Ethnoecology of The Yucatec Maya 34

Ethnoecology of the Yucatec Maya: Symbolism, Knowledge and Management of Natural Resources Author(s): Narciso Barrera-Bassols and Vctor
M. Toledo Source: Journal of Latin American Geography, Vol. 4, No. 1, ETHNOECOLOGY (2005), pp. 9-41 Published by: University of Texas Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25765087 . Accessed: 20/03/2014 18:36
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Ethnoecology
Natural
Narciso
of theYucatec
Resources
Barrera-Bassols1
Symbolism, Knowledge
Maya: and Management
of
Mexico deGeografia, UnidadAcademicaMorelia. UNAM, Michoacdn, Instituto
Victor M. Toledo
en Ecosistemas (CIECO), UNAM, Morelia Campus Centrode Investigaciones
Corresponding Abstract for in adopting interdisciplinary approaches There is a growing interest worldwide the studying the complex and dynamic interplay between societies and landscapes. During as an last few years, ethnoecology, broadly defined integrative study of beliefs, knowledge for the and practice of a given social entity, has emerged as a useful research method of author
comprehensive understanding Peninsula habited the Yucatan
use and management. Maya people have in landscape for the last three thousand years, suggesting that Maya farmers have successfully managed natural resources, preserving both nature and culture un resource management, in the long run. Despite research focusing on Yucatec Maya to their heterogeneous and changing Maya adapted derstanding of how pre-Hispanic environment during the past is still limited. There are few studies that fully understand
two main mechanisms: their multiple-use through examining Maya producers concept of health. strategy and their cross-scale resource Mesoamerica, management, indigenousknowledge, Keywords: Ethnoecology, landscape, natural Yucatec Maya, Mexico Yucatec Resumen
their land and explain how contemporary Maya farmers perceive, know, use and manage the inex scapes as a whole. By applying the ethnoecological approach, this article reveals of natural resources among and management tricable links between beliefs, knowledge the highly resilient capacity of the Yucatec Maya. The paper concludes by discussing
por adoptar enfoques interdisciplinarios entre la sociedad y sus paisajes. La etnoecologia, como el estudio de creencias, conocimientos definida en terminos generales y integral como un metodo una entidad social dada, ha cientifico util para el surgido practicas de cabal entendimiento de la apropiacion humana de la naturaleza. El pueblo Maya ha habitado durante los ultimos 3 mil afios, lo cual sugiere que el campesino la Peninsula de Yucatan en el estudio de lasmiiltifaceticas relaciones sus recursos naturales de manera naturaleza ha manejado exitosa, preservando y Maya a entender y cultura a traves del tiempo. Sin embargo, existen pocos estudios dedicados sus usa ymaneja como el manera campesino Maya percibe, conoce, integrada, explicar, de este articulo revela las inseparables recursos naturales. Al el metodo etnoecologico, aplicar y practica entre los Maya yucatecos que existen entre creencia, conocimiento de resiliencia mostrada la alta capacidad articulo finaliza discutiendo por los a traves de dos mecanismos la estrategia de uso multiple y su principales: Maya yucatecos de salud. concepto multi-escalar relaciones actuales. El
Existe
un creciente
interes a nivel mundial
4(1), 2005 journal ofLatin American Geography
10
Palabras Maya
Journal of Latin American
Geography
claves: Etnoecologa, paisaje, manejo de recursosnaturales, conocimientoindigena, Mesoamerica, Mexico yucatecos,
Introduction Over environment: Yucatan Guatemala, the last three thousand that is the tropical Belize plus portions and Honduras. years, Maya people have inhabited a heterogeneous lowlands of the (and to some extent the highlands) the Mexican states of Tabasco suggest in a mosaic and and Chiapas, thatMaya farmers have success of landscapes, implying knowl relief, hydrology, soils, cli
Peninsula,
of
This would
and used natural resources fully recognized of local variations in parent material, and management edge mate, vegetation, and other biotic components. number LJnderstanding of paradigms
ning and Beach complex
of theMaya civilization has evolved and has experimented with a last four decades the during (Fedick 1996a; Allen et al. 2003; Dun as a Until the late the civilization was recognized 1960s, 2004a). Maya
society supported by extensive, swidden and long-fallow agriculture in a rela and very limiting tropical landscape the "swidden tively homogenous setting. However, thesis" was challenged during the late 1970s, when research revealed a differentiated land scape with varied types of agricultural intensification: mixed cropping, terracing, drained forest gardens and other sophisticated hydraulic agricultural systems.
and raised fields, orchards,
the last two decades, new evidence has shown the great complexity of the During ancient Maya world, both in spatial (landscape heterogeneity) and in time dimensions In fact, landscape mosaics with tropical wet and dry for (ever changing environments). features ests, savannas, palm stands and wetland vegetation types (the last being common the central and southern Maya Lowlands), evolved in an ever-changing environ ment that fluctuated between relatively stable periods coupled with unstable ones, due to across et al. 1998; Gunn et al. 2002a, long-term climatic changes (Fedick 1996b; Dunning 2002b). Most of our fascination with theMaya may be attributed to the fact that the study of this civilization creates great potential for diachronic analysis of the human-landscape interface: geographical sources. the combined data, coupled use of archaeological, geological, paleoecological with evidence about the current management and physical of natural re
and explain, as a whole, how current use, there are very few studies that fully understand know and their and natural re visualize, Maya peasants manage surrounding landscapes sources and Beach 2004b). 1994; Faust 1998; Dunning (Teran and Rasmussen literature review, this paper synthesizes the relations between an contemporary Yucatec Maya and their surrounding landscapes, using ethnoecological The basic use of this is that the human of landscapes is approach. assumption approach not a mere materialist, but a complex process techno-productive phenomenon, always Based on a detailed
research on current practices of the Yucatec Maya peasants agricultural systems and technologies, but also pro vides outstanding information on management strategies, cognitive systems, and land at views and household and scape perceptions, village levels. the fact that the contemporary Yucatec is one of the better-known Despite Maya Mesoamerican cultures in terms of cosmogony and knowledge about nature and resource (Gomez-Pompa 2003). Thus, not only offers relevant data about
In an effort to explain past phenomena, most ancient Maya research makes fre of the contemporary quent use of facts, patterns and descriptions of ongoing processes In this, the resource management of Yucatec Maya Yucatec Maya. becomes crucial, study because it helps understand to the how the pre-Hispanic Maya adapted heterogeneous and to the ever landscape mosaic changing environments of the northern Maya Lowlands
Ethnoecology mediated social by intellectual institutions. functions,
of
the Yucatec
Maya and organized
11 by
such as knowledge
and cosmology,
Conceptual
framework:
The
of ethnoecology
k-c-p
complex
as
a theoretical
foundation
nature is per can be defined as an interdisciplinary study of how Ethnoecology ceived by humans through a screen of beliefs and knowledge, and how humans, through and representations, use and/or manage their symbolic meanings landscapes and natural resources. This allows recognition of the cultural value of the belief-knowl approach edge-practice (k-c-p) complex (Figure 1).
Intellectual appropriation
Material appropriation
Figure
1. Ethnoecology
focuses on
the kosmos,
corpus
and praxis
(k-c-p) complex.
the seeks to explore the connections, Ethnoecology synergies and feedbacks between of whole repertory of the Yucatec Maya and concepts landscapes symbols, perceptions the material and natural resources, and the set of practical operations through which of nature takes place. appropriation as the main aim of The analysis of the k-c-p matrix, recognized spatio-temporal a of and holistic understanding any given ethnoecological study, allows comprehensive the relationships between the three spheres involved in nature's appropriation, which are and historically contextualized: these are the mindscape, and knownscape geographically technoscape the multiple mains (Figure 2). The interconnections local eco-geographical thought and practice is the result of three spatiotemporal between the above mentioned do and mindscapes are used as intellectual tools
or cosmovision, the corpus, the whole By focusing on the kosmos, the belief system or set of production and of the the systems, repertory praxis, cognitive knowledge to the study of the process of offers an integrative approach practices, ethnoecology human appropriation of nature (see details inToledo 1992; 2002; Barrera-Bassols 2003).
(see also Sauer
1925). Knownscapes
12
Geography
CULTURAL CONTEXT
I <jFigure 2. The
Interactions_I landscape concept may be applied using the k-c-p complex constructs units as socio-cultural (ethnoscapes) to understand
landscape
set of activities that have an impact on theman reorganize the production to ever-changing thus circum according aged landscapes, always reshaping ethnoscapes, stances and uncertainties. In synthesis, ethnoscapes must be seen as dynamic, open, hy dimensions of facts and mean brid and complex units that integrate the spatio-temporal to constantly two scientific research is that it tries to overcome of ethnoecology of separating intellectual phenomena from practical pur (1) the obsession local meanings, views, poses and, as consequence, (2) the tendency to decontextualize or economic coor practices and knowledge by situating them within the epistemological A characteristic constraints: dinates and Palsson of modernity 1996; Hornborg (Descola (e.g. science and markets) as a focuses on the complex process of primary or rural production 1996). Ethnoecology research departure, where humans are seen as social subjects that put into action intellec ings.
and perform practical opera tual procedures and beliefs), make decisions, (knowledge tions for nature's appropriation. Thus, ethnoecology focuses not just on specific linguistic or useful terms, cognitive structures, symbols, perceptual images species and techniques, but on all the above factors, as forming part of the concrete process through which In summary, ethnoecology of and reproduce theirmaterial conditions. humans produce fers an integrated calling approach, dures. or holistic view and a human-ecological for the use of a variety of epistemologies or socio-ecological and methodological oriented proce
Methodology
A
Yucatec 576 (or21%) of some2,700 studies dealwith the that publishedduringthe 1990s,
The Yucatec Maya are one of the well-known indigenous people of Mesoamerica. and Central America, has revealed literature review of indigenous peoples from Mexico
Ethnoecology Maya much
of
the Yucatec
Maya
13
a (Toledo et al. 2002). Such large number of studies about the Yucatec Maya reveal research focused on agriculture, soils, ethnobotany, natural resources management and ethnology, from a silviculture, hunting and bee-keeping) (including housegardens, perspective. We selected (1) updated hurricanes, setdements three kinds of studies and well-informed for analyzing the k-c-p complex regional studies about vegetation, served of the Yucatec
broad
Maya: mate, man about
linguistics and land use, which demography, and landscapes of the Yucatan Peninsula; of each one of
flora, soils, cli to characterize hu
specific aspects knowledge and practice). one or more studies having Table 1).
(2) case studies informing the three ethnoecological domains (symbolism, In this case, sixtyYucatec Maya communities were identified as covering some aspects of the k-c-p complex2 (Figure 3 and
(30 ?
YUCATAN 0
a?
/?^
&/'
?/ m S ,<&,c ........
?j7i,
iff
?x^r-
jf
) @ a
CAMPECHE \ %
! <sT
H@
71
r-
1 '
If
location of 60 village
showing the geographical peninsula Figure 3. Map of the Yucatan case studies. For details see 1. in Table numbering These studies offer valuable
and village levels on agricul information at household on local ture, homegarden, soils, relief, climate, vegetation, ecological hunting, knowledge and about rituals, myths and sa succession, plants and animals (principally vertebrates), studies were carried cred views about nature (Table 1). Most of these community-level out by Mexican Peninsula, scholars, from research institutions located in the Yucatan the (3) increasing interest of regional students in contemporary Maya people; showing et al. scholars (Canul-Pech authored by Yucatec Maya 1967; Ucan-Ek finally,publications 1982; and Dominguez-Ake depth view of contemporary these offer an in especially because and practice. Maya beliefs, knowledge is based on information about the interplay between humans 1996) were reviewed, Peninsula,
Since our analysis in theMexican and landscapes portion of the Yucatan and conclusions Yucatec Maya area, results, discussion Lowlands of the (Fedick and Morrison Maya portion
which is the present day of this study relate to the northern 2004). Contrasting with the south
14
ern
Geography
cover between 40 to 60% of the area, the northern Maya Lowlands, where wetlands lowlands are characterized by a lack of rivers and surface water, low rainfall, lower eleva ETHNOECOLOGICAL INFORMATION OF 60YUCATEC MAYA LOCALITIES Cqrjpus (PART 1)
Central Hills Central Hills Puuc-Bolonchen Hills Puuc-Bolonchen Hills NortheastKarst Plain Uaymil Uavmil Coba-Okop Reef & Caribbean et M. Ocampo Ruenes al. 1995 Coastal [Eastern Margin] & Ruenes et al. 1995 CaribbeanReef Tres Reyes QuijanoHernandezi EasternCoastal & Calmc 2002 Margin Ruenes et al. 1995 Coba-Okop Chan Chen Ruenes et al. 1995 Coba-Okop Ruenes et al. 1995 .!0?.! ~Okop 20 de nov. Ruenes et al. 1995 Three Rivers Ruenes et al. 1995 Three Rivers Ruenes et al. 1995 Uaymil Tenabo Caballero 1992 Puuc-Bolonchen Hills Punta Garcia-Frapolli 29 Coba-Okop et al. 2005 Laguna DorruneuczAke NorthCoast Muxupip 1996 Oxkintoc Elena Puuc-Santa Rcdfield 32 Chankom & VillaRojasl934 Northeast Karst Plain Giballero 1992 Northeast Gutierrez 1996 Tixcacaltuyub Villa-Roias 1978 Karst Plain Hernandez-Brisend Quintana Roo Chacsinkin et al. 1982 Depression Cortina -Villar Central Hills 1995 Flores& Balam North Coast 1997 Raniirez-Borgia et al. 2001 Avila-Gomez 2003 Uaymil jorgenson1998 information in Figure EAR:
Authors Benito juarcz Ruenes et al. 1995 Huntochac Ruenes et al. 1995 Ruenes et al. 1995 Rucncset al. 1995 Ruenes et al. 1995 Xcitpil Ruenes et al. 1995 Xcumchei Ruenes et al. 1995 Ruenes et al. 1995 Hampolol Ruenes et al. 1995 Kastamay Ruenes et al. 1 Pich Faust 1998 Hirose 2003 Dzacauchen Ruenes et al. 1995 Ruenes et al. 1995 Ejido Haro Ruenes et al. 1995 Ixchugal Sta.Elena Ruenes et al. 1995 Ruenes et al. 1995 S. N. Buenavistaj Kanibul Ruenes et al. 1995 Chac -choben Ruenes et al. 1995 Los DivurciadoslRuenes et al. 1995 Kanrenioc Ruenes et al. 1995
Reality
Kosmos EAR1 Puuc-Bolonchen Mills Puuc-Bolonchen Hills Puuc-Bolonchen Hills Puuc-Bolonchen Hills Central Hills Central Hills Puuc-Bolonchen Hills Hills Puuc-Bolonchen Hills Puuc-Bolonchen Edzna-Silviruk Trough Sp,Ri, My
PI, An, So,Veg
Ri,My
An,PI. Veg
Sp,Ri, My Ri My, Ri
PI, An, So,Cl PI,An
PI,An, Su
38 X-Hazil Table
1. Ethnological location k-c-p complex.1
offered
from 60 case related
geographical Maya
3), with
aspects
studies (see to the Yucatec theMaya
environmental et al. 1998.
adaptive
regions of
lowlands, proposed
by Dunning
tion and more et al. 2002).
level terrain, and
low forest canopy
(Fedick
and Morrison
2004; Dunning
Ethnoecology
of
the Yucatec
Maya
15
ETHNOECOLOGICAL Locality
INFORMATION Authors Caballero 1992 Caballero 1992 & Rassmussen |Teran 1994_ Flores& Balam 1997 Herrera-Castro et al. 1993 Sanchez-Gonzalez 1993 Barreraet al. 1976 Sosa t990 Freidel et al. 1993 La Torre-Cuadros & Islebe 2003 Caballero 1992 Caballero 1992 Arias 1980 Isley 1984 Flores& Balam 1997 Flores& Balam 1997 Caballero 1992
OF 60 YUCATEC EAR< Gob -Okop Uavmil Gob -Okop
MAYA LOCALITIES Corpus
Kosmos
(PART 2) Praxis Hg Ag, Hor, Bee
41
Sp,Ri,My
PI,An, So, Veg
42 Xuilub
Gob -Okop
Hg, Ext
Coba Yalcoba Yaxuna Solferino Dzonot Ake Loche 49 Yaxcaba
Gob -Okop Northeast Karst Sp,Ri,My Plains Karst Northeast Sp, Ri,My Plains
PI, Vc
PI, Vc Karst Northeast Plains Karst Northeast Plains Karst Northeast Plains Northwest Karst Plains Puuc-Santa Elena Karst Northeast Plains Puuc-Santa Elena Puuc BolonchenHills Northwest Karst Plains QuintanaRoo Depression QuintanaRoo _Depression Ri,My Ri,My Hg Ri,My Ag, Hor, Aro, Bee Hg Cl, PI, An, Ag, Hor, Ex, So, Vc Hg Hg Hg Cl, PI, An, Ag, Hor, Arb, Bee So, Ve
Sotuta
Pixov Maxcanu
Ucan-Hk et al. 1984 Caballero 1992 Sanabria 1986
Chunchucmil Chunhuhub A vilaCamacho X-Hazil Sinanche Hocaba
Ortega ct al. 1993 Anderson 2003 Ortega et al. 1993 Bello et al. 2000 Monti el-Ortega etal. 1999 Estrada-Medina et al. 2004 Table
An, PI PI,An, So
Hu Ag,Hg,Hor, Hu
Northwest Karst Plains 1 (continued).
Ag
The Maya
contexts
of theYucatan
Peninsula:
socio-cultural and geographical
The
socio-cultural The Mesoamerican
context El Sal region, which includes portions of Mexico, Guatemala, and Costa Rica, is one of the richest biological and cultural areas a current over 100 of some 16 population indigenous peoples, with et al. 2002). Approximately live in the states of Yucatan, of the Yucatan Peninsula lan Yucatec-Mayan Roo and Campeche, to the last (YP), according popula Quintana 0.8 million
vador, Belize, Honduras of theworld, million
housing inhabitants (Toledo
inhabitants guage-speaking within theMexican portion
tioncensusofMexico (INEGI 2000).
16
The Yucatec
Geography
some 24% of the total of theYP, 90% of them population Maya account for speakers. Indigenous population distribution within the three being bilingual Maya-Spanish is states is unequal but important. Fifty-three percent of the Yucatan state's population Yucatec Maya, which makes it the second most important state at national level in terms 37% In Campeche and Quintana of its indigenous population. the percentage Roo, It is likely that the Yucatec Maya isYucatec Maya and 25% of population respectively. is higher than the official estimates, since these use language as the only pa population rameter to determine membership of indigenous groups. of are: (1) its Two of the most characteristics of the YP important demographic to density density (25 inhabitants per km2) compared relatively low population population at national level (50 inhabitants per km2), and (2) its high urban population concentration it is likely that the actual population linked to primary activities (ag localities). However, is higher than the official esti riculture, catde ranching, fishing and forest production) mates of rural in with localities less than 2,500 population), (inhabitants living population
(80% of the totalpopulation), coupledwith high ruralpopulation dispersion (98% of
or as many of the localities between 2,500 and 10,000 inhabitants are fully in partially activities. Thus, official estimates offer a biased view of the volved in these production
Yucatec
It is likely that the vast majority of the rural distribution. Maya geographical within the northern Lowlands is of Yucatec Maya origin. Cultural vital Maya population a a of and subsistence permanence strategy character long-standing ity, large population ize the contemporary Yucatec Maya people.
The geographical
The YP
context
limestone
thatwas slightly uplifted during the an area of 168,000 km2, this flat to Over Plio-Quaternary (Ferrusquia-Villafranca 1993). limestone relief, with scattered hummocks and hillocks {altillos) of slightly undulating elevations no higher than 400 m, is subjected to karstic processes, with limited groundwa ter resources. Water does not flow across the surface in streams and rivers in the northern
is a shelf formed by marine
Maya
to the sea. lowland, but rather seeps into the limestone base and flows underground over short distances, water levels vary on the variations Underground greatly depending of the karstic relief. Scattered patches of acidic bottomland soils, clayey and imperme able, are transformed into shallow lakes or swamps {bajos) during the rainy season. Some of the bajos, which form at the foot of limestone ridges, are deep enough to hold water such as dolines and uvalas, or man-made throughout the year. Dissolution depressions, on the called depressions, locally aguadas, depend yearly rains to replenish water (Faust
Annual
is tropical with markedly distinct wet and dry seasons and Aw^. (AwQ temperature is high (26? C), with slight variations during the year. Annual rainfall increases from the northwest to the southeast of the Peninsula (500-1,500 mm/ y), ranging from semi-dry to sub-humid and humid tropical. Important portions of the Climate mean have sub-humid tropical climatic conditions, with a dry season during the win a season ter (Novembersummer Rainfall April) and rainy during the (May-October). for of half the rainfall of and shallow soils year, scarcity groundwater irregularity, scarcity are the main environmental constraints for agriculture 1987; (Ewell and Merrill-Sands to moderately deep, generally alkaline, but reac tion depends on the karstic relief position, conditions and parent material. These drainage soils have formed from calcimorphic alluvial and colluvial sediments, distributed in com Soils are et al. 1990). and shallow Inceptisols
1998).
Peninsula
Hernandez-Xolocotzim
controlled by the microrelief patterns (Hernandez-Xolocotzim plex patchy associations et al. 2004). The 1959; Robles-Ramos 1958; Bautista-Zuniga slighdy undulating karstic
Ethnoecology relief of
of
the Yucatec
Maya
17
with
the northern Maya Lowland is a mosaic of dissolution depressions alternating rock outcrop mounds with a relative elevation of one to two meters. are the most common et al. soils in the northern YP Leptosols (Bautista-Zuniga are not easy to so that almost conventional taxonomies 2003a). Leptosols classify using soils, including governmental everyone specializing inYucatan agencies, research agencies and extension services, uses theMayan soil nomenclature 1989; Bautista (Ewell 1984; Duch,
et al. 2004). et al. 2003a, 2003b; Estrada-Medina soils are too shallow Zuniga Generally, and stony to allow agricultural mechanization; therefore, milpa shifting cultivation is the system to the patchy karstic landscapes of the region (Pool-Novelo 1980). best-adapted Moreover, high spatial heterogeneity of Leptosol cultural development, agronomic experimentation ogy, among other things (Bautista et al. 2004). areas and soil inventory, agri complicates transfer of agricultural technol
distribution follows the climatic zoning of the YP, ranging from low Vegetation forests in the dry northwest to tall forests in the humid southeast. Forests are distributed in a patch-like pattern due to shifting cultivation, with the inclusion of tropical planta tions and pastures.
The Yucatec Maya
appropriation of nature the corpus sphere
The cognitive appropriation:

Maya and well documented. Yucatec
(the corpus sphere) is relatively well-known ecological knowledge refers to nomen The best repertory of Yucatec Maya knowledge clature and taxonomy of soils, relief, hydrology, plants (wild and cultivated) and vegeta or biotic interactions also exists tion. Local knowledge of climate, ecological processes but has been poorly recorded.
and climatic terms demonstrates The wide variety of Yucatec Maya meteorological good understanding of the YP hydrological cycle and zoning, although the full compre hension of these phenomena (1967) recognizes three requires further analysis. Canul-Pech main climatic seasons, according to temperature, rainfall presence or absence and season direction and intensity of winds, and rainfall are constantly assessed ality. Temperature, around the year and within the day, as these factors are inextricably linked to the success is constantly and obsessively monitored of Yucatec Maya shifting cultivation. Rainfall a during the annual farmers make Maya as one of theirmain on their knowledge nomenon. as it is scarce, irregular and unpredictable. cycle, to use of their astronomical knowledge predict deities to Chaak, the rain God. skills and constandy offer rituals That iswhy Yucatec rainfall and recognize Maya farmers depend phe
Climate, reliefand soils
In fact,Yucatec to this uneven meteorological
term for soil isLuum. However, Lu'um also means The Maya land, terrain, land a relational domain that scape and nature inYucatec Maya language. It is comprehensive it considers the karstic landscape as surpasses the scientific concept of soil body, because a fundamen an where unit relationships and dynamics play integral soil-relief-vegetation a holistic concept Lu'um is tal role for farming practices Thus, reflecting (see below). in the soil mande and on the and processes pervasive and discrete structures, dynamics entire landscape, but which also includes a primordial symbolic domain within theYucatec Maya cosmology. So far,Yucatec terminology on soils uses Maya knowledge known among all Mesoamerican the most peoples, extensive indigenous ped
ological
including Mestizo
popula
18
Geography
tions (Barrera-Bassols and Zinck 2000,2004). More than 80 descriptive terms have been found referring to soil characteristics, properties and attributes relating to color, texture, soil erosion, soil retention capacity, moisture structure, consistency, moisture condition, soil fertility, stoniness, relief position, soil-relief-vegetation relations and anthro terms used is as revealed in The number soils. of pogenic descriptive rapidly increasing, new et al. research 2003; Bautista-Zuniga (Table 2) (Barrera-Bassols ethnopedological depth,
2004).
Yucatec Maya Soil Terms (Luum)
Yucatec
Maya
Etymology
English
Terms
Spanish
Terms
Soils named by color Box: light black Suelo negro claro light black soil Ek': dark black Dark black soil Suelo negro obscuro Kan: yellow Reddish-yellow Katicab lu 'um Suelo Amarillo rojizo Cab: reddish syrup soil Chak Kancab In 'urn Chak: red soil Suelo rojo amarillento Yellowish-red Chak lu 'um Char: dark red Dark reddish soil Suelo rojizo obscuro ) a 'axkom hi 'um Ya'axkom: green Gr soil Suelo verde White soil Sahkab lu 'um Sahkab: white Suelo bianco structure Soils named by texture, and consistence lu 'Itrtkel Tzekel: flat stone Flat stone soil Suelo pedregoso de la)a Chich: gravel Chid) lu 'urn Gravellv soil Suelo gravoso Puus lu 'um Suelo franco Puus: loamy Loamy soil Taiakei lu 'urn Tatakei: sticky Suelo pegajoso Sticky soil Kas: half soil Kas tatakeilu 'um Suelo medio pegajoso Slightly sticky Tatakei: stickv Kat: heavy clay Kat lu'um Suelo arcilloso pesado Heavy clay soil Kuut: fine-grained Suelo fino arcilloso Fine-grained Kuut lu 'um whitish clay whitish claved soil v bianco Tas: soft Soft soil Suelo blando Tas In 'um Loose soil Suelo suelto, flojo Chbchdk lu 'um Chochok: loose Harden soil Suelo endurecido Buy lu 'um Buy: hardness Suelo lodoso, lodo Tutluk' Tul Luk': mud Muddv soil Soils named bymoisture retention capacity and moisture condition Dzudzic: to absorb Soil with good Suelo que absorbe an d~ud%ic ha Lu 'um Ha: water bien el agua drainage Matech uh: to impede Lu'um matechuh Soil with poor Suelo que no absorbe Dzudzic: to absorb d^ttdsjcha drainage conditions el agua Ha: water_ A'kalche': swamp Ak'akbe' Suelo pantanoso Swampy soil Kas: half Half moist soil Kas chnllu'nm Suelo medio mojado Chul: moist Soil moisture at Humedad al pun to de Tupis: field capacity dmli Lu 'um tupis Chul: moist field capacity capacidad de campo Hach: excessive Soil moisture at Humedad al punto hachdml l.M 'um Chul: moist de marchitez wilting point Ak': humid Suelo humedo Humid and greasy Ak' akannak lu 'um Akannak: fatty, soil Vmantecoso greasy Box lu 'um lik' lu 'um
Table Maya
2. Some
farmers. Source:
soil and land terms commonly 2003. Barrera-Bassols
and widely
used by Yucatec
terms referring to relief position, structure and consistency account
of thisterminology The review shows the following aspects (Figure 4):While soil
soil-relief-vegetation relationship, for 62.5% of the Yucatec Maya stoniness, texture, soil nomenclature, regime and color account depth and anthropogenic
terms referring to fertility, moisture retention capacity, drainage the other hand, soil terms referring to erosion, for 27.5%. On
Ethnoecology
of
the Yucatec
Maya
19
All of these soil proper soils include only 10% of the Yucatec Maya soil nomenclature. and ties and attributes are directly or indirectly related to soil fertility, land management workability under shifting cultivation in karstic landscapes. Although Yucatec Maya farm ers are not aware of soil erosion name are able to they recognize and long-term soil formation processes, and fertility depletion when processes assessing shifting cultivation
practices.
14 12
10
(1) Relief
(3) Soil-relief-vegetation (5) Fertility (7) Moisture (9) Anthropogenic origin
(2) Stoniness (4) Texture, (6) Color (8) Erosion structure and consistence
(10) Depth
soil properties.
soil terms related to ten main Figure 4. Frequency of YM 2003. Source Barrera-Bassols
the Soil identification is closely related to relief, such that this criterion determines at least 9 main relief types, Yucatec Maya recognize highest number of soil categories. the concept of and the understanding of soil-relief relations as a continuum resembles a detailed soil catena or toposequence coined by Milne (1947), and reflects recognition of et al. 2003b). the local and micro-local soil heterogeneity and variability (Bautista-Zufiiga Soil depth and stoniness play a critical agricultural role in areas of shallow and marginal soils, and while the Yucatec Maya farmers recognize the soil as a 3-D body, nevertheless, the topsoil is considered the diagnostic horizon for the local soil classification. From the literature review itwas found that the Yucatec Maya recognize soil taxa, with their corresponding relief types; twelve of them can be considered some 30
as main
soil types.Most of these soil types are well represented in theYP and are further clustered into subtypes. Contemporary soil taxonomy is a rather simple but hierarchical sys Maya to ethnopedological of the YP communities research in different Mayan tem, according 1994; Estrada 1992; Teran and Rasmussen 1986; Dunning 1984; Sanabria (Perez-Pool et al. 2004). The recognition of a large number of soil properties allows Yucatec Medina farmers to classify soils by the inclusion of soil descriptors, which are not necessar Maya
20
Geography
is based on color, relief among all soil taxa. Soil classification ily used and contrasted retention capacity, consistence, texture, fer position, depth, stoniness, drainage, moisture tility and workability of the topsoil. between the Yucatec Maya and technical soil classifica any comparison Although tions is preliminary at this stage, the correlation between soil classes of two contrasting as farmers classify soils on the basis of a continuous systems is striking. Yucatec Maya as sessment of the topsoil. Soil classes are determined such using qualitative properties soil classifications use soil fertility, relief, vegetation types and land-use history. Technical theories on and properties of the 3-D soil body, supported by laboratory determinations is soil classification soil formation. Yucatec behavioral, relational, Maya qualitative,
measurable
measurable,
is synchronic, utilitarian and local, while technical soil classification on land-use agricultural genetically oriented and universal. The first relies while the second is based on diagnostic properties maintenance, potential and soil fertility that are not necessarily utilitarian. diachronic, demonstrates
a hierarchical Maya soil taxonomy inHocaba (2004) found similar results when constructing synergies between the classifications systems, which municipality. Results also demonstrate could be further utilized for agricultural development. 1ST MOUND) (ALT1LLOor 13.5-13 Oc'% Shallow soils CHPW1TS (LADERA or SLOPE) 13.5-12.5 OC % soils lntergrade TAAX ANADA orDEPRESSION) (PL Brown reddish brown, andbrown reddish soils androckiness. stoniness Highest Lowest bulk density Highrockiness andstoniness. Lowbulk density 9- 6OC % Deep soils toredsoils Red brownish Lower and stoniness rockiness. bulk Highest density SOIL TOPOSEQUENCE ACCORDING TO THE MAYA SOIL NOMENCLATURE AND THE WRB
recent research carried out by Bautista-Zuniga and collaborators However, (2004), a close correlation between WRB soil types along soil types and the Mayan a in the northern YP1 (Figure 5). Estrada-Medina and collaborators typical toposequence
|1|
Intermediate rockiness and stoniness. low '. Intermediate bulk density Box liTam black Chaltnn (Redto soils) .rlaylu'ura (Light with small Ch'oclTol soils brownish red. stones) (Black, shallow, (Black many I flat, cm Tsek'el(Black, shallow flat, soils) stony [< 10 soils) stony or light brown Ch'ich'lu'um (Black, soils) gray !depth] soils) gravelly to PushTum soils) (Black gray loamy Lithic hyperskeletik Leptosols Hyperskeletik Leptosols Lithic I* Leptosols *Rendzic Lcntsols Lithic liumic Leptosols chromic 'Lithic Leptosols
(Reddish yellow. soils) deep[>10cm depth]
carbon Reference Base JWorld percentage 'Organic Figure 5. A typical soil toposequence et al. 2004). Estrada-Medina of the northern Yucatan
*Lithic chromic Leptosols *Eutric chromic Leptosols * and Endoleptic Epileptic Cambisols_
Peninsula,
(after:
flora and fauna Vegetation,

The Yucatec the YP; most
on themain types of a detailed vegetation of knowledge Maya house of these can be correlated with vegetation units recognized by botanists (see
Ethnoecology Flores
of
the Yucatec
Maya
21
include both 1983; Flores and Espejel 1998; Flores and Ucan-Ek 1994). These a detailed repertory of terms spatial and temporal units, because Yucatec Maya also have to succession process which is locally identify stages of vegetation renewal, the ecological terms define at least 10 of the 11 main known as Hubche. Yucatec Maya types vegetation of theYP (Flores and Espejel 1994); besides, there are at least six terms used to character ize each forest renewal stage (Figure 6). Yucatec and processes depending relationships time. In addition, there are numerous practices, farmers also identify relief-soil Maya on the plant ensemble position in both as indi key-plant species used ecological such as soil fertility indicators.
vegetation place and cators
for productive
Ecological succession
Ka'anal k'aax > 50 years
Suhuy k'aax (Mature forest)
Kelenche' 15-30years / / Hubche' \
Kuch or Tankab (Homegarden) Tol-che (Forest corridor) Ch'aake'en 1" year 2"* year 3rdyear ip Ka'anche (Seeding table)
Ka'anal hubche' W-15 years ,
f \
f ... . ..V<. Kambal hub-chu' o \ Tamkelen-hubchu' ^ _ \ V'" years^yK aj^< Kool Sak'aab-hubche' (MiJpa) f 1 ^2-5 years
Hortalizas
(Irrigatedagriculture)
Pach-pakal (Polyculture)
use of natural resources is conducted Figure 6. The Yucatec Maya multiple as theirmain subsistence households and communities strategy. Botanical research shows
by
A regional ethnobotanical 2003) local taxa or "morpho-species". dictionary documented et Yucatec Maya names and uses formost of the 2166 listed species (Arellano-Rodriguez al. 2003), and Flores (1998) reported local names for 88% of the 260 legumes species is the best represented (Fabaceae), which family in the YP. Similarly, the number of et al. {Kuch) plant species ranges between 250 and 350 (Jimenez-Osornio housegarden in 1999). Yucatec Maya classify plants, locally called Kul, using 16 life-form categories, and lichens mosses, trees, vines, ferns, herbs, cluding algae (Barrera palms, epiphytes, Marin 1994; Flores 1998). Life-form categories cross-cut, rather folk generics and specifics (Anderson 2003). use and manage several Research shows that the Yucatec Maya recognize, name, to animal and linked mammals birds, species, agricultural practices, especially and hunting. Knowledge of ani of fauna shows a deep understanding homegardening than include, relationships and zoological behavior, as these are critical for protein consump et al. 1976; Barrera-Marin
the presence of 2400-3000 vascular plant species for the for itsMexican portion (Canevalli et al. 2003). This reflects the high floristic diversity of the region. Two detailed Yucatec Maya botanical knowledge inventories at the village level reported 920 (Barrera-Marin et al. 1976) and 826 (Anderson entire YP, and 2200-2400
mal-plant
22
tion (Jorgenson classification. A
Journal of Latin American 1998). However, list of local names there are no of main
Geography to Yucatec Maya animal in Schlesinger
studies dedicated species
used animal
can be found
(2001). The praxis

almost Ewell
It is widely
sphere: practice
assumed on maize
exclusively 1984; Teran
to itmust be seen merely as a pivotal element in a highly complex subsistence, Maya natural resource multiple-use strategy, displayed over the long run. This strategy involves activities in different landscapes and land use systems, such as milpa, several production practices.
that the contemporary Yucatec Maya base their livelihood or the 1959; milpa system (Hernandez-Xolocotzim and Rasmussen the is crucial system 1994). However, although milpa cultivation
agroforestry, gardening, bee-keeping, hunting, gathering, fishing (in cenotes), and extractive This multi-strategy land-use continuum is based on the association of managed
forest patches, spatially and temporarily orga forests/cropland/fallow/homegarden/old a wide nized in a patchwork pattern. The Yucatec Maya agroforestry continuum provides array of goods and services during the year cycle for both subsistence and market. The Yucatec ancient an
resource role within the contemporary strategy. Today, most outstanding multiple-use and farmers combine commercial subsistence activities, like all Mesoamerican Maya peas ants. Commercial to the subsistence-oriented activities are complementary production and hunting), and include bee-keeping, (principally represented by milpa, homegardens
an effective and efficient system since Maya milpa has proved to be times (Landa 1982; Perez del Toro 1945). Despite environmental constraints such as rainfall still plays scarcity and irregularity, and shallow and stony soils, theMaya milpa
citrus plantations, horticulture, and timber and non-timber products. In some cases, small scale irrigation provides surplus to meet regional market needs, but milpa production a more or less even flow of income risk under provides throughout the year, minimizing uncertain market conditions and maintaining long-term security of the farmer's house
are low and uneven, the system is maintained because it Although milpa yields partial control over food security, providing a crucial portion gives the farmer's household of the basic consumption is a sacred food and an element of needs, and because maize an Yucatec Maya number of goods and services are pur identity. However, increasing chased with cash income from agro-commercial and off-farm activities (Ewell and Merrill reflects the complexity of agricultural ad 1987). The Yucatec Maya ethnoecology to micro-relief and soils at regional, local aptations heterogeneity variability of marginal and parcel levels. It also reflects a flexible and dynamic strategy, con knowledge-based to cope with environmental and economic scarcities and uncertainties. stantiy reshaped Maya milpa includes annual, bi-annual and perennial cultivars with up to 87 differ ent crops and tree crops within a in single village (Teran and Rasmussen 1994). These clude both native and imported domesticated et al. 2003, plants (Colunga-GarciaMarin to the variable, the milpa 2004). While system is well adapted patchy and uncertain and characteristics of the karstic landscape, local agroclimatic seasonality geo-pedological farmers adjust the agricultural calendar a favorable se to the according probability of of shallow quence of first rains, mid-season drought (canicula) and patchy associations at local and soils controlled by microrelief 1980; Ucan Ek et al. parcel levels (Pool-Novelo 1982; Illsley 1984; Perez-Pool 1984; Dunning 1992; Teran and Rasmussen 1994; Faust 1998). Central Maya milpa fertility replenishment. and management of forest regeneration for soil Soil fertility constitutes the key factor for theYucatec management and Sima 1988; Teran and Rasmussen production (Sanabria 1986; Zizumbo to this is the assessment Sands
hold (Faust 1998).
1994).
Ethnoecology
of
the Yucatec
Maya
23
to two activities are In addition agricultural practices, especially important: gar and show the Several studies dening myriad of plants obtained from housegardens, hunting. principally fruits, firewood, medicinal plants and fodder. Floristic richness of these gar fluctuates between 80-90 (Caballero 1992) to 250-276 species (Sanabria 1986; Ortega, et al. 1993), with a maximum are of 387 (Herrera-Castro 1994). Housegardens occupied a most of domestic and chickens which animals, ducks, by variety commonly pigs, turkeys, are at feasts and rituals. from stingless bees especially consumed Honey production also allows hunting (Melipona spp) is also practiced. The Yucatec Maya landscape mosaic for large and small mammal and bird species. Landscape variety (agricultural fields, fal dens for domestic consumption. Roo villages of Quintana (Jorgenson et al. 1999), show a selected 1998; Avila-Gomez 2003; Montiel-Ortega pool of preferred deer, brocket deer, collared peccary, white game species, including white-tailed lipped peccary, coati, pocket gopher, tepevguintle,serete, chachalaca and ocellated turkey (Table 3). Studies lows and mature forests) offers different hunting carried out in four Yucatec Maya areas
NAMES
Scientific [ Maya | Spanish English Mammals Qrthomnys hispiaus Dasyprocta pnnctata Agouitipaca Nasua narica tsuub jaleb chiik, chwe sereke tepescuintle tejon armadillo armadillo pocket gopher gouti paca
I X : Hazil
Sinanche
Avila Camacho
Petcacab
9.0 8.0 6.0 28.5 0.73 5.1 10 0.51 6.8 2.7 4.1 67.6 0.73 2.2 11 11 0.73 14 20 21 27 22 25
Dasypus novemrinicus Tayassu pecari Pecari tajacH Manama americana Qdocoikus virginianus Tamandua mexicana Felts wieddi keh
puerco tie white-lipped kitam Imonte,jahuiHal peccary collar! pecarv kitam jabali brocket deer venado cola white-tailed deer blanca oso hormigucro tigrillo ant bear wild cat
Birds
Cypturellus cinnawomeus Crax rtibra Ixbach Ortalis vetula baach Agriocharis ocellata Colinus mgjrogularis vaax kuts perdiz hocotaisan chachalaca thicket tinamou great curassow plain chachalaca 2.2 2.2 11.' 16.1 4.4
ipavode montd ocellated turkey I yucatec quail Reptiles iguana cocodrilo de pantano black iguana morelets crocodile
iCteftosaura spp. Crocodylus mortleti Table 3. Game
ikil
0.73 1.4 from four villages. (Sources: Jorgenson and Calme
aayin species
1998; Montiel-Ortega
taken by Yucatec hunters et al. 1999; Avila- Gomez
2003; Quijano-Hernandez
2002).
24
Geography
more most of these game 1992; Jorgenson 1998). Yet interesting is that (Greenberg or fre are not only inhabitants of fallow and secondary forests but also regular to the fields Yucatec The visitors strategy shows quent Maya multiple-use (Table 4). milpa that not only garden hunting but milpa hunting is central to survival, making milpa fields species local reservoirs of animal protein.
Of interest is that current hunters are roughly harvesting the same species as were hunted by ancient Maya (Jorgenson 1998). Maya hunters have practiced subsistence hunt and some co-evolu ing for 4,000 years, thus suggesting similar landscape management Yucatec and hunted between species tionary process Maya management strategies
MILPA CYCLE SPECIES

Clearing and felling Burn plot Plant seeds Maize cob growing period Mature ear corn
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4a)
(4b)
PRESENCE IN MILPA FIELDS
Odocoileus virginianus |(white-tailed deer) \Ma%amaamericana (brocket deer) Pecari tajacu (collari peeary) Tayassu pecari (white-lipped peccary) Agouitipaca (paca) Frequent
Regular Very Frequent Ocassional Frequent Regular Ocassional Very frequent Regular Ocassional Regular Regular
Dasyprocta punctata
(gouti)
Dasypus novemcintcus (armadillo) Nama narica (coati)
Procyon lotor (raccoon) Tapirus bairdi (bairds tapir) Ortalis vetula (Plain Doves chachalaca)
Table
4. Presence Saldivia
of
12 selected game
species
in a Yucatec
Maya
milpa
field
(Source:
1994).
The Yucatec Maya evaluation landscape-use Yucatec Maya ecological knowledge is based on the analysis of climate-relief-soil which enables multiple-use relations and processes (succession), vegetation ecological As theorized in previous sections of this study,Yucatec Maya farm strategy maintenance. ers in complex ways for production purposes. Their apply their ecological knowledge relation evaluation is based on: (1) assessment of soil-relief-vegetation landscape-use ships
as a factor in the soil fertility status, land productivity and landscape management to specific practices, and (2) recording and monitoring of the landscape-use on the as an is managed history. Milpa basically depending agroforestry continuum, according
Ethnoecology natural
qf
the Yucatec
Maya
25
or fallow. Thus the assessment replenishment of soil fertility,via forest recovery is critical and performed in various ways. of related soil fertility properties to choose Yucatec Maya farmers assess on-site soil-relief?vegetation relationships units. Each landscape management unit requires diverse and their landscape management cultivation, agro-forestry, hunting, gathering and gardening practices. Similarly, units employ different labor-time allocation during the year and landscape management on the within several years, depending characteristics and dynamics. Perez biophysical an Pool land suitability ranking system in the Pu'uc (1984) found agricultural region. was done to the natural fertility of the Mayan Assessment soil classes, the according specific potential duration (years) of cultivation and the suitability of each crop and multicropping at each parcel. system Yucatec Maya farmers cultivate several plots during the same year and allocate labor depending on their biophysical characteristics. Diversity of fields and cultivars allow
Edzna
them tomitigate risks and uncertainties. Faust (1998) found thatMaya farmers from the on both to in work for drought and fladand compensate plots Valley Campeche hilly and flooding and to prevent crop loss from wind, wild animals, plagues and diseases.
to Cortina-Villar farmers from Becanchen in southern (1995), 80% of Mayan According two to six differ state used to crop two or more agricultural fields and managed Yucatan entMayan soil classes. Fields were selected according to drainage conditions and moisture retention capacity of each soil class to cope with rainfall irregularity. Becanchen farmers assessed the productivity of each soil class on the basis of the amount and timing of rainfall during the year. Hill soils (Ttêkeland K'akab) gave better maize yields under good soils (Ya'axhom and Ak'alche) rainfall, while bottom-level gave better maize yields under scarce rainfall. Tzekel and K'akab soils were considered by local farmers as having better conditions and better moisture soils
drainage
and Ak'alche' retention capacity than theYa'axhom to site heterogeneity, maintenance of cropping Access 5). (Figure hydromorphic subsistence, even though these systems and crop diversity are central to theYucatec Maya areas of land, high labor input and strong communitarian organiza require relatively large tion based on reciprocity, to achieve an efficient time-labor allocation (Teran and Rasmussen 1994; Faust
1998). It takes 15 different agricultural practices to cover the cropping cycle, from field to fallow (Perez del Toro selection 1959; Hernandez 1945; Hernandez-Xolocotzim et et al. 1990; Varguez-Pasos al. 1982; Ewell and Merrill Xolocotzim 1981; Ucan-Ek and Ucan and Sima 1988; Teran and Rasmussen Sands 1987; Zizumbo 1994; Remmers ways milpa Maya agricultural terminology is rich and complex, reflecting themany to diverse biophysical is performed according settings. Arellano production over 1200 Maya terms referring to agricul and collaborators (1992) recorded Rodriguez are reflected in this termi and land management tural practices. Soil knowledge practices Ek 1996). Yucatec nology. assess Yucatec Maya farmers example of how Farm units. for choosing landscape management relationships soil-relief-vegetation name and classify six landscape ers from Xul in the Oxtkuzcab recognize, municipality Perhaps, Sanabria (1986) gave the best
Relief
units according to vegetation type, land-use history, relief type and soil type and subtype and moisture retention capacity are themain factors used for selecting new agricul characteristics are assessed to evaluate on-site soil tural and agroforestry plots. Vegetation fertility status. farmers recognize Xu'ul ristic composition, vegetational to their physiognomy, flo 15 vegetation types according succession stage, forest density, and soil-relief position. them to classify six different land manage
Complex
combination
of these factors allows
26
ment
Geography
on the new on stony and cutting and burning the vegetation agricultural plot. Forest sites are suitable for maize while and flat varieties, stony hilly terrain (Têke/ k 'aax) long-cycle as the low forest remains (T%eke/kancab k 'aax) are considered fertility sites for agricultural to soil type and the speed of Soil fertility replenishment is assessed according purposes. recovery Maya of herbs, shrubs and trees, which may take up to 40 years. Thus the Yucatec uses succession processes, but the producer not only distinguishes and manipulates for decision-making. speed of such processes
to the units. A brief description of each land management unit is given according local soil fertility and land productivity ranking, using farmers' terminology3 (Table 5). are considered most fertile for Sites with evergreen tropical forest (Ya'axk'aax) fruit trees and short-cycle maize varieties are grown after clearing, agriculture. Vegetables,
MILPA
Short cycle maize Long cycle maize Pachpakal Tol-ch6
Homegarden Bee-keeping
EK
>4?
LANDSCAPE UNITS EKWM 1PWM IBWM ICHK

>10 >10 >10 >10 >10 >4 >4 >10
TCHB I
>10
>4 >4 >10 >20
>10
>20
Hunting Plant gathering: Edible Medicine Firewood

Forage
>10
>4 >4
>3
>10 >20 >20 >4 >1 >10
Tools Wood Others Domestic

Table 2003. 5. Landscape Numbers
>20 >10 >10
tools
Yucatan.
units recognized and managed farmers of Xu'ul, by Yucatec Maya indicate years after fallow. Source: Sanabria 1986; Barrera-Bassols
a on the cosmovision of the pre ample literature sheds good deal of light a Yucatec Research reveal sym Hispanic Maya. findings complex and rich Yucatec Maya bolic representation of their world 1970; (see seminal works of Roys 1965; Thompson et al. 1993; Breton et al. 2003). Archaeological Coe and 1992; Freidel 1980; Aveni An ethnohistorical
The Yucatec Maya
appropriation:
the kosmos
sphere
a vivid cultural presence of the Yucatec Maya evidence, coupled with a wealth of information on how the the last structured 3,000 years, Maya provide during theirworldview and their symbolic representations. The ancient Yucatec Maya cosmos is
Ethnoecology well understood and is probably
of
the Yucatec
Maya
27 cosmo
the best-known
and fascinating Mesoamerican
Maya There
less research on how and why the contemporary Yucatec or and enrich their syncretic cosmovision still maintain symbolic world. people as a few studies that focus on the links between the are k-c-p complex, regards only the appropriation of nature (see for example Teran and Rasmussen 1994; Boccara 1997; et al. 2003). Faust 1998 and 2001; Iroshe 2002; Breton et al. 2003, Quintal However, research field reveal the richness and complexity of the findings from this promising However, contemporary Yucatec Maya 'sacred ecology', as elaborated kosmos by Faust sphere, (1998), in which farmers intend to balance their and apply, in the notion of socio-ecological resilience their own peculiar and varied understanding, The Yucatec Maya of land (Lu'um) as a polysemic, conceptualization (Holling 2000). illustrates the inextricably links within the k-c-p domain, syncretic and multidimensional they conceive and work with their own, syncretic theoriza their ritual representations. and inwhich
logical world
(Figure 7). there has been
complex, and shows how farmers perceive tion of world life and worldview, including
Midday E LAKIN (Red)
The sun (Eye of god)
- ' v.>.
the holy above woRi^rr^rri (Yokulabl) .,,
Sunrise
i NOHOL f (Yellow)
CHIKIN
(Black)
The Moon
(Ear of God)
Midnight
Figure 7. The Yucatec cardinal corresponds (after Faust 1998;
Of note is that theMaya north Maya worldview. to the western notion of the west cardinal point et al. 2003). Iroshe 2002; Quintal
domain land concept as a polysemic, syncretic and multidimensional The Yucatec Maya because Lu'um has a polysemic meaning is commonly used when referring to soil, 1994; Iroshe land, terrain, territory, landscape, nature and world (Teran and Rasmussen 2002). However,
a In fact, it is considered realm in the Yucatec Maya cosmovision. comprehensive as a are context. Lu'um to a given discursive and assigned meanings practical a utilitarian value related to food, health and has also domain housing, comprehensive
28
energy 2002).
Geography
as a (Faust 1998) and symbolic (aesthetic, sacred and intangible) value (Iroshe the material and the sacred values. Thus there is no strict separation between it refers to: (a) connotation because Lu'um has, in addition, a multidimensional
as as a tri-dimensional domain, (b) the soil resource body, and (c) one. In fact, Santo Yj4yum or the a fourth and that is the sacred domain, having intangible is considered one of themost important deities of theYucatec Maya "Spirit of the Land" pantheon, and is still highly venerated. land as a bi-dimensional As (nature); a life supporter a sacred domain, Lu'um symbolizes the following principles: (1) or a home an of (sense of abun (3) milpa (2) (sense agricultural parcel place);
own as territory graveyard (sense of destiny). For example, Yucatec Maya define their seman et The al. "U lu'umilwtntko Wot the Land of theMaya (Quintal 2003) (Figure 7). is also reflected by this holistic domain tic and epistemological richness of the Lu'um inwhich land is inextricably linked to thematerial and spiritual worlds (Iroshe perception, a the Yucatec Maya polymorphic is a syncretic domain because 2002). Finally, Lu'um course about land and its function and behavior, acquired synthesizes knowledge and modern knowledge. Maya thought, colonial wisdom pre-Columbian Discussion dis
and (5) dance), (4) a territory value); (5) awomb (senseof fertility), (a primordialidentity
from
of the matrix. The following hinges may be pointed out: (a) the use of symbolic et. al [1976], in their plant nomenclature and classification (Barrera-Marin reported a one third of the over 900 taxa as being labeled by color); (b) the existence of vegetal as of to and nature's linked such caves, rain, winds, elements, myriad gods spirits springs, namics colors animals and plants (the number of deities in a well-studied 130 Maya village reached of agrarian cer alone, as reported by Teran and Rasmussen (1994); (c) the performance emonies throughout the year (the rain-calling ceremony of Chac-Chaac has been reported from at least 15 villages (Villa-Rojas 1968; Freidel et al. 1993; Flores and Balam 1997); (d)
to the material reviewed in the previous sections, examination of the k According the shows not only coherent relationships between c-p complex of the Yucatec Maya three domains, but reveals key processes which operate as "hinges" in the complex dy
the sacred geography represented by the cosmic tree and the four world corners, which is across scales: the human the Kool or milpa, represented body, the home, the homegarden, and the whole cosmos, and (e) the recognition of in the land units soil-relief-vegetation as a to scape, which operates key organizer of ecological knowledge, giving meaning rationale through practice. These illustrate reciprocal relations be examples tween the the and the ensemble of practices. dimension, cosmological cognitive body In addition, two seminal processes function as key organizers of Yucatec Maya a and therefore as resilience mechanisms: landscape management (1) wise management of both and biodiversity represented by the multiple-use processes ecological strategy a and (2) guiding concept of health, which is applied across scale. These mecha (Figure 6), nisms express the double relationship that the Yucatec Maya establish with nature: the belonging first situated in the sphere of the profane, objective and rational thinking; and the second to the domain of the subjective, unconscious and sacred rationale. Both guide and symbolic practice. They appear to be amalgamated in the farmer's techno-productive intellectual
mind, with
but in permanent
litde or no separation between the secular and the sacred or mystic thought, The first offers information feedback, so to say,mutually determined. about nature through empirical knowledge; and the second deals will problems not cov
ered be the first (the unknown, uncontrollable and unpredictable), through the dialogue the supra-natural entities (gods, deities, spirits). In brief: nature, deities and humans work together in the eternal production of life. and reproduction with
Ethnoecology
of
the Yucatec
Maya
29
The multiple-use
strategy: the secular dimension

needs from nature
of resilience
(a) enough food, energy, medi that (c) must be sustained for and (b) commodities, some time. This his/her subsistence, through recognition of the environmental requires Thus knowledge context and the use of for about skills landscape management. adapted elements and ecological physical and biological ment are central to his/her survival. Yucatec Maya Contemporary mechanisms. mentioned Multiple-use processes, and suitable landscape manage
Any Yucatec Maya producer cines, water, tools and other goods
use. Thus, the compared with specialized to an the of is strategy landscapes, soils, relief adaptive response high variety multiple-use This and biotic elements, and to the ecological process of tropical forests' succession. an idea a and postulated by Gomez-Pompa "Maya silviculture", explains the existence of colleagues almost two decades ago (Gomez-Pompa 1987a; 1987b; Gomez-Pompa et al.
of the aggregate higher production system based on the benefits of diversity, when
all the above strategy demonstrates multiple-use use unit, but lower land per implies production as a landscape, and stands dynamic and permanent
1987).
maintenance
Because
like many tion. The Yucatec variety, which
natural forces will always tend to restore systems to theirmature stage, the increase with increased management intensity. The Yucatec Maya, other pre-industrial societies, have benefited from forest recovery manipula cost will take advantage of forest restoration by maintaining landscape Maya and from the various fallow derive benefits from land conversion helps
stages, seeking the use of available resources with maximum efficiency. In spatial terms, of several landscape units. In maximum utilization is sought through the management
the use of a maximum complements temporal terms, landscape diversity maintenance number of products offered by each landscape unit, throughout the year. As a result, this on units of all available landscape strategy focuses seeking for optimal combinations cultivation while and intensive fallow, shifting agriculture) (mature forests, housegarden, products. a Variety is risk-avoidance for both environmental strategy mechanism, functions as a buffering thus multiple-use and hazards, and market fluctuations and a modality of what has been called Maya practice the multiple use of species and landscape units, re Adap tropi
maximizing
uncertainties
surprises. In summary, the Yucatec based on "adaptive management", source rotation, and succession management (Berkes et al. 2000). landscape-patch is performed inmany other indigenous territories of theMexican tive management cal lowlands (Toledo et al. 2003). It represents a secular mode of resilience.
as a living being. Land Maya perception, According health is linked to the food chain, according to a higher discourse that connects health and of plants, animals and men with soil health (Iroshe 2002). This principle of well-being is used to explain the food chain: "If plants, animals and soils are healthy, then interconnection to Yucatec land is considered
The concept of land health: the sacred dimension
of resilience
menshould hehealthf(Vogt,1979,citedby Iroshe,2002. pp.9).

Soil health and used for the human
uses there is a subde difference in mimicry to evaluate the land health. However, theory the conception of land as a living being as compared with plants, animals and men. "Land are also condemned to die... hand is a spirif (Iroshe never dies as we do; and plants, and animals 2002. pp. 4). Yucatec Maya farmers consider that land may be degraded and behaves in a 'death stage', but that it 'wakes up', regaining its own quality and health, after fallow and
soil quality are constandy assessed by means of assigning criteria soil the Yucatec Maya body health, for plants and for animals; thus
30
soil conservation 70). as a
Journal of Latin American practices are carried out
Geography (Iroshe 2002. pp.
(soil fertility replenishment)
to be fed and cared for. This function does not living being, needs men and {aluxes: owners or happen by itself, but with help from supra-natural beings saints that administer natural phenomena). This connotation shows principles of reci the procity and equality; and this iswhy rituals mimic conservation practices to maintain Land, (symbolic and material) means Connectedness not receive supra-natural the benefits beings balance between abundance that all actors should work and scarcity, or weakness and strength. as a team, otherwise men may together land, and may be punished by nature and the
from the borrowed
(aluxes).
The importance of rituals

between spiritual forces and human beings) (the middleman are made we will return connectedness, represents by affirming that "we of soil, and as soil we die, and our eaten 2002. The has been worms" pp. 65,70). after body by (Iroshe principle as it is believed of land-men connectedness is central to the Yucatec Maya cosmology, that the human body is interconnected with all that surrounds him/her: the milpa, land-men homegarden, the sun and and stars, and plants, forest patches, rocks, soils, water, winds, constellations the moon. This connection includes other human beings (the household family, villagers and the Yucatec Maya people), and deities. The H'men or shaman
nature
In fact, it is commonly said thatmen are allowed to live in thisworld by thewill of and its sacred deities (Quintal et al. 2003). This is the way that the Yucatec Maya their worldview order allows resilience of multiple actors organize (Figure 7). Cosmic
are grown, which are the third medicine" (Iroshe 2002. pp. 66). Lu'um is considered as (1) plants a curative element, and (2) a sacred element in the Yucatec Maya medicinal practice. Some soil classes, such as the Kancab and Chak lu'um are widely used to treat fever and other diseases. others Medicinal believed Some are considered are considered natural or "earthly" diseases {Lu'um kabil), while to be forces (lik naal or bad winds). by supra-natural provoked are is commonly practices commonly used but intermixed with rituals, because that a person may be cured by offering gifts to lu'um or other aluxes, guided by diseases or
(nature, men and deities). An example is the relatedness between agricultural rituals and soil conservation practices. H'men believe that land and water are also the firstmedicines that God provided to counteract men's illness. medicine, and lu 'urnis the second one where They say: "water is thefirst
and experience. Some of the rituals offered to lu'um are: (1) Loh or curing the land", (2)Het% lu'um or "curing the homegarden", (3) Hanli k 'oloi or thanks "feeding themilpa", (4) Loh corral "curing the domestic animals", (5) Saka'or to thewind deities, and giving (6) Chac-chac the rain-asking ceremony. The main difference between rituals offered to the land and rituals offered to other Aluxes or as spirits, such rain, forest, sun, etc., is that an animal is sacrificed during the first.A bull, a 'virgin' chicken or a cock is sacrificed and buried at the center of the agricultural plot and offered "awaking
the h'men wisdom
as a sacred fertilizer, thatmay allow land to be highly productive. It is commonly thought that blood (red) will nurture land, prevent diseases of men and/or help them to recuperate from disease. Sacrifice is seen as an exchange or gift to Santo Lu'um, or the "Spirit of the Land", to reestablish health of a sick person. Red is conceived of as a female color and (semen) color
land is also conceived of as female, while white is a and is given to the land when a farmer penetrates the soil body with his lob or digging stick. The mixture of red and white will be then stimulated by rainfall, which is also a male force. male
Ethnoecology
of
the Yucatec
Maya
31
Fertility is the central process whereby resilience ismaintained by the conjunction of all subjects: the Yucatec Maya farmer, nature and the aluxes, including the "Spirit of the Land". Work done by these actors will maintain or re-establish the world's order or "re centertheworld''in Yucatec worldview the Yucatec the Yucatec The offered or as and ceremonial inseparable calendars with livelihood, terms, which means "perpetuation Maya domains of wellbeing". The communion climatic reveals of the world between life and agricultural seasonality and hydrological cycle, as markers of or the inextricable link between facts and meanings,
Maya
Maya k-c-p complex. sacred dimension of resilience may be understood when analyzing two rituals to Lu'um. Quintal and collaborators (2003) explain the symbolic meaning of two
syncretic religion: theHet% lu'um ritual complex rituals of the Yucatec Maya or or Loh ritual the land" and the first is "feeding "awaking curing the land". The as a a farmer, the household members or group of want practiced petition when villagers or or when a new house to clear a forest is going to be plot for agriculture grazing, a new or even to of the section for young, when is be constructed, village going opened families. The
of the most
It is thought that these activities may drastically disturb the certain deities may be offended, and thus may punish these actions. or serves in two main directions: (1) to calm down tranquilize those to and human action disturbance, (2) provoked by inaugurate, found activities.
"world balance", thus petition ritual aluxes that may be or begin important
The second ritual (Loh) is offered when a "disturbance or disorder" is perceived by farmers in their agricultural plots, grazing lands, or elsewhere. It serves as a renewal of the to restore lu'um ritual, but this time it is performed firstpetition made during the Hetz the "world's order", by imploring and controlling "evilforces" that may not have been "to restore, save or satisfied after the Het% lu'um ritual (Quintal et al. 2003). Loh means redeem". The Loh ritual is offered, for example, if an agricultural plot is not performing well or "gettinglost", provoking diseases among animals and even among household mem bers, or of the land. A sacred work must be carried out to restore the world's equilibrium or redeem the and the original mythical order to "recenter" and "enclose" milpa plot. A K'eex ceremony is conducted during this ritual to offer gifts as a sacred exchange, such as a sacrificed chicken.
It is commonly believed that the K'eex ceremony, conducted a the and the farmer, when between aluxes establishes the Lu'um, h'men, dialogue by as a sacred the the for food land, deities, and hu mythical exchange, protecting offering In summary, 1997: I: 45). in return: ({Land is alive, thus itmust befed" (Boccara mans,
as restoration land rituals offer an outstanding example of the procedures, perceived sacred ecology Yucatec Maya (Berkes 1999), and show the inextricable links between kosmos, corpus and praxis. Conclusions faces environmental the YP Like many other regions of the world, constraints, absence of surface water streams, (2) them being particularly hazardous: (1) distur shallow and stony "difficult" soils, and (3) frequent climatic and meteorological bances. For example, 105 hurricanes struck the northern portion of the peninsula and the et al. 2003). Linked with the above, 1851 and 2000 (Boose Caribbean coast, between three of strong winds and fires are also frequent, especially Yucatec Maya constraints in the forests of Quintana Roo (Snook
1998).
The environmental tions collapsed
in the YP have remained for over three millennia, despite fluctuations. Although Yucatec Maya popula and population at least twice (during the Classic Maya period and following the Spanish
32
conquest),
American Journal of Latin never completely they will reach one million vanished urban
Geography and in the near have future, the
as a culture, Maya centers
population uneven relations with Merida cultural and more
inhabitants. Yucatec
nearby growing recendy Cancun), which have economic and unequal transformations exchanges. indicates that some kinds
established peasants the last century (such as during induced technological modifications, The
the Yucatec
Maya internal household surrounding despite
and community allowing the continue reshaping landscapes, the situation. changes which could destabilize theYucatec
long-term existence of are present in both the localities and their relations, and in relations between of mechanisms of the Yucatec Maya culture,
Maya culture has avoided ecological and cultural collapse through that it has a recovery capacity capable of dealing will different kinds of an to re-organize both social and eco It demonstrates disturbances. adaptive capability In other words, Yucatec Maya culture demon logical relations, after significant change. is defined as the capacity of adaptive systems strates high levels of resilience. Resilience to absorb disturbances 2003), which translated to the field of cul (Reldman and Kinzig Since time, it is evident ways success and failure, the ability to collectively memorize including the changes and perturbations. The long-term permanence of Yucatec Maya culture has been extensively researched in Harrison and from numerous and debated (see seminal contributions perspectives tural history means to overcome unexpected
Turner
et al. 2003). Although full com 1978; Flannery 1982; Fedick 1996; Gomez-Pompa successes and failures of the ancient Yucatec Maya goes far beyond the of the prehension in our research about con objectives of this study, we think that the approach adopted temporary Yucatec Maya-landscape relationships may be useful for scholars exploring ancient changes and continuities what has been portion of the YP. other authors (Rappaport proposed by 1996), we think that the long-term permanence in the northern
1979; Descola Following of theYucatec and Palsson 1996; Hornborg and in the YP can not be solely explained by ideological, cognitive or technological Maya core we a the of the resil but thereof. combination Thus, factors, identify productive by in their k-c-p matrix. This matrix functions as an ience capacity of the Yucatec Maya assemblage facts and practice are in dynamic feedback, and synergies whereby meanings, have from both spatial and temporal expression. There is a need these resulting dynamics formore detailed and robust research that compares past with present, to fully acknowl the "Maya lowland. puzzle", not just in the northern Yucatan Peninsula, but in the whole
edge Maya
Acknowledgements We are grateful to three anonymous reviewers for their critical and helpful com ments on early versions of this paper. Thanks are also to Jose Salvador Flores, Silvia given Gilberto Avila-Gomez, Nicholas Timo Teran, Patricia Colunga-GarciaMarin, Dunning,
for providing us with several publications. thyBeach and Eduardo Garcia-Frapolli, Spe cial thanks are given to Pablo-Alarcon-Chaires for his permanent technical assistance and we are indebted to Margaret Skutch and David elaboration of the graphics. Finally, to Arturo for revising the manuscript's style. This paper is dedicated English and Alfredo Barrera-Marin (f), two pioneering contributors to the ethno study of the Yucatec Maya.
Robinson
Gomez-Pompa ecological Notes:
ormounds); calcimorphic soils with good drainageon thehigherpositions (Nt\altillos
*A typical soil toposequence
of
the northern Yucatan
Peninsula
includes:
calcimorphic
Ethnoecology
of
the Yucatec
Maya
33
on soils with moderate soils with drainage gentle slopes (Chi wits); and hydromorphic lands (Taax, planadas and aguadas). poor drainage on the flat lowlands and bottom-level recurrent at short distances, thus is highly variable along micro-catenas, The soil mantle soil expressing high spatial heterogeneity. tillages are located within the environmental adaptive regions (EAR) proposed by Dun et al. 1998. Kosmos: ning Sp: sacred spaces. Ri: rituals. My: myths. Corpus: Cl: climate. So: soils. PI: plants. An: animals. Veg: vegetation. Praxis: Ag: agriculture. Hor: horticulture. Hu: Afo: Hg: housegarden. hunting. Fi: fishing. Ext: extraction. Bee: beekeeping. agroforestry. Ca: cattle raising.
on kancabal or flatlands; EKWM: units: EK: Ek'lu'um soils developed Ek' 3Landscape on wits and/or mulu'ch, or hills and hummocks; PWM: Pus lu'um lu'um soils developed on wits and mulu'ch; soils developed on wits and mulu'ch; BWM: Box lu'um soils developed CHK: Chak soils developed References Allen, M. Lowlands: 2003. The Maya and J. J. Jimenez-Osornio. F, S. L. Fedick, A. Gomez-Pompa, a case In The Lowland Maya Area, A. Gomez study for the future? Conclusions. (eds), pp. 623-634. New York: Pompa, M. F. Allen, S. L. Fedick and J. J. Jimenez-Osornio The Haworth Press, Inc. lu'um soils developed on kancabal. on kancabal; TCHB: Chak lu'um or Têkel box lu'um
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Ethnoecology of the Yucatec Maya: Symbolism, Knowledge and Management of Natural Resources Author(s): Narciso Barrera-Bassols and Vctor

Maya: and Management

Mexico deGeografia, UnidadAcademicaMorelia. UNAM, Michoacdn, Instituto

comprehensive understanding Peninsula habited the Yucatan

interes a nivel mundial

4(1), 2005 journal ofLatin American Geography

Journal of Latin American

claves: Etnoecologa, paisaje, manejo de recursosnaturales, conocimientoindigena, Mesoamerica, Mexico yucatecos,

ning and Beach complex

and raised fields, orchards,

Ethnoecology mediated social by intellectual institutions. functions,

Maya and organized

(see also Sauer

Journal of Latin American

Ethnoecology Maya much

Maya: mate, man about

flora, soils, cli to characterize hu

Journal of Latin American

PI, An, So,Veg

PI, An, So,Cl PI,An

1. Ethnological location k-c-p complex.1

from 60 case related

studies (see to the Yucatec theMaya

environmental et al. 1998.

tion and more et al. 2002).

level terrain, and

low forest canopy

OF 60 YUCATEC EAR< Gob -Okop Uavmil Gob -Okop

MAYA LOCALITIES Corpus

(PART 2) Praxis Hg Ag, Hor, Bee

PI,An, So, Veg

Coba Yalcoba Yaxuna Solferino Dzonot Ake Loche 49 Yaxcaba

Ucan-Hk et al. 1984 Caballero 1992 Sanabria 1986

Chunchucmil Chunhuhub A vilaCamacho X-Hazil Sinanche Hocaba

Northwest Karst Plains 1 (continued).

socio-cultural and geographical

socio-cultural The Mesoamerican

vador, Belize, Honduras of theworld, million

housing inhabitants (Toledo

inhabitants guage-speaking within theMexican portion

tioncensusofMexico (INEGI 2000).

Journal of Latin American

(80% of the totalpopulation), coupledwith high ruralpopulation dispersion (98% of

is a shelf formed by marine

The Yucatec Maya

appropriation of nature the corpus sphere

The cognitive appropriation:

Climate, reliefand soils

In fact,Yucatec to this uneven meteorological

Journal of Latin American

soil and land terms commonly 2003. Barrera-Bassols

terms referring to relief position, structure and consistency account

Journal of Latin American

(Reddish yellow. soils) deep[>10cm depth]

flora and fauna Vegetation,

vegetation place and cators

Suhuy k'aax (Mature forest)

Kelenche' 15-30years / / Hubche' \

Ka'anal hubche' W-15 years ,

Geography to Yucatec Maya animal in Schlesinger

studies dedicated species

(2001). The praxis