Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
.
The Supervenience Theorem turns out to have an interesting corollary. One gets the
result that the truth-conditions of arbitrary sentences in L
,
the truth-conditions of are correctly specied by some clause of the form:
What is required of the world in order for s truth-conditions to be satised
is that it be such that p.
2.1. SUPERVENIENCE 43
where p is replaced by a (possibly innite) sentence built out of the vocabulary of L.
1
It is worth emphasizing that not every sentence of L
(i.e. (z(F(x))
(y(y = x) F(x)))) would be counted as false by a Kripke-semantics based on a
2.3. THE SUPERVENIENCE THEOREM 51
space of worlds W. Then W must contain a counterexample to the categoricity of F-
ness: there must be worlds w and w
. And there
may well be value in the project of comparing the virtues of dierent such proposals.
But one shouldnt be too bent on nding the one true notion of canonicity when the
discussion turns on issues that go beyond the region with respect to which the notion of
possibility is robustly understood.
2.3.2 The List of Modal Truths
Say we adopt the proposed formalization of the Principle of Maximality. Which modal
sentences turn out to be true?
1. The actual world of the Kripke-semantics is chosen so as to ensure that every true
sentence of L turns out to be true.
2. The use of a Kripke-semantics guarantees that one gets a normal modal system,
and therefore that every sentence of L
-renderings
of sentences like I might have had a sister and I might have had a sister who was
a cellist but might have been a philosopher.
There is no ocial catalogue of recognized modal truths. But I hope this section lends
some plausibility to the claim that the formal version of the Principle of Maximality
delivers a list of modal truths that is in line with the standard literature on metaphysical
possibility.
2.4 Modal Language and Modal Fact
The Supervenience Theorem is a result about language. It shows that the set of identity
statements can be used to x the truth-values of every sentence in L
, and
54 CHAPTER 2. POSSIBILITY
therefore that there is a version of the foundational problem that has been left untouched
by the present proposal.
My own view is that a non-language-based version of the proposal would be of limited
interest. I oer a detailed discussion in Appendix D. But the main idea is this. When one
focuses on the space of properties, and abstracts away from the predicates that might be
used to express these properties, possibility is a pretty boring concept: a possible assign-
ment of properties to objects is simply one that steers clear of incoherence. One might
think that there is an interesting project of ascertaining which property-assignments are
incoherent: whether, for example, it would be incoherent for an object to instantiate both
the property of being composed of water and the property of not being composed of H
2
O.
This could be construed as an interesting debate if it was thought of as a debate about
whether to accept the identity-statement to be composed of water just is to be composed
of H
2
O. For, as noted in section 1.6, ones views about whether an identity-statement
has trivial or impossible truth-conditions might be tied up with a number of interest-
ing questions. But none of these questions has anything particular to do with identity:
all there is to be said about property-identity itself is that every property is identical
to itself and nothing else. When one abstracts away from the question of whether the
identity-statement should be accepted, and focuses on identity itself, there are nothing
interesting to be discussed.
However that may be, it is important to acknowledge a limitation of the language-
based approach I have set forth in this chapter. Namely: whether the right sentences
of L
get counted as true depends essentially on whether L has a suitably rich stock of
non-logical predicates. Say you think that there might have been an essentially lonely
object:
Lonely
(x (y(y = x) (y(y = x))))
2.4. MODAL LANGUAGE AND MODAL FACT 55
Since Lonely contains no non-logical predicates, it will be statable in L
regardless of
which non-logical predicates are in L. Buton reasonable assumptionsone wont be
able to express the identity-statements necessary to ensure that Lonely gets counted as
true unless some non-logical predicate of L is available, and one is able to say something
along the following lines:
P(z)
z = x
x
P(x)
P(x)
x
y(y = x)
(Read: being P is constitutive of its bearers, and part of what it is to be a
P is to be lonely)
Similarly, one wont be able to state the identity-statements necessary to make the fol-
lowing sentence of L
true:
Nemeses
(x(y(x ,= x y ,= y)))
(Read: There might have been incompatible objects: objects each of which
might have existed but such that they couldnt have existed together.)
unless L contains non-logical predicates, and one is able to say something along the
following lines:
A(z)
z = x
x
A(x)
B(z)
z = x
x
B(x)
A(x)
x
yB(y)
(Read: being A is constitutive of its bearers, being B is constitutive of its
bearers and part of what it is to be an A is for there to be no Bs)
56 CHAPTER 2. POSSIBILITY
2.5 Beyond First-Order Languages
An interesting project, which I do not develop here, is that of proving a version of the
Supervenience Theorem for languages with higher-order variables. Identity statements of
the form (X)
X
(X), in which the identity predicate binds second-order variables,
are particularly interesting. For instance, the higher-order predicate
X
can be used to
capture the dierence between Humes Principle,
FG(#
x
(F(x)) = #
x
(G(x)) F(x)
x
G(x))
[Read: the number of the Fs equals the number of the Gs just in case the Fs
are in one-one correspondence with the Gs.]
and the identity-statement corresponding to Humes Principle,
#
x
(F(x)) = #
x
(G(x))
F,G
F(x)
x
G(x)
[Read: for the number of the Fs to equal the number of the Gs just is for the
Fs to be in one-one correspondence with the Gs.]
(For more on Neo-Fregeanism see Wright (1983) and Hale and Wright (2001).)
The higher-order predicate
X
can also be used to dene an analogue of Kit Fines
F
A (A is true in virtue of the nature of the objects which F). Namely: z(Xz
Fz)
X
A[X/F], where second-order quantication is cashed out in plural terms. (See
Fine (1995a) and Fine (2000); see also Fine (1994) and Fine (1995b).)
Unfortunately, the technique I use in Appendix C to generate a canonical space of
worlds wont automatically carry over to a higher-order setting. So one would need
a somewhat dierent set of tools to prove a higher-order version of the Supervenience
Theorem.
2.5. BEYOND FIRST-ORDER LANGUAGES 57
In order to get the result that . . . is
a true sentence of L
, w)
7.
,w
(#
n
i
((n
i
))) = the number of ms such that Sat((n
i
),
m/n
i
, w)
Denotation of non-arithmetical terms:
1.
,w
(x
i
) = (x
i
)
2.
,w
(Caesar) = Gaius Julius Caesar
3.
,w
(Earth) = the planet Earth
Satisfaction:
Where []
w
is read it is true at w that ,
92 CHAPTER 4. MATHEMATICS
1. Sat(n
i
, , w) there is a number m such that Sat(,
m/n
i
, w)
2. Sat(x
i
, , w) there is a z such that ([y(y = z)]
w
Sat(,
z/x
i
, w))
3. Sat(t
1
= t
2
, , w)
,w
(t
1
) =
,w
(t
2
)
4. Sat(Planet(t), , w) [
,w
(t) is a planet]
w
(for t a non-arithmetical term)
5. Sat( , , w) Sat(, , w) Sat(, , w)
6. Sat(, , w) Sat(, , w)
A few remarks about the semantics:
Innite numbers
I assume throughout that number includes innite numbers. This is done in order to
ensure that there are no empty terms in the language. If one wanted to restrict ones
attention to the natural numbers one could do so by working in a free logic.
Truth-Conditions and Possible Worlds
What I had promised is an assignment of truth-conditions to sentences; what the trivialist
semantics actually delivers an assignment of sets of worlds to sentences. To bridge the
gap we need the assumption that a sentences truth-conditions are adequately modeled
by a set of worlds. This is a substantial assumption. But chapters 1 and 2 of this book
can be read as an extended argument for the claim that the assumption is satised when
the space of worlds is taken to be the to be the space of metaphysically possible worlds.
(As emphasized in section 1.5, it is important to distinguish between the claim that two
sentences have the same truth-conditions and the claim that they have the same meaning.
To say that they have the same truth-conditions is only to say that there is no dierence
between what would be required of the world to satisfy the constraints determined by
4.4. A SEMANTICS FOR TRIVIALISTS 93
one of the meanings and what would be required of the world to satisfy the constraints
determined by the other. For further discussion of these topics, see Part ??.)
Actualism
To simplify the exposition, I have made the tacit assumption that the range of the
metalinguistic quantiers includes merely possible objects. But it is worth keeping in
mind that non-actualist quantication could be avoided entirely. As advertised earlier,
we will see in chapter 7 that when it comes to doing semantics there is a very precise
sense in which everything that could be achieved by quantifying over possibilia can also
be achieved by quantifying over representatives for possibilia, while working from within a
purely actualist perspective. The trivialist semantics is no exception. (For a development
of the trivialist semantics in explicitly actualist terms, see Rayo (2008).)
4.4.2 Philosophical Commentary
Outscoping
What is distinctive about the trivialist semantics is that mathematical vocabulary always
occurs outside the scope of [. . .]
w
. Denis Bonnay once suggested a nice name for the
procedure that gives rise to semantic clauses of this kind: outscoping.
Consider, for example, the object-language sentence #
x
(Planet(x)) = 0. Straight-
forward application of the trivialist semantic clauses yields the result that this sentence
is true at a world w just in case w satises the following metalinguistic formula:
the number of zs such that [z is a planet]
w
= 0
We are assuming arithmetic in the metatheory. So all that is required of w in order for
the metalinguistic formula to be satised is that it contain no planets.
94 CHAPTER 4. MATHEMATICS
Compare this with the result of using a homophonic semantics to specify truth-
conditions for #
x
(Planet(x)) = 0. What follows from the usual semantic clauses is that
the sentence is true at w just in case w satises the following metalinguistic formula:
[the number of zs such that z is a planet = 0]
w
In this case, arithmetical vocabulary occurs within the scope of [. . .]
w
. Soregardless of
whether we help ourselves to arithmetic in the metatheorywe get the result that what
is required of w in order for the metalinguistic formula to be satised is that it contain
the number Zero, and that, at w, Zero number the planets.
Of course, if it is true that for the number of the planets to be Zero just is for there to
be no planets, then the two requirements on w utlimately come to the same thing. So it
will be true, both according to the trivialist semantics and according to the homophonic
semantics, that all that is required of w to verify #
x
(Planet(x)) = 0 is that it contain
no planets. But there is still an important dierence: only the trivialist semantics entails
the result with no appeal to the metatheoretic assumption that for the number of the
planets to be Zero just is for there to be no planets.
Because of this dierence, only the trivialist semantics can be used to give a non-trivial
proof of the object-language identity statement #
x
(Planet(x)) = 0 x Planet(x).
Forunlike the homophonic semanticsthe trivialist semantics can be used to show that
#
x
(Planet(x)) = 0 and x Planet(x) are true at precisely the same worlds without
assuming the relevant identity statement in the metatheory. One does need to use arith-
metical reasoning in the metatheory to prove the result, but one doesnt need to assume
that arithmetical truths are trivially true.
In general, the upshot of outscoping is that even though mathematics is used in the
metatheory, all one needs to know about a world w in order to determine whether a given
arithmetical sentence would be true at w is which non-mathematical predicates apply to
which objects.
4.4. A SEMANTICS FOR TRIVIALISTS 95
In the case of #
x
(Planet(x)) = 0, we saw that what it takes for the sentence be true
at w is for w to satisfy the following metalinguistic formula:
the number of zs such that [z is a planet]
w
= 0
And in order to tell whether w satises this formula all we need to know about w is which
objects satisfy the non-mathematical predicate is a planet at w. Once we have this
information we can ask ourselveswithout collecting additional information about w
whether the number of these objects is Zero, and go on to ascertain whether the sentence
is true at w. An analogous point can be made for every sentence for which the trivialist
semantics is dened. There is therefore a precise sense in which the trivialist semantics
establishes a connection between mathematical and non-mathematical descriptions of the
world.
Attention so far has been focused on applied arithmetic. But it is useful to see how
outscoping plays out in the pure case. Consider the object-language sentence 1 + 1 =
2 (in primitive notation: S(0) + S(0) = S(S(0))). Since there is no non-mathemtical
vocabulary to remain within the scope of [. . .]
w
, application of the semantic clauses yields
the result that the sentence is true at a world w just in case w satises a metalinguistic
formula in which all the vocabulary has been outscoped:
1 + 1 = 2
What one gets, in other words, is a formula in which [. . .]
w
does not occur, and therefore
a formula with no free variables. In general, a formula with no free variables is satised
by all objects if it is true, and no objects if it is false. Since the metalinguistic formula
1 + 1 = 2 is, in fact, true, it will be satised by all objectsand in particular by w
for arbitrary w. It is, in other words, satised by w independently of what w is like.
The trivialist semantics therefore delivers the conclusion that nothing is required of w
in order for the object-language sentence 1+1 = 2 to be true at w. And, of course,
96 CHAPTER 4. MATHEMATICS
the point generalizes. The trivialist semantics (plus arithmetic) yields the result that
an arbitrary truth of pure arithmetic is true at w independently of what w is like, and
that an arbitrary falsehood of pure arithmetic is false at w independently of what w is
like. Soon the assumption that truth-conditions are adequately modeled by sets of
worldsthe trivialist semantics entails trivialism.
Using Arithmetic in the Metalanguage
The trivialist semantics makes free use of arithmetic in the metalanguage. This means
that it cannot be used to explain the truth-conditions of arithmetical sentences to some-
one who doesnt already understand arithmetical vocabulary. One would be able to
supply such an explanation if one had method for paraphrasing arbitrary arithmetical
sentences as sentences containing no mathematical vocabulary. We will see in section 4.5
that there are important limits to what can be achieved when it comes to the project of
characterizing paraphrase-methods of this kind. The thing to keep in mind for present
purposes is that supplying non-mathematical paraphrases for arithmetical sentences is
not part of what the trivialist semantics is meant to achieve.
The aim is, rather, to give a precise statement of trivialism by saying exactly what
truth-conditions a trivialist would associate with each arithmetical sentenceand doing
so in such a way that the resulting assignment of truth-conditions can be recognized as
delivering trivialism regardless of whether one happens to be a trivialist.
A homophonic semantics does not succeed in doing this. The trivialist and the non-
trivialist can both agree that the homophonic semantics is correct. They can both agree,
for example, that what it takes for 1 +1 = 2 to be true is for it to be the case that One
plus One is Two. (Though, of course, trivialist would go on to add, and the non-trivialist
would not, that nothing is required for it to be the case that One plus One is Two.) In
contrast, when one sets forth a trivialist semantics, one supplies an assignment of truth-
conditions that is unequivocally trivialist. For one gets the conclusion that 1 +1 = 2 is
4.5. PARAPHRASE 97
trivially true as a logical consequence of ones semantics (plus arithmetic).
4.5 Paraphrase
Philosophers of mathematics have often been concerned with the question of whether
mathematical statements can be paraphrased as sentences containing no mathemati-
cal vocabulary. A non-trivialist who thinks that typical mathematical assertions carry
no commitment to mathematical objects might wish to claim that what is communi-
cated by a mathematical assertion is the same as what is literally expressed by the
non-mathematical paraphrase of the asserted sentence. But a trivialist might also be
interested in the issue, since she might be hope to be in a position to claim that every
mathematical statement has the same truth-conditions as some sentence containing no
mathematical vocabulary.
For trivialists and non-trivialists alike, it seems to me that putting too much emphasis
on paraphrase is a bad idea. For the existence of suitable paraphrase-function turns
crucially on the expressive resources of ones non-mathematical vocabulary. And it would
be a mistake to burden ones philosophy of mathematics with claims about the legitimacy
of a given set of expressive resources. Notice, moreover, that a paraphrase-function is
unnecessary to characterize the desired specication of truth-conditions for mathematical
sentences, since one can instead use a compositional semantics of the sort described above.
An additional danger of focussing too much attention on paraphrase is that specifying
a non-mathematical paraphrase for a mathematical statement is not always the best way
of shedding light on the statements truth-conditions. So in setting forth a parahrase-
function one runs the risk of thinking that one has succeeded in clarifying the truth-
conditions of mathematical statements, when in fact one has not.
Chapter 8 is devoted to a detailed discussion of these issues.
98 CHAPTER 4. MATHEMATICS
4.6 Beyond Arithmetic
Our discussion of mathematical trivialism has been focused so far on the special case of
arithmetic. How does trivialism plays out when it comes to other branches of mathemat-
ics?
One issue to be addressed is the question of what it takes for a trivialist understanding
of a given branch of mathematics to be available. Could one give a trivialist account of
set-theory, for example? Could one specify truth-conditions for set-theoretic sentences
in such a way that the standard set-theoretic axioms turn out to be trivially true?
I oer a detailed discussion of the matter in Chapter 9, but the upshot can be stated
very succinctly. From the point of view of an anti-Tractarian, it doesnt take much for a
trivialist understanding of an axiomatic mathematical theory to be available. In the case
of pure mathematics, all it takes is for the theory to be internally coherent; in the case
of applied mathematics, all it takes is for the theory to be conservative over sentences of
the original language. The reason this is so is that one can introduce new mathematical
vocabulary by stipulation: one can stipulate that it is to be understood in such a way that
a suitable set of axioms turn out to be trivially true. And the anti-Tractarian can show
thatas long as it gives rise to the right sort of linguistic practicesuch a stipulation is
guaranteed to succeed on the assumption the axioms are internally coherent (in the case
of pure mathematics) or conservative (in the case of applied mathematics).
The anti-Tractarian will therefore think that a trivialist interpretation is available for
any minimally well-behaved mathematical theory. It does not follow, however, that anti-
Tracatrains will always be in a position to characterize a compositional semantics that
makes the triviality of a given axiom system explicit. A homophonic semantics will always
be available, of course, and will always be recognized as delivering an accurate assignment
of truth-conditions. The problem is that only the trivialist will take it to deliver a trivialist
specication of truth-conditionsthe non-trivialist will take it to deliver a non-trivialist
4.6. BEYOND ARITHMETIC 99
specication of truth-conditions. A homophonic semantics is therefore not a good way of
making the triviality of the relevant axiom system explicitor, indeed, of shedding any
real light on the truth-conditions of sentences of the language under consideration.
A trivialist semantics of the kind described in section 4.4.1 can be signicantly more
illuminating. But such a semantics is only guaranteed to be available in the case of pure
mathematics. One reason problems can arise in the case of applied mathematics is that
there is no general recipe for constructing trivialist semantic clauses for atomic formulas
that mix mathematical and non-mathematical vocabulary.
Things work out for the language of applied arithmetic thanks to the following equiv-
alence:
[#
x
(F(x)) = n]
w
#
x
([F(x)]
w
) = n.
Read: at w (the number of the Fs = n) just in case (the number of the xs
such that at w (x is an F)) = n.
(Or an actualist version thereofsee section 4.4.1.) It is because of this equivalence that
we are able to outscope, and go from the homophonic semantic clause for the mixed
atomic formula #
x
(F(x)) = n,
#
x
(F(x)) = n is true at w [#
x
(F(x)) = n]
w
,
to a trivialist semantic clause,
#
x
(F(x)) = n is true at w #
x
([F(x)]
w
) = n.
But such equivalences are not guaranteed to be available in general. For instance, I know
of no general way of dening a trivialist semantics for a plural language that has been
enriched with non-logical atomic plural predicates. (For discussion of such languages, see
Rayo (2002b).)
100 CHAPTER 4. MATHEMATICS
4.6.1 Set Theory
Happily, one can give a trivialist semantics for the language of set-theory with urelements.
It is an easy modication of the trivialist semantics for the language of arithmetic that
was described in section 4.4.1.
Our object-language will be the language of two-sorted set-theory with urelements:
Roman variables (x, y, . . . ) range over urelements, Greek variables (, , . . . ) range
over sets. Let be a variable assignment, let w be a metalinguistic variable ranging over
worlds and let []
w
be read it is true at w that . Then satisfaction can be dened
as follows:
1. Sat(x
i
, , w) there is a z such that ([y(y = z)]
w
Sat(,
z/x
i
, w))
2. Sat(
i
, , w) there is a set such that: (i) for any urelement z in the
transitive closure of , [y(y = z)]
w
, and (ii) Sat(,
/
i
, w)
3. Sat(F(x), , w) [(x) is an F]
w
4. Sat( , , w) () ()
5. Sat(x , , w) (x) ()
6. Sat(x = y, , w) (x) = (y)
7. Sat( , , w) Sat(, , w) Sat(, , w)
8. Sat(, , w) Sat(, , w)
As in the case of arithmetic, I simplify the exposition by making the tacit assumption
that the range of the metalinguistic quantiers includes merely possible objects. But
it is worth keeping in mind that non-actualist quantication can be avoided altogether
by appeal to the machinery developed in chapter 7. (For a rendering of the trivialist
semantics in explicitly actualist terms, see Rayo (2008).)
4.6. BEYOND ARITHMETIC 101
Our semantics delivers just the assignment of truth-conditions that a trivialist would
hope for. One gets the result that every truth of the pure fragment of set-theory is trivially
true and every falsity of the pure fragment of set-theory is trivially false. And one gets
the desired truth-conditions for sentences involving urelements. For instance, one gets
the result that all that is required of the world in order for x(x Elephant(x))
to be true is for there to be an elephant.
As in the case of arithmetic, one usually needs to prove a mathematical result in the
metatheory in order to show that a given sentence is trivially true, or to show that it is
trivially false. For instance, in order to show that an object-language sentence stating
that there is an inaccessible has trivial truth-conditions one has to show in the metatheory
that there is an inaccessible. The result is that the semantics entails very little on its own
about what an intended model for the object-language should look like. It all depends
on what one assumes about set theory in the metatheory.
The Iterative Conception of Set
A trivialist semantics for the language of set theory is a good way of making explicit the
truth-conditions of set-theoretic sentences, as understood by the trivialist. But it fails to
deliver a conception of set. As mentioned above, it doesnt oer much guidance about
what the hierarchy of sets should look like, since any substantial information about the
hierarchy is imported from the background metatheory.
There is, however, an illuminating conception of set that is available to the trivi-
alist. Early discussions include Zermelo (1930) (which builds on Zermelo (1908)) and
G odel (1944) (which was partially anticipated in G odel (1933)). More recent discus-
sions include Boolos (1971), Parsons (1974) and Potter (2004). The discussion in Lin-
nebo (forthcoming) and its technical companion Linnebo (typescript) are especially ger-
mane to the present discussion.
On the version we will consider here, the basic idea is that set-talk is to be introduced
102 CHAPTER 4. MATHEMATICS
in stages. At Stage Zero, the only quantication we have available is quantication over
urelements. At Stage One, we introduce the membership-predicate , and the set-
theoretic term-forming operator z : . . . z . . .. We then set forth the following identity
statement, where x and z range over urelements and F is a second-order variable
taking rst-order urelement-variables as arguments:
Stage One Identity Statement
x z : F(z)
x,F
F(x)
Read: for x to be a member of the set of Fs just is for x to be an F.
The result is that we have a new way of carving up the world. Because of the introduction
of additional linguistic resources, the feature of reality that was fully and accurately
described by means of a is F can now also be fully and accurately described by means
of a is a member of the set of Fs. (Does this mean that novel objects have been
brought into existence? Absolutely not. For an extended discussion of these issues, see
section 3.2.)
The Stage One Identity Statement is, of course, a close cousin of Freges Basic Law V,
which leads to inconsistency. We avoid inconsistency here because the range of x does
not include the referents of the newly introduced set-theoretic terms. A Tractarian will
grant that inconsistency has been avoided, be she will think that it is the result of an ad
hoc restriction. Why restrict the range of x to urelements? she would ask. Is there
some reason not to treat it as ranging over absolutely everything, beyond the desire to
avoid paradox?
But the anti-Tractarian has a reply. It is true that from a Tractarian point of view
it makes good sense to speak of a maximal domain: it is simply the domain of objects
that gets carved out by the worlds metaphysical structure. But from an anti-Tractarian
point of view, dierent uses of quantication presuppose dierent ways of carving up the
world, and there is no obvious reason to think that any one such carving will deliver a
4.6. BEYOND ARITHMETIC 103
maximal domain.
I grant that the anti-Tractarian neednt think of every domain as a subdomain of the
metaphysically privileged domaina skeptic might replybut she must still think of
every domain as a subdomain of the maxi-domain: the domain that results from every
possible way of carving the world into objects. So when the trivialist takes x to range
over the domain of urelements, she is still placing ad hoc restrictions on the range of the
variables. As I pointed out in section 3.2, however, the anti-Tractarian has no reason to
think that there is such a thing as a maxi-domain. For a carving of the world is just a
compositional system of representation for describing the world, and there is no obvious
reason to think that there is a nal answer to the question of what counts as a possible
system of representation.
The proper response to the skeptic is therefore this. When we introduce the Stage
One Identity Statement, the situation is not one in which a domain that includes sets
is available to us, and we choose to restrict it to urelements in order to avoid paradox.
Instead, the label urelement is applied to everything we are able to quantify over at that
point. It is only after the identity statement is introduced, and we have a way of xing
truth-conditions for set-theoretic sentences, that our representational resources are rich
enough to quantify over sets.
Once Stage One is in place, one can begin to iterate the process. At each stage one
starts by treating every object one is in a position to quantify over as a -urelement. One
then sets forth the following identity statement, where x
and z
take -urelements
as values, and F is a second-order variable taking rst-order -urelement-variables as
arguments:
Stage Identity Statement
x
: F(z
)
x,F
F(x
)
Read: for x
to be an F.
104 CHAPTER 4. MATHEMATICS
[Beware: it is potentially misleading to think of -urelements as constituting
a single domain, since nothing has been done to x the truth-conditions of
mixed identity statements relating set-theoretic and non-set-theoretic terms.
It is better to think of set-theoretic variables and non-set-theoretic variables as
falling under dierent sortsand therefore ranging over separate domains
and to treat mixed identity statements as ill-formed. I avoid doing so here to
improve the exposition, but further discussion of these matters can be found
in section 9.1.]
How far could this procedure be iterated? The rst thing to note is that no limits are
imposed by the way the world is. Pace Tractarianism, we are not operating against the
background of a xed domain, which might happen to include enough objects for the
procedure to be iterated until a particular point and no further. At each stage of the
process, we introduce a new family of set-theoretic terms by way of an axiom system
that is conservative over the second-order language of -urelements,
1
and, according to
1
The conservativeness claim is easily veried in ZFC. It is enough to show that any model of the
second-order language of -urelements can be extended to a model of the expanded language that
satises the Stage Identity Statement. If one wishes to prove syntactic conservativeness, one should
work with Henkin-models; if one wishes to prove semantic conservativeness one should work with full
models. Either way, one proceeds by letting rst-order set-theoretic variables take the same values as
second-order -urelement-variables, and letting second-order set-theoertic variables take as values sets
of values of rst-order set-theoretic variables.
Note, however, that the second-order theory of -level sets with -urelements can be used to dene
a truth-predicate for the second-order language of -urelements. And by using such a predicate to
generate new instances of the axiom-schemas governing second-order -urelement quantication one
might be able to prove sentences containing no -set-theoretic vocabulary that one couldnt prove before
(such as the Godel-sentence for the second-order language of -urelements). So although the Stage
Identity Statement is itself (syntactically and semantically) conservative, it is couched in a language
which can be used to formulate additional second-order axioms, and thereby increase the deductive
power of ones second-order theory of -urelements.
The new axioms will certainly be semantically conservative over the second-order language of -
urelements, since they are all true in every full second-order model. So if one thinks that semantic
conservativeness is enough to legitimate the introduction of new axioms, one will have no reason to worry
in the case at hand. If, on the other hand, one thinks that syntactic conservativeness is a prerequisite
for legitimacy, then there might be reasons for concern, since, as we have seen, the new axioms need not
be syntactically conservative over the second-order language of -urelements.
Notice, however, that whether or not the introduction of -level set-theoretic vocabulary generates
pressure to accept the new axioms depends on how one is thinking about -urelement second-order
quantication. One possibility is to think of such quantication open-endedly, and insist that it is part
4.6. BEYOND ARITHMETIC 105
the anti-Tractarian, conservativeness is enough to guarantee that the introduction will
be successful. (See section 9.2.) So the anti-Tractarian will think that the process is
limited only by our ability to introduce further and further identity statements.
Notice, however, that the anti-Tractarian has no obvious reason to think that it would
be helpful to insist that the process is to be iterated all the way up or as far as it could
possibly go. In order for such pronouncements to have denite content there would have
to be a nal answer to the question of what counts as a possible system of representation.
And, as emphasized above, the anti-Tractarian has no obvious reason to think that there
is such an answer. When one insists that the process be iterated all the way up, one
will only succeed in saying something with denite content to the extent that one has
managed to articulate a denite well-ordering, so that the pronouncement can understood
as signaling that the process is to be iterated so as to form a hierarchy that is isomorphic
with that well-ordering. Accordingly, someone who has succeeded in characterizing a
well-ordering isomorphic to the natural numbers will be able to iterate the process far
enough to get the hereditarily nite sets. Someone who has succeeded in characterizing
a well-ordering isomorphic to the smallest strongly inaccessible cardinal will be able to
iterate the process far enough to get enough sets for second-order ZF to have an intended
of ones original intent that one be committed not only to instances of the second-order axiom-schemas
that can be formulated in ones current language, but also to instances formulable in arbitrary extensions
of the language. (See McGee (2000), Williamson (2003) and Lavine (2006).) If so, one should think that
truth-conditions are semantically determined (in the sense of section 9.2) and hence that ones theory
of -urelements should be semantically conservative over the base non-mathematical theory. As it turns
out, semantic conservativeness of this kind is enough to guarantee the weak syntactic conservativeness
of the new axioms. (Proof: Suppose the new axioms fail to by weakly syntactically conservative over the
second-order theory of -urelements. Then there is a world w such that one can prove a contradiction
from the result of adding the new axioms to the set T
w
of second-order -urelement sentences with
well-dened truth-conditions are true at w, even though T
w
is itself consistent. Since the theory of
-urelements is semantically conservative over the base non-mantematical theory, T
w
must have a full
second-order model. But each of the new axioms holds in every full second-order model, contradicting
the assumption that the result of adding the axioms to T
w
is inconsistent.) This is signicant because,
as emphasized in section 9.2 the anti-Tractarian should think that weak conservativeness is all it takes
to guarantee successful introduction of the new axioms.
Alternatively, -urelement second-order quantication may not be thought of open-endedly. If so, our
argument for weak syntactic conservativeness breaks down. But so does the rationale for thinking that
the introduction of -level set-theoretic vocabulary generates pressure to accept the new axioms.
106 CHAPTER 4. MATHEMATICS
interpretation. And so forth.
A consequence of this picture is that the project of developing an iterative conception
of set is inextricably linked to the project of doing set-theory. For the canonical way of
identifying a large well-ordering is by describing an ordinal in set-theoretic terms, and
motivating the idea that its existence wouldnt lead to inconsistency. The result is that
it would be a mistake to think of the iterative construction described in this section as
a substitute for a theory like ZFC. It is more illuminating than ZFC in some respects,
and less illuminating in others. It is more illuminating as a way of shedding light on the
truth-conditions of a sentence like Caesar is a member of the set of Romans, or as a
method for understanding the most general constraints on our reasoning about sets. But
it does far worse than ZFC as a method for shedding light on more specic questions
about the set-theoretic landscape. The right attitude, it seems to me, is to use both
kinds of theories in tandem, as complementary descriptions of a single subject-matter.
Paraphrase
Is it possible to characterize a trivialist paraphrase function for the language of set-theory?
Is there, in other words, an algorithmic procedure for mapping each set-theoretic sentence
to a sentence whose truth-conditions are uncontroversially the truth-conditions that
the trivialist semantics associates with ?
If the paraphrase-language includes variables of suciently high transnite order
and if a trivialist understanding of higher-order quantication is assumed to be uncon-
troversialthen the answer is yes.
Let L
onto a sentence in a
language of order + 2 (or order , if is a limit ordinal). Moreover, by assuming a
4.6. BEYOND ARITHMETIC 107
suitable reection principle, one can show that there is a cardinal such that V
satises
the same L
-sentences as the universe. (See Shapiro (1987), pp. 3234.) So one can
characterize a trivialist paraphrase-function for the language of set-theory with urele-
ments by using the following procedure. First, transform every sentence of the language
of set-theory into a sentence of L
+1
. Then apply
the paraphrase-function
(+1)
. The result is a function that paraphrases every
set-theoretic sentence as a sentence of order ( +3). (Would such a paraphrase-function
count as algorithmic? Yes, assuming one can help oneself to . But, of course, is far
beyond the recursively speciable ordinals.)
Whether or not a paraphrase-function of this kind succeeds in elucidating the truth-
conditions of set-theoretic sentences will, of course, depend on ones understanding of
languages of very high order. If ones grasp of such languages were suitably independent
of set-theory, then the elucidation could be very signicant indeed. But it is hard to see
how one could acquire a clear grasp of transnite type-theory without making substantial
use of set-theory. Conspicuously, ones ability to characterize a language of order pre-
supposes that one is able to characterize a well-ordering with an th member. And, when
is suciently large, it is hard to see how much progress would be made independently
of set-theoretic reasoning.
My own view is that set-theory and transnite type-theory are best thought of as
dierent presentations of the same theory. Neither of them should be thought of as being
in some sense prior to the other, or as supplying a foundation. But one can benet
from having both because they each shed light on dierent aspects of the theoretical
landscape. For further discussion of these issues, see Linnebo and Rayo (typescript).
108 CHAPTER 4. MATHEMATICS
Chapter 5
Content
5.1 Folk-Psychology
There are a number of dierent strategies for predicting a subjects behavior. Each of
them has its own range of advantages and disadvantages.
Folk-psychology is at one end of the spectrum. It has the advantage of being well-
suited for marketplace prediction: prediction of the kind that can be easily carried out
by normal human beings, on the basis of evidence that can be easily acquired on the
basis of informal observation. But it has the disadvantage of being very limited in
its predictive power. And there is room for worrying thatregardless of whether its
behavioral predictions are indeed accurateit might not be an accurate description of
how the mind works. Neuroscience is at the other end of the spectrum. A fully developed
version would be the ultimate description of how the brain works. It would also deliver
maximally ne-grained predictions of a subjects behavior, with near-perfect accuracy.
But it would be ill-suited for the marketplace, since its predictions would rely on data
that is very dicult to come by and require computations that a normal human would
nd very dicult to carry out.
As long as one thinks of folk-psychology as a systematic description of the subjectss
109
110 CHAPTER 5. CONTENT
behavioral dispositions, and not as an account of how the mind works, it neednt be in
competition with cognitive science. Thus understood, folk-psychology could only run
into trouble by making the wrong behavioral predictions, and it doesnt take much for
there to be an instance of folk psychology that delivers accurate predications. To a rst
approximation, it is enough for there to be some assignment of beliefs and desires, some
conception of rationality and some conception of action such that, whenever the subject
is counted as rational, she acts in ways that would tend to bring about her desires in
a world compatible with her beliefs. Maybe our behavioral dispositions are too complex
to be systematized in this sort of way. But there is so much room for adjusting ones
attributions of beliefs and desires, ones conceptions of rationality and action, and the
details of ones folk-theory, that its hard not to feel optimistic.
Of course, if one thinks of folk-psychology as more than just a systematic description
of a subjects behavioral dispositionsif one thinks of it as supplying an account of how
the mind worksthen the risk of conict with cognitive science is very substantial indeed,
since there is no obvious reason to think that a fully developed cognitive science would
look anything like folk psychology. As you read this chapter, please keep in mind that I
will not be thinking of folk-psychology as an account of how the mind works. I will be
thinking of it as a systematic description of the subjects behavioral dispositions.
I will not, however, be thinking of folk-psychology instrumentally. The view is not, in
other words, that folk-psychology is to be thought of as a (potentially false) theory about
how the mind works which one should be only partially committed to: only insofar as
behavioral predictions are concerned. That would lead to the awkward conclusion that
whether or not people really have beliefs and desiresas opposed to just being such that
they are usefully described in such terms for the purposes of behavioral prediction
depends on the risky matter of whether folk-psychology turns out to be adequate as a
description of how the mind works. The suggestion, instead, is that for a subject to
have a full set of beliefs and desires just is for the subjects behavioral dispositions to
5.1. FOLK-PSYCHOLOGY 111
be such as to be describable folk-psychologically, on the basis of those beliefs and those
desires. Thus, a person can be accurately described as believing and desiring irrespective
of whether tomorrows cognitive science will look anything like folk-psychology.
What if there is more than one full assignment of beliefs and desires that accurately
systematizes a subjects behavioral dispositions? Then the successful theories will all
impose the same requirement on the world: that the subject have a certain range of
behavioral dispositions. So the subject can be accurately described in terms of the
beliefs and desires ascribed by any of the theories, provided one is careful not to mix
beliefs and desires from dierent theories in a single description of the subject.
When folk-psychology is thought of in this way, there is a lot to be said on its behalf.
The rst thing to note is that there is a certain respect in which it is the only game in
town. When it comes to the project of making market-place predicationspredictions
of the kind that can be easily carried out by normal human beings, on the basis of
evidence that can be easily acquired on the basis of informal observationit is head and
shoulders above its peers. And there is no escaping marketplace predictions. They are
indispensable, in practice, for the successful navigation of our lives. So folk-psychology
is indispensable, in practice, for the successful navigation of our lives.
The project of better understanding how we manage to navigate our lives is an in-
teresting one, but it is not of special concern to philosophers. There is, however, a
distinctly philosophical reason for being interested in folk-psychology. Intentional no-
tions are a crucial building-block of the philosophical landscape, and they all have their
origins in folk-psychology. One could think that in spite of their origin, the best strategy
for shedding light on intentional notions sidesteps folk-psychology. But it seems to me
that that would be a mistake. At the very least, getting clear on a suitably regimented
version of folk-psychology can shed light on our intentional notions. And it may well
prove advisable to go further, and characterize intentional notions wholly in terms of
their functional role in a well-regimented folk-psychology. (For a nice example of what a
112 CHAPTER 5. CONTENT
regimented folk-psychology might look like, see Lewis (1974).)
Discussion of folk-psychology in what follows should be understood in this spirit. I will
develop a regimented version of our folk-psychological account of mental representation
with the aim of better understanding the family of intentional notions that gure in
the theory. I will argue, in particular, that the notion of fragmentation has a role to
play in our best folk-theoretic account of mental representation. I will then highlight the
notions importance by showing that it can be used to address puzzles in the philosophies
of mathematics and mind.
The material in this chapter borrows heavily from Bob Stalnaker. The fundamen-
tal ideas can all be found in Stalnaker (1984) (especially chapters 1 and 5) and Stal-
naker (1999) (especially chapters 13 and 14). (See also Perry (2001) and Parikh (2009).)
My own thinking about these matters has developed in large part as a result of a joint
project with Adam Elga. He has contributed to the project at least as much as I have,
but shouldnt thereby be burdened with commitment to the idiosyncrasies of the present
discussion.
5.2 Rational Action
In preceding chapters I have tried to articulate the notions of possibility, de mundo
intelligibility and truth-conditions. On the resulting picture, there is no gap between
possibility and de mundo intelligibility. This means, in particular, that one should only
regard as scenario as metaphysically impossible if one takes it to be incoherent in light of
the identity-statements one accepts. It is also a consequence of the picture I have been
defending that a representations truth-condtionsi.e. the requirement that the world
would have to satisfy in order to be as the representation represents it to becan be
modeled as a set of possible worlds: the set of worlds whereby the requirement is satised.
Accordingly, to regard a representation as having trivial truth-conditionsto think,
5.2. RATIONAL ACTION 113
in other words, that its content should be modeled by the set of all possible worldsis
to think that its truth-conditions will be satised provided only that the world is not
incoherent. And to see two representations as having the same truth-conditionsto
think, in other words, that their contents should be modeled by the same set of possible
worldsis to think that a scenario satisfying one set of truth-conditions but not the other
would be incoherent.
In this section I will articulate a regimentation of our folk-psychological account of
behavior, and argue that the contents that are required by the theory can be fruitfully
modeled as sets of possible worlds.
The Fundamental Principle
This is the fundamental principle of folk-psychological accounts of behavior:
Fundamental Principle
The intentional behavior of a rational subject is precisely the behavior that
would constitute the most sensible way of bringing about satisfaction of the
subjects desires in a world satisfying the subjects beliefs.
The reason the Fundamental Principle is so useful is that it allows one to make predictions
about the subjects behavior without knowing anything about the physical mechanisms
that are actually responsible for the behavior in question. It transforms a problem
about the output of a largely intractable neural system into a problem about the sorts
of behaviors that would count as sensible for the attainment of a given aim in a given
situation. And this is an eminently tractable problem for an ordinary human. (An
imperfect but eective strategy is for the theorist to ask herself what she would do to
satisfy the relevant aim in the relevant situation.)
Notice, moreover, that the Fundamental Principle is not just a mechanism for pre-
diction, given an assignment of beliefs and desires. It also supplies the basic method for
114 CHAPTER 5. CONTENT
forming hypotheses about a subjects beliefs and desires. The theorist can proceed by
determining which combination of beliefs and desires would make it the case that the sub-
jects past behavior is, by and large, the most sensible way of bringing about satisfaction
of those desires in a world satisfying those beliefs, and go on to use (sensibly updated
versions of) those beliefs and those desires to make predictions, via the Fundamental
Principle, about the subjects future behavior.
Coarse-Grained Content
As far as the Fundamental Principle is concerned, the most natural way of modeling the
contents of beliefs and desires is by using sets of possible worlds. To see this, reect on
the work that the Fundamental Principle demands of such contents. Their one and only
job is to ll in the blanks in the following counterfactual question:
If it were the case that . . . , what would be the most sensible way of bringing
it about that . . . ?
And the only useful way of lling either of these blanks is by writing in a specication of
a way for the world to be. Since sets of metaphysically possible worlds are well-suited to
model ways for the world to be, they are also well-suited to supply such a specication.
(If W is a set of worlds, one can ll in the blanks with one of the possibilities in W was
actualized.)
Notice, moreover, that it wouldnt be helpful to consider worlds that the theorist
takes to be metaphysically impossible. For a scenario that the theorist regards as meta-
physically impossible is a scenario she regards as incoherent, and it is hard to know how
to assess counterfactual questions involving scenarios one regards as incoherent. Nor
would it be helpful to add structure to the contents of beliefs and desires. For even if
the additional structure were to somehow encode valuable information about how the
subject represents the world, it is not information that the Fundamental Principle is able
5.2. RATIONAL ACTION 115
to use.
Beyond the Fundamental Principle
The Fundamental Principle can be supplemented in various ways to produce a more
powerful folk-psychological account of behavior. Here are some representative examples:
1. Rationality and Action
One could try to place independent constraints on the range of application of the
Fundamental Principle by saying something substantial about the circumstances
under which the subject should be counted as rational, and about which of her
behaviors should be counted as intentional. (One could say, for example, that
the subject gets angry under such-and-such circumstances, and that she should be
counted as irrational whenever she is angry. And one could say that the subject
is asleep under such-and-such circumstances and that whenever she is asleep her
behavior fails to be intentional.)
2. Observation
One could add an account of how the subjects observations impact her beliefs. In
the simplest case, the account is just this:
By and large, a rational subject comes to believe that p whenever she
observes that p.
(This principle can be used to help one decide what beliefs to ascribe to the subject,
given information about her observational situation. But it can also help one decide
what to say about the content of a subjects observations on the basis of independent
information about what she came to believe after being in the relevant observational
situation.)
116 CHAPTER 5. CONTENT
3. Language
One could add an account of the connection between the subjects linguistic inter-
actions and the subjects beliefs. In the simplest case, the account is just this:
Truthfulness
By and large, a rational subject believes that p whenever she makes an
assertion which communicates that p.
Trust
By and large, a rational subject comes to believe that p whenever someone
she trusts makes an assertion which communicates that p.
(As usual, these principles can be used to help one decide what beliefs to ascribe
to the subject, given independent information about what was communicated by
various assertions. But they can also help one decide what correctness-conditions
to associate with assertionsand, indirectly, to decide what meanings to associate
with sentencesgiven independent information about the subjects beliefs. For
details, see Lewis (1973) and Lewis (1974).)
4. Belief Kinematics
One could add an account of how the subject would update her beliefs upon learning
that p. In the simplest case, the account is just this:
By and large, a rational subject updates her beliefs in the most sensible
way possible.
(An imperfect but eective way of implementing this principle is for the theorist
to ask herself how she would update her beliefs if she had the same beliefs as the
subject and learned that p.)
5.2. RATIONAL ACTION 117
5. Probabilities
Instead of formulating the Fundamental Principle in terms of belief simpliciter and
desire simpliciter, one could formulated it by using a probability function to play
the role of belief and a value-function to play the role of desire:
Fundamental Principle (probabilistic version)
The intentional behavior of a rational subject is precisely the behavior
that would maximize expected utility (where expected utility is dened
on the basis of the subjects credences and the subjects value-function).
(If one goes probabilistic, the principles in 24 above will have to be updated
accordingly. In the case of Belief Kinematics, it would be natural to do so by
stating that, by and large, the subject updates by conditionalization.)
Coarse-Grained Content Revisited
Renements such as the ones described above are all compatible with modeling contents
as sets of metaphysically possible worlds. But once one moves to the probabilistic version
of the Fundamental Principle there is also room for working with a more ne-grained
notion of content, since one need not think of the subjects credences and value function
as dened over the space of metaphysically possible worlds. One could, for instance, use
a space of worlds each of which consists of a set of sentences from the subjects (public
or mental) language. (A set of sentences might be counted as a world just in case the
subject is not able to not rule out a priori that every sentence in the set is true, and if
no proper superset of the set has that property.)
Switching to a ner-grained notion of content would come at a cost. The rst thing
to note is that one would be be committed to elucidating the new notion. It is true
that notion of metaphysical possibility is somewhat rough around the edges. But I hope
to have shown in chapters 1 and 2 that it is constrained by its connection with the
118 CHAPTER 5. CONTENT
notions of identity and why-closure, and therefore by its role in our scientic practice. So
understood, it seems to me that the notion of metaphysical possibility is robust enough
to do the job that would be demanded of it by a coarse-grained development of our
folk-psychology. But when it comes to notions of ne-grained content, we may well be
on shakier ground.
To see what I have in mind, consider the proposal I mentioned above: a world, in the
ne-grained sense, is a set of sentences in the subjects language which is such that the
subject is not able to rule out a priori that every sentence in the set is true. Any sentence
can be made true by altering its meaning, so in order for this proposal to be interesting
one has to assume that the meanings of the sentences in question remain xed. And
not any notion of meaning will do. If, for example, one were to take the meaning of a
name to be its referent, xing the meaning of Hesperus is Phosphorus would be enough
to guarantee its truth. So by xing meanings one would x more than is knowable a
priori. What one is needs in order to get the right results is a notion of meaning such
that mastery of a language is enough to know the meanings of its sentences. What one
needs, in other words, is a notion like Fregean sense or primary intension. I myself am
pessimistic about the prospects of articulating a characterization of such notions in a way
that would be robust enough for the needs of a well-regimented folk-psychology. But you
dont have to share my pessimism to agree that by moving towards ne-grained contents
one acquires an explanatory burden, and that it is not obvious that addressing such a
burden would be straightforward.
It is also worth noting that we are stuck with coarse-grained content regardless of
whether we also bring in a ner-grained notion of content. As it is understood here, the
aim of folk-psychology is to predict behavior. And we want the theory to issue predictions
of the following form:
Under such-and-such circumstances, the subject will behave in ways that
cause it to come about that thus-and-such.
5.2. RATIONAL ACTION 119
[Example: After a snow-storm, the subject will behave in ways that cause it
to come about that her sidewalk gets cleared.]
In order for predictions of this kind to be useful to the theorist, it had better be the
case that the blanks are lled with statements that the theorist regards as de mundo
intelligible. Consider what would happen if ones folk-psychology delivered the following:
While eating a big meal, the subject will behave in ways that cause it to come
about that she is in the proximity of a glass containing water but no H
2
O.
To be lled with water just is to be lled with H
2
O. So the best the theorist could do
with such a predictionif it is to be taken at face valueis conclude that the subject
wont be eating a big meal.
The alternative is to work on the assumption that the prediction should not be taken
at face value. Perhaps what it really means is something like:
While eating a big meal, the subject will behave in ways that cause it to come
about that she is in the proximity of a glass containing a watery substance
but no H
2
O.
This is certainly a useful prediction, but notice that the point at which it became useful
was precisely the point at which we were able substitute a de mundo intelligible statement
for the original de mundo unintelligible statement: that there be a glass containing a
watery substance but no H
2
O.
More generally, the situation is this. Whether or not ones folk-psychology uses ne-
grained contents to come up with predictions, the predictions themselves must be stated
in terms of counterfactuals that the theorist is able to assess. And since the scenarios
that are counted by the theorist as de mundo intelligible are precisely the scenarios she
regards as metaphysically possible, this means that the theory must issue predictions in
coarse-grained terms. It must, in eect, specify a coarse-grained content (e.g. the set of
120 CHAPTER 5. CONTENT
worlds whereby the subject is in the proximity of a glass containing a watery substance
but no H
2
O) and claim that under particular circumstancesalso specied in coarse-
grained termsthe subject will behave in ways that cause it to come about that that
content is satised.
There is, in other words, no escaping coarse-grained content. If one goes in for
ne-grained contents one is acquiring an additional commitment, not substituting one
commitment for another.
5.3 Belief-Attributions
An Obvious Problem?
Someone might believe that water is H
2
O, and fail to believe that
81 = 9. And yet
water is H
2
O and
81 = 9 have
5.3. BELIEF-ATTRIBUTIONS 121
the same coarse-grained content, to the disastrous conclusion that S believes that water
is H
2
O is equivalent to S believes that
81 = 9.
Fortunately, there are independent reasons for rejecting the Fregean Assumption.
Consider the question of what one learns about a subject when one is told that she
believes that water is H
2
O. What one learns is not that in order for the world to be as
the subjects belief-state represents it to be, it must be the case that things composed
of water (i.e. things composed of H
2
O) are composed of H
2
O. One knew that already.
(Trivially, any way for the world to be is such that things composed of H
2
O are composed
of H
2
O.) In a typical context, what one learns is something along the the lines of in
order for the world to be as the subjects belief-state represents it to be, it must be
the case that certain watery things are composed of H
2
O (though one should expect
the details to be highly sensitive to the particularities of the context.) Socontra the
Fregean Assumptionone should refrain from identifying the content of the sentence
embedded in a belief-attribution and what the belief-attribution teaches us about the
subjects belief-state.
The Plan
Say that a belief-attributoin of the form S believes that is pleaonastic if is non-
contingent. I have argued against the claim that pleonastic belief-attributions pose an
immediate problem for coarse-grained accounts of belief. But that doesnt mean that
pleonastic belief-attributions wont lead to trouble. A pleonastic belief-attribution such
as S believes that H
2
O, or S believes that
81 = 9. What sort of
cognitive accomplishment might such a belief-attribution be used to report?
To make things interesting, I shall assume that one is a mathematical trivialist, in
the sense of chapter 4. Accordingly, any way for the world to be is, trivially, such that
81 = 9. So one wouldnt learn anything interesting about the subject if one learned
that in order for the world to be as the subject represents it to be, it must satisfy the
condition of being such that
81 = 9.)
What makes this case dicult is thatunlike S believes that water is H
2
Oit is not
clear than one could nd a non-trivial condition which, while not expressed by
81 = 9,
could be used to capture the sort of cognitive accomplishment the gets reported by S
believes that
81 = 9.
The sentence
81 =
124 CHAPTER 5. CONTENT
9 would not have expressed a truth had its constituent terms had dierent meanings.
So one might be tempted to think that the cognitive accomplishment that gets reported
by S believes that
81 = 9 expresses a truth.
But it turns out that not even semantic ascent will do in a case like this. As stressed
in Field (1986), one will run into trouble whenever the subject is assumed to know
that the relevant mathematical axioms are true. For any world in which a suitable
axiomatization of arithmetic is true is also a world
81 = 9.
It is hard cases like these that pose a real challenge to coarse-grained accounts of
belief.
Fine-Grained Content to the Rescue?
It is tempting to think that the problems would disappear if only we brought in ne-
grained contents. That would be a mistake. Bringing in ne-grained contents would only
postpone the problem. Worse: it might give the illusion of progress where there is none.
The aim, recall, is to model cognitive accomplishments of the sort that get reported by
belief-attributions like S believes that
81 = 9 (or its
Mentalese analogue). So learning that the Mentalese analogue of
81 = 9 is stored in
the subjects belief box has absolutely no eect on the predictive power of the theory.
We have not yet managed to come up with a good model of the cognitive accomplishments
that get reported by belief-attributions like S believes that
81 = 9.
Another idea is to link information about the contents of the subjects belief box
to predictions about the subjects behavior by doing cognitive science rather than folk-
psychology. I have never seen a proposal of this kind developed in enough detail to allow
for adequate assessment. But it is important to be clear that by appealing to cognitive
science, proponents of ne-grained content would be changing the subject. It can be
agreed on all sides that a fully developed cognitive science would supply a much better
model of cognitive accomplishmentand much better behavioral predictionsthan our
best folk-psychology. But the point of the present exercise is not to develop the best
possible theory of cognitive accomplishment, or the best possible account of behavior.
It is to develop a well-regimented folk-psychology, and use it to shed light on some of
the intentional notions that are of interest to philosophers. What matters for present
purposes is whether ne-grained contents have a role to play in folk-psychology, not
whether they have a role to play in cognitive science.
There may well be a way developing a bridge-theory that links information about
the ne-grained contents of a subjects mental states to predictions about the subjects
behavior, and does so in a way that is broadly in keeping with folk-psychology. Perhaps
one could start with the claim that the subject will be disposed to assent to whenever
a Mentalese analogue of is in her belief-box. But then what?
126 CHAPTER 5. CONTENT
In the absence of a minimally developed theory, it would be hasty to suggest that
wheeling in ne-grained content delivers an account of cognitive accomplishment in math-
ematics of the kind we are after. Even if an appeal to ne-grained contents does ultimately
set the stage for a theory of cognitive accomplishment, the real work wont get done until
the theory itself is developed.
In what follows I will argue that the most perspicuous way of developing the missing
theory makes no use of ne-grained contents.
5.4 Cognitive Accomplishment in Logic and Mathe-
matics
The Desiderata
Consider a subject who knows that
81 = 9?.
What happens after she performs the relevant deduction is that she acquires the ability
to deploy this informationinformation she already possessedin the service of new
tasks; in particular: the task of answering the question Is it the case that
81 = 9?. So
her cognitive accomplishment can be construed, at least in part, as the acquisition of an
information-transfer ability: she has broadened the range of tasks with respect to which
she is able to deploy the information that arithmetical vocabulary is used in such a way
that the axioms turn out to be true.
Next consider Deduction. How might one model the fact that a subject who learns
that
81 divisible by 3.
Finally, consider Application. So far we have focused on the deployment of linguistic
informationinformation to the eect that arithmetical vocabulary is used in such a way
that the axioms turn out to be truein the service of an essentially linguistic task: the
task of answering a linguistically-posed question. But when we describe a subject as
knowing that
81 = 9.
Fragmentation
A subjects cognitive system is modeled as fragmented when the theorists attributions
of content to the subjects mental states are relativized to tasks that the subject might
be engaged in.
Suppose, for example, that our farmer is confused about the size of her land. When it
5.4. COGNITIVE ACCOMPLISHMENT IN LOGIC AND MATHEMATICS 129
comes to the project of going to the store to buy tiles for covering her land, she behaves
as if she believed that her land has an area of 81m
2
(i.e. a side-length of 9m). As it might
be: she loads her truck with 81 one-square-meter tiles. But when it comes to the project
of going to the store to buy fencing to build a perimeter around her land, she behaves as
if she believed that that her land has a side-length of 10m (i.e. an area of 100m
2
). As it
might be: she loads her truck with 40m of fencing.
Such a subject can be usefully described as fragmented. We can say that relative to
the task of buying tiles the subjects-belief state represents the land as being 81m
2
in
area, and relative to the task of buying fencing the subjects belief-state represents the
land as being 100m
2
in area. Predictions about the subjects behavior can then be made
on the basis of a suitably modied version of the Fundamental Principle:
Fundamental Principle (relativized version)
When a rational subject is engaged in task , her intentional behavior is
precisely the behavior that would constitute the most sensible way of bringing
about satisfaction of the subjects desires-relative-to- in a world satisfying
the subjects beliefs-relative-to-.
An advantage of describing a subject as fragmented is that it gives us an attractive way
of modeling her information-transfer abilities. One can model an information-transfer
ability as the instantiation of a relation of accessibility amongst dierent fragments within
the subjects cognitive state.
Suppose, for example, that our farmer learns that
81 = 9. Earlier I suggested
that a cognitive accomplishment of this kind might involve a family of information-
transfer abilities, and in particular the ability to deploy information that was previously
available only for the purposes of buying tiles, in the service of new tasks, such as buying
fencing. On a fragmentation model, this can be captured by saying that the fragment
corresponding to the task of buying tiles and the fragment corresponding to the task of
130 CHAPTER 5. CONTENT
buying fencing have become accessible to each other.
When dierent fragments are accessible to each other, there is pressure for them to
become synchronized. In the case of the farmer who is confused about the size of her
land, synchronizing the dierent fragments will require resolving an internal tension. By
learning that
81 = 9 she gains access to the fact that she has been proceeding on
dierent assumptions relative to dierent purposes. The tension will be resolved if she
updates the beliefs corresponding to one of the fragments so as to make them consistent
with the beliefs corresponding to the other. But she may or may not be able to resolve
it, since she may not be sure which fragment to revise.
In other cases, however, synchronization need not consist in the resolution of an
internal tension. Consider a farmer who is able to deploy the information that her piece
of land is 81m
2
in area for the purposes of buying tiles, but not for the purposes of buying
fencing: if she were to be faced with the project of building a perimeter around her land,
she would simply have no idea how much fencing to buy. When the farmer learns that
81 = 9
5.4. COGNITIVE ACCOMPLISHMENT IN LOGIC AND MATHEMATICS 133
than having a given range of information-transfer abilities. I have come to understand a
mathematical fact!, one sometimes hears it said. Perhaps there is an important insight
behind such intuitionssomething that will be captured by tomorrows cognitive science.
But that is not something that needs to be decided for present purposes. Our aim is to
develop a well-regimented folk-psychology. So all that is required for present purposes
is that the fragmentation model be enough to deliver the sorts of behavioral predictions
one expects from folk-psychology. And, as far as I can tell, ascribing the subject a
suitable family of information-processing abilities is enough to deliver the right behavioral
predictions.
It is no part of the present proposal that every assertion of S believes that
81 =
9 reports a cognitive achievement that correspond to the same range of information-
transfer abilities. Belief-ascriptions of this kind should be thought of as reporting dierent
cognitive achievements in dierent contexts. When one describes a linguistically-deprived
farmer by saying S believes that
is an ordered pair
D, I) such that:
The domain D is a set of ordered pairs of the form x, actual) (for x an individual
in the domain of L), or of the form x, nonactual) (for x an arbitrary individual).
In both cases x is assumed to be an actually existing individual.
The interpretation function I assigns a subset of D
n
to each n-place predicate-letter
of L, and a function from D
n
to D to each n-place function-letter of L.
If c is an individual constant of L and x is its intended interpretation, I assigns
the pair x, actual) to c.
(The notions of truth and satisfaction at an a-world are characterized along standard
lines, with the proviso that x = x is only satised at an a-world by objects in the
domain of a-world, with the result that x = x can be used as an existence predicate.
See Appendix A for details.)
The easiest way of understanding how a-worlds are supposed to work is by com-
paring them to Lewisian worlds. Like a-worlds, Lewisian worlds can be thought of as
representing possibilities. Here is Lewis:
How does a world, [Lewisian] or ersatz, represent, concerning Humphrey, that
he exists?. . . A [Lewisian] world might do it by having Humphrey himself as
a part. That is how our own world represents, concerning Humphrey, that
he exists. But for other worlds to represent in the same way that Humphrey
exists, Humphrey would have to be a common part of many overlapping
worlds. . . I reject such overlap. . . There is a better way for a [Lewisian] world
7.2. A KRIPKE-SEMANTICS FOR ACTUALISTS 153
to represent, concerning Humphrey, that he exists. . . it can have a Humphrey
of its own, a esh-and-blood counterpart of our Humphrey, a man very much
like Humphrey in his origins, in his intrinsic character, or in his historical role.
By having such a part, a world represents de re, concerning Humphreythat
is, the Humphrey of our world, whom we as his worldmates may call simply
Humphreythat he exists and does thus-and-so. (Lewis (1986), p. 194. Lewis
writes genuine where I have substituted Lewisian.)
(It is easy to lose track of Lewiss representationalism. As I mentioned in chapter 2,
part of the reason is that Lewis also subscribed to a striking foundationalist claim: he
believed that what it is for it to be possible that p is for there to be a Lewisian world at
which (i.e. representing that) p. In light of this claim, it is natural to fudge the dierence
between Lewisian worlds and possibilities. But there is a dierence nonetheless.)
Whereas Lewisian worlds represent by analogy, a-worlds represent by satisfaction. A
Lewisian world represents the possibility that I have a sister by containing a person who
is similar to me in certain respects, and has a sister. An a-world, on the other hand,
represents the possibility that I have a sister by satisfying the formula x(Sister(x, ar)),
where Sister is a predicate that expresses sisterhood on its intended interpretation and
ar is a name that refers to me on its intended interpretation. For instance, a-world
D
1
, I
1
) from gure 7.1 represents a possibility whereby I have a sister who is a philoso-
pher.
From the perspective of the Lewisian, an individual with a counterpart in the actual
world represents its actual-word counterpart, and an individual with no counterpart in
the actual world represents a merely possible object. From the present perspective,
a pair of the form x, actual) represents its rst component, and a pair of the form
x, nonactual) represents a merely possible object (even though the pair itself, and both
of its components, are actually existing objects). Thus, D
1
, I
1
) represents a possibility
whereby an actual object (i.e. me) has a sister who doesnt actually exist.
154 CHAPTER 7. A-WORLDS AND THE DOT NOTATION
D
1
, I
1
)
D
1
= Agustn, actual) , Socrates, nonactual)
I
1
(Philosopher) = Socrates, nonactual)
I
1
(Cellist) =
I
1
(Sister) = Socrates, nonactual) , Agustn, actual))
I
1
(ar) = Agustn, actual)
D
2
, I
2
)
D
2
= Socrates, nonactual)
I
2
(Philosopher) =
I
2
(Cellist) = Socrates, nonactual)
I
2
(Sister) =
I
2
(ar) = Agustn, actual)
D
3
, I
3
)
D
3
= Plato, nonactual)
I
3
(Philosopher) =
I
3
(Cellist) = Plato, nonactual)
I
3
(Sister) =
I
3
(ar) = Agustn, actual)
D
4
, I
4
)
D
4
= Agustn, actual) , Plato, nonactual)
I
4
(Philosopher) = Plato, nonactual)
I
4
(Cellist) =
I
4
(Sister) = Plato, nonactual) , Agustn, actual))
I
4
(ar) = Agustn, actual)
These examples assume that the only non-logical expressions in L are Philosopher,
Cellist, Sister and ar, and that the domain of L is Agustn.
Figure 7.1: Examples of a-worlds.
7.2. A KRIPKE-SEMANTICS FOR ACTUALISTS 155
Say that two representations are linked ifas one is inclined to put itthey concern
the same individual, even if the individual in question doesnt exist. In order for a Kripke
semantics based on a-worlds to verify Sister, there must be linking amongst a-worlds.
In particular, some a-world must represent a possibility whereby I have a sister who is a
philosopher and another must represent a possibility wherebyas one is inclined to put
itthat very same individual is a cellist rather than a philosopher.
Let us rst see how linking gets addressed from a Lewisian perspeective. l
1
and l
2
are
Lewisian worlds: l
1
contains an individual a
1
who bears the right sort of similarity to me
and an individual s
1
who is a
1
s sister and a philosopher; l
2
contains an individual s
2
who
is a cellist. Accordingly, l
1
represents a possibility whereby my sister is a philosopher,
and l
2
represents a possibility whereby someone is a cellist. But nothing so far guarantees
linking. Nothing so far guarantees thatas one is inclined to put itthe individual l
1
represents as my sister is the very individual that l
2
represents as a cellist. What is
needed for linking is that s
1
and s
2
be counterparts: that they be similar in the right
sorts of respects.
The same maneuver can be used when it comes to a-worlds. Like the Lewisian,
we shall use counterparthood amongst representations to capture linking. For Lewis,
representations are counterparts just in case they are similar in the right sorts of respects.
From the present perspective, we shall say that representations are counterparts just in
case they are identical (though other ways of dening the counterpart relation could be
used as well). Here is an example. We have seen that the a-world D
1
, I
1
) represents a
possibility whereby I have a sister who is a philosopher. Now consider a-worlds D
2
, I
2
)
and D
3
, I
3
) from gure 7.1. Each of them represents a possibility whereby someone is
a cellist rather than a philosopher. But only D
2
, I
2
) is linked to D
1
, I
1
). For D
1
, I
1
)
and D
2
, I
2
) both employ Socrates, nonactual) as a representation, and it is this that
guarantees thatas one is inclined to put itthe individual who D
1
, I
1
) represents as my
sister is the very individual that D
2
, I
2
) represents as a cellist. On the other hand, since
156 CHAPTER 7. A-WORLDS AND THE DOT NOTATION
D
3
, I
3
) represents a possibility whereby someone is a cellist by using Plato, nonactual)
rather than Socratesnonactual), what one gets is thatas one is inclined to put it
the individual who D
1
, I
1
) represents as my sister is distinct from the individual that
D
2
, I
2
) represents as a cellist.
An a-worlds-semantics is not a way of improving on the informal characterization of
linking that I supplied a few paragraphs back (i.e. representations are linked ifas one
is inclined to put itthey concern the same individual, even if the individual in question
doesnt exist). In particular, it is not a way of dispensing with the qualifying phrase
as one is inclined to put it. What an a-worlds-semantics delivers is an (actualistically
acceptable) device for representing possibilities which makes clear when two representa-
tions are to be counted as linked. The reason this is helpful is that, as we shall see below,
much of the theoretical work that can be carried out by quantifying over possibilities
can be carried out by quantifying over representations of possibilities instead. So an
a-worlds-semantics puts the actualist in a position to get on with the theoretical work
without having to worry about giving a proper characterization of linking.
It is worth emphasizing that by availing oneself of an ontology of Lewisian worlds and
a Lewisian counterpart relation one does not immediately do any better. What one gets
is a way of making clear when two Lewisian worlds are to be counted as linked, not a
characterization of linking. A friend of the Lewisian ontology can, however, give a proper
characterization of linking by also subscribing to a foundationalist claim: that for it to
be possible that p just is for there to be a Lewisian world at which (i.e. representing
that) p. One could then claim for two possibilities to concern the same individual just is
for objects in the relevant Lewisian worlds to be each others counterparts.
7.3. ADMISSIBILITY 157
7.3 Admissibility
There are a-worlds according to which someone is a married bachelor, and a-worlds
according to which there might have been a human who wasnt essentially human. Such
representations need to be excluded from our semantics, on pain of getting the result that
(x(Married(x) Bachelor(x))) or (x(Human(x) (y(y = xHuman(x)))) are
true. What we need is a notion of admissibility. Armed with such a notion, one can say
that is true just in case is true at some admissible a-world, and that is true
just in case is true at every admissible a-world. (Here and throughout I assume that
the accessibility relation is trivial.)
It is important to distinguish between the semantic project of explaining what an
(actualistically acceptable) Kripke-semantics for modal languages might consist in, on
the one hand, and the foundational project of identifying grounds for admissibility, on
the other. A semantics based on a-worlds is meant to address the semantic project, but
not the foundational project. Accordingly, the notion of admissibility should be thought
of as a placeholder for whatever limits on the metaphysically possible turn out to be
uncovered by the foundational project.
My preferred answer to the foundational question is spelled out in chapter 2, and a
formal characterization of the ensuing accessibility relation is supplied in appendix C.
Buton reasonable assumptionsone can show that a suitable notion of admissibility is
guaranteed to exist however the foundational question is answered.
2
A semantics based
2
More precisely, what one can show is this: provided there is a determinate fact of the matter about
which sentences of L
, I
, I
) in A. Then:
as one is inclined to put it, some of the individuals that are F
according to the possibility represented by D, I) in the context
of A are the very same individuals as some of the individuals
that are G according to the possibility represented by D
, I
)
in the context of A
if and only if
one of the sequences of pairs that witnesses x(x) at D, I)
in A is identical to one of sequences of pairs that witnesses
162 CHAPTER 7. A-WORLDS AND THE DOT NOTATION
x(x) at D
, I
.
The Principle of Representation can be used to determine which properties of an a-
world are essential to its representing the possibility that it represents, and which ones are
merely artifactual. It entails, for example, that D
2
, I
2
) and D
3
, I
3
) represent the same
possibility when considered in isolation, so any dierences between them are merely arti-
factual. In particular, the use of Socrates, nonactual) in D
2
, I
2
) is merely artifactual.
On the other hand, D
2
, I
2
) and D
3
, I
3
) represent dierent possibilities when considered
in the context of D
1
, I
1
), D
2
, I
2
), D
3
, I
3
). For whereas according to D
2
, I
2
) there
is a cellist who might have been my sister, according to D
3
, I
3
) there is a cellist who
couldnt have been my sister. So the use of Socrates, nonactual) in D
2
, I
2
) is essential
in the context of D
1
, I
1
), D
2
, I
2
), D
3
, I
3
). This is not to say, however, that a possi-
bility whereby there is a cellist who might have been my sister can only be represented
7.5. THE DOT-NOTATION 163
by an a-world if the a-world contains Socrates, nonactual). For the possibilities repre-
sented by D
1
, I
1
), D
2
, I
2
), and D
3
, I
3
) in the context of D
1
, I
1
), D
2
, I
2
), D
3
, I
3
)
are precisely the possibilities represented by D
4
, I
4
), D
3
, I
3
), D
2
, I
2
) in the context
of D
2
, I
2
), D
3
, I
3
),D
4
, I
4
).
When I speak of the possibility that an a-world represents what I will usually have
in mind is the possibility that is represented in the context of the space of all admissible
a-worlds.
7.5 The dot-notation
I would like to introduce a further piece of notation: the dot. Intuitively, the dot may
be thought of as a function that takes objects represented to the objects doing the
representing. Suppose I am seeing a play according to which I have a sister; applying the
dot-function is like shifting my attention from a character in the playmy sisterto the
actress who is representing my sister.
Consider the following two formulas:
[F(x)]
w
[F( x)]
w
For w a xed representation, the undotted formula is satised by all and only objects
z such that w represents a possibility whereby z is an F; the dotted formula, on the
other hand, is satised by all and only objects z such that z is used by w to represent
something as being an F. Thus, if is a performance of a play according to which I have
a sister, the actress playing my sister satises [Sister(ar, x)]
(since the performance uses the actress to represent someone as being my sister, but the
performance does not represent a scenario whereby I have that actress as my sister). And
I satisfy [y Sister(x, y)]
()]
w
w
([]
w
) (where w
is a world-variable)
6. Trivial accessibility
[[]
w
]
w
[]
w
(If the accessibility relation is non-trivial, one gets the following instead: [[]
w
]
w
([]
w
Acccessible(w
, w)).)
7. Atomic Predication
[F
n
j
(v
1
, . . . , v
n
)]
w
([v
1
= v
1
]
w
. . . [v
n
= v
n
]
w
)
(where the v
i
may occur dotted or undotted)
7.5. THE DOT-NOTATION 167
8. Names
[(c)]
w
x(x = c [(x)]
w
) (for c a non-empty name)
Schemas 25 are enough to guarantee that any sentence in the actualists language is
equivalent to a sentence in which only atomic formulas occur within the scope of [. . .]
w
.
For instance, the actualist rendering of (x(Phil(x) (Phil(x)))):
w[x(Phil(x) w
([Phil(x)]
w
))]
w
is equivalent to
wx([Phil( x)]
w
w
([Phil( x)]
w
)).
As a result, the dot-notation allows a language containing the modal operator [. . .]
w
to
have the inferential behavior of a (non-modal) rst-order language.
7.5.2 The expressive power of the dot-notation
In this section we shall see that a suitably qualied version of the following claim is
true: anything the Lewisian can say, the modal actualist can say tooby using the
dot-notation.
Here is an example. The Lewisian can use her mighty expressive resources to capture
a version of the following thought:
Linking
There are possible worlds w
1
and w
2
with the following properties: according
to w
1
, there is an individual who is a philosopher; according to w
2
, that very
individual is a cellist.
It is done as follows:
w
1
w
2
x
1
x
2
(I(x
1
, w
1
) I(x
2
, w
2
) Phil(x
1
) Cellist(x
2
) C(x
1
, x
2
))
168 CHAPTER 7. A-WORLDS AND THE DOT NOTATION
(Read: There are Lewisian worlds w
1
and w
2
and individuals x
1
and x
2
such
that: (a) x
1
is an inhabitant of w
1
and x
2
is an inhabitant of w
2
, (b) x
1
is a
philosopher and x
2
is a cellist, and (c) x
1
and x
2
are counterparts.)
How might this be emulated by a modal actualist equipped with the dot-notation? Con-
sider what happens when one treats the variables in the Lewisian rendering of Linking
as ranging over (admissible) a-worlds rather than Lewisian worlds, and carries out the
following replacements:
I(x
n
, w
n
) [ x
n
= x
n
]
wn
Phil(x
n
) [Phil( x
n
)]
wn
Cellist(x
n
) [Cellist( x
n
)]
wn
C(x
n
, x
m
) x
n
= x
m
The result is this:
w
1
w
2
x
1
x
2
([ x
1
= x
1
]
w
1
[ x
2
= x
2
]
w
2
[Phil( x
1
)]
w
1
[Cellist( x
2
)]
w
2
x
1
= x
2
)
(Read: There are admissible a-worlds w
1
and w
2
and objects x
1
and x
2
such
that: (a) x
1
is used by w
1
to represent something and x
2
is used by w
2
to
represent something, (b) x
1
is used by w
1
to represent a philosopher and x
2
is used by w
2
to represent a cellist, and (c) x
1
= x
2
.)
or equivalently:
w
1
w
2
x([Phil( x)]
w
1
[Cellist( x)]
w
2
)
(Read: There are admissible a-worlds w
1
and w
2
and an object x such that:
x is used by w
1
to represent a philosopher and x is used by w
2
to represent a
cellist.)
7.5. THE DOT-NOTATION 169
What gives the actualists method its punch is the fact that it generalizes: one can show
that there is a systematic transformation of arbitrary Lewisian sentences into dotted actu-
alist sentences which preserves truth-values and inferential conections.
5
(See Appendix B
for details.)
The actualists transformation-method does not preserve meaningwhere Lewisian
sentences quantify over Lewisian possibilia, their actualist transformation quantify over
a-worlds and ordered-pairs. But meaning-preservation is not what the actualist wants,
since she doesnt want to countenance Lewisian possibilia. What she wants is a way
of enjoying the theoretical benets of quantication over Lewisian possibilia within the
sober connes of an actualist framework. Here are two examples of ways in which she is
able to do so:
1. Firstorderizing Modal Sentences
By quantifying over Lewisian possibilia, the Lewisian is able to render any sentence
in the language of rst-order modal logic in (non-modal) rst-order terms. The
sentence
(x(Phil(x) (Cellist(x))))
(read: there might have been a philosopher who might have been a cel-
list),
5
When I say that the transformation preserves truth-value what I mean is that there is a notion
of a-world admissibility which guarantees that the actualist transformation of an arbitrary Lewisian
sentence is true just in case the original Lewisian sentence would count as true from the perspective
of the Lewisian. When I say that the transformation preserves inferential role, what I mean is that a
Lewisian sentence follows from a set of Lewisian sentences just in case s transformation follows
from the the transformations of sentences in .
The result assumes that atomic predicates in the Lewisians language other than I, C and = (and
any set-theoretic vocabulary) be projectable. For a monadic predicate P to be projectable is for it to
be the case that a Lewisian world represents a possibility whereby something is P by containing an
inhabitant who is P. (And similarly for many-place predicates.) Thus, Philosopher is projectable
because a Lewisian world represents a possibility whereby something is a philosopher by containing an
inhabitant who is a philosopher; but inhabits a Lewisian world which is part of a pluriverse containing
many Lewisian worlds is not projectable because a Lewisian world does not represent a possibility
whereby something inhabits a Lewisian world which is part of a pluriverse containing many Lewisian
worlds by containing an inhabitant who inhabits a Lewisian world which is part of a pluriverse containing
many Lewisian worlds.
170 CHAPTER 7. A-WORLDS AND THE DOT NOTATION
for example, gets rendered as the (non-modal) rst-order sentence:
w
1
w
2
x
1
x
2
(I(x
1
, w
1
) I(x
2
, w
2
) Phil(x
1
) Cellist(x
2
) C(x
1
, x
2
))
And Lewis (1968) shows that it can be done in general.
6
The (non-modal) rstorderizability of modal sentences brings two immediate advan-
tages. The rst is that it allows one to think of the inferential connections amongst
modal sentences in terms of the inferential connections amongst the corresponding
non-modal sentences; the second is that it allows one to read o a semantics for
modal sentences from the semantics of the corresponding non-modal sentences.
The actualist transformation-method allows actualists equipped with the dot-notation
to enjoy both of these advantages.
2. Characterizing Intensions
On a standard way of doing intensional semantics for natural languages, charac-
terizing the semantic value of an expression calls for quantication over possibilia.
(For a representative textbook, see Heim and Kratzer (1998), ch. 12.) Oversimpli-
fying a bit, the semantic value of, e.g. philosopher might be taken to be the set
of pairs w, z) where w is a possible world and z is an (actual or merely possible)
individual who is a philosopher at w.
As emphasized in Lewis (1970), the Lewisian is able to do the job by quantifying
over Lewisian possibilia:
philosopher = w, z) : I(z, w) Phil(z)
6
As Lewis observes, a feature of the 1968 translation is that x(y(x = y)) turns out to be true.
For this reason, I prefer a modication of the translation whereby ()
is
1
(W(
1
) ()
1
), ()
is
1
(W(
1
) ()
1
) and (P(x
1
, . . . , x
n
))
is
1
. . .
n
(I(
1
, ) C(
1
, x
1
) . . . I(
n
, ) C(
n
, x
n
)
P(
1
. . . ,
n
) (for P atomic). The modied translation delivers the same truth-values as a version of
Kripke-semantics in which atomic formulas (including identity-statements) can only be satised at a
world by objects that exist at that world.
7.5. THE DOT-NOTATION 171
But the actualist transformation-method allows actualists armed with the dot-
notation to follow suit, by quantifying over a-worlds and ordered pairs:
philosopher = w, z) : [ z = z]
w
[Phil( z)]
w
or, equivalently,
philosopher = w, z) : [Phil( z)]
w
.
Since the actualist transformation-method preserves inferential connections, the ac-
tualist semantics is guaranteed to deliver the same theorems as its Lewisian coun-
terpart. And since the transformation-method preserves truth-value the actualists
axioms will be true just in case their Lewisian counterparts would count as true
from the perspective of the Lewisian.
In particular, one can expect the actualist semantics to deliver every instance of
the (world-relative) T-schema. For instance:
True(x Phil(x), w) ([x Phil(x)]
w
)
or, equivalently,
True(x Phil(x), w) x([Phil( x)]
w
)
(Read: The object-language sentence x Phil(x) is true at admissible a-
world w just in case there is an individual which is used by w to represent
a philosopher.)
7.5.3 Limitations of the proposal
A-worlds are subject to an important limitation. Whereas dierences between a-worlds
are no more ne-grained than is required to make distinctions expressible in ones lan-
172 CHAPTER 7. A-WORLDS AND THE DOT NOTATION
guage, there might be dierences amongst Lewisian worlds too ne-grained to be ex-
pressed in ones language.
7
Because of this limitation, some of the metaphysical work that the Lewisian gets out
of Lewisian possibilia cannot be replicated by an actualist equipped with the dot-notion.
Here is an example. Lewis (1986) treats properties as sets of worldbound individuals. Up
to a certain point, the actualist is able to follow suit. When the Lewisian claims that the
property of being a philosopher is to be identied with the set of philosophers inhabiting
actual or non-actual Lewisian worlds, for instance, the actualist could claim that the set
z, w) : [Phil( z)]
w
is to be used as a surrogate for the property of being a philosopher.
But the strategy breaks down when it comes to properties making ner distinctions than
can be expressed in ones language.
8
In general, whether or not the actualists limitation turns out to get in the way will
depend on whether the job at hand calls for using possibilia to make ner distinctions
than can be expressed in ones language. When the job at hand is a piece of semantic
theorizing the extra resources are unnecessary: since a semantic theory is ultimately an
eort to explain how language is used, it need not be concerned with distinctions too
ne-grained to gure in our explanations. But when the job at hand is metaphysical
reduction, matters are otherwise.
7
More precisely, there might be dierent Lewisian worlds such that every inhabitant of the one world
is a counterpart of an inhabitant of the other, and every predicate in the language which is projectable
in the sense of footnote 5 is satised by inhabitants of one world just in case it is satised by the
counterparts of those individuals at the other. The distinct possibilities represented by such Lewisian
worlds would both be compatible with the less-specic possibility represented by an a-world in which
the behavior of the predicates mirrors the behavior of the predicates at the Lewisian worlds.
8
Any set of worldbound individuals containing an inhabitant of one of the Lewisian worlds described
in footnote 7 but not its counterpart at the other corresponds to a Lewisian property with no actualist
surrogate.
Chapter 8
Translation
A trivialist paraphrase-function is a mapping that takes each arithmetical sentence
to a sentence whose truth-conditions are uncontroversially the truth-conditions that the
trivialist semantics associates with uncontroversially, in the sense that whether or
not one takes s paraphrase to have the right truth-conditions doesnt depend on what
identity-statements one accepts.
We will investigate the question of whether it possible to specify a trivialist paraphrase-
function for the language of arithmetic. Attention will be restricted to paraphrase-
functions that can be characterized algorithmically. Without this restriction, it is obvi-
ously true that there is trivialist paraphrase-function for the language of pure arithmetic:
map every true sentence to a tautology and every false sentence to a contradiction.
The answer to our question will depend on the expressive resources of the language
in which paraphrases are given.
Higher-Order Languages
Suppose one takes the paraphrase-language to be an nth-order language, for some -
nite n. Then, assuming the Church-Turing Thesis, it is impossible to specify a trivi-
alist paraphrase-method for the language of arithmetic. (For a proof of this result, see
173
174 CHAPTER 8. TRANSLATION
Rayo (2008).)
There are a few paraphrase-methods that have the right avor, but dont quite give
us what were after. Consider, for example, the method of universal Ramseycation.
If is a sentence in the language of pure arithmetic, its universal Ramseycation is
the universal closure of (D )
) will turn
out to be true, which is contrary to what we want. Of course, a trivialist will think that
nite worlds are de mundo unintelligible, and therefore that commitment to innitely
many objects is no commitment at all. So a trivialist will think that the method of
universal Ramseycation does, after all, deliver the right assignment of truth-conditions.
But such a conclusion wont count as uncontroversial, since it wont be acceptable to the
typical non-trivialist.
Other higher-order paraphrase-methods that have the right avor but depend on
innity-assumptions to deliver the right results include Hodes (1984), Fine (2002a) II.5,
and Rayo (2002a).
Languages of Very High Order
If ones paraphrase-language includes variables of transnite order, then a trivialist
paraphrase-method for the language of arithmetic is available.
For an arbitrary ordinal, let L
, but it is straightforward
to check that this is indeed the case.)
Linnebo and Rayo (typescript) shows that, for arbitrary , every sentence of L
can
be paraphrased as a sentence in a language of order + 2 (or order , if is a limit
ordinal). From this it follows that one can use the translation of rst-order arithmetical
sentences into L
+1
, I
is the set of
pairs z, actual) for z an individual in the range of the non-modal variables; and I
(F
n
j
)
is the set of sequences z
1
, actual) , . . . z
n
, actual)) such tha z
1
. . . z
n
are in the range
of the non-modal variables and satisfy F.
A variable assignment is a function with the following features:
1
An occurrence of a non-modal variable in an undotted formula is free i it is not bound by a
quantier; an occurrence of a non-modal variable in an undotted formula is externally bounded i it is
bound by a quantier which is not within the scope of [. . .].
2
I assume that D is a set for the sake of simplicity. The assumption can be avoided by characterizing
the notion of an a-world in second-order terms. This can be done by employing the technique in Rayo
and Uzquiano (1999).
204APPENDIXA. ASEMANTICS FOR ALANGUAGE WITHTHE DOT NOTATION
1. assigns an a-world to each modal variable.
2. assigns an individual to each non-modal variable.
This puts us in a position to characterize notions of quasi-denotation and quasi-satisfaction.
(Denotation and satisfaction proper will be characterized later). For v a non-modal vari-
able, a variable assignment, a formula and w an a-world, we characterize the quasi-
denotation function
,w
(v) and the quasi-satisfaction predicate Sat(, ). In addition,
we characterize an auxiliary (a-world-relative) quasi-satisfaction predicate Sat(, , w).
We proceed axiomatically, by way of the following clauses:
If v is a (modal or non-modal) variable,
,w
(v) is (v);
If v is a non-modal variable, w is an a-world and (v) is an ordered pair of the
form z, actual), then
,w
( v) is the rst member of (v); otherwise
,w
( v) is
undened;
if c is a non-empty constant-letter and w is an a-world,
,w
(c) is the intended
referent of c.
if e is an empty constant-letter and w is an a-world,
,w
(e) is the w-referent of e if
there is one, and is otherwise undened;
,w
() is D
, I
);
if
1
and
2
are terms (both of them modal or both of them non-modal) and neither
of them is an empty constant-letter, then Sat(
1
=,
2
), ) if and only if
,w
(
1
) =
,w
(
2
) for arbitrary w;
if
1
and
2
are non-modal terms at least one of which is an empty constant-letter,
then not-Sat(
1
=,
2
), );
205
if
1
, . . .
n
are non-modal terms none of which is an empty constant-letter, then
Sat(F
n
i
(
1
, . . . ,
n
), ) if and only if F
n
i
(
,w
(
1
), . . . ,
,w
(
n
)), where w is arbi-
trary and F
n
i
is intended to express F
n
i
-ness;
if
1
, . . .
n
are non-modal terms at least one of which is an empty constant-letter,
then not-Sat(F
n
i
(
1
, . . . ,
n
), );
if v is a modal variable, Sat(B
i
(v), ) if and only if B
i
(
,w
(v)) for arbitrary w,
where B
i
is intended to express B
i
-ness;
if v is a non-modal variable, Sat(v(), ) if and only if there is an individual z
in the range of the non-modal variables such that Sat(,
v/z
), where
v/z
is just
like except that it assigns z to v;
if v is a modal variable, Sat(v(), ) if and only if there is an a-world z such
that Sat(,
v/z
), where
v/z
is just like except that it assigns z to v;
Sat(, ) if and only if it is not the case that Sat(, );
Sat( , ) if and only if Sat(, ) and Sat(, );
Sat([]
w
, ) if and only if Sat(,
, (w)), where
,w
(
2
) for arbitrary w;
206APPENDIXA. ASEMANTICS FOR ALANGUAGE WITHTHE DOT NOTATION
if
1
, . . .
n
are non-modal terms none of which is a constant-letter without a w-
reference, then Sat(F
n
i
(
1
, . . . ,
n
), , w) if and only if
,w
(
1
), . . . ,
,w
(
n
)) is in
the w-extension of F
n
i
;
if
1
, . . .
n
are non-modal terms at least one of which is a constant-letter without
a w-reference, then not-Sat(F
n
i
(
1
, . . . ,
n
), , w);
if v is a modal term, Sat(B
i
(v), , w) if and only if B
i
(
,w
(v)), where B
i
is
intended to express B
i
-ness;
if v is a non-modal variable, Sat(v(), , w) if and only if there is an individual
z in the domain of w such that Sat(,
v/z
, w), where
v/z
is just like except
that it assigns z to v;
if v is a modal variable, Sat(v(), , w) if and only if there is an a-world z such
that (a) any empty constant-letter which is assigned a referent by w is assigned the
same referent by z, and (b) Sat(,
v/z
, w), where
v/z
is just like except that
it assigns z to v;
Sat(, , w) if and only if it is not the case that Sat(, , w);
Sat( , , w) if and only if Sat(, , w) and Sat(, , w);
Sat([]
u
, , w) if and only if Sat(, , (u)).
Finally, we say that a formula is quasi-true if and only if Sat(, ) for any variable
assignment .
With a suitable notion of admissibility is on board, one can characterize truth and
satisfaction for L
w
. Satisfaction is the special case of quasi-satisfaction in which attention
is restricted to admissible a-worlds, and truth is the special case of quasi-truth in which
attention is restricted to admissible a-worlds.
Appendix B
If Lewis Can Say It, You Can Too
In section 7.5.2 I described a transformation from Lewisian sentences to dotted actualist
sentences. The purpose of this appendix is to explain how the transformation works in
general. I shall assume that the Lewisian language is a two-sorted rst-order languages,
with world-variables w
1
, w
2
, etc. ranging over Lewisian worlds, and individual-variables
x
1
, x
2
, etc. ranging over world-bound individuals in the Lewisian pluriverse. The lan-
guage contains no function-letters; there is a world-constant referring to the actual
Lewisian world and individual-constants c
1
, c
2
, etc. referring to world-bound indi-
viduals. The only atomic predicates are I (which takes an individual-variable and
a world-variable), C (which takes two individual-variables), = (which takes (i) two
world-variables, (ii) two individual-variables, (iii) a world-constant and a world-variable,
or (iv) an individual-constant and an individual-variable) and, for each j, P
n
j
(which
takes n individual-variables). (If one likes, one can also take the language to contain
set-theoretic vocabulary.) Finally, I shall assume that universal quantiers are dened in
terms of existential quantiers in the usual way, and that logical connectives other than
and are dened in terms of and in the usual way.
The plan is to proceed in two steps. The rst is to get the Lewisian sentence into
a certain kind of normal form; the second is to convert the normal-form sentence into
207
208 APPENDIX B. IF LEWIS CAN SAY IT, YOU CAN TOO
a dotted actualist sentence. Here is a recipe for getting an arbitrary Lewisian sentence
into normal form:
1. Start by relabeling variables in such a way that no world-variable in has the same
index as an individual-variable;
2. next, replace each occurrence of I(x
j
, w
k
) by w
j
= w
k
;
3. then replace each occurrence of the atomic formula P
n
j
(x
k
1
, . . . , x
kn
) by
(P
n
j
(x
k
1
, . . . , x
kn
) w
k
1
= w
k
2
. . . w
k
1
= w
kn
),
each occurrence of c
j
= x
k
by (c
j
= x
k
= w
k
), and each occurrence of
x
j
= x
k
by (x
j
= x
k
w
j
= w
k
).
1
4. nally, replace each occurrence of x
j
(. . .) by x
j
w
j
(I(x
j
, w
j
) . . .).
On the assumption that P
n
j
is projectable (and, hence, that P
n
j
(x
k
1
, . . . , x
kn
) can only
be true if x
k
1
, . . . , x
kn
are world-mates), it is easy to verify that this procedure respects
truth-value. (For a characterization of projectability, see footnote 5 of chapter 7.)
Here is an example. The Lewisian sentence
w
17
x
2
x
5
(I(x
2
, w
17
) Sister(x
2
, x
5
))
(Read: There is a Lewisian world w
17
an individual x
2
and an individual w
5
such that x
2
is an inhabitant of w
17
and x
2
has x
5
as a sister.)
gets rewritten as:
w
17
x
2
w
2
(I(x
2
, w
2
)x
5
w
5
(I(x
5
, w
5
)w
2
= w
17
Sister(x
2
, x
5
)w
2
= w
5
))
(Read: There is a Lewisian world w
17
, an individual x
2
inhabiting Lewisian
world w
2
, and an individual x
5
inhabiting Lewisian world w
5
such that w
2
is
identical to w
17
, x
2
has x
5
as a sister and w
2
is identical to w
5
.)
1
These three replacements are needed to secure the base clause in the induction below.
209
Once one has a Lewisian sentence in normal form, it can be transformed into a dotted
actualist sentence by carrying out the following replacements:
I(x
j
, w
j
) [y(y = x
j
)]
w
j
P
n
j
(x
k
1
, . . . , x
kn
) [P
n
j
( x
k
1
, . . . , x
kn
)]
w
k
1
C(x
j
, x
k
) x
j
= x
k
c
j
= x
k
[c
j
= x
k
]
w
k
Here is an example. The Lewisian rendering of (x
1
x
2
Sister(x
1
, x
2
)) is
w
3
x
1
x
2
(I(x
1
, w
3
) I(x
2
, w
3
) Sister(x
1
, x
2
))
whose normal form
w
3
x
1
w
1
(I(x
1
, w
1
) x
2
w
2
(I(x
2
, w
2
) w
1
= w
3
w
1
= w
3
Sister(x
1
, x
2
) w
1
= w
2
))
gets transformed by the actualist into
w
3
x
1
w
1
([y(y = x
1
)]
w
1
x
2
w
2
([y(y = x
2
)]
w
2
w
1
= w
3
w
1
= w
3
[Sister( x
1
, x
2
)]
w
1
w
1
= w
2
))
which boils down to:
w
3
x
1
x
2
([Sister( x
1
, x
2
)]
w
3
)
(Read: There is are objects x
1
and x
2
and an admissible a-world w such that
x
1
and x
2
are used by w to represent someones having a sister.)
210 APPENDIX B. IF LEWIS CAN SAY IT, YOU CAN TOO
and is guaranteed by the Appendix A semantics to be equivalent to
w
3
([x
1
x
2
Sister(x
1
, x
2
)]
w
3
)
(Read: There is an admissible a-world w according to which there are indi-
viduals x
1
and x
2
such that x
1
has x
2
as a sister.)
which is the actualists rendering of (x
1
x
2
Sister(x
1
, x
2
)).
Here is a slightly more complex example. The actualists rendering of
There are possible worlds w
1
and w
2
with the following properties: according
to w
1
, there is an individual who is my sister and a philosopher; according to
w
2
, that very individual is a cellist rather than a philosopher.
is
w
4
w
5
x
1
x
2
x
3
(
I(x
1
, w
4
)I(x
2
, w
4
) I(x
3
, w
5
)
x
6
(ar = x
6
C(x
6
, x
1
)) C(x
2
, x
3
)
Sister(x
1
, x
2
) Phil(x
2
) Cellist(x
3
) Phil(x
3
))
whose normal form
w
4
w
5
x
1
w
1
(I(x
1
, w
1
) x
2
w
2
(I(x
2
, w
2
)x
3
w
3
(I(x
3
, w
4
)
w
1
= w
4
w
2
= w
4
w
3
= w
5
x
6
w
6
(I(x
6
, w
6
) ar = x
6
= w
6
C(x
6
, x
1
)) C(x
2
, x
3
)
Sister(x
1
, x
2
) Phil(x
2
) Cellist(x
3
) Phil(x
3
))))
211
gets transformed by the actualist into
w
4
w
5
x
1
w
1
([y(y = x
1
)]
w
1
x
2
w
2
([y(y = x
2
)]
w
2
x
3
w
3
([y(y = x
3
)]
w
3
w
1
= w
4
w
2
= w
4
w
3
= w
5
x
6
w
6
([y(y = x
6
)]
w
6
[ar = x
6
]
w
6
= w
6
x
6
= x
1
) x
2
= x
3
[Sister( x
1
, x
2
)]
w
1
w
1
= w
2
[Phil( x
2
)]
w
2
[Cellist( x
3
)]
w
3
[Phil( x
3
)]
w
3
)))
which boils down to
w
4
w
5
x
2
([Sister(ar, x
2
)]
w
4
[Phil( x
2
)]
w
4
[Cellist( x
2
)]
w
5
[Phil( x
2
)]
w
5
)
(Read: there are admissible a-worlds w
4
and w
5
and an individual x
2
such that: (i) x
2
is
used by w
4
to represent my sister and a philosopher, and (ii) x
2
is used by w
5
to represent
a cellist rather than a philosopher.)
Finally, we show that there is a notion of a-world admissibility which guarantees that
the actualist transformation of an arbitrary Lewisian sentence has the truth-value that
the Lewisian sentence would receive on its intended interpretation. (The proof relies on
the assumption that the Lewisian language is rich enoughand the space of Lewisian
worlds varied enough with respect to predicates occurring in the languagethat the set of
true sentences has a model in which any two worlds are such that some atomic predicate
satised by a sequence of objects inhabiting one of the worlds, but not by the result of
replacing each object in the sequence by its counterpart in the other world.) Start by
enriching the Lewisian language with a standard name for each inhabitant of the actual
world, and let S be the set of true sentences in the extended language. One can use
the Completeness Theorem to generate a model M of S in which the domain consists of
=-equivalence classes of terms and in which the assumption above is satised. If a
1
is
an object in the individual-variable domain of M, let a
1
be the set of individuals a
2
such
212 APPENDIX B. IF LEWIS CAN SAY IT, YOU CAN TOO
that C(x
1
, x
2
) is satised by a
1
and a
2
. (I assume that C is an equivalence relation, and
therefore that partitions the individual-variable domain of M into equivalence classes.)
If a
1
is an object in the individual-variable domain of M, let a
be z, actual) if the
standard name of z is in the transitive closure of a
, and a
, nonactual) otherwise.
For each c in the world-variable domain of M, we construct an a-world w
c
, as follows:
the domain of w
c
is the set of a
1
, . . . , a
be
such that
(x
j
) is (x
j
)
(w
j
) is w
c
if x
j
occurs in (where c is such that
I(x
1
, w
1
) is satised by (x
j
) and c in M), and
(w
j
) is w
(w
j
)
if x
j
does not
occur in . An induction on the complexity of formulas shows that a Lewisian formula
is satised by an assignment function in M just in case the actualist transformation of
its normal form is satised by
.
At stage 0 we introduce the set of objects x, actual) for x in the domain of L. For
each x, we let the essence of x, actual) be the set of constitutive predicates x actually
satises. The only world we introduce at stage 0 is the actualized a-world for L
(i.e. the
a-world whose domain consists of pairs x, actual) for x in the domain of L, and in
which every predicate receives its intended interpretation, corrected for the fact that the
domain consists of ordered pairs x, actual) instead of their rst components).
For k a natural number, stage k +1 is constructed as follows. First, we introduce an
object
k+1
, non-actual) for each 2
i
( c
1
, . . . , c
i1
, x
i
)) is true at w.
One can then prove the following:
Theorem 1 Every good possibility statement is true in M.
Proof: Let be a good possibility statement containing n diamonds. We know that
there are assignments of essences and coreferentiality such that a version of modied
as above satises conditions 1 and 2 above. Since modied- entails , it will suce to
show that modied- is true in M.
We proceed by reductio. For k n + 1, let the k-truncation of modied- be the
result of eliminating from modied- the subformula beginning with the kth diamond
and the conjunction sign that precedes it (or doing nothing, if k = n +1). Suppose that
modied- is false in M. It follows from condition 1 of the denition of goodness, and the
fact that the Ms center is the actualized a-world, that the 1-truncation of modied- is
true in M. So there must be some k n such that the kth-truncation of modied- is
true in M and the k + 1th truncation is false in M.
Since the kth-truncation of modied- is true, there must be a sequence of a-worlds
w
1
, . . . w
k
in M and a sequence of objects a
1
, . . . , a
k
such that: (1) w
1
is the actualized
a-world, (2) each of the a
i
is in the domain of w
i
, and (3) w
i
veries the subformula of the
kth-truncation of modied- that follows the string of existential quantiers that binds x
i
when each variable in x
j
is assigned the corresponding a
j
as a value (j i). By condition
216 APPENDIX C. THE CANONICAL SPACE OF WORLDS
2 of the denition of goodness, there is an a-world w verifying every identity-statement
and such that the subformula x
k+1
(E
k+1
( x
k+1
) I
k+1
( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
)
k+1
( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
))
of is true when the x
j
(j < k +1) are replaced by suitable new constants. Where m is
the maximum of the stages at which w
1
, . . . w
k
were introduced to M, it is easy to verify
that there is a world w
, where (. . .)
is dened as follows:
1. If c
i
j
is the new constant introduced to take the place of the ith member of x
j
, and
if the referent z of c
i
j
is in the domain of w, then z
is ith member of a
j
.
(This assignment is guaranteed to be one-one because we know that the result of
substituting new constants for variables in I
k+1
( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
) is true at w.)
2. To each remaining object z in the domain of w, (. . .)
.
This can be used to show that the k + 1th truncation of modied- is true in
M, and therefore to complete our reductio. It suces to check that the subformula
x
k+1
(E
k+1
( x
k+1
)I
k+1
( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
)
k+1
( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
)) of modied- is true in w
when
the values of the x
1
, . . . , x
k
are taken to be a
1
, . . . , a
k
. Start by xing referents
b
k+1
for
x
k+1
in the domain of w that witness the truth of x
k+1
(E
k+1
( x
k+1
)I
k+1
( c
1
, . . . c
k
, x
k+1
)
k+1
( c
1
, . . . c
k
, x
k+1
)) in w. Let be an assignment function for L
that assigns a
1
, . . . , a
k
to x
1
, . . . , x
k
, assigns z
relative to
to x
1
, . . . , x
k+1
is outside the
domain of w
.
When there are no empty terms, the result follows from the observation that w and
w
.
k+1
( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
) is z(( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
, z)). Suppose z(( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
, z)) is true in
w relative to , then there is some y in the domain of w such that ( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
, z)
is true in w relative to [y/z]. By inductive hypothesis, ( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
, z) is true in
w
relative to [y
/z]. So z(( x
1
, . . . x
k+1
, z)) is true in w
relative to
. The
converse is analogous.
The remaining cases are trivial.
218 APPENDIX C. THE CANONICAL SPACE OF WORLDS
Appendix D
Modal Sentences and Modal Facts
As described in section 2.2, the foundational problem is the problem of explaining what
it takes for modal truths to be true. I have argued that it can be addressed by appeal to
identity statements, on the grounds that the set of true identity statements can be used
to state the truth-conditions of sentences in L
.
It is not clear to me that one can make sense of this more ambitious project without
committing oneself to potentially controversial assumptions. But let me suggest a way
of spelling it out. Suppose that one is a realist about properties, and takes them to
form a Boolean Algebra. One believes, in particular, that properties are closed under
complements and intersections: if the property of being F exists and the property of
being G exists, then so do the property of being not-F and the property of being F-and-
G. It follows that one can talk about one propertys being a part of another: F-ness is
a part of G-ness just in case G-ness = F-and-G-ness. (Thus, the property of containing
hydrogen is a part of the property of being composed of water.) And since the space of
properties forms a Boolean Algebra there must an impossible property, which is identical
219
220 APPENDIX D. MODAL SENTENCES AND MODAL FACTS
to the intersection of any property and its complement. (Thus, the impossible property
= the property of containing hydrogen and not containing hydrogen = the property of
having a mustache and not having a mustache.)
Within this framework, one can ask a version of the foundational question: what
grounds the dierence between property-instantiations that are (metaphysically) possible
and those that are not? And the answer is as simple as can be: for an instantiation to be
possible just is for it to not to include an instantiation of the impossible property when
one assumes closure under intersections.
The reason the answer is so straightforward is that one can use identities amongst
properties to play the same sort of role that identity statements have been playing in
our discussion so far. Consider, for example, an assignment of two properties to a given
object x: the property of being composed of water and the property of not containing
hydrogen. Is this assignment possible? The property of being composed of water = the
property of being composed of H
2
O, and the property of containing hydrogen is part
of the property of being composed of H
2
O. So the property of containing hydrogen is
part of the property of being composed of water. It follows that the intersection of the
property of being composed of water and the property of not containing hydrogen is the
impossible property. So when one assumes that the property-assignment is closed under
intersections, one gets the result that x instantiates the impossible property. From this
we may conclude that the property-assignment in question is not possible, and therefore
that it is not possible for something to be composed of water and not contain hydrogen.
Similar arguments could be given even if the properties in question were described
using explicitly modal vocabulary. For instance, by assuming that the property of being
human = the property of being a mammal that might have been human, one can show
that property-assignments whereby the same object instantiates both the property of
not being human and the property of being a mammal that might have been human are
impossible. A more extreme case is the property of, e.g. being such that there might have
221
been a purple elephant. If you take the truth-conditions of There might have been a
purple elephant to be trivial, you will think this property is the trivial property (i.e. the
Boolean Algebras ), and therefore think that an assignment of the property would
be possible. If, on the other hand, you take the truth-conditions to be impossible, you
will think the property is the impossible property (i.e. the Boolean Algebras ), and
therefore think that an assignment would be impossible.
This underlines the generality of the proposal, but also the fact that the proposal
is of limited interest. When one focuses on the space of properties, and abstracts away
from the predicates that might be used to express these properties, possibility is a pretty
boring concept: a possible assignment of properties to objects is simply one that steers
clear from the impossible property. The real action comes from the project of ascertaining
identities amongst properties (e.g. ascertaining whether the property of being composed
of water is identical to the property of being composed H
2
O). But this is only interesting
insofar as language enters into the pictureotherwise all there is to be said about identity
is that every property is identical to itself and nothing else. The interest comes from
ascertaining whether the satisfaction conditions of is composed of water are any dierent
from the satisfaction conditions of is composed of H
2
O or, equivalently, whether one
should accept To be composed of water just is to be composed of H
2
O. (If you believe
in concepts, you might wish to make the point at the level of thought, rather than
language. You might wish to claim that the interest comes from ascertaining whether
the satisfaction conditions of the concept composed of water are any dierent from the
satisfaction conditions of the concept composed of H
2
O.)
Metaphysically minded philosophers may nonetheless think it important to develop
a language-independent answer to the foundational problem. (They might claim, for
example, that a metaphysics of modality is needed to supply truth-makers for modal
truths.) Postulating a space of properties such as the one we have been discussing
could be the rst step in such a project. But it is worth emphasizing that were not
222 APPENDIX D. MODAL SENTENCES AND MODAL FACTS
there yet. Up to now, attention has been restricted to monadic properties, and there
is no reason to think that every modal fact can be cashed out as an assignment of
monadic properties. A successful proposal would presumably have to encompass polyadic
properties (e.g. the relation of being a sister of), zero-place properties (e.g. that a marriage
take place) and higher-level properties (e.g. being innite in number), and this gives rise
to a complication. One needs it to turn out to be impossible for the relation of being
a sister of to be instantiated without there also being instantiations of the monadic
property of being a sister. My guess, for what its worth, is that one would be be able
to solve the problem by claiming that some properties have others as constituents, and
postulating the right sort of connections between the instantiation of a property and the
instantiation of its constituents.
For the purposes of this book, however, the language-dependent version of the pro-
posal is all we need. We will always be able to pick a rst-order language L expressive
enough for the task at hand.
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