specific difficulties. They argue that a necessary condition for the monetary union to function is some kind of fiscal federalism which may balance the varying developments in different regions. This is, of course, of particular importance as long as national labour markets are not integrated within the EU. Here, Europe is very different from the US: people speak different languages, have different social rights and, most important, different cultural backgrounds. Without having these institutional arrangements written into the Treaty, international investors might consider the Euro-zone as potentially economically unstable, thus adding to the uncertainty about the future value of the Euro. Looking at the empirical evidence then it becomes obvious that the Euro has not only fallen against the dollar, but against any other currency of any importance. Against the yen, the fall has been even bigger and has happened although the Japanese economy has been in a deeper recession than the Euro-zone. Reality has not supported the Euro-monetarists arguments: 1 2 3 that the convergence criteria during the transition period would leave the real economy untouched, that the ECB could control the rate of inflation, and that the Euro could match the dollar and the yen in international financial markets as equal partners.
Unemployment in the Euro-zone is still close to 10 per cent, inflation is above the target of 2 per cent and the Euro exchange rate has fallen by more than 20 per cent against a world index of currencies! 198
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rejection: The first failure of OCA was not to distinguish in a consistent way between short-term nominal rigidities and long-term real rigidities . The second fatal flaw in the OCA literature is its failure to allow properly for international mobility of financial capital The result of these two flaws, which continue to distort the analysis and discussion of currency union issues, is ... the use of an intellectual apparatus which is out of date, misleading and a dangerous guide to policy. (Buiter 2000: 1516) I favour a financial integration approach to optimal currency areas, according to which, from an technical economic point of view, all regions or nations linked by unrestricted international mobility of financial capital form an optimal currency area. [In addition] there should be a minimal degree of political integration. [That] is present in the EU. (Buiter 2000: ii) This makes him draw the to him logical conclusion, that economic arguments for immediate UK membership in EMU, at an appropriate entry rate, are overwhelming (Buiter 2000: ii). To me the distinction between Euro-monetarists and New Keynesians is not important with regard to their views on the EMU. Both schools have a firm belief that over a relatively short period of time, the Phillips Curve is vertical and (un)employment is determined by structural/supply factors such as labour market organisation, the generosity of the welfare state (together with rent control and state subsidies). Given this view on the functioning of the economy, demand management policies are characterised as being caused by a fine-tuning delusion (Buiter 2000: i). Instead, the politicians should let the markets work and any shock will be corrected within two years. The only exception from this general assumption is international financial markets which, according to him, are characterised by: herd behaviour, bandwagon effects, noise trading, carry trading, panic trading, trading by agents caught in liquidity squeezes in other financial markets and myriad manifestations of irrational behaviour which make him conclude that under a high degree of international financial integration, market-determined exchange rates are primarily a source of shocks and instability. Having made this assumption Buiter has made an easy case for himself. Nominal cost and price rigidities what does Buiter know? As mentioned above, the assumptions of short-lasting nominal cost (wage) and price rigidities are the theoretical background for the mainstream conclusion that demand shocks have no lasting effect on the economy. 200
I find Buiters own words quite illuminating: There is no deep theory of nominal rigidities worth the name (p. 17). This leaves the economic profession in an uncomfortable position. We believe the numraire matters, although we cannot explain why. We believe that nominal wage and price rigidities are common and that they matter for real economic performance, but we do not know how to measure these rigidities, nor how stable they are likely to be under the kind of policy regime changes that are under discussion. The answer to this key question therefore is: we dont know much. (Buiter 2000: 18) When he knows so little, how can he firmly assume that cost and price rigidities only last for two years? Anyhow, he assumes that if the traded goods sector is large and wages in that sector are linked to an index of import prices in a common currency, then, of course, the exchange rate does not matter for the international competitive position. That comes close to a tautology. But, how can the market-determined exchange rates (be) the primary source of shocks and instability? Yes, the UK is a small open economy and as such it is vulnerable to lasting exchange rate volatility due to cost rigidities in the trade sector. I come to that now.
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Table 19.3 Shocks and optimal policies (in an imperfect economy) Shocks: Real A. Foreign Exchange rate Fiscal policy B. Domestic Fiscal policy Monetary policy Optimal Policies: Nominal Exchange rate
specifically those countries which have an underdeveloped financial sector. (Examples are numerous, South America, Mexico, Russia, Southeast Asia, etc.) In this post-Keynesian perspective, macroeconomic shocks can be divided into four different categories which call for different optimal policies. On the one hand we have the distinction between foreign and domestic shocks, and on the other hand we have the distinction between real and nominal shocks, as set out in Table 19.3, along with the appropriate, corrective policy tools. Foreign shocks work through the balance of payments. The real foreign shock may either be a shift in foreign demand or supply changing the current account (and by that the foreign debt) which spills over into the labour market. These twin imbalances arising from external shocks ideally call for two policy instruments to be corrected: exchange rate policy and fiscal policy. A foreign shock might alternatively be of nominal kind either caused by imported cost inflation or excessive capital flows. The first kind of shock is most easily corrected through the exchange rate. The second shock is more tricky if international investors are as irrational and myopic as Buiter assumed; then it is difficult to protect the real economy in any case. If investors, as a compromise, were assumed to be semi (ir)rational, then the exchange rate may over- or undershoot for a while, but in a longer perspective it cannot deviate from (or better cannot avoid crossing) a rate that makes the foreign debt grow. But, in the case of a reserve currency like the dollar, yen, Euro and even the pound, the adjustment process will be interrupted by more change in speculative sentiments. The smaller currencies are less volatile and the Scandinavian countries have during the 1990s experienced a supportive development in the exchange rate with regard to macroeconomic stability. Domestic real shocks work through the effective demand for goods and services and affect the labour market and the balance of payments in opposite directions. In that case fiscal policy is the straightforward instrument to use. The Stability Pact puts a ceiling of 3 per cent of GDP on the size of the public sector deficit to prevent public debt growing too fast. As a recognition of the stabilising effect of fiscal instruments, the Pact allows for short-term excesses if the economy runs into a genuine recession. 202
The domestic sector could also be hit by a real supply shock, for example if Danish pig production was caught by an export ban due to some animal decease. That would be a blow to agricultural production and thereby to the foreign current account. In that case a combination of exchange rate adjustment and structural support would be a necessary policy, especially as long as Bruxelles is not obliged to give support in such cases. A Domestic nominal shock could be a rise in wage costs above those of trading partners. An actual case is Ireland where wage increases have been well above 5 per cent. The straight textbook recommended policy would be to restrict monetary growth and thereby dampen expectations of further excessive wage increases. In that case unemployment would go up until costs have been adjusted which may take a considerable period of time. When expectations of further excess wage increases have evaporated, the labour market situation could be softened by exchange rate policy. What Table 19.3 tells is that, if the small open country under consideration does not conform to an OCA and agents are not guided by rational macroexpectations, there is room for discretionary policies when the economy is hit by a shock. Depending on the character of the shock different policies are optimal. Only in the case of a real domestic shock, does it not matter whether the country has an independent exchange rate. One could perhaps argue that in that case an unchangeable exchange rate would make the fiscal policy more effective, if it is not restricted by the criteria expressed in the Stability Pact. The other three cases demonstrated that an active national policy involving the exchange rate and monetary policy would be better to protect the economy against shocks. Pursuing these policies would prevent unemployment and foreign debt rising unduly and thereby avoid a reduction in welfare today and in the future.
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(Scandinavia) of agents squeezed by unadjusted market forces (Old Labour and post-Keynesian economists). From an empirical point of view it seems to me that the Euro-positive economists have run into difficulties when they are asked to explain the differences in unemployment during the 1990s in (1) the Euro-zone and (2) the Scandinavian countries and Great Britain not to mention the unstable and falling exchange rate of the Euro.
References
Arestis, P. and Sawyer, M. (2000). The Deflationary Consequences of the Single Currency, in M. Baimbridge, B. Burkitt and P. Whyman (eds), European Monetary Integration. Basingstoke: Macmillan, chapter 7. Buiter, W. H. (2000). Optimal Currency Areas: Why Does the Exchange Rate Regime Matter?, Discussion Paper No. 2366, Centre of Economic Policy Research, January. Chick, V . (2000). New dividing lines in the EU-debate, lecture given at the Heterodox Economists Conference, London, June 2628. Chick, V . (2001). Why the Euro Divides both Conservatives and Labour, Paper in progress. Danmarks Nationalbank. (2000). En kommentar til Det konomiske Rds kapitel om Danmark og muen, www.Nationalbanken.dk. Kbenhavn. Hoffmeyer, E. et al. (2000). Danmark og MUen: konomiske aspekter. rhus: Rdet for Europisk Politik, Systime. Layard, R., Nickell, S. and Jackman, R. (1991). Unemployment. Oxford: Oxford University Press. konomiske Rd. (2000). Dansk konomi, forr 2000 (EMU: Danish currency policy at a cross road with an English summary), Copenhagen. Snowdon, B. and Vane, H. R. (1999). Conversations with Leading Economists. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar.
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