Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 30, No. 3, pp.

660–682, 2003
 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
Printed in Great Britain
0160-7383/03/$30.00
www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures
doi:10.1016/S0160-7383(03)00045-8

THE CONTEXT OF THIRD

WORLD TOURISM MARKETING
Charlotte M. Echtner
University of Calgary, Canada
Pushkala Prasad
Skidmore College, USA

Abstract: Recent examination of the content of Third World tourism marketing still lacks
discussion concerning context. In this paper, an analysis of brochures representing different
Third World countries reveals distinct patterns of marketing images occurring across these
destinations. Postcolonial theory is used as a critical, contextual perspective to interpret these
patterns. Three Third World tourism ‘Un’ myths are discussed: the myth of the unchanged,
the myth of the unrestrained, and the myth of the uncivilized. It is shown that the represen-
tations surrounding these myths replicate colonial forms of discourse, emphasizing certain
binaries between the First and Third Worlds and maintaining broader geopolitical power
structures. Keywords: Third World, tourism marketing, context, postcolonial theory, myth,
representation.  2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Résumé: Le contexte de la promotion du tourisme dans le tiers-monde. Les études récentes

du contenu de la promotion du tourisme au tiers-monde manque de discussion du contexte.
Dans cet article, une analyse des brochures au sujet de différents pays du tiers-monde révèle
des modèles distincts des images de la promotion qui se rencontrent pour toutes ces desti-
nations. La théorie postcoloniale est utilisée comme perspective critique et contextuelle pour
interpréter ces modèles. On discute de trois mythes du tiers-monde: le mythe de l’inchangé,
le mythe du non limité et le mythe du non civilisé. On montre que les représentations qui
entourent ces mythes reproduisent les formes coloniales du discours, qu’elles soulignent
certains binaires entre les pays industrialisés et le tiers-monde et qu’elles maintiennent, sur
un plan plus large, la répartition des pouvoirs géopolitiques. Mots-clés: tiers-monde, pro-
motion du tourisme, contexte, théorie postcoloniale, mythe, représentation.  2003 Elsevier
Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION
The marketing of Third World countries for tourism is increasingly
common, and the fastest growing destinations are in these regions.
Currently, about 30% of all international tourist arrivals are in the
Third World and this proportion has nearly tripled over the past 20
years (World Tourism Organization 1999). However, over the last few
decades, there has been mounting criticism of the portrayal of these

Charlotte Echtner completed this research while a Ph.D student in the Faculty of Manage-
ment, University of Calgary (Calgary, Alberta, Canada T2N 1N4. Email <cechtner@hot-
mail.com>). Her areas of interest include destination image and Third World tourism. Push-
kala Prasad holds the Zankel Chair in Management and the Liberal Arts at Skidmore College,
USA. Her areas of expertise include organization theory and qualitative research.

660
 ECHTNER AND PRASAD 661

destinations and their people in promotional materials (Britton 1979;

Echtner 2002; Mohamed 1988; Silver 1993; Sturma 1999; Wilson 1994).
For the most part, this previous research focuses on examining the
content (or the what) of Third World tourism marketing. As a result,
there remains a notable lack of critical attention to the context (or
the why) surrounding and defining these representations.
As noted by Adams (1984) and Reimer (1990), a remarkable market-
ing situation characterizes Third World promotion. That is, these desti-
nations are most often promoted by multinational tour operators, tra-
vel agencies, and other intermediaries with origins in the First World.
The primary targets of these marketing efforts are also located in the
First World, as the developed countries are the main generators of
tourists. As a result, the vast majority of Third World destination mar-
keting is created and distributed by First World promoters who are
economically motivated to sell a particular brand of fantasy to a First
World market.
The considerable level of content control exerted by the First World
points to an important aspect of the context of Third World marketing.
Specifically, the study of this promotional arrangement can be located
within a much broader area of research concerned with the represen-
tation of the Third World by the First World. Although representation
in this broader geopolitical and ideological context has been exten-
sively addressed in other fields of study, especially by postcolonial the-
orists, this perspective has been virtually ignored by tourism scholars.
Therefore, the primary objective of this paper is to address this signifi-
cant gap in research by using postcolonial theory to critically interpret
the context of Third World tourism marketing.

CONTEXT OF THIRD WORLD TOURISM MARKETING

Previous research addressing the context of Third World tourism
marketing is somewhat limited. Britton acknowledges the similarities
between the “dictated roles ... advanced by imperialists ... [and the]
traits perpetuated in travel industry imagery” (1979:324). More
recently, Morgan and Pritchard (1998) take a comprehensive look at
the context of marketing by examining the relationship between tour-
ism promotion and power. In particular, they argue that “... images of
the Third World ... tend to reflect a western, white, male, colonial
perspective”, whereby “... a dynamic First World contrasts itself with a
static, timeless and unchanging Third World” (Morgan and Pritch-
ard:169, 242). In a similar vein, the connections between colonial ima-
gery and Third World marketing are addressed by Wilson (1994),
Palmer (1994) and Sturma (1999). Wilson concludes that, over the
ages, the stereotypical tourism images of, for example, the Seychelles
“reflect the interests and objectives of white Europeans ... and have
little to do with the actualities of Seychellois belief or behavior”
(1994:774). Palmer, using the Bahamas as a case study, contends that
“by relying on the images of a colonial past, the tourism industry
merely perpetuates the ideology of colonialism and prevents the local
people from defining a national identity of their own” (1994:792).
662 THIRD WORLD MARKETING

Further, Sturma points out that colonial stereotypes continue to be

“replicated and reinforced through narrative, fictions, art and films ...
[and] in turn have become part of the ... language of tourism”. Accord-
ingly, he concludes that a “representational loop” has been established
where stereotypical images originating with colonial narratives are con-
tinually reiterated (1999:713).
Even though previous research is quite limited, several important
common threads emerge. First, reference is repeatedly made to histori-
cal context by suggesting that these representations replicate colonial
forms of discourse. Second, the predominant role of First World tour-
ism in creating and controlling promotional images is emphasized.
Third, the asymmetric nature of the industry relationships between the
First and Third Worlds is highlighted. Historically, as well as currently,
the latter remains far more traversed by First Worlders than the other
way around. As discussed later, these three aspects provide strong justi-
fications for the application of postcolonial theory when critically
examining the context of Third World marketing.

Preparatory Methods
Countries were selected from a total of 130 defined as the Third
World by the World Bank (1996). From this set, 30 were chosen based
on high tourism earnings (as ranked by the World Tourism Organiza-
tion 1996) and amount spent on promotion (World Tourism Organiza-
tion 1995). These countries were then grouped into five regions and
a sample of 12 selected based upon geographic representation. These
included Costa Rica and Ecuador (Latin America); Jamaica and Cuba
(the Caribbean); Fiji (Pacific Islands); China, Thailand, and India
(Asia); Egypt and Turkey (North Africa/Middle East); and Kenya and
Namibia (Sub-Saharan Africa).
A sample of 223 brochures was collected from 47 North American
travel agencies. Collection continued until a saturation point
(additional travel agency visits did not produce new brochures) was
reached for each of the 12 destinations contained in the study. Sub-
sequently, brochures with small amounts of verbal and visual data were
eliminated, resulting in 115 brochures for the 12 countries.
While this data set is probably the most comprehensive attempt to
date to examine Third World tourism marketing, it inevitably has limi-
tations. Obviously, not all Third World “tourism oriented” countries
are included in the collection, although an attempt is made to cover
the widest possible geographic regions. In a similar vein, data gathering
is limited to the brochures produced in a sample of the North Amer-
ican marketplace. While postcolonial theory would predict that the
stereotypical images uncovered in this study will be replicated across
other Third World destinations and in other First World promotional
material (for example, a set of European brochures), such additional
data sets provide an interesting area for further examination.
Next, the verbal and visual components of the data set were meticu-
lously inventoried. In the verbal analysis, the nouns, verbs, and descrip-
tors (such as adjectives and adverbs) in the text were recorded. Nouns
 ECHTNER AND PRASAD 663

were chosen as a unit of analysis because they focus attention on spe-

cific natural and built attractions at the destination. Nouns are also
used to label the tourists and hosts, or the actors, in the tourism experi-
ence. Verbs, the second unit of analysis, are important as they are used
to convey the range of actions while at the destination. The last cate-
gory, descriptors, create atmosphere by describing the attractions,
hosts, and tourists in a certain way—for example, the ancient temple,
the simple people, the adventurous tourist, etc. In order to relate to
the verbal analysis, the visual analysis similarly focused on the attrac-
tions, actors, actions, and atmosphere portrayed in the pictures.
A number of cross-checks were used throughout the research. For
example, at certain stages in the analysis, grouping procedures were
used to uncover themes in the data (especially with regard to actions
and atmosphere). These grouping procedures and themes were inde-
pendently verified by other researchers. In addition, the verbal and
visual analyses were conducted by two separate researchers to avoid
cross-contamination of results. Further, since the analysis of the pic-
tures was somewhat more interpretive than that of the text (which sim-
ply involved an inventory of the nouns, verbs, and descriptors), another
researcher completed an analysis of a random subset of the pictures
to cross-check these results.
Overall, the contents of the 115 brochures produced a pool of nearly
10,000 words, consisting of 5,408 nouns, 1,566 verbs, and 2,961 descrip-
tors. In addition, 678 pictures were examined for the visual analysis.
A complete description of this data set is discussed elsewhere (Echtner
2002). For the current discussion, the most relevant and important
results are not the individual components of each country’s represen-
tation but the emergence of patterns across destinations. Specifically,
three clusters of Third World destinations are revealed based on sig-
nificant similarities in the most common types of attractions, actors
(hosts and tourists), actions, and atmosphere portrayed in the verbal
and visual components of their brochures. As shown across the top of
Table 1, the three country clusters consist of the “Oriental” countries
of China, Egypt, India, Turkey, and Thailand; the “sea/sand” countries
of Cuba, Fiji, and Jamaica; and the “frontier” countries of Costa Rica,
Ecuador, Kenya and Namibia (Thailand and Costa Rica exhibit a tend-
ency to crossover between groupings, as is explained below).
As illustrated in Table 1, the first characteristic that varies among
the country clusters is the emphasis placed on natural versus built
attractions. The portrayals of the Oriental countries stress the latter
attractions, especially ruins, religious sites, palaces, and monuments
from the ancient past, plus certain gateway cities. In contrast, the rep-
resentations of the frontier cluster emphasize various natural attrac-
tions almost to the complete exclusion of anything built. In between
these two extremes, the images of the sea/sand cluster provide a mix
of natural and built attractions. In this cluster, the former focus mainly
on beaches, ocean, and an island setting, whereas the primary built
attractions are modern resorts. The crossover country of Thailand
mixes sea/sand images with the past built attractions emphasized in
the Oriental countries. In a similar vein, the portrayal of Costa Rica
664 THIRD WORLD MARKETING

Table 1. Summary of Patterns of Representation from Content Analysisa

Oriental Sea/Sand Frontier

Represent- China, Egypt, Thailand Cuba, Fiji, Costa Ecuador,

ation India, Turkey Jamaica Rica Kenya,
Namibia
Attractions man-made (from Oriental nature: Frontier nature:
the past): ruins, plus: beaches, plus: wildlife,
religious sites, beaches ocean, island; beaches, parks/reserves,
palaces, man-made: ocean landscape
monuments, city resorts
gateway
Actors
Hosts more males, in Oriental more Frontier more males,
peasant dress, plus: females,in in tribal dress,
indistinct/stoic females, uniform/ mixed stoic,
expressions smiles costume, smiling
smiling
Tourists visitors, Oriental vactioners, Frontier adventurers,
travelers—mixed sunseekers, explorers,
gender groups lovers, nature
sportspersons- lovers—
couples in mixed gender
swimwear groups
Actions
Hosts no interaction: Oriental interaction: Frontier no interaction:
objects to gaze but serve, objects to gaze
upon some:serve, entertain, upon
entertain welcome
Tourists discover, journey, only: indulge, do Frontier discover,
experience, discover, (many plus: observe
indulge indulge activities) indulge,
do
Atmosphere mystical, opulent, mystical, natural, Frontier natural,
strange, past vs. opulent, pristine, plus: pristine,
present pastnatural, tropical, tropical strange,
pristine, verdant, verdant famous, best
tropical, gentle,
verdant amiable, best

a
Only the most common representations across country clusters provided: for full details
of data by country, refer to Echtner (2002).

interjects some sea/sand images into a focus on the natural environ-

ment that is characteristic of the frontier countries.
Moving on to the next rows of the table, the actors portrayed also
vary among the country clusters. Oriental hosts are more often men,
usually in rural settings in simple ethnic dress (such as peasants). Their
facial expressions tend to be indistinct or stoic. In contrast, the
sea/sand hosts are commonly smiling and more frequently female.
These hosts are usually found in a resort setting, dressed in the often
 ECHTNER AND PRASAD 665

alluring uniforms or costumes that identify them as servers and enter-

tainers. In the frontier cluster, hosts are greatly de-emphasized. When
they are portrayed, there is a slight tendency towards males, with a
mixture of stoic or smiling expressions. Dress is usually tribal (such as
bare chests, painted bodies, spears) and hosts are portrayed as part of
the surrounding wild landscape. The crossover country of Thailand
provides an amalgam of Oriental and sea/sand hosts, exhibiting more
smiling peasants and females than are present in the other Oriental
countries.
Whereas hosts are frequently portrayed in the brochures, tourists
are represented in more limited ways. In both the Oriental and frontier
clusters, they tend to be pictured in mixed gender groups in no special
form of dress. However, when described in the text some differences
emerge. Tourists to the Oriental countries are labeled visitors or trav-
elers, while in the frontier countries they are adventurers, explorers,
and nature lovers. In the sea/sand countries, many different terms are
used to describe them, including vacationers, sunseekers, lovers, and
various types of sportspersons (for example, scuba divers and golfers).
These sea/sand tourists are predominantly pictured as couples in
swimwear lounging near the pool or beach. Both Thailand and Costa
Rica do not exhibit any crossovers with representations of sea/sand
tourists, remaining entrenched in the Oriental and frontier clusters,
respectively.
Not only do the characteristics of the tourists and hosts vary among
country clusters, but their actions are also different. As shown in Table
1, Oriental and frontier hosts primarily serve as passive objects to be
gazed upon. They are attractions for, rather than interacting with, the
tourists. On the other hand, sea/sand hosts are represented as ready
and willing to serve, entertain and welcome. In the crossover country
of Thailand, hosts are portrayed in the act of serving/entertaining
much more frequently than in other Oriental destinations. However,
Costa Rica does not alter the portrayal of its hosts from the frontier
image.
As to the tourists, in the Oriental countries they are engaged in dis-
covering, journeying, experiencing, and indulging. While the actions
of the tourists in the frontier countries also focus on discovery, in this
case, they also concentrate on observing the natural surroundings.
Moreover, in such a savage environment, indulgence is considerably
de-emphasized. In contrast, indulgence is the core activity presented
to the tourists in the sea/sand country cluster. In addition, there is an
emphasis on doing. Here, overall expectations are created of desti-
nations full of various recreational activities and indulgences. The
crossover country of Costa Rica combines all of the activities of the
frontier and sea/sand tourists. Thailand, on the other hand, focuses on
only two activities: discovery—an action characteristic of the Oriental
countries and indulgence—an action crossing over between the Orien-
tal and the sea/sand clusters.
Besides variations in terms of attractions, actors, and actions, unique
atmospheres are revealed for each country cluster. As the last row of
Table 1 illustrates, Oriental countries are distinctly characterized by an
666 THIRD WORLD MARKETING

atmosphere that combines the themes of mystical, opulent, strange

(exotic), and past versus present. As previously noted, the attractions
described by these atmosphere themes tend to be ancient built sites
rather than natural features. The theme of past versus present is almost
exclusively reserved for the portrayals of gateway cities, as they are
inevitably described as a meeting place for the ancient and modern,
the old and new. In addition, they are portrayed as the staging points
to enter the unchanged Orient beyond.
In contrast, the atmosphere created around the sea/sand country
cluster is entirely different, consisting of natural, pristine, tropical, ver-
dant, gentle, amiable, and best themes. The first five of these themes
are used to describe natural attractions. They paint a picture of an
untarnished natural environment characterized by tropical, gentle
lushness. Complementing these soft natural surroundings are the
hosts, who are described with gentle and amiable themes. The built
attraction of resorts is the final element of the sea/sand atmosphere,
typified as providing the best (finest, superb) amenities available. The
overlapping country of Thailand exhibits many of the sea/sand atmos-
phere themes, as well as offering the mystical, opulent, and past atmos-
phere of the Oriental destinations.
The frontier cluster shares a natural, pristine atmosphere with the
sea/sand destinations but also incorporates an element of strangeness.
Hence, the pristine nature in the frontier destinations is not harmless
and soft (as in the sea/sand countries) but described as wild and sav-
age. Significantly, similar natural, pristine, and strange/savage themes
are used to represent the tribal frontier hosts. Two additional themes
(best and famous) are used to emphasize that these destinations offer
unmatched opportunities to see these renowned attractions. In the
crossover country of Costa Rica, the frontier atmosphere is slightly soft-
ened through the additional sea/sand themes of tropical and verdant.
Overall, the above results (Table 1) reveal the patterns of represen-
tation that are uncovered from a detailed analysis of the visual and
verbal contents of Third World tourism marketing. Specifically, three
country clusters are consistently evident, each with a different set of
attractions, actors, actions, and atmospheres. Such patterns of rep-
resentation provide the initial groundwork that facilitates a contextual
examination of the overarching myths and stereotypes created around
Third World destinations.

Overview of Postcolonial Theory

Postcolonial theory (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin 1998, 1995;
Gandhi 1998) emerges out of a fundamental belief that colonialism
has been, and remains, one of the most compelling influences on the
West’s interpretations of and interactions with people from different
(mainly non-Western) cultures. Therefore, postcolonial theory is con-
stantly alert to the legacies of colonialism in diverse contemporary insti-
tutional settings, including tourism and business interactions (Prasad
and Prasad 2002). As such, the application of postcolonial theory
results in a particular interpretation of context, one that is immersed in
 ECHTNER AND PRASAD 667

the distinctions drawn between the First and Third Worlds. Specifically,
postcolonial theory provides a critical perspective that draws attention
to the power structures constructed and maintained via forms of dis-
course. As Gandhi points out, discourses exercise power through rep-
resentation; they “control and delimit both the mode and the means of
representation in a given society” (1998:77). According to postcolonial
theory, colonial discourse—the form of discourse popularized during
the colonial eras of expansion and exploitation—continues to domi-
nate any form of representation of the Third World by the First World
(Mishra and Hodge 1991).
Said’s (1978) seminal work, Orientalism, is one of the first detailed
examinations of colonial discourse and is generally regarded as the
principle catalyst for the development of postcolonial theory. In his
book, he demonstrates how the texts produced during the colonization
of the East created a type of colonial discourse, which he labeled
“Orientalism”. He contends that its language was used to portray the
East as mysterious, exotic, sensual, splendid, cruel, despotic, and sly.
According to Said, such discourse reflected an ideology which
expounded the superiority of the Western world. A power relation was
defined by creating a boundary between the West and the East through
a series of hierarchical binary oppositions, where the former was rep-
resented as forward and advancing, with the latter thus being systemati-
cally constituted as backward and stagnant (or decaying). He con-
cludes that such juxtapositions were used to encourage and justify the
exploration, exploitation, colonization, and “civilization” of the East.
It should be noted that the term Oriental has a mixed history in
Western scholarship. For most of the 19th and early 20th century, it
was a relatively commonplace word used to refer to specific geographi-
cal areas and cultures typically comprising all of the Middle East and
most of Asia. Said’s work brought the term into provocative promin-
ence by uncovering both its pejorative and romantic elements that
emerged in the complicated encounter between the colonial European
powers and the Middle East. This paper’s use of the term refers to
specific geographical sites, but it also carries many of the connotations
first surfaced by Said.
Over the past two decades, postcolonial theory has evolved by exam-
ining many other forms and facets of colonial discourse. Perhaps the
most comprehensive compilation of influential postcolonial theory wri-
tings is available in the volume entitled The Post-Colonial Studies Reader
(Ashcroft et al 1995). This substantial collection of studies provides an
indication of the extensive usage of postcolonial theory by a variety
of disciplines. More recently, Said’s notion of Orientalism has been
expanded by others into that of “Tropicalization”, a term used to
denote a set of discursive bifurcations between the cultures from so-
called temperate and tropical zones. While Tropicalization is seen as
being more prevalent with respect to Caribbean and Latin-American
countries, it also constitutes tropical cultures as sensual, luxuriant, ple-
asure-seeking, and profoundly idle (Aparicio and Chavez-Silverman
2000).
From a broader ontological perspective, postcolonial theorists draw
668 THIRD WORLD MARKETING

attention to the persistence of colonialism on an ideological level. They

contend that although the formal territorial control of much of the
Third World ended with the rise of independent nationhood in the
20th century, the ideological domination of the West is a continuing
reality. Specifically, it is proposed that the continuing Western control
of most forms of discourse serves to define and maintain First
World/Third World boundaries and power structures. Within this
power structure, the former assumes a privileged, authoritative and
central ideological position, marginalizing the latter to the peripheries
(Mishra and Hodge 1991). This marginalization occurs through the
creation of binary oppositions such as colonizer/colonized, First
World/Third World, developed/developing, civilized/primitive,
scientific/superstitious, industrialized/undeveloped, active/passive,
disciplined/unrestrained, normal/exotic, etc. (Prasad 1997:291).
From an epistemological perspective, postcolonial scholars are inter-
ested in uncovering the discursive aspects of power and control present
in First World representations of the Third World. According to post-
colonial theory, these representations remain disturbingly tied to a set
of nostalgic colonial images. Specifically, they continue to perpetuate
various forms of colonial discourse that serve to maintain ingrained
power structures long after the territorial and political withdrawal of
the colonial powers. As such, the critical examination of Third World
representations and their linkage to colonial forms discourse are pri-
mary objectives of postcolonial theory.
The specific ontological and epistemological perspective of postcol-
onial theory accounts for its widespread application by researchers
studying a wide variety of Third World representations. As shown in
the compilation by Ashcroft et al (1995), postcolonial theory has been
fruitfully used in various disciplines including literature, cultural stud-
ies, political science, ethnology, education, and history. To date, how-
ever, postcolonial theory has not been applied to the interpretation of
tourism promotion. This oversight is significant, since postcolonial
theory provides a fertile framework for understanding the context of
this particular form of Third World representation.

Interpreting Context
The interpretation of the context of Third World tourism marketing
is based on the results of the preparatory methods. The unique pat-
terns of representation exhibited for each of the three country clus-
ters—the unchanged (Oriental cluster), the unrestrained (sea/sand
cluster), and the uncivilized (frontier cluster)—(Table 1)—can be
used to reveal certain overarching tourism myths underlying the mar-
keting of these destinations. Postcolonial theory provides a critical,
contextual perspective to revisit and interpret each cluster under the
heading of a corresponding myth.
As already explained, a postcolonial theory perspective provides an
interpretation of context that is focused on the distinctions drawn
between the First and Third Worlds. Of particular interest are the rep-
resentations that replicate colonial forms of discourse and emphasize
 ECHTNER AND PRASAD 669

certain oppositional binaries. The ways that these nostalgic colonial

images and their corresponding binary contrasts are reiterated in each
of the myths constitute the focus of the discussion.
The Myth of the Unchanged. As summarized in the first column of
Table 1, this myth is used to fix certain Third World destinations firmly
in the past, one that is represented by timeless places. It is in the Orien-
tal country cluster (such as China, Egypt, India, Turkey, and Thailand)
that this myth is most omnipresent and becomes the overarching
theme that delimits all representations. In these destinations the tour-
ist, once through a city gateway, journeys backward in time to a world
of ancient civilizations. The built attractions of relics and ruins in these
fabled places are the primary focus for the tourism gaze.
The past portrayed is surrounded by atmospheric themes of opu-
lence, mysticism, and strangeness. These are places where built struc-
tures are characterized as extravagant and exotic, and are surrounded
by mysterious legends. By contrast, the people inhabiting these legend-
ary lands are characterized by their enduring, peasant simplicity. But
like the ancient structures, the people are relics—unchanged and
exotic remnants of another time. Thus, these two characteristics, relic
people and places, comprise the primary features of the myth of the
unchanged. As such, representations of modern built attractions and
people are avoided whenever possible. Natural features are de-emphas-
ized as, for the most part, they are not a useful complement except
where they can contribute to the atmosphere of a timeless, strange,
and mystical place. Visual representations of the unchanged are shown
in Figure 1, which provides examples of the relic places and people
typically portrayed in the Oriental country brochures.
The myth of the unchanged systematically portrays the destinations
as firmly entrenched in a time ripe for a journey of discovery. Through
both the verbal and visual representations, the tourist expects to find
legendary lands—to uncover their mystical secrets, to marvel at their
exotic people, and to wonder at their opulence. These representations
are strongly reminiscent of the colonial eras of exploration, trade and
conquest. In many ways, modern day tourists are encouraged to relive
the journeys and experiences of colonial explorers, traders, treasure
hunters, archeologists, etc. Consequently, in order to re-enact these
journeys, these Third World destinations must appear to remain
unchanged.
Another significant aspect of the myth of the unchanged relates to
the portrayal of past opulence. The representations highlight and per-
petuate the long lost glory of the destinations. They focus on the left-
over traces of wealthy, powerful ancient empires and dynasties; on
remaining structures, monuments, and treasures. The tourist is
directed to marvel at the relics of these amazing eras (and to observe
and note the simplicity of the peasant people). It is through this con-
trasting representation of the past opulence and present simplicity of
the destinations that the myth cannot avoid implying their decadence.
The representations discussed above are hardly unexpected from a
postcolonial theory perspective. Indeed, such depictions are largely
predicted by Said’s (1978) work. As already mentioned, Said describes
670 THIRD WORLD MARKETING

Figure 1. The Myth of the Unchanged

the most common forms of discourse surrounding Western attempts

to delineate and differentiate the Orient. Some of the prominent
themes he identifies in colonial descriptions of Oriental lands include
mysterious, exotic, sensuous, and splendid. As the current research
quite clearly demonstrates, these themes continue to be central in the
portrayal of these regions for tourism.
 ECHTNER AND PRASAD 671

Said further notes that colonial discourse about the Orient inevitably
suggests that these places are past their prime: “[t]heir great moments
were in the past; they are useful in the modern world only because
the powerful and up-to-date empires have effectively brought them out
of the wretchedness of their decline” (1978:35). Thus, the modern
First World tourists are encouraged to feast on the past built glories
of these Third World destinations, for apparently these features—and
not their present day state—are the most worthy of their gaze.
According to Said, negative themes surrounding the Orient are also
present in colonial discourse, including cruelty, deceit, laziness, and
despotism. While these themes are widely emphasized in many other
current representations of the Third World (including the media,
popular literature, cinema), they are largely eliminated from tourism
marketing. A similar lack of negative imagery and sanitized represen-
tations in Third World marketing has already been noted in previous
research (Britton 1979; Dann 1996a; Wilson 1994). These omissions
are to be expected since tourism promotion, like most forms of market-
ing, is designed to sell a product. As such, the myths borrow only selec-
tive marketable stereotypes from Oriental representations, by embel-
lishing positive aspects and de-emphasizing those aspects not
advantageous to the myth. In the process, the tourist is attracted to the
destination by a set of pleasurable images. But these selected marketing
representations are nonetheless instrumental in reinforcing ideologies
that “... are grounded in [the] relations of power, dominance and sub-
ordination which characterize the global system” (Morgan and Pritch-
ard 1998:3).
Specifically, the myth of the Unchanged reinforces several binary
relationships between the First and Third Worlds. These binaries
include changed/unchanged, modern/ancient, and advancing/
decaying. As a result, there are necessary and significant silences sur-
rounding any aspects of change, modernity, and advancement (the
latter two terms always being defined from the Western perspective).
Overall, the myth draws upon a highly pre-defined caricature of these
places; it hinges on the embellished essences and aesthetic stereotypes
of Orientalism. As such, the representations must ensure that these
destinations remain fixed in a time and place that is classically and
pleasingly Oriental.
In more general terms, postcolonial theory suggests that the rep-
resentation of the Third World in any context (whether popular litera-
ture, the media, or tourism promotion) cannot be separated from col-
onial discourse. Seen from this perspective, the current images are
simply reiterative, reflecting and reinforcing historically embedded col-
onial myths. As Gandhi points out, there is a “persisting Western inter-
est in the...production of what we might call exotic culture[s]”
(1998:59–60). Therefore, tourism representations adopt the myths and
also serve as another vehicle that continues to perpetuate them.
Taken to an ontological level, the implication is that social reality
continues to be defined and represented from a First World perspec-
tive. As Said argues, “Orientalism is a style of thought based upon an
ontological and epistemological distinction made between ‘the Orient’
672 THIRD WORLD MARKETING

and (most of the time) ‘the Occident’ ... because of Orientalism the
Orient was not (and is not) a free subject of thought or action”
(1995:88–89). Seen at this level, tourism marketing is one of the many
forms of Third World representation that, in sometimes subtle but
nonetheless serious ways, serves to maintain and reinforce colonial dis-
course and the power relations and ideology it fosters. At a more tan-
gible level, these images move beyond the domains of tourism into
different spheres of policymaking where the Orient, by virtue of its
unchangeability is also regarded as being incapable of keeping up with
the times and thus constantly in need of Western assistance and con-
trol.
The Myth of the Unrestrained. While the myth of the Unchanged
focuses on legendary lands, the myth of the unrestrained takes the
tourist to the luxuriant lands of the sea/sand destinations (such as
Cuba, Fiji, and Jamaica). As the middle column of Table 1 illustrates,
these are places with both very select natural and built attractions: ver-
dant tropical beaches, the best resorts, and serving, entertaining hosts.
Naturally, this surrounding environment entices the tourist to be self-
indulgent and sensuous. These characteristic representations are
presented in Figure 2.
The myth of the unrestrained is the overarching theme that affects
all other representations of these Third World countries, whether
referring to natural, built, or host/tourist characteristics. In these desti-
nations, the tourist enters not the opulent past, as in the myth of the
unchanged, but a present paradise. These are places where nature is
pristine and never harsh, where the people are friendly and never
unwilling to cater to every tourist need, and where the resorts offer
amenities to satisfy every sensual desire, whether active or passive.
Unlike the myth of the unchanged, these places are not mystical and
strange, but completely comprehensible and comfortable.
The myth of the unrestrained depicts Third World destinations as
fully available for the indulgent. The tourists (described as sunseekers,
lovers, and sportspersons) expect to have unfettered access to abun-
dant nature, well-equipped amenities, and submissive (be it serving or
smiling) hosts. Whereas the myth of the unchanged perpetuates the
idea of colonial exploration, the myth of the unrestrained, in many
ways, presents a romanticized version of colonial exploitation. This
exploitative aspect of the portrayal of paradise in Third World desti-
nations has already been extensively noted (Britton 1979; Crick 1989;
Dann 1996a; Palmer 1994; Sturma 1999; Wilson 1994).
Britton (1979) takes a critical stance on these themes of paradise.
He notes that “[t]he tourism industry continues to portray these places
as ‘paradise,’ ‘unspoiled,’ ‘sensuous,’ or other distortions, presumably
to compensate for the obvious poverty beyond the hotel or sightseeing
bus” (Britton 1979:318). Obviously, the aspect of poverty is not con-
ducive to paradise and so must remain absent from the represen-
tations. In a similar vein, Dann remarks that “one can easily see the
disadvantages of including the raw nature elements of an exotic trop-
ical destination...since if these items were featured, it would be neces-
sary to refer to torrential rain, hurricanes, cockroaches, poisonous
 ECHTNER AND PRASAD 673

Figure 2. The Myth of the Unrestrained

snakes, and so on” (1996a:247). In the myth of the unrestrained, the

destination and its people must be portrayed as open and willing to
offer a bountiful, comfortable environment to the tourist. Harsh nat-
ure and human conditions are simply not conducive to paradise.
There are other significant silences that are necessary to maintain
674 THIRD WORLD MARKETING

the myth of the unrestrained. The focus on pristine nature discourages

portrayals of most built characteristics. The only necessary components
are resorts, which offer luxurious bases to exploit the pristine sur-
roundings. Any hint of advancement in the form of urbanization or
industrialization is best avoided. Similarly, representations of the built
past are not complementary to the myth. As a result, these destinations
are locked into a permanent pristine paradise or as Sturma suggests,
a “static utopia” (1999:712).
The people inhabiting this paradise are a very central component
of the myth of the unrestrained. Unlike the myth of the unchanged,
where the rather stoic peasant inhabitants assume a passive role as
mere props, the people of paradise are essential for catering to the
tourist’s indulgence. These people must be smiling, serving and sub-
missive. The tensions perpetuated by these representations of local
people are noted by Crick: “in many areas of the Third World—the
West Indies is a leading example—tourism is associated strongly with
servility; it reawakens memories of the colonial past and so perpetuates
resentments and antagonisms” (1989:330). In effect, these types of rep-
resentations resurrect the asymmetrical relationships between the for-
mer colonizers and colonized, relationships often characterized by the
power divisions between master and servant.
Postcolonial theory draws attention to another important, relevant
tension that existed in the relationship between the colonizer and the
colonized. As Ashcroft et al summarize, there was a concern among
the colonizers about going native—“[t]he construction of native cul-
tures as either primitive or degenerate in a binary discourse of
colonizer/colonized led...to a widespread fear of ‘going native’
amongst the colonizers in many colonial societies...[as this could] lead
to moral and even physical degeneracy” (1998:115). Despite this anxi-
ety, the simple sensuousness of the native lifestyle greatly intrigued and
attracted the colonizers as is constantly evident in colonial writing. To
constrain such attractions, the colonizers were strongly discouraged
(sometimes even by law) from any sort of interaction outside the
master/servant realm, most especially a sexual liaison. Now, tourism
representations seem to encourage freedom from these colonial fears
and restraints. The experience of the sensuousness of paradise, and
its people, is represented as readily available to the modern day, unin-
hibited tourist. This “hedonistic face of neo-colonialism” (Crick
1989:322) is most explicitly portrayed in the visual components of the
brochures, as Figure 2 clearly demonstrates.
As the above discussion highlights, the myth of the unrestrained
reinforces several colonial binaries between the First and Third
Worlds, including advancing/stagnant, industrialized/undeveloped,
disciplined/unrestrained, and master/servant. During colonial expan-
sion, these types of binaries were used to defend colonial expansion
and exploitation. The myth of the unrestrained is a reincarnation of
this type of binary colonial discourse and continues to represent neo-
colonial exploitation in Third World settings. As Dann notes, such
exploitative “indulgence...can be particularly ego-enhancing if enacted
 ECHTNER AND PRASAD 675

in a Third World setting where feelings of touristic superiority are

already present” (1996a:114).
Postcolonial theory proves useful in situating the myth of the unre-
strained within the broader context of the power structures created
and maintained between the First and Third Worlds. In this case, tour-
ism to paradise is a First World experience that takes place in a stereo-
typical, tropical Third World destination. This destination is not a place
“that may involve such discomforting actualities as mosquitoes, man-
grove swamps and poisonous fauna, as well as human poverty and
exploitation; instead it becomes an imaginative construct that says
more about the...fantasy than the actual location in which it finds its
setting” (Ashcroft et al 1998:98). Viewed from an ontological level, the
reality (and the fantasy) of these destinations are once again solidly
entrenched in a First World perspective—this is paradise as seen
through Western eyes.
The Myth of the Uncivilized. The final myth surrounding the portrayal
of tourism in the Third World is that of the uncivilized (reading the
last column of Table 1). In this case, the tourist does not journey into
the past to discover ancient, opulent civilizations. Nor does s/he luxur-
iate in modern resorts, surrounded by lush, soft nature. On the con-
trary, the tourist undertakes an expedition into an almost primordial
place, where civilization is largely absent and nature is savage. The
myth of the uncivilized is most thoroughly expressed in the frontier
country cluster of Costa Rica, Ecuador, Kenya and Namibia. Typical
visual representations are presented in Figure 3, which shows the tour-
ist encountering primitive, untamed nature and natives in these desti-
nations.
Conspicuously missing from the myth of the uncivilized are refer-
ences to anything built, either past or present. Destinations are rep-
resented as beyond the furthest frontiers of civilization (untouched
and untamed). These “lands at the limit” are further embellished with
their pristine and strange atmosphere. The landscapes portrayed are
supposedly savage, covered with inhospitable and bizarre vegetation
that harbors rare, often dangerous animals. In a similar manner, the
people inhabiting these areas are distinguished by their tribal features
and unpredictable dispositions. This portrayal of nature and people is
almost opposite to the gentle and comfortable environment rep-
resented in the myth of the unrestrained. Missing also are the relic
places and peasants so characteristic of the myth of the unchanged.
The myth of the uncivilized creates destinations perfect for penetrat-
ing journeys of discovery. Similar to the myth of the unchanged, this
representation draws heavily from a highly nostalgic version of the era
of colonial exploration. But in this case, the journey takes the form
of the great expedition to the deepest, darkest frontiers. Modern day
tourists—like the great (White) explorers, hunters, traders, scientists,
anthropologists and missionaries—can participate in expeditions to
discover and observe these wild frontiers (as can be seen in the portray-
als in Figure 3). Therefore, the primordial, pristine nature of these
Third World destinations must be preserved to allow this tourism
expedition to occur.
676 THIRD WORLD MARKETING

Figure 3. The Myth of the Uncivilized

The appropriate people props are placed—sparingly—into a primor-

dial landscape. These inhabitants are not the ever present smiling, serv-
ing, submissive locals who seem to entice the tourist to go native. Nor
are they timeless, simple, stoic peasants scattered around ancient built
settings. Instead, they are people matched to the myth; namely
 ECHTNER AND PRASAD 677

untouched, untamed, primitive. They are savage in appearance and

somewhat surprising in their disposition (unpredictable: sometimes
stoic, sometimes smiling). In this case, the colonial tension associated
with going native remains largely intact as frolicking with these rather
primitive people is not encouraged in the representations.
Bruner (1991) and Bruner and Kirshenblatt-Gimblett (1994) pro-
vide two rather rare examples of critical studies examining the use of
local people as props in a frontier Third World setting of East Africa.
The first study notes that the inhabitants must appear in a primitive
state “despite the industrial revolution, colonialism, wars of indepen-
dence, nationalism, the rise of new countries, economic development,
tourism, and the entire production of modern technology” (1991:239).
Later, while studying performances by the Maasai people, the latter
authors remark that this spectacle “enacts a colonial drama of the
savage/pastoral Maasai and the genteel British, playing upon the
explicit contrast between the wild and the civilized so prevalent in col-
onial discourse and sustained in East African tourism” (1994:435).
With regard to the myth of the uncivilized, postcolonial theory has
widely addressed the notion of the primitive as applied to the Third
World. Perhaps the best way to summarize the salient points is to draw
upon definitions of Ashcroft et al (1998) for certain key terms related
to the discourse of the primitive including: frontier, native, primitivism
and the binary between savage/civilized. According to them, frontier
areas during colonial expansion were those regions beyond the limits
of (Western) civilization. Whereas the Orient was recognized as having
achieved some level of civilization (although always portrayed in a state
of decay), regions such as Africa and South America were described
as the absolute frontier containing the wild and the savage. The native
inhabitants of these regions “quickly became associated with such
pejorative concepts as savage, uncivilized or child-like” (1998:158). But
they also exhibited a fascinating pureness and raw sensuality, which
was a contrast against the industrialization and complication of West-
ern society. As a result, while the natives usually remained objects of
debasement to be controlled and ultimately civilized, occasionally they
were idealized as the noble savage. This fascination with the primitive
penetrated art and literature, reaching an intellectual and popular
peak early in the 20th century in a movement called primitivism.
The broadest examination of the Western obsession with primitivism
is Torgovnick’s (1990) multidisciplinary book, Gone Primitive. Her study
is in the same vein as Said’s Orientalism, except that she attempts to
summarize the discourse surrounding the notion of primitive. As such,
the primary focus of Torgovnick’s examination is the powerful and
seductive images structuring all discourse about a “civilized us” and a
“primitive them”. Torgovnick traces primitivist discourse to the col-
onial era and suggests that it remains largely static. According to Tor-
govnick primitivist discourse is another “rhetoric of control, in which
demeaning colonialist tropes get modified only slightly over time”
(1990:245). She highlights the colonial binaries that continue to be
used to emphasize advanced/primitive, civilized/uncivilized and
controlled/unrestrained dichotomies. Moreover, Torgovnick identifies
678 THIRD WORLD MARKETING

the areas of Africa, South America, and Oceania as the contemporary

focal areas for this discourse.
Obviously, primitivism finds fertile outlets in the promotion of fron-
tier Third World destinations. Through the myth of the uncivilized, the
notion of the primitive inherent in colonial discourse is maintained.
Consequently, these destinations and their people remain fixed in
civilized/uncivilized, advanced/primitive, controlled/untamed and
developed/undeveloped binaries. Stated from an ontological perspec-
tive, the primitive nature of the Third World continues to be defined
by the First World. As Torgovnick notes “the primitive can be—has
been, will be (?)—whatever Euro-Americans want it to be” (1990:9).
In this case, the myth of the uncivilized is the very essence of how the
First World travel industry wants these Third World frontiers to remain.

Synopsis of The Un-Myths

Identification of the colonial discourse, and corresponding binaries,
underlying Third World marketing provides considerable contextual
insight into the why of particular patterns of representation. Following
Sturma (1999), these marketing portrayals can be traced to a form of
discourse made popular during the colonial era and are merely
another turn in the representational loop. It is evident that colonial
binaries recur in each of the three Un-myths. These are the contrasts
between the states of advancing, progressive, modern, developed and
disciplined versus decadent, stagnant, ancient/primitive, undeveloped,
and unrestrained. These persistent underlying binaries illustrate quite
clearly the extent of colonial discourse permeating the representation
of the Third World in tourism marketing.
Table 2 provides a synopsis of the Un-myths by extracting the under-
lying essences with regard to the place, time, natural characteristics,
built characteristics, hosts and tourists. Reading down allows each myth
to be distinctly characterized, while reading across allows comparisons
with the other myths on each of the key elements presented. Table 2
presents the Un-myths as a set of three archetypical Third World tour-
ism experiences. Once typecast within this framework, the represen-
tation of each particular destination is largely predetermined. While

Table 2. A Synopsis of Third World Tourism Marketing “Un” Myths

Myths Unchanged Unrestrained Uncivilized

The Place Lands of Legend Lands of Luxuriance Lands at the Limit

The Time Past Present Primordial
The Natural Significant Silence Soft Savage
The Built Relics Resorts Significant Silence
The Host Peasant (Simple/ Pleasant (Serving/ Primitive (Savage/
Stoic) Smiling) Surprising)
The Tourist Explorer into the Exploiter into Expedition into the
Past Paradise Primitive
 ECHTNER AND PRASAD 679

unique attractions are most certainly used to distinguish each country,

these sights, plus the other places and people that surround them,
must be carefully chosen to mold into the overarching myth.
The Un-myths are structured through a process of both emphasizing
and suppressing difference (or stereotyping). On the one hand, differ-
ence is expressed in the binaries created between the First and Third
Worlds, and in the positioning of the destination into one (or slightly
overlapping two) of the myths. However, once entrenched, the process
becomes one where any difference contrary to the myth is silenced.
What is excluded, namely the significant silences, are just as important
as what is included. Consequently, the destination is, in the end, both
differentiated and essentialized. This careful combination of only sel-
ect representations encourages the tourist to expect not the totality of
the place but the myth of the destination. If, as Dann points out, tour-
ism is a tautology where tourists “merely confirm the discourse which
persuaded them to take the trip” (1996a:65), then these marketing
representations provide an influential framework for expectations, atti-
tudes and actions in Third World destinations.
But there are also important implications on a broader ideological
level. That discourse constitutes reality is a long established and well-
known position—“the world is not simply ‘there’ to be talked about,
rather, it is through discourse itself that the world is brought into
being” (Ashcroft et al 1998:70–71, with reference to Foucault 1971).
Thus, the tenacity of colonial discourse, in tourism marketing and in
other forms of representation, ensures that certain realities surround-
ing the Third World remain entrenched. This ideological under-
pinning has significant impacts in maintaining much broader,
ingrained geopolitical and cultural power structures. In particular, one
of the more important implications of colonial tourism discourses is
that they repeatedly spill over into other areas such as policymaking,
management and so on. Given the pervasiveness of tourism in modern
Western society, this discourse can strongly influence many other
domains of everyday existence as well.

CONCLUSION
By focusing on the context of Third World marketing, this paper
directs attention to the why of these forms of representation. Using a
postcolonial theory perspective, insights are provided into the origins
and tenacity of the discourse embedded in tourism promotion. In
particular, as the discussion in this paper reveals, these forms of mar-
keting are infused with colonial discourse sustaining myths of the
unchanged, unrestrained, and uncivilized. This facet of context draws
attention to a colonial legacy of certain attitudes, images, and stereo-
types that continue to be reflected and reified.
Stemming from the results of this study, there are many areas for
future research. Further studies could examine the extent to which
the myths are replicated in other Third World destinations or in other
forms of First World marketing, for example, the internet. The conse-
quences of these forms of marketing discourse for both tourists and
680 THIRD WORLD MARKETING

hosts are also fertile areas for future research. In addition, alternate
readings of the promotional material from feminist and cultural stud-
ies perspectives would provide insight into the complex ways that gen-
der and race are interwoven into colonial discourse. But perhaps most
importantly, attention now needs to be turned to the forms of counter-
colonial discourse needed to resist these representations.
However, as the means of resistance to colonial discourse are con-
sidered, some of the most significant shortcomings of postcolonial
theory are confronted. As noted by Ashcroft et al, the how of resistance
constitutes one of the final stumbling blocks for postcolonial theorists:
“[a]ll are agreed, in some sense, that the main problem is how to effect
agency for the postcolonial subject. But the contentious issue of how
this is to be attained remains unresolved” (1995:9). In addition, the
issue of who should/can author counter-colonial discourse is perhaps
even more problematic. In one of the most influential pieces of post-
colonial writing, Gayatri Spivak (1985) asks the question “Can the Subal-
tern Speak?”, suggesting that the most powerless subalterns are often
not ready or able to speak, at least not without the considerable inter-
ference of the more powerful. Thus, while it is laudable to suggest
more local participation in order to wrest the control of Third World
representation from First World tourism marketers, postcolonial
theory forewarns of some of the very troublesome issues ahead.
The above points are not made to dissuade further research into
the how and who of counter-colonial discourse in Third World tourism
marketing. Nor are they intended to discredit the usefulness of postcol-
onial theory in that endeavor. On the contrary, the means of resisting
the Un-myths are critical areas for future study since these represen-
tations demean Third World places and people. The writings of post-
colonial theorists, especially their efforts towards resistance and coun-
ter-colonial forms of discourse, are an invaluable resource that this
future research should draw upon. While this paper does not offer
much insight in this direction, it has introduced postcolonial theory
as a valuable perspective for creating a critical awareness of context.
The uncovering of the myths, and their colonial underpinnings, pro-
vides an impetus for investigating change. Now that the current forms
of Third World marketing are better understood, the rather thorny
paths to resistance remain to be explored.왎 A

Acknowledgements—Funding for this research was provided by the Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada.

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Submitted 21 September 2001. Resubmitted 16 August 2002. Accepted 11 September 2002.

Final version 23 December 2002. Referred anonymously. Coordinating Editor: Graham
M.S. Dann