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Brussels Underground

The governed have a right to know what their governments are capable of and serious
abuses of power should not remain unreported or be condoned, as has been the case with
the cover up in the trawler Gaul public inquiry. For, if ignored, such acts will continue to
be perpetrated and the erosion of democracy and the rule of law will become irreversible.

It is for this reason that we are now going to recount one of the more recent episodes in
the Gaul saga, one which was played in the picturesque city of Brussels and in which,
either willingly or unwillingly, several EU bodies played a part

Between 2000 and 2006 a notable shift took place at the heart of Europe: the EU power
elite gradually became aware of the fact that the federal Superstate, which they had long
dreamed of and aspired to, had become an achievable prospect. The world was changing,
power was shifting and the argument that a single European entity could be bigger and
stronger than the sum of its member states was starting to make some kind of sense to
more people. For a long time opposition from Britain, the national interests and the ‘vive
la difference’ attitude of others had undermined the federalists’ expansionist aims.
However, things were now looking different, new alliances were being forged between
Europe’s new leaders, and Tony Blair was identified by the EU power brokers as the man
who could deliver British assent to the new order – at a price1.

In 2005, when it was feared that the truth about the FV Gaul inquiry could emerge,
Britain’s Tony Blair was approaching a critical stage in his mission to deliver an
emasculated Britain to the EU. A high-level and wide-ranging scandal, which would have
exposed the state of moral dissolution within the echelons of Britain’s New-Labour
establishment would have embarrassed and compromised the credibility of Prime
Minister Blair, and thus his ability to fulfil the EU power elite’s agenda and his personal
ambitions of grandeur. Such a mishap could not be countenanced. Anything to prevent
this from happening was to be done, and this was all too easily possible.

Promptly, out of the woodwork, came all sorts of creatures who, zombie-like, would
openly stalk us on the streets, in restaurants and cafes, public transport, shops and at the
workplace - to pry, physically intimidate and proffer threats – on a continuous basis.

In public places, no matter where we sat, individuals would tag along, and sit themselves
closely around us, conspicuously staring at us all the time. They would tail our car or
follow us on public transport, in a manner designed to let us know they were there. We
were bumped and jostled on the platforms of underground stations in such a way so as to
give the impression that they were going to push us in front of the incoming train.

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Tony Blair is now set to become the first President of the European Council
Thugs, haggard looking and bedraggled, like illegal immigrants after a long and rough
journey to the West or ex-convicts recently released from jail, would walk past us on the
street and abruptly turn around to proffer insults and threats - warning that we would
soon be homeless, jobless, disabled or dead.

Various individuals loitered outside our Brussels home; flashlights were shone at our
windows at night.
On returning home after outings there was sometimes a feeling that someone had been
there in our absence and, on a number of occasions, we found that objects inside our
house had inexplicably been broken or displaced.

Sometimes what we discussed inside (or outside) our house, no matter how personal,
certain ‘work colleagues’ would also discuss the next day. They would repeat, almost
word for word, fragments of the conversations we had exchanged in the privacy of our
home, and even poke fun at some of our topics and at the surprise that their ‘telepathic
qualities’ aroused. Details of our car journeys, including deviations from the route or
halts taken would also be mentioned or hinted at, in passing.

Personal biographies were uncovered and thrashed out without courtesy or discretion by
the same individuals. Smears were circulated in the background. Being conspicuous and
offensive must have been, we reckon, a key part of their role.

Our car was tampered with, and only by a stroke of luck unpleasant consequences were
averted.
Our communications were crudely monitored, as we ourselves could hear, and, in some
instances, our phone calls and mail were diverted.
Our acquaintances, friends and family were also intruded upon and, at work, we were
placed within a buffer of chosen and trusted ‘friends’, while the rest of our work
colleagues somehow knew they had to keep their distance, as if we had been under strict
quarantine for some highly contagious illness.

Some of the locally hired domestic help and service contractors, after gaining access to
our home, took the opportunity to snoop around and, on a few occasions, attempted to
openly bully or intimidate us.
Even some of our friends were made to deliver thinly veiled warnings so as to convince
us to remain silent.

All of a sudden, food poisoning became a frequent occurrence; medical tests would start
to go wrong and be unnecessarily painful, we would be more often mistakenly
overcharged for the cost of services and utilities, and every little enterprise we were
engaged in would become ever more difficult and stressful.

A well-coordinated campaign of harassment by work associates, public bodies and


various others was conducted with - though in some rare laudable cases without - zeal.
“Everybody can be bought”, one insider intimated referring to what was going on.
We wondered how much this charade was costing and who was able to sponsor such an
extensive operation; “Zee Inglish pay”, another insider jovially informed us.

Eventually, we discovered that these measures had not merely been sanctioned, but were
instigated from within the highest levels of the British administration.
We considered making appeal to the law, but that was not going to be easy.
Conversations with our solicitor were also crudely monitored, and then, one day, he
decided abruptly to drop us as clients
Lawyers, independent organisations and even some of the journalists whom we had
eventually managed to contact for assistance admitted more or less openly that there was
little they could do or had the courage to try, while, as someone explained, “they can do
anything, just like in the X and Y cases”.

Occasionally, temptations would be laid before us, bribes and sweeteners discreetly
offered, and the prospect of a carefree and comfortable existence subtly promised in
return for our capitulation.
I myself have received thousands of pounds on a government contract, which, as it later
turned out, did not actually make it possible or require me to deliver anything, but just to
relax and get paid.
When the bribery did not work, hostilities were resumed and our professional careers
were wrecked.

“This is not going to last forever, the right-minded majority will not tolerate such regime
for very much longer“, we thought at the time; “Don’t underestimate the voters’ credulity
and the ruthlessness of the system” a cynic commented.

It is of course hard to describe in detail everything we have learned about the tactics of
our new masters, what this brief account refers to being just a prelude to our subsequent
experiences in Britain, which turned out to be a lot harsher.
We will, of course, continue, as we must, with the sequel and try to reveal a few more
details about the Gaul saga and its ever-expanding cover-up.
I am pretty sure, however, that what we came across were only a few manifestations of
the abusive power that the system has at its disposal, as I am also sure that we are not the
only ones to have experienced them.

It is important to reveal these things to the public because they are not only about a
fishing trawler and the betrayal of its victims; they are also about the rest of us and, more
importantly, about our democracy, which is now slipping through our fingers, like the
precious water of Choaspes.