For quite some time now, the global Muslim ummah has been experiencing an increasing sense of discontent. Today, many believe that the times are ripe for a major step forward in the ongoing movement for Islams renewal and revival. ! wide variety of practical efforts in that direction are already underway in Muslim communities across the globe. "espite their considerable #eal and fervor, however, there is little agreement regarding the most effective and appropriate course of action. In most cases, this disagreement or lac$ of coherence represents a state of confusion caused by a general failure to identify the modern predicament of religion. %ome say that the main problem is our ignorance of the Islamic tradition& others argue that it is our political fragmentation and military wea$ness& still others claim that it is the corruption of our rulers and the evil designs of the '% (mpire. %ince contemporary Muslims do not agree on the nature of the fundamental challenge that Islam is facing, it is no surprise that they differ so much about the practical steps needed to address it. Their efforts, therefore, are scattered and dispersed in all sorts of directions, producing a flurry of activity but resulting in little overall progress.
)learly, no treatment will benefit the sic$ ummah unless it is based on an accurate diagnosis of her condition. In his treatise on *Islamic +enaissance,, the -a$istani scholar and activist "r. Israr !hmad attempted to do just that. .e sought to identify the essential nature of the modern predicament of religion/or, what amounts to the same thing/the most fundamental challenge that Muslims are facing in the modern world. In writing this treatise, "r. Israr !hmad wanted to single out the principal cause of the widespread Muslim malaise in the face of modernity and of the failure of modern Islamic movements to alleviate that malaise. In his interpretation of the Muslim encounter with 0estern modernity, "r. Israr !hmad attempted to address some of the most critical questions being faced by contemporary Muslims1 0hy is it that sincere and well2organi#ed efforts to face the challenges of modernity have met with abject failure or with only limited success3 0hat is it that the modern Islamic movements have neglected to ta$e into account3 !t exactly what point did these efforts start to go awry3 0hat do we need to do in order to formulate authentic and effective Islamic responses to the challenges posed by modernity3 0here should we go from here3
In addressing these questions, "r. Israr !hmad attempted to ta$e stoc$ of what had already been accomplished by previous generations of Muslim scholars and activists, to isolate the inadequacies of the ongoing efforts by contemporary Islamic movements, and to develop a concrete plan of action regarding what needed to be done in the present as well as in the foreseeable future. 4eing cogni#ant of the various groups, organi#ations, and movements that were actively pursuing the goal of Islams *renaissance, in different parts of the Muslim world, he arrived at the conclusion that something very basic and fundamental was missing in their efforts. .e contended that Muslims scholars and activists ought to disregard the leaves and the branches and, instead, focus their energies on dealing with what constituted the root of the modern predicament of religion. .e argued that no real progress would be achieved unless adequate effort and attention were directed at underta$ing what he called *the real tas$.,
About the Treatise
The purpose of this web2based commentary on *Islamic +enaissance, is to ma$e the arguments of the original treatise as accessible as possible to a wide range of audience. In underta$ing this project, we have been motivated by our conviction that *Islamic +enaissance, is a highly significant and rewarding text for several reasons.
First, the contents of *Islamic +enaissance, are as relevant to the global Muslim ummah today as they were in 5678. The passage of time has failed to ma$e this treatise either obsolete or redundant. In fact, a case can be made that the events and trends of the last half2a2century have rendered this treatise increasingly more relevant, even urgent.
%econd, *Islamic +enaissance, is one of the most enduring statements of "r. Israr 2 !hmads thought. .e wrote this treatise at the relatively young age of thirty2six, and despite the fact that his thin$ing on many issues changed during the later part of his career, he continued to express his confidence in the arguments of *Islamic +enaissance, until the very end of his life.
Third, *Islamic +enaissance, presents many of "r. Israr !hmads most important ideas in a relatively condensed form& a number of ideas that he developed more fully in the later part of his career can already be found in their initial, germinal stages in the pages of this treaties.
Finally, *Islamic +enaissance, is probably the most valuable of "r. Israr !hmads numerous contributions. 0hile many of his views can be challenged and debated, there is little doubt that this particular treatise offers some of his most compelling ideas.
About the "Renaissance" of Islam
0hat is the main theme of *Islamic +enaissance1 The +eal Tas$ !head,3 !s the title suggests, the central assumption of this treatise is that there is an urgent need for bringing about a state of affairs that the author refers to as the *renaissance, of Islam, while its main argument concerns the practical steps that must be underta$en in order to prepare the way towards the reali#ation of that goal.
The meaning of the word *renaissance,, however, is not immediately obvious. The word is considerably ambiguous and potentially misleading. For this reason, we must begin by clarifying the sense of *renaissance, that "r. Israr !hmad seemed to have in mind.
(tymologically, the word *renaissance, comes from a 9atin word that denotes the notion of being *born again, :in the religious or spiritual sense;. In common usage, the term *+enaissance, refers to the (uropean experience of *re2discovering, classical $nowledge, beginning in the fourteenth century, that produced a renewed flowering of science and culture, bringing the so2called *dar$ ages, to an end. This particular meaning of *+enaissance, has been dated to 5<=>, indicating the retrospective nature of the historical judgment involved in the modern definition of *+enaissance.,
?iven the above bac$ground, the phrase *Islamic +enaissance, in the title of "r. Israr !hmad@s treatise may lead some readers to assume that he is proposing for the Islamic world something along the lines of what happened in (urope during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. %ome readers may also assume that the author is examining the predicament of Islam and Muslims primarily through the lens of 0estern self2 understanding. It is important to point out that neither assumption is very helpful in revealing the authors intention.
The original phrase in the title is Anash@at2e saniya,A which is an 'rduB-ersian form of what is essentially an !rabic phrase. 0hile this has been rendered into (nglish as *renaissance,, we should note that terms li$e *rebirth,, *second birth,, and *resurgence, could also function as more or less valid substitutes. ?iven the authors intellectual bac$ground, it would not be too far2fetched to suggest that he may have derived both the concept and the phrase from the text of the .oly Curan, rather than from (uropean history.
The !rabic word Anash@ahA denotes such phenomena as rising, emerging, being born, coming into existence, cropping up, proceeding, springing forth, growing, developing, etc. This word obviously has organic, and even biological, connotations, and this is at least partly how the .oly Curan employs it. The Islamic %cripture repeatedly directs the readers attention to the way in which dead vegetations come to life each spring, using this otherwise mundane observation as an argument for its claim that the entire humanity will experience resurrection at the end of time. To drive this point home, the .oly Curan uses a variety of words and expressions& these include Aal2nash@at al2ulaA to denote the original creation, and Aal2nash@at al2a$hiraA as well as Aal2nash@at al2u$hraA to refer to the *re2birth, or *re2creation, that ?od has promised for each individual.
It can be readily seen that even though Anash@at2e saniyaA and *renaissance, are 3 practically synonymous, they do not share the same connotations because the respective cultural and etymological bac$grounds of the two terms are significantly different. "espite their overlapping meanings, these terms can be seen as representing essentially independent concepts& consequently, the notion of a *rebirth, of Islam would have been equally meaningful even if there had been no such thing as the (uropean +enaissance. It is important to note in this context that the phrase -,-'` '-- contains additional shades of meaning that are not found in the French and (nglish word *renaissance,, including, for example, the idea of resurgence or rising up. Furthermore, the usual !rabic term for cultural flowering :which is the basic sense of *renaissance,; is an altogether different word/*nahdah., !s a modern term, *nahdah, refers to the revival of literary and cultural activities in (gypt, 9ebanon, and %yria that too$ place between mid2nineteenth century and 0orld 0ar I. This suggests that the semantic field of Anash@at2e saniyaA is broader than that of either *nahdah, or the usual, 0estern sense of *renaissance.,
0hat did the author himself mean by the phrase Anash@at2e saniyaA/rendered here as *renaissance,3 Dowhere in this treatise did he ma$e any attempt to define or explain the significance of the term *Islamic +enaissance., Eet, its meaning was very clear in his own mind. (lsewhere, "r. Israr !hmad has identified the rise of Islam during the life2time of -rophet Muhammad :%!0; and the +ightly ?uided )aliphs :+; by explicitly referring to the Curanic phrase Aal2nash@at al2ulaA :*the first birth,;. It is evident from his writings and speeches that he anticipated a second period of Islams rise in the near or distant future. It would have been completely natural, in this context, to identify this second period of Islams rise as a *rebirth, or *renaissance.,
In writing *Islamic +enaissance,, "r. Israr !hmad was addressing an audience that was already familiar with the concept in question and did not need any extensive explanation. !s mentioned above, this treatise first appeared in the monthly 'rdu journal *Mithaq,, and it is relevant to note that the readership of this journal consisted largely of individuals who were already inspired by the idea of Islams revival and resurgence/particularly under the influence of the FamaGat2e Islami/but had become disillusioned with the existing options for wor$ing towards that goal. Moreover, the meaning of a *rebirth, or *resurgence, of Islam was not un$nown among the educated segments of Muslim societies in the late 567>s. This was partly due to the national liberation movements that were leading to the decoloni#ation of the Islamic world as well as the international initiatives of that period that were aimed at fostering unity among Muslim nations, and partly due to the growing influence of revivalist movements li$e the FamaGat2e Islami and al2I$hwan al2Muslimun. In fact, the discourse of Islamic revival, rebirth, resurgence, or *renaissance, has been around at least since the late2nineteenth century. This discourse had originated most forcefully in the passion of a single individual, i.e., %ayyid Famal al2"in al2!fghani :5<H</5<68;, and had subsequently been nurtured by succeeding generations of Muslim modernists, nationalists, and revivalists throughout the twentieth century.
In the final analysis, however, "r. Israr !hmad did not explain the meaning of *Islamic +enaissance, in this treatise simply because it was not the primary object of his analysis. )areful readers should be able to discern that the very structure of the title and the subtitle indicates that the author is directing the readers attention towards the phrase *The +eal Tas$ !head, and not so much towards *Islamic +enaissance., The author is implying that he and his readers already agree that there is an urgent need to wor$ for a *renaissance, of Islam& the issue that remains unsettled, and must therefore be addressed, concerns the practical steps that must be underta$en in order to achieve that goal. In effect, the author wants to explain the *how, rather than the *what, and the *why., This means that the treatise, despite its title, is not about the *renaissance, of Islam per se. It is, rather, about *the real tas$,, i.e., the prerequisite without which the goal in question cannot be achieved. !s such, this treatise is best seen as a practical program of action/a manifesto/rather than a wor$ of theory.
For our immediate purposes, therefore, the concept of Islams *renaissance, would ma$e most sense if it is understood with reference to the Curanic themes of *new birth, and *second creation., It is important to note that this particular usage of the term is a modern phenomenon, despite its Curanic origins. Traditionally, Muslims have preferred terms li$e tajdid :renewal;, islah :reform;, and ihya :revival; to denote efforts aimed at ma$ing the teachings and truths of revelation more relevant in a given time and place/all three terms being rooted in the canonical texts of Islam, i.e., the Cur an and the .adith. .istorically spea$ing, movements for renewal, reform, and revival were launched in response to an internal or external challenge that seemed to threaten the vitality and integrity of Islamic faith and practice, especially some form 4 of spiritual, moral, and social decline or stagnation. !s is well $nown, such efforts have been initiated countless times throughout Muslim history and, ta$en together, they constitute an unbro$en tradition of religious devotion and service.
In this bac$ground, the phrase *renaissance, of Islam suggests the need for efforts that are essentially along the same lines as those of the numerous movements for renewal, reform, and revival that were underta$en in the past. Eet, the fact remains that this particular usage is unprecedented in premodern Muslim history& furthermore, the concept of *rebirth, or *second birth, evo$es a far more ambitious goal than what is generally implied in the three traditional terms. !s a result, the *renaissance, of Islam seems to refer to a conception that includes the essential elements of renewal, reform, and revival/as traditionally understood/but is also much more comprehensive and far2reaching, even exceptional, in its scope and implications. Indeed, the argument of *Islamic +enaissance, suggests that the modern challenges being faced by Islam today are of an entirely different nature than anything it had faced in the past. This implies that we must be prepared to ta$e unprecedented steps to meet these challenges, for unusual problems cannot be addressed by repeating the usual solutions. %ince the challenges are extraordinary, so should be the responses. For this reason, a *rebirth, is an appropriate metaphor, since it serves to emphasi#e that renewal, reform, and revival of an extraordinary $ind is needed if Islam is to meet the challenges it is facing
About the Commentary
The commentary being presented here is an attempt to explain the contents of AIslamic +enaissanceA and to expand upon their significance. The need to produce a commentary li$e this arose due to a number of factors. To begin with, while the logical structure of *Islamic +enaissance, is simple and elegant, the text offers certain obstacles that ma$e its arguments difficult to apprehend. For instance, the text of *Islamic +enaissance, is very concise with minimum repetition. The author ma$es no effort to present detailed evidence, cite other scholars, or to periodically recapitulate his position. -art of the difficulty stems from the fact that "r. Israr !hmad was more of an orator by temperament than a writer, let alone an academician. !s such, he was not used to spelling out his thoughts on paper in the thorough and detailed manner that we expect from professional scholars. Instead, much of his written legacy is in the form of brief but highly dense essays that many lay readers find uninviting and even impenetrable. To compensate for the brevity and density of his essays, "r. Israr !hmad would often elaborate upon his own writings in his widely2attended lectures and public presentations. .e was an accomplished performer of the oral discourse and a virtuoso in the art of didactic speech. !s a result, the numerous audio and video recordings of his speeches are significantly easier to follow, and much more popular, than his relatively few writings. In effect, the full import of his essays remains relatively difficult to grasp without the help of his own elaborations.
9i$e "r. Israr !hmad@s other writings, the brevity and compactness of *Islamic +enaissance, present a serious challenge to readers who are not already familiar with his thought. The sympathetic reader finds it difficult to fully appreciate his arguments without repeated analytical readings of the text& such readings require a high level of interpretive s$ill that many of them do not possess. In the other hand, the critical reader is li$ely to object that the s$etchy evidence given in the text does not support the authors bold contentions. %ince "r. Israr !hmad attempts to ma$e an argument in this treatise that virtually spans the globe and covers five hundred years of history, the terseness of his writing style forces him to generali#e and oversimplify in a way that is unacceptable in contemporary scholarship. For instance, his critique of what he calls *0estern thought, lac$s supporting evidence& his understanding of the motives of colonial policies is based almost entirely on the case of the 4ritish in India& he discusses several varieties of Muslim initiatives and movements but does not provide detailed evidence or explain exactly how he arrived at his judgments. From an academic viewpoint, perhaps the most significant wea$ness of this treatise is the authors failure to consider alternative viewpoints and possible objections to his own contentions. The resulting lac$ of nuance ma$es the treatise an easy target for criticism, which, in turn, renders the value of his contribution even less li$ely to be appreciated.
In this context, our commentary is meant to provide some of the tools necessary for facilitating the readers full engagement with the authors arguments. %pecifically, the commentary is intended to accomplish the following1 :5; to interpret the authors meaning in a reader2friendly style that is more suitable for a broad range of audience& 5 :J; to place some of his propositions in their respective socio2historical contexts& :H; to introduce certain nuances and qualifications in order to refine and clarify the authors meaning& :=; to add certain details and other references for a deeper and richer appreciation of his arguments& :K; to address some of the questions and criticisms that may arise due to the brevity of the original text& and :7; to augment the authors presentation by citing relevant developments that have ta$en place since the treatise was first published.
It is important to clarify that our commentary is not merely exegetical. 0e have underta$en not only to explain "r. Israr !hmad@s intended meanings, but to also extend their significance and implications beyond the relatively limited framewor$ of his treatise. In other words, we did not restrict the scope of the commentary to an explanation of the authors own thin$ing, but, in addition to that basic tas$, we have also attempted to elucidate the subject matter from a number of additional perspectives that the author did not ta$e into account. )onsequently, this commentary should be seen as an *interpretation, that reflects not only the mind of the original author but also, to a significant degree, the mind of the commentator. 0hether our attempt at expanding the scope of the discussion is justified, and to what extent, is for the readers to decide.
0hile the commentary adds some detail and nuance to the original text, it is not intended to substitute first2hand research. +eaders should not ta$e the interpretation given here as the absolute final word on the significance and implications of the treatise, but only as a useful starting point. Indeed, *Islamic +enaissance, is a text that does not present itself as the last word on the topic& instead, it invites the readers/ both explicitly and implicitly/to embar$ upon a life2long journey of inquiry and appropriate action. 0e encourage the readers to use our interpretation of *Islamic +enaissance, as a roadmap that may help them navigate an unfamiliar terrain, and not as a final destination to be reached.
The Pervasive Ascendancy of Western Thought
The present age can be justifiably described as the age of the predominance of Western thought and philosophy as well as of Western arts and sciences. In this age, Western ideas and theories, along with Western conceptions regarding the universe and the human being, have come to dominate the entire globe. Ever since their origin in Europe roughly two hundred years ago, these ideas and conceptions have been continually growing and strengthening. egardless of the number of nation!states or political blocs in which the contemporary world is divided, it is more or less the same style of thin"ing#or the same point of view#that prevails all over the world. $isregarding a few superficial and trivial differences, it is the same cultural currency that holds value across national, ideological, and societal boundaries. While we do sometimes encounter alternative perspectives or viewpoints, the combined significance of these is no more than that of a peripheral trail compared to the central highway of human civili%ation. In both the East and the West, the mindset of the ruling and leading classes#those who control the collective affairs of their respective societies#seems to have been dyed in e&actly the same hue. The pervasive ascendancy of Western thought and culture has become so formidable that even anti! Western movements in different parts of the world have not been able to remain completely free of its influence. 'pon closer e&amination, the perspective of the social forces struggling to resist the West turns out to be (uite Western itself.
Commentary
"r. Israr !hmad begins his treatise by ma$ing an observation1 Iver the last two 6 hundred years or so, the intellectual and cultural products of *the 0est, have been widely internali#ed by societies across the globe, leading to an unmista$able homogeni#ation. 0herever we travel on earth, we are li$ely to encounter very similar ideas, assumptions, and ways of living. 0hile human societies have been substantially different from each other during most of history, their diversity has rapidly and uncharacteristically diminished in recent centuries. This intellectual and cultural homogeni#ation has been the result of an increasing/and ongoing/assimilation of peoples of diverse cultures and bac$grounds into 0estern modes of thin$ing and acting.
0estern influences are channeled through 0estern intellectual and cultural products& these products can be grouped into two main types1 *thought and philosophy, on the one hand, *arts and sciences, on the other. The former denotes theories, ideas, conceptions, terminology, and style of expression& the latter denotes natural and social sciences, as well as what the author calls *funun., This word usually means *arts, but it can also be translated as *techniques., If the author means the former, he is referring to poetry, music, literature, painting, architecture, and so on. If he means the latter, he is referring to what is called *technology,, as well as the processes and procedures used for organi#ing and motivating human beings both individually and in groups.
In this first section, "r. Israr !hmad contends that the $ind of *thought and philosophy, and the $ind of *arts and sciences, that have come to dominate the world during the last two hundred years can justifiably be called *0estern., This does not mean that every idea or every technique that is in ascendancy today was literally born in the geographical region called *the 0estern hemisphere., Instead, the author is arguing that modern ideas and modern techniques developed in any part of the world may be called *0estern, insofar as they have been made possible by the unique style of thin$ing, or point of view, which too$ shape in 0estern (urope about two centuries ago. !s used by "r. Israr !hmad in this treatise, the adjective *0estern, has at least two meanings1 first, it refers to the societies of 0estern (urope and their overseas extensions, including Dorth !merica and !ustralia& and second, it refers to a specific perspective, an orientation, or an attitude that is best rendered as *modern., (lsewhere, he uses the words *modern, and *0estern, interchangeably.
In (nglish, the nouns *modernity, and *modernism,, as well as the adjectives *modern, and *modernist,, are often used as virtual synonyms& in some contexts, however, these terms are sharply distinguished. (ven though "r. Israr !hmad does not ma$e these distinctions in *Islamic +enaissance,, it is nevertheless important to understand their significance. The term modernism denotes the particular mindset that emerged in 0estern (urope from seventeenth2century onwards, essentially as the result of the scientific discoveries of ?alileo and Dewton and the philosophy of "escartes. In the other hand, the term modernity is most often used for those social, political, and economic conditions that shaped, and were in turn shaped by, the modern worldview. :%ee Cuotes and Insights for definitions of modernism and modernity.;
In simpler language, we may say that our contemporary age has two sides1 an intellectual side called modernism, and a structural side called modernity. 0hen "r. Israr !hmad uses the words *0estern, or *modern,, the context is usually a sufficient guide for the reader to determine whether he is referring to modernism as a mindset or to modernity as a set of objective conditions.
!s we shall see throughout this treatise, "r. Israr !hmads main concern is not so much with the objective, structural conditions of modernity as with the attitudes and assumptions, i.e., the worldview, of modernism. .e sees *0estern thought and philosophy, as being logically prior to the social, political, and economic conditions that are associated with the phenomenon of modernity. These latter conditions include industriali#ation, urbani#ation, capitalism, secular democracy, bureaucrati#ation, etc. The author of *Islamic +enaissance, seems to assume that modernity is a product of modernism. 0hile this is not incorrect, it is important to remember that the reverse is also true, i.e., the objective conditions of modernity are responsible for nurturing and sustaining the attitudes and assumptions $nown as modernism. In other words, there is a dialectical relationship between modernism as an intellectual and cultural condition on the one hand, and modernity as a set of social, political, and economic condition on the other hand. For all practical purposes, therefore, the two sides of our contemporary age are inseparable. This ma$es the distinction between modernity and modernism somewhat irrelevant in most contexts.
Ince we understand exactly what he is tal$ing about, "r. Israr !hmads observation can be appreciated as a relatively uncontroversial one. .e is arguing that a unique 7 style of thin$ing, or a specific point of view, started to ta$e shape at a particular point in time and in a particular part of the world& and that, during the last two hundred years, it has grown and become increasingly dominant all over the world. In this context, his use of the phrases *style of thin$ing, and *point of view, is highly significant. (ven though he does not use this term, what he most probably means is a worldview. .ad "r. Israr !hmad employed the term worldview, his entire argument in this treatise would have been much more clear and convincing. 4e that as it may, a careful and sympathetic reader of *Islamic +enaissance, can still discern that the phrases *style of thin$ing, and *point of view, do not refer to any specific theory or philosophy but to something deeper and more general than any of our beliefs, thoughts, or ideas. They refer to the mostly subconscious matrix of our attitudes and assumptions, otherwise $nown as worldview. :%ee Cuotes and Insights for definitions of worldview.;
It is important to notice the authors implicit suggestion that the modern *style of thin$ing, or *point of view, is a unique phenomenon because it is unprecedented in history. Do other society in the history of human civili#ation has ever adopted this particular set of attitudes and assumptions as its dominant worldview. To be sure, 0estern (urope did not invent this unique viewpoint out of nothing& there are traceable influences from a variety of other cultures and societies, including Islamic ones. Devertheless, because this style of thin$ing first came of age in *the 0est,, we may, for the sa$e of convenience, refer to it as *0estern, in its origin. For all practical purposes, however, it is best to call it *modern, because of its virtual universality.
To summari#e, "r. Israr !hmad is arguing that *modernism,, or the modern worldview, has been ta$ing root all over the world ever since it reached a certain level of maturity in 0estern (urope roughly two hundred years ago. .e ac$nowledges, however, that the global dominance of this modern orientation is far from complete. There are poc$ets of resistance in almost all parts of the world, a few of which are thriving even in the midst of advanced industriali#ed societies. !c$nowledging that numerous groups and sub2cultures are indeed trying to hold on to their traditional andBor non20estern ways of thin$ing and viewing the world, "r. Israr !hmad emphasi#es that this fact should not prevent us from appreciating the big picture. The modern worldview has acquired so much influence and has become so pervasive in the world that these minority viewpoints seem to be fighting a lost battle. (ven if they succeed in preserving themselves as such for the time being, they are li$ely to do so as *alternative, viewpoints or lifestyles that have little relevance for, or impact upon, the mainstream of human civili#ation. If a few members of an *exotic, species were to survive in a #oo, that does not change the reality that it has become practically extinct.
The claim that the modern worldview has become the predominant viewpoint of humanity does not mean that it affects every single person in the world in exactly the same way or with exactly the same intensity. The author ma$es an important distinction between the elite classes on the one hand and the vast majority of human population on the other hand. !s we shall see later, his definition of the *ruling and leading classes, is much broader than what is normally understood by these words& essentially, the phrase *ruling and leading classes, is synonymous with the word *elite,, which itself has a range of meanings. 4riefly, the author is referring not just to the political elite that run a particular regime, such as politicians, elected representatives, and diplomats, but also to the social elite, such as top bureaucrats and technocrats& the cultural elite, such as prominent journalists, broadcasters, artists, thin$ers, scientists, and educators& and the economic elite, including successful entrepreneurs, top business executives, and traditional aristocrats. !ll of these groups of people are necessarily a small minority in any given society& yet they are the carriers of the modern orientation.
The author argues that, in a given society, the degree of the predominance of 0estern thought and culture tends to be unequally distributed& its presence or impact can be seen most clearly among the elites of the society, i.e., among the relatively small number of individuals who enjoy a disproportionally large share in power/regardless of whether the power in question is primarily social, political, cultural, economic, or some combination of these. In other words, the elites in all societies tend to be far more moderni#ed or 0esterni#ed than the rest of the population. It is not unusual, therefore, to find a variety of traditional or premodern beliefs and practices thriving among the masses at large. In the other hand, those who enjoy the most influence in determining a given societys overall direction and in shaping its norms and standards are the same people who are most li$ely to display that style of thin$ing or point of view which the author identifies as *modern, and *0estern., 8
Towards the end of the first section, "r. Israr !hmad ma$es one of the most important points of the entire treatise. .e suggests that modern or 0estern influences are not only pervasive in todays world, they are also frequently below the level of conscious awareness. In other words, many in the modern world are unaware that their own style of thin$ing or point of view has become thoroughly modern and 0estern. This lac$ of self2$nowledge can be observed most clearly among those social or political movements that are see$ing to overturn the dominance of 0estern thought and culture in different parts of the world. 0hile such movements/including their leaders and ran$2and2file members/fancy themselves as ta$ing a stand against *the 0est, and its hegemonic influence, they fail to notice that a large chun$ of their own motivation and methodology is based upon, or derived from, 0estern assumptions and attitudes. -ut differently, such movements are unable to see that they are resisting *the 0est, within a conceptual and practical framewor$ that is itself a 0estern product& that everything from their methods of organi#ing to their strategies, from their ideological edifices to their final aims, can be shown as either inspired by or borrowed from the same mindset that they are opposing and hoping someday to replace.
This is perhaps the ultimate proof of the ascendancy of the modern worldview/that even the self2proclaimed adversaries of modern thought and culture have been unable to extricate themselves from the very orientation that they find problematic and from which they want to liberate the rest of the world. Furthermore, since a worldview is predominantly a set of attitudes and assumptions that operate at the subconscious level, this last observation vindicates our own contention that *worldview, is precisely what the author has in mind whenever he refers to *style of thin$ing, and *point of view.,
The )undamental Point of *iew
The ideas and conceptions behind modern civili%ation did not come into being overnight, nor should they be mista"en as constituting a simple and monolithic entity. $uring the last two centuries or so, practically countless schools of thought have emerged in the West, and human beings have in(uired into human nature and e&istence from virtually innumerable points of view. Throughout this variegated intellectual journey, however, a single viewpoint has become increasingly established. Thus, while modern thought is both comple& and diverse, it is nevertheless possible to identify a particular viewpoint as forming its essential foundation. This viewpoint may be stated as follows+ The central a&is of human reflection and investigation should consist of ,solid facts- and actual, observable events#as opposed to ,imaginary- or ,transcendent- notions. According to this viewpoint, the legitimate objects of human in(uiry should be the physical universe, as opposed to .od/ the material body, as opposed to the spirit/ and the life of this!world, as opposed to the life hereafter. Though at a purely academic level the reality of .od, the spirit, and life hereafter was neither confirmed nor denied, this avowedly agnostic position has led, (uite understandably, to the gradual elimination of these ,concepts- from the domain of legitimate human in(uiry. 0ecause of this viewpoint, all of human curiosity and concern become focused upon and restricted to the realm of the material universe, the physical body, and the life of this! world.
1onsider the fact that $ivine Providence has bestowed upon human"ind a great many capacities, the disciplined use of which in any field is bound to produce definite results. 0y applying these capacities, all manners of see"ers and e&plorers can potentially discover entirely new worlds in their respective fields of in(uiry. 1onsider also that a single atom appears trivial when compared to the mighty sun, but if some of the divinely bestowed human capacities were to be focused on the 9 e&ploration of that trivial atom, it would reveal itself as a magnificent and glorious sun in its own right. 2n the same analogy, the material universe, the physical body, and the life of this!world appear to possess no ontological value when we compare these to the reality of .od, the spirit, and the life hereafter/ and yet, if all the human capacities for ac(uiring "nowledge were to be focused solely upon the physical and material reality, even this otherwise insignificant realm would seem to possess an endless span and a bottomless depth.
This is precisely what happened in the West. When ,the universe- and ,matter- were brought under the lens of scientific in(uiry, the result was a chain reaction of discoveries and innovations. 1lues were revealed that pointed to immense sources of energy that have so far been lying hidden or dormant behind the veils of nature. These developments astonished the world and brought about revolutionary transformations in all areas of arts and sciences.
Two important conse(uences followed this revolution+ )irst, a series of continuous brea"throughs in deciphering the laws of nature, a harnessing of natural forces and their use as efficient sources of energy, and an uninterrupted stream of innovative tools and techni(ues#all of this led to the rise of Europe as an invincible power. 3econd, the immense power and grandeur of ,matter- came to be seen as an irrefutable argument in favor of focusing the human ga%e on the physical universe, as opposed to .od. The marvelous success of science itself became a veritable proof that the truly important object of human in(uiry was matter and its physical and chemical properties, rather than .od and the attributes of .od.
Commentary
"r. Israr !hmad begins this section by suggesting that we ought to be very careful when using the term *0estern Thought., 0e should not use this term as if it referred to a single, static, or indivisible entity. This is an important consideration that requires a detailed treatment.
For the sa$e of brevity and convenience, we often use terms that are actually imprecise ways of referring to very complex, multifaceted, and diverse set of phenomena. This wor$s fine so long as there is a common understanding between the spea$er and the listener about the meaning of the term in question. !t other times, however, the usual way of spea$ing in short2cuts can be problematic.
For instance, consider the word *Islam., %omeone may use this word in a sentence, such as *Islam is peace,, but without giving any further explanation. This may cause a problem, particularly if the spea$er is unaware that the word *Islam, does not refer to a single, static, or indivisible entity that could be easily recogni#ed by all people without difficulty or disagreement. ! critical audience would want to $now1 Is the spea$er referring to the !rabic word or the religious tradition3 If the latter, does the spea$er mean the normative and ideal tradition or the actual and historical one3 Is the spea$er referring to metaphysics or law3 Is the spea$er tal$ing about theology or ethics3
In this example, the problem in communication stems from the fact that there is no consensus in the real world as to the precise meaning of the word *Islam,, which is why different members of the audience are li$ely to hear this word in a variety of different ways, leading them to a variety of interpretations regarding what the spea$er wishes to convey.
The same is true when we use terms li$e *0estern Thought., !s "r. Israr !hmad points out, there is no such thing as *0estern Though,, if we understand by this term a simple, uncomplicated, well2defined, and unchanging *thing, that exists out there and can be recogni#ed as such by everyone without difficulty or disagreement. 9i$e the referent of the word *Islam,, what we wish to indicate by a term li$e *0estern 10 Thought, is not a monolithic entity. 0hat is called *0estern Thought, is not one idea& it does not spea$ with one voice& it is not made up of one substance. In the contrary, it is a set of complex, multifaceted, and diverse phenomena.
Thus, even though we use the term *0estern Thought, in the singular/again, for the sa$e of brevity and convenience/what we are referring to is, in reality, a vast array of ideas, concepts, theories, ideologies, and philosophies that are often at odds with each other. 'nder the extremely broad rubric of *0estern Thought,, we find elements that fiercely compete against each other because they happen to be mutually exclusive.
0e dont have to ta$e the authors word on this point& for even a quic$ survey of 0estern intellectual history will show far greater diversity than agreement, with much of the diversity representing divergences over fundamental questions. This is hardly surprising. ! dynamic and energetic culture that values intellectual activity as well as freedom of conscience would naturally give rise to a wide range of ideas through the interplay of dialogue and debate.
.aving established that *0estern Thought, is not monolithic, "r. Israr !hmad attempts to show that there is, nevertheless, a profound unity that underlies all of its observed diversity. .e contends that there is a particular feature hidden underneath the entire range of modern thought and culture that has remained constant at least over the last two hundred years, even as all other variables have undergone major or minor changes. "r. Israr !hmad implies that this particular feature is exceedingly important precisely because there has been little or no opposition to its veracity, or, at the very least, such opposition has not been successful. In short, while recogni#ing the diversity of 0estern thought, he insists that there is something common and stable behind the diversity of its outward forms.
0e can notice that "r. Israr !hmad seems to be ma$ing a major claim/he is saying that there happens to be a single common denominator underneath the immense diversity of 0estern thought, and that he $nows what it is. !t this point, a critical reader cannot help becoming somewhat s$eptical, for the claim, if true, had to have momentous implications& and yet, the author provides no evidence to bac$ up the claim but simply states it as self2evident. Furthermore, the assertion is so broad and general that even a single counter2example would demolish his entire thesis. It appears to be a precarious claim, and even somewhat naLve.
!s already noted, however, the issue at sta$e does not concern the many outward forms of 0estern thought, but something that lies at a deeper and mostly subconscious, level, i.e., the usually unac$nowledged but nevertheless potent attitudes and assumptions that drive our thoughts and actions. "r. Israr !hmad is not referring to specific theories or philosophies/which, as he recogni#es explicitly, are extremely diverse/but he is referring to their normally hidden foundation, what is more commonly $nown as worldview.
If this interpretation is correct, then we can appreciate that "r. Israr !hmad is trying to provide the reader with a potentially useful and even provocative way of determining exactly what ma$es something *modern., In his understanding, the most characteristic feature of modernity does not consist in either the acceptance or the denial of any particular idea, conception, or doctrine. +ather, modernity is best understood on the sole criterion of relative emphasis. !ccording to the author, a given mode of thought or culture is modern if it places more emphasis on the physical universe than it does on ?od& more emphasis on the material body than on the spirit& more emphasis on the life of this2world than on the life hereafter.
This way of defining modern thought and culture has the distinctive advantage of precluding simplistic or *digital, judgments li$e yesBno, trueBfalse, blac$Bwhite. Instead of as$ing whether or not a particular mode of thought or culture is modern, the criterion of relative emphasis requires that we as$ about the extent to which it is modern. Thus, *modern, can be conceived as a quality whose extent in any particular case must be gauged according to a wide spectrum ranging from #ero to maximum. In other words, *modern, is not a quality that can be declared presentBabsent in an absolute manner& instead of saying that ! is modern and 4 is not, the authors criterion only allows us to say that ! is :slightly, moderately, significantly; more modern than 4.
To reiterate the authors argument in a slightly different way, the transition from *premodern, to *modern, always involves a shift of emphasis rather than an absolute change of categories. It is not that a given instance of modern thought or culture must 11 be absolutely atheistic or antireligious& nor is it the case that such tendencies were entirely absent from all societies before the modern period. In the contrary, it is perfectly possible to believe in ?od and to be very religious in ones outloo$ and lifestyle while still exhibiting in relative terms the defining characteristic of modernity. %imilarly, a society may allow what it believes to be complete religious freedom to all its members, and a culture may show great respect for religious symbols and practices, and yet the overall character of that collectivity may still lean heavily in favor of the physical universe, the material body, and the life of this2world. To the degree that it is so leans, we may characteri#e it as *modern.,
Thus defined, it is clear that concepts li$e *premodern, and *modern, are not to be understood primarily in relation to geographical regions or time periods, but in terms of a human collectivitys ultimate priorities. %ince human societies and cultures tend to be both complex and dynamic, our assessments must also be complex and dynamic. That is to say, in measuring a given collectivitys ultimate priorities in order to determine the extent to which it may be modern or premodern, we must ta$e into account both its internal diversity at any given moment as well as its changing landscape over a period of time.
.aving said this, however, we must also recogni#e that the quality of *modern, is much more characteristic of the thought and culture of 0estern (urope and Dorth !merica as compared to the rest of the world, and that it is much more characteristic of the last two hundred years as compared to the rest of the human past. 0e may ta$e this observation to be the wor$ing assumption of *Islamic +enaissance,, while $eeping in mind that we are always dealing with patterns of relative emphases, and never with absolute categories.
0hat do we mean by relative emphasis3 The human act of *emphasis, may be understood in terms of how people express their values. The more we value something, the more we emphasi#e it/which means, simply, that we invest it with greater attention. !s a human phenomenon, attention is practically synonymous with emphasis and constitutes a useful and sensitive index for our values. 0e have a limited amount of attentiveness/the capacity to pay attention/at our disposal, both as individuals and as societies& and the way in which we distribute our attentiveness among our various concerns, each of which may be clamoring to monopoli#e our attention, indicates our estimation of their relative value. In this light, "r. Israr !hmads $ey phrase *shift of emphasis, can be understood as any significant change in a societys allocation of its total attentiveness. The shift from the premodern to the modern involves precisely such a transformation.
0hile the process through which the premodern was first replaced by the modern on a large scale too$ place in 0estern (urope, our author ma$es is very clear that we are now living in a world where the ascendancy of modern thought and culture is not limited to any particular area. Modernity has truly become global in its reach, and, with the possible exception of a few *undiscovered, indigenous cultures, there is no part of the world that can completely escape its influence. In many instances, we find that people living in societies that are far apart from each other are nevertheless adopting identical preferences in food, clothing, and entertainment. 4ut even when they retain their uniqueness in these matters, there is another level of homogeni#ation that is more fundamental than our choices regarding what we eat, wear, or enjoy. This deeper level of homogeni#ation represents a convergence among otherwise diverse societies regarding what is to be valued most highly and, as such, what deserves the largest share of their attentiveness. In each moment, humans are faced with the choice of whether they would pay more attention to ?od or to the physical universe& more attention to the spirit or to material body& more attention to the life hereafter or to the life of this2world. In this criterion, the global domination of modernity is nothing other than the fact that, as both individuals and societies, humanity is increasingly choosing/or is forced to choose/the latter set of values over the former. This *shift of emphasis, is a veritable revolution in the focus of the collective human attentiveness. !s such, it indicates a revolution in values.
.ow was this revolution in human values brought about3 .aving discussed "r. Israr !hmads view of what ma$es something modern, it would be useful to mention, albeit briefly, some of the major landmar$s of the historical process through which modernity has come to gain its present ascendancy. The shift happened gradually over several hundred years/which amounts to a relatively short period in the march of civili#ation/with some of its most significant developments ta$ing place primarily in 0estern (urope. In broad stro$es, we may discuss this process by referring to five 12 interrelated and overlapping stages1 the +enaissance, the -rotestant +eformation, the %cientific +evolution, the (uropean (nlightenment, and the birth of the %ocial %ciences.
The word +enaissance literally means a *rebirth., The +enaissance was a period starting in the fifteenth century when (uropeans started to re2discover and study the forgotten boo$s of ?ree$ and +oman civili#ations. The period between the fall of the classical world in the fifth century and the beginning of the +enaissance has been called the *Middle !ges., This was the time when )hristian beliefs and values dominated much of (urope. .owever, by the twelfth century, the +oman )atholic )hurch and the .oly +oman (mpire were beginning to lose their grasp over (uropean societies. The +enaissance represented a shift away from an interest in theology and other2worldly matters, and towards more human and practical affairs.
The -rotestant +eformation was a religious movement that started in the sixteenth century under the leadership of Martin 9uther and Fohn )alvin. It was a revolt against the wealth, political intrigues, and corruption of the +oman )atholic )hurch. The +eformation led to the development of a division of the 0estern )hristendom into )atholicism and -rotestantism. Instead of following the authority of the -ope and the priests, the +eformation emphasi#ed the need for each believer to study the 4ible for oneself. 0ea$ening of the authority of the )hurch facilitated the development of secular political systems and paved the way for the creation of nation2states in (urope.
The %cientific +evolution started in the sixteenth century and came to its full strength in the seventeenth. The wor$ of )opernicus, Mepler, ?alileo, "escartes, Dewton, .arvey, and 4oyle radically changed the way in which human beings loo$ed at nature. !ristotles authority and ideas were effectively removed from the realm of science& instead, the method of observation, experience, and carefully controlled experiment became the characteristic features of genuine science. Dature came to be described in mechanistic terms, and its *conquest, became a legitimate goal for both science and society.
The (nlightenment was a (uropean intellectual movement that started in the seventeenth century and came to its climax in the eighteenth century in the form of French +evolution. This movement emphasi#ed the use of human reason for the betterment of the human condition. %ecular political theories of Fohn 9oc$e and Thomas .obbes became popular& the wor$ of +ousseau, Noltaire, and Montesquieu shaped the (nlightenment movement in France, strengthening the idea of democracy. (nlightenment sought to apply human reason to religion, particularly )hristianity, leading to various degrees of s$epticism, agnosticism, and atheism. Most philosophers of (nlightenment, however, were deists& they believed in a few religious truths that they thought could be established by reason, such as the existence of ?od, but they rejected organi#ed )hristianity and refused to follow the dictates of the )hurch. The (nlightenment thought quic$ly spread throughout the rest of (urope and even shaped the formation of the 'nited %tates.
%ocial %ciences began to develop in the nineteenth century under the influence of (nlightenments views on human nature and human society. The methods of science that had already produced so much new $nowledge about the physical universe were now applied to the study of human behavior and culture, leading to the development of psychology, sociology, economics, political science, and anthropology as more or less independent disciplines. The use of scientific inquiry to analy#e and predict the desires, motives, and actions of human beings was a truly groundbrea$ing step& among other things, it provided the impetus to the development of ideologies and ideological movements, such as nationalism, socialism, and anarchism.
Through these five stages, the medieval worldview in 0estern (urope came to be largely replaced by the modern worldview. Iften, the social and political authority of religion was compromised as a direct result of this shift, but the resulting changes also led on several occasions to the revival of religious concerns in new and unexpected forms. Iverall, the shift of emphasis continued as collective attention increasingly moved away from ?od, the spirit, and life hereafter, focusing more and more on the physical universe, the material body, and the life of this2world. !longside these changes, the (uropean coloni#ing enterprise continued to gain control over additional overseas territories for economic exploitation. ?radually, the entire world was incorporated into a new world order whose terms were set by (uropean powers. The subjugated people not only encountered a force that was politically and technologically superior, but one that also carried with it a unique worldview that it often tired to propagate with an almost missionary #eal. 13
This new worldview showed a general disregard/and sometimes outright contempt/ for all transcendent and metaphysical concerns, claiming science to be the only legitimate path to the $nowledge of truth. It exalted the physical universe to the status of ultimate reality& narrow self2interest to the status of the highest good& and the pursuit of transient pleasures to the status of lifes only purpose. It was this worldview that challenged the traditional emphasis on transcendent realities in societies around the globe.
Dotice that the above discussion has focused on the intellectual and cultural transformations that characteri#e the momentous shift from the premodern to the modern. This way of loo$ing at the birth of modernity can be potentially misleading, for it tends to give too much attention to the efficacy of ideas and not enough attention to the role played by concrete, material factors. ! historical analysis must address intellectual and cultural changes, but it should also place such changes in the context of the concrete, material conditions that define much of the human environment.
"r. Israr !hmad attributes the sudden rise of 0estern political and military power primarily to the development of science and technology in the early modern period. This analysis is quite applicable to the dynamics of (uropean colonialism in the nineteenth2century, particularly in relation to its impact on the Islamic world. Indeed, a major reason for the inability of Muslim polities to defeat (uropean incursions into their homelands was the superiority of the coloni#ers military technology and of their scientific $now2how. The same analysis is much less applicable, however, to the dynamics of (uropean colonialism before the nineteenth2century. %ince "r. Israr !hmad does not discuss (uropean colonialism in its initial phase, his remar$s on the relationship between science and political power leave out certain factual considerations necessary for a fuller understanding of the birth of modernity.
0hile it is true that a rapid growth in scientific $nowledge accelerated the empowerment of the 0est in a variety of different ways, we should $eep in mind that the beginning of (uropean colonialism dates bac$ to the mid fifteenth2century, i.e., to a period well before the %cientific +evolution. !lso relevant is the fact that the now familiar interdependence of science and technology is a relatively late development that too$ place only in the mid nineteenth2century. The rise of science, then, could not have been the initial cause for either the colonial enterprise or the resulting domination of (uropean powers over much of non20estern world/even though science did become a very important contributing factor in the last two centuries. In the other hand, (uropean technical expertise in farming, sea navigation, printing, and other enterprises had preceded the birth of modern science.
To put the matter in slightly different words, even before they produced any major scientific discoveries of their own, (uropean nations were acquiring various practical techniques from other cultures and applying them in their own context. They were acquiring a technical orientation.
The historian Marshall .odgson ma$es the following argument1 4etween 57>> and 5<>>, the most important shift that too$ place in 0estern (urope was not so much intellectual as it was technical& by giving an increasing attention to technical considerations, a practical mastery over the forces of nature was achieved with little or no input from *science, as we $now it today. Indeed, it was this increasing technical expertise that allowed the development of favorable material conditions under which science as a systematic and organi#ed discipline could find a niche. :%ee Marshall .odgson@s description of AThe Technical !geA and AThe ?reat 0estern TransmutationA in Cuotes and Insights.;
The impetus for this new emphasis on practical and technical matters was clearly economic. In the fifteenth2century, one of the most urgent concerns for the nascent (uropean empires li$e %pain and -ortugal was to brea$ the monopoly of Muslim merchants over the spice trade, a desire that was continuously frustrated by the Ittoman hold on %yrian and (gyptian coasts. In this bac$ground, it is worth recalling that the exploits of Nasco da ?ama and )hristopher )olumbus were motivated by both religious prejudice and patriotic #eal. !t the turn of the sixteenth2century, the (uropean discovery of the !mericas brought about a drastic and unexpected increase in the profitability of the colonial enterprise, allowing it to become the engine that propelled the (uropean quest for prosperity during the next five hundred years or so. Through massacres and enslavements, the %paniards and the -ortuguese were able to exploit the riches of the Dew 0orld on a scale well beyond the imagination of most 14 (uropeans. The great flow of wealth and mobili#ation of slaves made possible by this remorseless exploitation created the material conditions in (urope within which modernity as a form of thought and culture could begin to ta$e shape. The rise of modern )apitalism and the fueling of the Industrial +evolution were two of the most important consequences of the (uropean exploitation of the !mericas. The resulting food surplus, urban leisure, and political stability brought about the $ind of affluent conditions, at least for certain classes of (uropeans, in which intellectual and cultural developments could proceed at a previously impossible pace/including the rise of modern science. Ince science established itself as a respectful and even necessary enterprise, its own contributions began to serve the larger aims of (uropean empires, particularly the efficient control and exploitation of overseas colonies. In this context, the marriage of science and technology in the mid nineteenth2century brought the ongoing empowerment of the 0est to an even higher level of virtual invincibility.
+egardless of whether we focus on ideas or on attitudes, the birth of the modern age appears to be mar$ed by the same shift of emphasis identified above, i.e., a decrease in the attention being given to transcendental concerns and a simultaneous increase in the attention being paid to more mundane and concrete issues.
To sum up, (uropean navel expeditions were originally driven by the desire to control international trade, an enterprise that demanded an increasing attention to practical and technical expertise. This stress on improving practical technique became exceptionally mar$ed during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a period when modern science was still developing independent of the growths in technology. Ince the exploitation of the !mericas started to bring unforeseeable wealth to (urope, the legitimacy of the coloni#ing enterprise became self2evident, demanding from the population an ever2increasing investment in mastering practical and *this2worldly, issues. The demand could only have been met at the expense of transcendent concerns. It is clear that the philosophical thought that developed during this period was deeply influenced by the changes in material conditions. The study of theology and metaphysics, disciplines that focus on *other2worldly, issues, became increasingly irrelevant for the actual and immediate concerns of (uropean society, i.e., the physical universe, the material body, and the life of this2world. This was a boon for the flowering of both physical and social sciences, since it was only these disciplines that promised to create the $nowledge necessary for controlling the forces of nature, increasing the longevity and comfort of the material body, and improving the conditions of human existence on earth.
Political and Intellectual 2nslaught of the West on the Islamic World
Thus empowered by the harnessing of newly discovered forces of nature, the West soon came to dominate much of the Eastern world. The Western onslaught was an unstoppable flood that rushed through the entire world, sweeping away the mighty empires of the East as if they were mere sand castles. 3ince the peoples of the 4ear and the 5iddle East were among the earliest targets of European colonial offensive, Islam and 5uslims faced the brunt of this onslaught. This led, in an incredibly short period, to the subjugation of the entire Islamic world to various European powers.
The Western domination of the Islamic world occurred at two levels# military and political on the one hand, intellectual and cultural on the other. In the initial phase, 5uslims e&perienced the Western onslaught most strongly at the political!military level/ as a result, their initial reaction against the West was aimed at achieving political liberation through armed resistance. The political domination of the West manifested overtly in the form of occupation and anne&ation as well as covertly in the form of indirect control, the latter only thinly disguised as ,mandates- and ,protectorates.- As the 5uslim ummah wo"e up to this new reality and began to recogni%e the e&tent of her political subjugation and the fragmentation of her communal integrity, the 15 resulting grief often too" the form of heart!wrenching laments. The nostalgia for the ummah6s glorious past spar"ed a widespread passion among 5uslims masses to bring bac" her former splendor and majesty# indeed, to turn the cloc" bac"wards. It was this nostalgic passion that embodied itself on one occasion as the volatile personality of 7amal al! $in al!Afghani and on another occasion as the popular movement to restore the 8hilafah. 0ut each time it was the concrete, factual reality that made a moc"ery of such sentimental wishes, as the political domination of the West increasingly became an established and ac"nowledged fact.
In the wa"e of consolidating their political hegemony, European powers started propagating the modern point of view and style of thin"ing among their new subjects. 9aving defeated the 5uslims in the political arena, these powers were (uic" to initiate the process of con(uering them in the realm of ideas as well. The da%%ling material progress achieved by the West had already mesmeri%ed the majority of 5uslims, who were now particularly vulnerable to intellectual capitulation. )urthermore, any dynamic and vibrant culture necessarily displays certain e&emplary character traits/ coloni%ed 5uslims were overawed as they observed and e&perienced such virtues in the dominant Western culture. With their critical faculties more or less suspended, 5uslims approached Western thought with a defeatist and submissive mentality, and, (uite predictably, their vast majority began absorbing Western ideas and concepts with little or no discrimination. The plurality of perspectives in modern humanities did allow some space for debate and disagreement, or at least the possibility of selective adoption, but no such space was permitted by the physical sciences. 5uslims encountered the results of these sciences as absolutely certain and un(uestionably conclusive, since these results were believed to be grounded in demonstrable empirical evidence. 1onse(uently, they had little choice but to greet the claims of these sciences with the "ind of uncritical ac(uiescence that one normally reserves for a heavenly writ. As a cumulative result of these factors, the point of view based on disbelief and materialism seeped into the minds of the most thoughtful and perceptive of 5uslims#without any conscious awareness on their part. An increasing emphasis on the physical universe, the material body, and the life of this!world accompanied a decreasing emphasis on .od, the spirit, and the life hereafter. This change in viewpoint was so sweeping that even the more religious and pious sections of the ummah could not remain unaffected.
Commentary
!t the beginning of this section, "r. Israr !hmad contends that *the peoples of the Dear and Middle (ast were among the earliest targets of the (uropean colonial offensive., This statement is unli$ely to be an oversight or mista$e& instead, it seems to indicate that the author is not concerned in the present context with the initial phase of (uropean colonialism, but that he is focusing almost exclusively on its later phase.
0hat was (uropean colonialism3 .ow did it function3 0hy did it have such a powerful impact on the Muslim world3 These questions have continuing relevance today. !ny adequate understanding of the current predicament of the ummah requires a deep familiarity with the colonial experience and its aftermath.
Muslims first experienced 0estern modernity in the context of their subjugation at the hands of (uropean colonial masters. !s a result, the attitude of most Muslims towards modernity was initially shaped by their attitude towards colonialism, their loss of 16 political power, and the collapse of their social, cultural, and educational institutions that had $ept the classical IslOmic tradition vibrant for many centuries. Furthermore, as Muslims developed social, political, and intellectual responses to the relatively sudden changes brought about by the processes of moderni#ation, they did so within the context of direct or indirect rule by (uropean powers. In order to understand some of the Muslim responses to modernity, as well as to appreciate the many ways in which Islam itself has been understood in the last two hundred years, we must grapple with the nature and impact of the colonial experience.
(uropean colonialism brought about a crucial difference between 0esterners and the rest of the world as regards their typical experience of modernity and moderni#ation. For most (uropean nations, the development of modernity was closely associated with their liberation from the ecclesiastical and royal2feudal systems of oppression and exploitation that had become entrenched during medieval times. For most Muslims, on the other hand, the first exposure to modernity was not only associated with slavery and servitude at the hands of foreign rulers, it was also experienced as something alien and artificial in itself, imposed on them from the outside rather than being an organic product indigenous to their own cultures. "uring the colonial as well as the postcolonial periods, the processes of moderni#ation in Muslim societies progressed at an exceptionally rapid pace and, frequently, in a hapha#ard manner, leading to social disruptions at a wide scale. 'nder (uropean colonialism, Muslims experienced brutal oppression and greedy exploitation, perpetrated by the representatives of a civili#ation that was, at the same time, claiming to be the brightest beacon of freedom and liberty ever seen by human$ind. This contradiction was to have far2reaching impact on Muslim perceptions not only of 0estern peoples but also, more significantly, of modern 0estern thought itself.
(uropean colonialism began in 5=5K with the conquest of )euta in Dorth !frica by a -ortuguese expedition. ! $ey turning point came with the *discovery, of the Dew 0orld by )hristopher )olumbus in 5=6J. "uring the next K>> years or so, eight (uropean countries would conquer and coloni#e vast territories in !frica, !sia, and !merica. These were -ortugal, %pain, France, the 'nited Mingdom, the Detherlands, 4elgium, ?ermany, and Italy. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as these (uropean nations were embar$ing upon global empire building, the three major Muslim empires of the time/Ittoman, %afavid, and Mughal/had reached the pea$s of their power and were about to enter a period of decline and disintegration. %ignificant power vacuums would soon arise in the Muslim majority regions of the world. In the coming centuries, the new colonial powers of (urope would fill those vacuums either through direct conquest and rule or through indirect influence and manipulation.
Ine of the major events in the history of colonialism came in 586< when Dapoleons army conquered (gypt, even though the French rule in (gypt was soon removed by the 4ritish in 5<>5. %ince that time, (gypt remained only nominally free, for it was practically under the powerful influence of the 4ritish, particularly after 5<<J, though it became a protectorate only in 565=. The "utch established direct political control in %outh (ast !sia by the early decades of the nineteenth century. France occupied !lgeria between 5<H> and 5<6>, transformed Tunisia into a protectorate in 5<<5, and occupied Morocco in 565J. In the same year, Italy began its conquest of 9ibya. Ither regions of !frica, including the %udan and Digeria, ended up as either 4ritish or French colonies. India came under direct 4ritish control in 5<K<, replacing the rule by the 4ritish (ast India )ompany. Muslim rule in central !sia came to an end as +ussians devoured one state after another. 4y the beginning of the twentieth century, most of the Muslim lands were subjugated by various (uropean powers. The crumbling of the Ittoman (mpire in the aftermath of 002I allowed the !llies, particularly 4ritain and France, to fragment much of the Middle (ast, draw new boundaries, and install regimes favorable to their own political and economic interests.
For the sa$e of convenience, the five hundred year history of (uropean coloni#ation may be divided into two phases. -erhaps the French invasion of (gypt in 586< may serve as a useful, if somewhat arbitrary, dividing line between these phases. The earlier phase involved (uropean incursions into %outh and Dorth !merica& the islands of the -acific Icean, i.e., !ustralia, Dew Pealand, Melanesia, Micronesia, and -olynesia& and parts of !frica. 0ith only a few exceptions, (uropeans did not encounter advanced city2 based empires during this phase& instead, they encountered pre2literate indigenous societies, most of which were based on a traditional hunting2gathering economy or simpler forms of agriculture. It was during this phase that (uropeans acquired the wealth and material resources that allowed them to pursue not only higher cultural activities li$e science and philosophy on an unprecedented scale, but also to develop the 17 military strength they needed to successfully challenge the established empires of the Ild 0orld. (uropean economies began to grow exponentially during this period, than$s to the *export, of enslaved !fricans to the Dew 0orld as well as the semi2imperial activities of such early corporations as the "utch and the 4ritish (ast India )ompanies. -art of the significance of this phase is that the encounter between (uropean nations and a variety of non2(uropean peoples helped the former construct for themselves their distinctive cultural identity as *0esterners.,
This empowerment of (uropean nations at the cultural, economic, and military levels paved the way for the later phase of their colonial enterprise, a phase that included (uropean incursions into the literate and city2based cultures of (ast !sia, Dorth !frica, the Middle (ast, and the Indian %ubcontinent. !s already mentioned, the earlier phase of (uropean conquests was largely executed without the benefit of the coupling between science and technology. Indeed, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the emerging (uropean powers had not yet acquired the military capacity that would allow them to easily and decisively subdue one of the well2established empires of the Irient. (ven during the nineteenth2century, (uropean armies had to face many well2 organi#ed and sustained oppositions on the battlefield, despite their rapidly increasing advantage in weapons technology.
In the other hand, it must be ac$nowledged that the (uropean conquest andBor domination of the older Muslim empires did not result solely from (uropes economic and military strength. %igns of social, political, and cultural decline were apparent in various Muslim societies well before any (uropean invasion. Indeed, it was precisely in response to this decline that a number of Islamic movements for reform and revival had already become active in the Muslim world during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. %ubsequently, as the threat of (uropean invasion and foreign rule appeared on the hori#on, some of the same movements militari#ed themselves in order to challenge (uropean invasion and rule in places li$e India, %udan, %omalia, !lgeria, 9ibya, %umatra, and the )aucasus.
"espite some initial setbac$s, however, (uropeans eventually triumphed in these armed encounters, than$s to their superior technology and organi#ational s$ills. %ubsequently, freedom movements in the coloni#ed Muslim world would ta$e political, rather than militant, forms& though !lgerias struggle against French rule was a notable exception. In many ways, the trauma of defeat and the humiliation of foreign rule served to sha$e significant sections of the Muslim population out of their complacent slumbers.
It is important to $eep in mind that he basic motives for the entire colonial enterprise were economic1 cheap labor, cheap raw material, control of international trade, and mar$ets for the newly emerging )apitalist system. .owever, more respectable religious and cultural justifications for the colonial enterprise were also generated& one such rationale was depicted in +udyard Miplings famous poem *The 0hite Mans 4urden., The actual experiences of the encounter between the coloni#ers and the coloni#ed were multi2dimensional and complex. This encounter involved a great deal of cultural and intellectual exchange that left both sides thoroughly transformed in various ways. !mong (uropeans, the intoxication of political and technological power led to a belief in the natural superiority of the 0hite race and the uniqueness of its rationalism, as opposed to the racial and ethnic inferiority of the *natives, along with their incapacity for rational and scientific thought. The very humanity of non2(uropeans was questioned/an attitude that was widely used to justify not only the need for overseas colonies but also mass $illings and enslavement.
)ultural identity is typically constructed in terms of an *us2versus2them, dichotomy, in which a *self, is defined in contrast to an imagined opposite, or *other., If the native peoples of the !mericas acted as (uropes primary *other, during the first phase of colonialism, Muslims of the Dear and Middle (ast were assigned that role during its second phase. In order to consolidate their own distinctive identity as *0esterners,, (uropean nations needed to construct a category of *(asterners, that would serve as their exact opposite or nemesis, a contrasting *other., Furthermore, there already was a tradition among (uropean )hristians of polemical writings against Islam and Muslims& in other words, a cultural vocabulary already existed that had previously served to create the *Islam2versus2)hristianity, dichotomy. Together, these two factors led to the construction of an image of Islam and Muslims that was fraught with a variety of negative characteristics. Muslims in particular, and *Irientals, in general, came to be seen as naturally inferior, irrational, violent, uncivili#ed, and incapable of ruling themselves/hence in need of the (uropean civili#ing mission. 18
0hile the initial impact of (uropean control of Muslim lands was experienced primarily in the political sphere, its impact in the cultural sphere soon became increasingly significant. Through (uropean colonialism, Muslims came face to face with the results of the dramatic changes that had ta$en place in (urope during the previous centuries, including rapid scientific progress, technological innovation, rationali#ation of thought and society, and the consolidation of the modern nation2state with its impersonal but powerful bureaucracy. The resulting brea$down of traditional forms of cultural practices and educational institutions in Muslim societies was accompanied by the wea$ening/and in some cases collapse/of ta$en2for2granted certainties. This encounter with modernity and moderni#ation gave birth to a chain2reaction of transformations in Muslim societies that accentuated some of the tensions and contradictions that had been lying dormant just underneath the surface. ! process of soul2searching also began among the Muslim intelligentsia, leading to a profound re2examination of the Islamic tradition as part of their attempts to ma$e sense of the modern realities. This too$ place within the context of an entirely new form of $nowledge that was (uropean in origin but was rapidly becoming global in its reach and impact.
From the viewpoint of nineteenth2century Muslim societies, modern $nowledge had two distinct dimensions1 the first consisted of modern social and philosophical thought, and the second consisted of modern science and technology. The first was armed with the power of logic and rationality, and the second with the power of practical demonstration. There was no consensus among (uropean thin$ers on social and philosophical questions& indeed, they were divided among numerous schools of thought mar$ed by fierce debates and controversies. The fact that the 0est could not spea$ on these issues with a unanimous voice allowed some breathing space for Muslims& at least in theory, Muslims had the option of arguing bac$, or at least pic$ing and choosing. %cience and technology, however, constituted an entirely different $ind of challenge. These disciplines had established their truth claims on the basis of controlled experiments and demonstrable proofs. There was no possibility, in other words, to argue against a science that actually wor$ed, that was able to prove its claims with mathematical precision and by means of tangible results.
0estern military and political domination came to Muslim lands in the company of the uniquely modern ways of thin$ing& the resulting combination was hard to resist. Do wonder, then, that virtually all Muslims who came into direct or indirect contact with modern thought before the twentieth2century found themselves at a serious disadvantage. Their society, culture, and tradition had not equipped them with the tools that were necessary for adequately and creatively dealing with what they were up against. %ince the challenge was unprecedented, entirely new tools had to be developed/but that required time. 'nable to provide self2confident responses to this new challenge, Muslim societies ended up internali#ing the basic premises of modernity.
It is important to $eep in mind that this acceptance of the modern worldview was not necessarily a conscious phenomenon& nor did it always result from a direct exposure to 0estern education. Nery few Muslims actually renounced their religion, although this did happen on several occasions. Most often, they passively absorbed the modern worldview from their respective cultural environments. The influence came slowly but surely, and affected almost everyone in society to a lesser or greater degree, including its most religious segments. The process was characteri#ed by a shift of attention and emphasis away from ?od, the spirit, and the life hereafter& and towards the physical universe, the material body, and the life of this2world.
Early $efensive Attempts and their 2utcome
4umerous endeavors of a defensive nature were initiated on behalf of Islam, through which many concerned and devout 5uslims attempted to safeguard their faith and religious tradition against the onslaught of Western thought and philosophy. These defensive attempts were of two main varieties#first, attempts aiming at preservation alone/ and second, attempts aiming at protection along with some compromise and concession.
0orrowing the analogy used by 5ana%ir Ahsan .ilani, the first of the two varieties can be described as similar to the strategy adopted by the 19 ,People of the 1ave.- This refers to the story of As6hab al!8ahf as narrated in the 9oly :ur6an+ a group of young men flee from society when their faith was threatened, see"ing refuge in an isolated cave ;cf. 3urah al! 8ahf <=+>!?@A. In the nineteenth!century, the essence of this approach was to focus upon preserving one6s faith and religiosity by removing oneself from the mainstream of social life and thereby avoiding its challenges and temptations. Even though this attitude may appear to be sheer escapist in motivation, it was based on the realistic ac"nowledgement that the Islamic world did not have the capacity to survive in a face!to!face encounter with Western thought and philosophy. The onslaught of the West was li"e an enormous tidal wave, and the only practical option for 5uslims was to move out of its way as (uic"ly as possible. In this approach, top priority was given to the tas" of preserving the integrity of Islamic faith and tradition, even at the cost of having to retreat from the mainstream of society and becoming, as a result, the targets of its derision and ridicule. Indeed, whatever success was achieved during that period was the result of this very approach. Than"s to those who followed the e&le of ,People of the 1ave,- religious faith stayed alive in at least one section of the ummah/ a few candles of spirituality were left burning in the otherwise dar" night of disbelief and materialism/ and the basic structure of religiosity and religious practice survived through the preservation and transmission of traditional Islamic sciences. In the Indian 3ubcontinent, this "ind of defense was epitomi%ed by the $ar al!B'lum at $eoband, a religious seminary that was also the vanguard of a great movement.
The second variety of 5uslim defense was characteri%ed by protection of the self as well some conciliation with the other. Its essence was a desire to "eep up with changing times without losing the commitment to Islam. The approach was two!fold/ first, to critically e&amine Western thought and philosophy in order to sift the grain from the hus", and, second, to construct a new interpretation of Islam in order to establish its veracity in the modern world.
Initial efforts of this "ind were mar"ed by an e&cessive awe and admiration for the West along with a sense of resigned ac(uiescence. In India and Egypt, a number of (uasi!theologians began to evaluate the fundamental tenets of Islamic faith and doctrine on the touchstone of Western rationalism. In their attempt to fit a s(uare peg in a round hole, as it were, these reformers were forced to trim down Islamic metaphysical beliefs, often by e&plaining them away in purely scientific terms. 3ayyid Ahmad 8han in the Indian 3ubcontinent and 5ufti 5uhammad BAbduh in Egypt, as well their disciples and followers, epitomi%ed this variety of 5uslim defense. These reformers wanted the ummah to follow the same path of material progress that Europe had pioneered, and to "eep Islam with them as a supportive and accommodating companion in this journey.
egardless of how sincere and well!intentioned these reformers may have been, the fact of the matter is that their efforts literally s(uee%ed the life out of religious faith and tradition. Caunched under the pervasive influence of Western thought and philosophy, these defensive attempts at compromise and concession ended up producing a more or less seculari%ed version of Islam.
If there was any useful outcome of this variety of defensive efforts, 20 perhaps it was this+ 5uslims who were already westerni%ed in their thin"ing and life!style did not have to repudiate their connection to Islam. )or such 5uslims, this modernist and seculari%ed version of Islam became the ,apology- that they would humbly offer to the West in e&change for maintaining their 5uslim identity.
Commentary
In the wa$e of the establishment of 0estern political2military dominance over Muslim lands, modern (uropean thought started to permeate into every crevice and cranny of the coloni#ed societies. This was an intellectual and culture encounter between two sets of apparently opposing worldviews and ways of life/on the one hand was a powerful and confident civili#ation, armed with new philosophies, efficient technology, rationali#ed bureaucracy, and a pervasive sense of its own moral superiority& on the other hand was a once2powerful but now2vanquished civili#ation that had already been suffering from political and social disintegration and relative intellectual stagnation for a number of centuries. Ibviously, the precolonial Muslim societies were not free from serious socio2political and cultural problems& these problems were certainly being *managed, in various ways but had yet to be fully faced, identified, addressed, and resolved. In this bac$ground, we can appreciate how the encounter between the coloni#ing 0est and the coloni#ed Muslim world contributed to the exacerbation of some of these problems& inadvertently, the new stress of coloni#ation and moderni#ation worsened the contradictions hidden just below the surface in many Muslim societies, and brought them out in the open.
!fter being defeated in the political realm, coloni#ed Muslims now faced the full force of modernity in the intellectual and cultural realm as well. .ow did they deal with such a formidable challenge3 ?enerally spea$ing, there were two major varieties of Muslim responses. Ine group of Muslims refused to engage with the intellectual and cultural side of the modern 0est in order to safeguard its own faith and way of life as well as to preserve and transmit the legacy of the Islamic tradition to future generations. This was similar to the approach ta$en by a group of young men, sometimes $nown as the *people of the cave,, whose story is recounted in %urah al2Mahf of the Curan. !ccording to the Curan, these unidentified young individuals feared that if they were to continue living in their home town, they would be forced to renounce their faith against their will& not finding enough strength within themselves to face the opposition directly, they left the town and hid themselves in a cave, far away from any human population. In the nineteenth2century, we find that a significant minority of Muslims adopted the same approach, partly in order to maintain the continuity of Islamic tradition through learning and teaching but partly to circumvent the powerful impact of 0estern thought and culture.
In contrast, the other Muslim approach vis2Q2vis 0estern modernity was to face the challenge head2on. This group attempted to acquire the $nowledge offered by the coloni#ers with a view to apply Islamic standards to its contents, and, on that basis, to analy#e and differentiate among the different elements of 0estern modernity. They had recogni#ed that the cultural and intellectual side of modernity cannot be entirely wrong or evil, but that it was most li$ely some combination of good and bad elements. Their objective was clear& they wanted to embrace those elements of modernity that were compatible with Islam, and to discard the rest.
!t first sight, one might say that the former group was trying to escape or avoid the challenge due to a defeatist mentality while the latter group was adopting a courageous and principled approach. 0ith the advantage of hindsight, however, it can be said that the former group had shown better judgment& it was as if this group had ac$nowledged that Islam at that point in its history was incapable of a self2confident engagement with modernity, and that the best strategy was not to fight and be martyrs but to retreat, regroup, and reorgani#e. In the meantime, it focused its energies on ensuring that the legacy of religious $nowledge and culture, including the IslOmic textual tradition, was $ept intact and passed onto the next generation. 0ith the benefit of hindsight, it may also be said that the apparently courageous latter group did not have the wherewithal to successfully meet the challenge of 0estern modernity. (ven though it had the right attitude as well as sincere motives, it ended up accepting most things modern without adequately sifting the hus$ from the grain. 0hile this group admired the 0ests use of critical reason, generally spea$ing it could not apply that critical reason to modernity itself. 21
%everal factors contributed to this outcome, out of which *timing, was probably the most important factor. From the Muslim viewpoint, it was too early in the game to go on the offensive& self2confidence was in short supply and defeatism was pervasive. Modernity itself was intoxicated by the empowering vision of its own endless progress, while enjoying an unrelenting faith in the capacity of science to solve all problems and answer all questions. The appropriate historic moment for an authentic IslOmic response to modernity had not yet arrived. In effect, the massive difference in political and economic power between the coloni#ing 0est and the coloni#ed Muslim world decisively influenced the outcome of the intellectual and cultural encounter. It is important to reiterate, however, that we can pass this judgment only in hindsight. In the nineteenth2century, Muslim societies under direct or indirect colonial rule were dealing with real problems for which wor$able solutions had to be found then and there. Those who participated in the effort to face these challenges deserve our respect and gratitude, regardless of their mista$es.
These two groups/or, more accurately, two points of view/that first emerged in the nineteenth2century have had an enduring influence on shaping the dynamics of modern IslOm that is discernable even today. Deither of these was a monolithic entity, of course. In general, however, we may refer to these points of views as *conservative traditionalism, and *classical modernism, respectively. It must be ac$nowledged that the main difference between the two points of view was one of strategy, and not necessarily that of ultimate objective. The attempts that early modernists made were motivated by a sincere desire to see Islam victorious, to help Muslim societies cope with the reality of 0estern power, and to assist their fellow Muslims adjust and adapt to the rapid changes that were happening all over the IslOmic world. In these respects they were definitely pioneers who were willing to venture into the un$nown territory of 0estern modernity, primarily because they wished to empower other Muslims. Eet, good intentions alone do not guarantee successful results. 'ndoubtedly, many mista$es happened in this process, unnecessary compromises were made, and sometimes authentic Islamic values were erroneously seen as dispensable. %ince the guardians of the Islamic textual tradition, otherwise $nown as the Gulama, were found most often in the conservative camp, a great deal of intellectual moderni#ation too$ place at the hands of self2taught individuals whose grounding in classical IslOm was neither thorough nor very deep. There were important exceptions, of course, as discussed below in some detail. In general, however, the sharp dichotomy between the two points of view very often led to a premature drawing of battle2lines that precluded a collaborative approach to the modern challenge.
In this regard, perhaps the greatest blow was suffered by Islamic theology and metaphysics. It is well2$nown that only a very small proportion of the Curanic text deals with matters of jurisprudence, and that the main bul$ of the Curan is about faith in transcendent and metaphysical realities and crucial issues of personal and social ethics. Furisprudence had been the most fertile field in Muslim scholarship, and differences of opinion in this field were the rule rather than the exception. Furthermore, regarding matters of political governance the Curan had given basic rules :such as divine sovereignty and mutual consultation; but had not specified any particular form. In the other hand, the significance of faith in such unseen realities as ?od, prophecy, angels, resurrection, and revelation was central to the very integrity of the Curanic message. )onsequently, in most cases it was not the introduction of social and political reforms as such but a tendency to compromise the tenets of Curanic metaphysics that represented a real threat to Islam. This appeared in its most scandalous form in the theological writings of %ayyid !hmad Mhan :and in a much milder form in the wor$s of Mufti Muhammad G!bduh;. The Curanic text was interpreted with a conscious or unconscious tendency to dilute, or *domesticate,, its metaphysical teachings without an adequate grasp of their significance or an appreciation of their relevance. In an amateurish attempt to present a *rationally, acceptable interpretation of religious beliefs, %ayyid !hmad Mhan and his disciples had little choice but to let go of much that was, in hindsight, central and indispensable in the Curanic metaphysics.
Dineteenth2century witnessed the emergence of classical Muslim modernism. This was a trend that continued well into the twentieth century. It consisted of intellectual, educational, and organi#ational attempts that were made throughout the Muslim world in order to find creative ways of coming to terms with the new realities of (uropean colonialism and the impact of modernity.
)lassical modernism in the Muslim world was by no means a monolithic or unanimous 22 movement, for the proponents of modernism differed with each other as often as they agreed. ?enerally spea$ing, classical modernism played an important role in addressing the social and economic problems facing Muslim societies, in defending Islam against (uropean criticisms, and in facilitating the adoption of modern political institutions. In the negative side, classical modernism is sometimes accused of contributing to a wea$ening of traditional religious and educational institutions, and to a general decline in religious adherence.
Ine of the first large2scale efforts in this context was the reorgani#ation along modern lines of Ittoman military and bureaucratic institutions between 5<H6 and 5<87. )alled Tan#imat, these reforms were intended to slow down and reverse the decline of the Ittoman (mpire :which had been labeled *The %ic$ Man of (urope,;, and were underta$en partly under pressure from the 4ritish and +ussian (mpires. These moderni#ing efforts included universal conscription :mandatory service in the military;, educational reforms, and control of corruption. The rights of citi#enship were extended to everyone irrespective of religion and ethnicity, and the autocratic powers of the %ultan were chec$ed through )onstitutional safeguards.
Ine of the most famous of Tur$ish modernists in the nineteenth century was Dami$ Memal. .e is remembered today as a poet, playwright, and an advocate of )onstitutionalism. Memal was born in 5<=>. .e did not receive any significant formal education, though he traveled a great deal in the company of his grandfather who was a government official. 0hile in Mars :eastern !natolia;, he studied %ufism& in %ofia :then an Ittoman province, now the capital of 4ulgaria;, he studied !rabic and -ersian. 9ater, he wor$ed in the Translation 4ureau and started writing newspaper articles on literature and social issues, particularly womens education. .e also joined the Eoung Ittoman %ociety, a group of activists wor$ing for )onstitutionalism.
%oon, however, Memal had to flee to (urope due to the Ittoman governments opposition to his writings and political activities. In (urope, he started a journal and continued to publish his writings. Through these articles, Memal explained the concept and necessity of a )onstitution in an Islamic terminology. .e presented the idea of public participation in government as an IslOmic imperative, and sought to restrict the unlimited powers of the %ulOn. .e also attempted to reconcile (uropean theories of law with %harRGah, argued for the proper IslOmic relationship between religion and the state, and defended Islam against (uropean accusations of bac$wardness.
In 5<8>, Memal was able to return to Istanbul, but got into trouble again when a performance of one of his plays led to public demonstrations. Memal was sent to )yprus in !pril 5<8H, where he spent H< months imprisoned in a dungeon. .e was pardoned after three years. 4ac$ in Istanbul, Memal wor$ed on the new Ittoman )onstitution. 0hen the %ultan turned against the proponents of )onstitutionalism, Memal was exiled once again. .e continued to write until his death in 5<<<. The dungeon in )yprus where he was once imprisoned was subsequently restored and opened to public as Dami$ Memal Museum in 566H.
?reatly impressed by the writings of Dami$ Memal was another very influential Tur$ish modernist, Piya ?S$alp. !s a sociologist, ?S$alp was influenced by French and ?erman social thought, particularly by the wor$s of Tmile "ur$heim. ?S$alp elaborated an ideology of Tur$ish nationalism which was largely implemented by !tatUr$.
Piya ?S$alp was born in 5<87 in the small town of "iyarba$Vr in southeastern Tur$ey. .e was encouraged by his father to pursue both Islamic and modern education. !fter a traditional Muslim primary education and a secular secondary education in "iyarba$Vr, he went to )onstantinople :now Istanbul; to continue his studies in 5<6K. "ue to the psychological turmoil he experienced as a result of his dual education, ?S$alp attempted suicide in 5<6=. (ven though he failed in his suicide attempt, he had to live with a bullet lodged in his head, a symbol of his faith crisis.
In )onstantinople, he became an active and vocal member of the )ommittee of 'nion and -rogress :which later became the -arty of 'nion and -rogress;. This association eventually attracted the attention of the %ultans secret police, which resulted in his imprisonment for a year.
The Eoung Tur$ +evolution in 56>< created the opportunity for ?S$alp to openly voice his views and to act as a cultural and educational advisor to the government. In 565K he became the first professor of sociology at the 'niversity of Istanbul. .is position of 23 delegate for the -arty of 'nion and -rogress, however, led to his banishment to Malta for two years after the party led the Ittoman (mpire into 0orld 0ar I.
Throughout his life ?S$alp dealt with the political, religious, cultural and educational ramifications of what he believed to be the reforms needed to arrest the decline of Tur$ish national unity. Following the fall of the Ittoman (mpire he welcomed the birth of the nationalist, republican, and secular regime of !tatUr$ in 56J5. .e continued to provide the intellectual foundations for this regime until is death.
?S$alp was primarily concerned with the debate of how far Tur$ey should adopt 0estern culture and how much the traditional Islamic civili#ation should change in the direction of a (uropean style nation2state. .e rejected the religious and political conservatism of the pan2IslOmists, arguing that traditional forms of IslOm were an impediment to the nations progress.
For some time, ?S$alp was attracted to Ittomanism, the idea of a multinational state made up of numerous separate nationalities within the Ittoman (mpire. .owever, as political events demonstrated the impossibility of implementing this notion, he evolved his idea of *Tur$ism., 4y using this term, ?S$alp meant the reali#ation of the Tur$ish national spirit and culture, to be achieved through a revival of Tur$ish popular culture and literature and a purification of the language by ridding it of extraneous elements. The influence of this idea can be seen in !tatUr$s subsequent decision to change the Tur$ish script from !rabic to 9atin characters.
Eet, Piya ?S$alp was a very religious individual, and his values were deeply shaped by %ufism. Time and again he emphasi#ed that IslOm and modernity were compatible, and critici#ed those who would sacrifice one for the other. .e died in 56J=.
In terms of his wide2ranging influence in different parts of the Muslim world, %ayyid Famal al2"in al2!fghani can be regarded as the *grandfather, of classical Muslim modernism. .e was an educator, a philosopher, and a political organi#er who contributed greatly to the shape of modern Islam. .e was born in Iran in 5<H<. The socioeconomic and political events that al2!fghani observed and experienced influenced his interpretation of politics and Islam. For several decades, al2!fghani traveled around (urope, the Middle (ast, and India, while teaching, writing, organi#ing, and trying to foment political agitation and rebellions. It was also during his tours that he gathered groups of disciples in various places, instigating several currents of thought and political action.
0hile al2!fghani claimed to be a %unni Muslim who was born and raised in !fghanistan, but historical documents show that he was born in Iran. "etails of the first thirty years of al2!fghanis life remain unclear, and it is still a controversial issue in some circles whether he was a %unni or an Iranian %hii. .e did spend time traveling and teaching in !fghanistan, from where he was expelled in 5<7<. !pparently, al2 !fghani claimed to be a %unni Muslim in order to have his message more palatable to the largely %unni population.
!l2!fghani had traveled to India during the period when the 4ritish forces were brutally crushing the combined .indu2Muslim rebellion against foreign rule :sometimes called the *Indian Mutiny, of 5<K8;. !fter their suppression of the rebellion, the 4ritish replaced the former Muslim ruling classes and discriminated against the Muslims in education, religious institutions, and government jobs. !l2 !fghani reacted by urging Muslims to reform themselves as the first step in rising to defeat the oppressions and meeting other challenges coming from the 0estern imperialists. .owever, !l2!fghani was not happy with %ayyid !hmad Mhan and the latters conciliatory approach to 0estern modernity, which he thought was a compromise with atheistic materialism. .is boo$, *+efutation of the Materialists,, was a response to %ayyid !hmad Mhan and his movement in India.
0hile warning Muslims of the dangers of 0estern expansion, he urged them to accept modern political ideas including a rejection of autocratic rule. !l2!fghani often pointed out what he saw as the virtues of modern (urope, which in his opinion could also be found in Islam. .e forcefully advocated -an2Islamism, trying to persuade Muslim rulers to discontinue their ties to colonial powers. -olitically, he aimed to persuade Muslim rulers to discontinue the ties with colonial power. !l2!fghani was involved in the *Tobacco +evolt, in Iran during 5<6>2 5<6J. 0hile opposing 0estern imperialism, he noted the stagnation and conservatism of Muslims and continued to urge wide2 ranging reforms. .e died in 5<68 and was buried in Istanbul. 24
The most famous disciple of al2!fghani was the (gyptian scholar Muhammad G!bduh who has had tremendous influence in the Muslim world. .e was born to a poor family in (gypt in 5<=6. !s a youth, G!bduh received a traditional Islamic education and memori#ed the Curan. In 5<7J, G!bduh left his hometown to study in Tanta. Four years later, G!bduh traveled to al2!#har 'niversity to continue his education. .e quic$ly became disenchanted with the traditional nature of the courses offered at al2 !#har and returned home. 0hile home, his uncle/a scholar himself/introduced the young man to logic, mathematics, and geometry. In 5<8J, G!bduh returned to al2!#har to complete his studies& he also continued to independently pursue philosophy as well as the fields he studied with his uncle. !t al2!#har, G!bduh made the acquaintance of !l2 !fghani who became his mentor. It was al2!fghani who exposed G!bduh to (uropean scholasticism and heightened his awareness of the political problems facing (gypt and the larger Islamic community as a result of increasing 0estern imperial influence. Finishing his studies in 5<88, G!bduh became a teacher at al2!#har. .e also joined al2 !fghani (gyptian nationalist movement, advocating the revival of traditional IslOm as a means of deterring the growing threat of 4ritish imperialism. G!bduh collaborated with al2!fghani to publish articles stressing pan2Islamic unity and a return to the religious beliefs and practices of the pious predecessors, or salaf. In 5<86, the (gyptian government exiled G!bduh to his native village for promoting such reforms& he was allowed to return to )airo a year later.
Ince bac$ in )airo, G!bduh became editor of the (gyptian governments journal, *al2 0aqaG al2Misriyy., !s editor, he published many articles urging for resurgence in traditional Islamic ways of thought. In 5<<J, the 4ritish successfully gained control of (gypt. 4oth G!bduh and al2!fghani were exiled to -aris since they had organi#ed against 4ritish imperial presence in (gypt. 0hile in France, they published a highly influential journal, *al2G'rwi al20uthqa., Two years later, they dissolved their partnership over differences of opinion.
In 5<<<, G!bduh was allowed to return to (gypt. .e became a deputy judge and began his official public career. In 5<6K, G!bduh was named to al2!#hars administrative board. .e used this position to bring about moderni#ing educational reforms which reflected his view that Islam could be compatible with 0estern science and learning. .e also began to advise similar educational reform councils in the Ittoman (mpire and %yria. !lthough many of the reforms G!bduh promoted were not passed during his lifetime, his early efforts incited later changes in the Islamic education system.
In 5<66, G!bduh was selected to join the ruler of (gypts advisory board, became the MuftR of (gypt, and the (gyptian minister of education. G!bduh believed (gyptians would not be prepared to overcome 4ritish dominance until they underwent internal reform and moderni#ation. G!bduh thought this process had to begin by determining which aspects of Islam were capable of undergoing change and reform. G!bduh argued that Gibadat :religious rituals and worship; were immutable, but muGamalat :injunctions regulating social affairs, such as family matters and business; could be moderni#ed without any harm to Islam. G!bduh also strived to show that Islamic jurisprudence was compatible with 0estern law. .e believed Muslims needed to revive the practice of ijtihad rather than continuing with the practice of taqld as they had done for centuries. G!bduh published many of his reforming opinions and leigal judgments in a journal called *al2Manar,, which he established with his protWgWe %hay$h +ashid +ida.
G!bduh wrote extensively throughout his career. %ome of his most notable wor$s were published near his death. In 5<68, !bduh penned *+isalah al2Tawhid, which summari#ed his theological views. In 56>J, he wrote *al2Islam wa al2Dasraniyah maG al2 GIlm wa al2Madaniyah,, which he examined Islam and )hristianity in relation to science and civili#ation. Muammad G!bduh died in 56>K. .is final wor$, a rebuttal to the critics of Islam, was published posthumously in 56>6.
In the Indian %ubcontinent, the origin of classical modernism is centered around the personality of %ayyid !hmad Mhan and his influential !ligarh Movement. .e too was interested in a reinterpretation of Islamic theology and law along modernist lines, but lac$ed the Islamic training and expertise of Muhammad G!bduh.
%ir %ayyid !hmad Mhan was born in "elhi in 5<58, the third child of a noble family of bureaucrats. .is first teacher was his mother. 9ater his father appointed private tutors for his son. .e learned -ersian and !rabic as well as mathematics and traditional medicine. .is formal education ended at the age of 56, but he continued to pursue an 25 informal literary education. 0ith the death of his father in 5<H<, %ayyid !hmad Mhan was forced to ma$e his own living. .is first job was a bureaucratic appointment in the (ast India )ompany. .e wor$ed for the (ast India )ompany in the lower counts, which had Indian judges and conducted cases in Indian dialects. In 5<H6 he was appointed to the post of naib munshi :sub2judge;.
In his early years at the (ast India )ompany he published six boo$s. These were religious treatises in defense of %unni belief. .e was first recogni#ed for his scholastic accomplishments in 5<75 when a French translation of his boo$ *!thar al2%anadid, was published. This boo$ was a survey of historic buildings and monuments in "elhi. In 5<7=, %ayyid !hmad Mhan was elected honorary Fellow of the +oyal !siatic %ociety in 9ondon. This may have been his greatest intellectual contribution had it not been for the Indian rebellion in 5<K8, when his views on colonialism would become of monumental importance to the future of Indian Muslims. .e was definitely pro24ritish, but believed that both sides had made drastically false assumptions about the other. .e believed that the Indian people misunderstood (nglish rule and that it was imperative to reconcile Muslims with the 4ritish.
%ayyid !hmad Mhans most recogni#ed contribution was in education. The movement he began was named !ligarh, after the city where his university was eventually founded. In 5<K6 he founded his first school, the ?ulshan %chool at Muradabad. In 567= he founded the %cientific %ociety of ?ha#ipur, an organi#ation that translated scientific papers into 'rdu. In 5<76 he traveled to (ngland to study the (nglish educational system. The visit to (ngland is credited with inspiring him to establish a Muslim college open to non2Muslims, an institution that would utili#e 0estern methods of education to encourage the reinterpretation of the Curan. .e wanted to show Islams compatibility with (uropean sensibilities and culture.
!fter %ayyid !hmad Mhan returned to India, he started a maga#ine, *Tahdhib al2 !$hlaq, :reform of morals;. The intention of this periodical was to remove archaic prejudice from Muslim society. In 5<8< he started a Muslim )ollege based on the 4ritish template and dedicated to reforming the Muslim world. .e also instituted the Mohammedan (ducational )onference, which allowed scholars from various areas to convene and exchange progressive theories. ! year later he was appointed a Mnight )ommander of the %tar of India and a year after that he received an honorary degree from the 'niversity of (dinburgh. Throughout this period, %ayyid !hmad Mhan continued to publish boo$s intended to close the gap between the colonial rulers and their Indian subjects. .e published two pamphlets titled *9oyal Muhammadans of India, and *)auses of Indian +evolt., 4oth were aimed at turning popular opinion away from revolution and convincing the 4ritish of the loyalty of Indian Muslims.
%ayyid !hmad Mhan believed that without modern education Muslims would not be able to become politicians or participate in government. .is goal was to prepare the Muslims for the future& apparently, he believed that the rest of the world was eventually going to follow in the footsteps of (urope. .e could not foresee the revolutionary changes that were going to occur in (uropean thought, nor could he anticipate the widespread destruction that would come in the form of two world wars. !s an enthusiastic child of the nineteenth century, %ayyid !hmad Mhan believed that the (uropean science and philosophy of his own times represented the height of human achievement, and the only viable option for Muslims was to embrace that science and philosophy in a bid to $eep up with the rest of the world. Deedless to say, this required radical changes in Islamic beliefs, life2style, and practices.
In 5<<8, %ayyid !hmad Mhan was as$ed to join the Indian Dational )ongress. .e refused on the grounds that it would eventually become a purely .indu party. In his opposition to the Indian Dational )ongress, he was later seen as a forerunner of the Two2 Dation Theory that eventually became the foundation for the movement for -a$istan. %ayyid !hmad Mhan died in 5<6<, and was buried at the college mosque. .is college was granted the ran$ of 'niversity in 56J>.
In many ways, classical modernism continued the trends of islah :reform;, tajdid :renewal;, and jihad :struggle; that we find in increasingly prominent forms in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 9i$e these earlier movements, classical modernism sought to strengthen the Muslim personality through internal reform, to purify and renew Islam as a way of life, and to reorgani#e Muslim societies so as to enable them to meet the challenges of changing political realities. In the process, Islam itself became a topic of contention. %erious questions of theology, history, ethics, and jurisprudence were raised and fiercely debated. 26
Modernism was a wa$e2up call for traditionalist Muslims, including the Gulama. The latter often critici#ed the proponents of modernism as apologetic Muslims who were ready to sacrifice Islamic tenets in order to enjoy the superficial attractions of 0estern civili#ation. For their part, the traditionalists launched a defense of what they viewed as authentic Islamic beliefs and practices. 0hile the two groups often influenced each others thin$ing, and even though several attempts were made to reconcile the two or to find a *middle road, between extremes, it is fair to say that this dichotomy has continued to exist until today.
Irrespective of the quality or authenticity of the answers that came up in the debates between traditionalists and classical modernists, there is no doubt that their encounter contributed to a reinvigoration of the Islamic tradition. It helped focus attentions on the concrete problems that were emerging as a result of Islams contact with modernity. This focusing of attentions then stimulated the intellectual and political awa$ening among Muslims at large.
0hile it is essential to point out the errors of classical modernism/human efforts being necessarily imperfect/it is also important to recogni#e some of its positive contributions to the growth of Islamic tradition.
The $evelopment of the 3ocial 3ciences
As already mentioned, while claiming to suspend any final judgment on .od, the spirit, and the life hereafter, Western thought nevertheless amounted to a practical denial of these metaphysical realities. As .od and the spirit became marginali%ed as subjects of legitimate concern and in(uiry, human attention was increasingly focused on the physical universe and the material body, initiating a chain!reaction of scientific discoveries and innovations. In the same way, as the life hereafter ceased to be at the center of legitimate concern and in(uiry, human attention was increasingly focused on the immediacy of worldly life and earthly e&istence. As a result, temporal and mundane aspects of human life became topics for profound reflection and in!depth analysis, leading to an e&plosive growth in new conceptions and theories relating to the social, political, and economic spheres of life. Through the process of synthesis and integration, these conceptions and theories gave rise to systematic programs for organi%ing human life at the collective level. Initially confined to academic and theoretical discussions, such systematic programs inspired new ideological movements that caused these programs to start manifesting in the domain of historical reality as well. The political and economic structures associated with medieval feudalism gave way to modern ideological systems, such as nationalism, fascism, and democracy in the political realm, and capitalism and socialism in the economic realm.
Commentary
Fust as the seventeenth2century mar$s the beginning of rapid advances in the physical sciences, the nineteenth2century mar$s the beginning of the social sciences as independent and legitimate disciplines. (ven though their roots can be traced to earlier times, it was only in the nineteenth2century that disciplines li$e psychology, anthropology, sociology, economics, and political science began to ta$e concrete shape and started to assert their independence from religious doctrines. The greatest challenges to religion, theology, and ethics came not from the physical sciences but from the views and theories that developed in the social sciences. This holds true at the beginning of the twenty2first century as well.
!s the human attention shifted from religious and metaphysical issues to more 27 mundane and this2worldly concerns, the methods of scientific inquiry :including disciplined observation, data collection, controlled experiments, and theory construction; were directed towards human beings themselves. !s the scientific ga#e was increasingly focused on the human individual and on the behavior of human groups and societies, an increasing amount of attention was given to the role of concrete, historical factors in determining the social, political, and economic realities that human beings have to face. It was increasingly recogni#ed that the undesirable conditions of society, such as tyranny or poverty, were not divinely mandated fates that people must accept& instead, they were the result of particular forms of human behavior and material conditions. Insofar as the social world was humanly constructed, it was amenable to humanly devised and humanly implemented solutions.
The nineteenth2century, as well as most of the twentieth2century, has been called *the age of ideology., It was in the context of the development of the social sciences that *ideologies, started to proliferate. !n ideology can be understood as a set of ideas that expresses discontent with the current state of affairs, posits an ideal human situation, and then offers a detailed plan for achieving the latter through organi#ed human effort :especially social and political activism;. Dineteenth and twentieth century movements li$e nationalism, socialism, democracy, capitalism, conservatism, liberalism, feminism, anarchism, fascism, and so on, are ideologies that draw upon some aspect of social scientific $nowledge to argue why things have gone wrong and how they can be fixed. (very ideology is based on some sort of social philosophy. The emphasis in an ideology is on the material aspect of the problem, i.e., an ideology proclaims that bad choices have led to a problematic or undesirable condition, such as poverty or gender inequality or class warfare or social brea$down, and that humans can correct the condition by ma$ing the right choices. !n ideology, by definition, does not focus on metaphysics, the spiritual world, or the realm of life after death. !n ideology may pay lip service to a particular religion, but its basic goal is to change the concrete world of social relations in some fundamental way& an ideology is never aimed at attaining spiritual liberation, enlightenment, or salvation in the hereafter :which are specifically religious goals oriented toward the individual;. !n ideology is an eminently human2centered conception of social reality& this is true both in terms of its diagnosis of the human condition and in its recommendation of the plan to improve the human lot. !n ideology is never concerned with how an individual may enter the heavenly -aradise& instead, it wants to create a -aradise right here on earth.
The 1onception of an ,Islamic 3ystem- and the Twentieth 1entury Islamic 5ovements
The intellectual evolution in the social sciences is best seen in terms of ideological clashes that tossed Western societies from one e&treme to another. 'nder the influence of these developments in the West, 5uslims began to view Islam in ideological terms as well, conceptuali%ing it as a systematic program for organi%ing human life at a collective level. As Islam became the object of reflection from this ideological perspective, its injunctions concerning the various spheres of collective life were compiled, categori%ed, and arranged, so as to formulate a new interpretation of Islam as a comprehensive ,code of life- or a complete ,system.- While Islam was being re!interpreted in ideological terms, a number of revivalist movements were launched with the goal of establishing this ,Islamic system- in historical reality.
These twentieth century Islamic movements were launched almost simultaneously in a variety of 5uslim countries from Indonesia to Egypt, and are similar in a number of ways. Indeed, it would be accurate to say that all of these movements are animated by more or less the same conception of Islam and that they are permeated by more or less the same "ind of emotional energy. It is also true that in the Islamic world the influence of these movements has raised the overall level of confidence in Islam, at least improving the general credibility of Islam 28 as a superior code of life. Than"s to the influence of these revivalist movements, the uncritical admiration for the West has also declined, especially in the younger generation.
In addition to the influence of Islamic movements, there are several other factors that helped reduce the general level of awe and admiration for Western thought and civili%ation. )irst, the rising tide of Western political and military domination eventually ran out of momentum/ it not only came to a standstill but was also forced to retreat from one colony after another. When faced with the pressure e&erted by various nationalist movements in their overseas colonies, European powers had no choice but to gradually withdraw their political hegemony. Even though the 5uslim world is still constrained by the chains of Western political maneuvering and economic advantage#disguised respectively as defense pacts and economic aid programs#by now almost the entire 5uslim ummah has liberated itself at least from the direct and overt domination of Western powers.
3econd, the hollowness of Western civili%ation became increasingly obvious through the direct e&perience of its negative conse(uences. As a result, the presence of a basic flaw or fundamental croo"edness in its structure began to be recogni%ed even in the West. As atheistic materialism followed its own course and reached its logical culmination, it gave birth to socialism and communism#ideological programs that started sacrificing the remaining moral values of humanity at the altar of the much more ,concrete- economic realities. The resulting panic in the West led many people to revert bac" to the notion of humanism/ and even the idea of spirituality began to be mentioned in somewhat muffled tones.
Third, modern science began to lose some of its previous claim to finality and conclusiveness. 4ew theories shoo" the foundations of 4ewtonian physics and Euclidian geometry/ matter lost its roc"!solid permanence and revealed itself as a form of energy. As a result of these developments, the affirmation of metaphysical doctrines became somewhat easier and, on the whole, the foundation of religion began to be strengthened once again.
)ourth, the concept of Islamic revival received indirect support from nationalist and anti!colonial movements. The sense of communal solidarity among 5uslims is based on religious affiliation/ conse(uently, when movements for liberation and self!determination were launched in various 5uslim countries, they inevitably appealed to people6s religious sentiments in order to arouse a sense of nationhood. These nationalist feelings, in turn, nourished the desire for a rebirth and revitali%ation of Islam.
3upported and encouraged by the above factors, Islamic movements with the avowed goals of ,Islamic evival,- ,Establishment of .od6s 8ingdom,- and ,Enforcement of the Islamic 3ystem- became active in different 5uslim countries. 2f these, al!I"hwan al!5uslimun of Egypt was most distinguished in terms of its strength, e&tent, and fervor. 0y offering a robust and vigorous intellectual framewor", however, the 7amaBat!e Islami of the Indian 3ubcontinent occupies a prominent place among all the Islamic movements. 29
These revivalist movements have been active in different countries for the last three decades, influencing a substantial segment of the younger generation of 5uslims. In practice, however, none of them has achieved any remar"able success anywhere in the Islamic world. ather, it seems that these movements have outlived their allotted time, and that the moment is not yet ripe for the reali%ation of the hope and vision of an Islamic renaissance. Egypt6s al!I"hwan has met almost complete disintegration within the country, and its few remaining members are scattered in e&ile, many of them surviving on the basis of the mutual rivalry among Arab states. As for the Indian 3ubcontinent6s 7amaBat!e Islami, most of its potential has been lost in the (uagmire of Pa"istani politics, and it has now been largely reduced to a mere addendum in the struggle for the restoration of democracy.
2n the surface, the cause of the failure of these revivalist movements appears to be their impatience and strategic hastiness. They jumped into the political arena too soon, without having changed the minds of a substantial number of thoughtful and perceptive individuals in their respective countries. This resulted in a premature clash between the Islamic movements on the one hand and the secular political leadership as well as the various ,progressive- elements on the other hand.
'pon deeper reflection, however, the actual cause of the failure of these twentieth century revivalist movements turns out to be entirely different. In reality, their failure is the direct result of an immaturity in their conception of religion and of a deficiency in their understanding of Islam.
Commentary
-artly under the influence of (uropean ideological movements, but for the explicit purpose of opposing their influence in the Muslim world, numerous Islamic movements rose in the twentieth2century that emphasi#ed an *Islamic way of life., These movements represent an important phenomenon in the modern Islamic world, often $nown as Islamic revivalism. !s mentioned above, the nineteenth2century witnessed the rise of numerous ideologies as mass political movements aimed at changing the world in particular ways. The focus of these ideologies was on human society insofar as it can be improved by human efforts& consequently, these movements too$ little or no interest in issues of metaphysics, spirituality, and religion. In essence, these movements had emerged to fill the vacuum created by the demise of the medieval synthesis of church, feudalism, and monarchy& they represented the aspirations and demands of the rising middle class that was boldly replacing the old system of nobility based on birth.
4y the beginning of the twentieth2century, it had become obvious that many of these ideological movements were impacting not only the social conditions in (urope but in !sia and !frica as well. Muslim societies were soon introduced to the force of these movements& particularly the educated classes came to $now of their sophisticated arguments rooted in modern social scientific discourse, as well as their determination to rema$e the world in significant ways. It is no surprise, therefore, that many Muslim intellectuals started to ta$e the same approach toward Islam, i.e., they started to see Islam less as a religion and more as an ideology. The result of their ideological approach to Islam was Islamic revivalism.
Islamic revivalism became a particularly strong phenomenon in the Muslim world during the 56H>s and 56=>s, a period that also witnessed the gradual wea$ening of (uropean colonial rule. 0e can easily recogni#e the phenomenon of Islamic revivalism by the widespread use of phrases li$e *comprehensive way of life, and *complete system., The use of such phrases to describe the nature of Islam shows the impact of 0estern ideological movements on the way in which many Muslims interpreted Islam in the twentieth2century. 30
(uropean colonialism started to give up its direct control over !sia and !frica in the aftermath of the %econd 0orld 0ar, resulting in the phenomenon called *de2 coloni#ation., Meeping the colonies under control had become an increasingly difficult, bloody, and expensive underta$ing. There were powerful anti2imperialist movements throughout !sia and !frica, and 0estern colonial powers increasingly reali#ed that they cannot maintain their hold indefinitely over nations that were rapidly learning new ways of resisting foreign domination and demanding the right of self2 determination.
%uch anti2imperialist movements were launched in Muslim majority areas of the world as well. Nirtually all of these movements appealed to Islam in way or another in order to arouse anti20estern sentiments and the desire for independence from foreign rule. (ven though these movements were primarily aimed at national independence rather than at IslOmic revival, they nevertheless contributed to the awa$ening of Islamic spirit, including the desire to see the revival and renaissance of Islam as a concrete historical reality.
The world2wide power of 0estern empires was now in its twilight. The disastrous results of the two world wars brought to the fore the emptiness of the ideal of progress and the wea$ness of materialism. It became increasingly clear that scientific and technological progress alone cannot be the foundation of a healthy and dynamic civili#ation. This reali#ation, along with the rise of former colonies as independent nations, eroded the image of an invincible 0est, challenged the notion of the inherent superiority of the 0hite race, and called into question the racist assumption that non20estern societies and cultures had nothing useful or valuable to offer. 0estern scholarship on non2 0estern societies and cultures started to shed some of its prejudices.
0estern self2criticism of materialism, secularism, and atheism was not an entirely new phenomenon& it was always present in one form or another, for instance in nineteenth2 century romanticism in ?ermany and transcendentalism in !merica. In the twentieth2 century, however, such criticism became a powerful voice of protest against the discontents generated by an exclusive reliance on science. Movements in literature, art, and philosophy challenged such reliance, and pointed out the negative consequences of a way of thin$ing and living that had become too obsessed with the material world. +eligion, after having been restricted to the private sphere, started to reappear in the public realm and began to assert its continuing relevance for human life. !s the author points out, the ideological movements of socialism and communism represented the logical culmination of the same trend of emphasi#ing the material reality that defines modern thought in general. The specter of these overtly atheistic and anti2religious movements so shoc$ed the rest of the modern world that religion was enlisted to help fight the '%%+ and its rising influence in the Third 0orld. The inclusion of the phrase *under ?od, in the !merican pledge of allegiance in 56K= was a prominent case of such appeals to religion. Two years later, the '% )ongress officially adopted *in ?od we trust, as the national mottoX
!long with these changes, the claim of modern science to have replaced both religion and metaphysics was challenged by developments that too$ place within science itself. There were three such developments in the first half of the twentieth2century1 (instein s theory of relativity, .eisenbergs 'ncertainty -rinciple, and Cuantum Mechanics& while a fourth one was the slightly later arrival of )haos theory. !ll of these developments in the realm of science have significant implications for philosophy, including the philosophy of science and the philosophy of religion& and hence for religion, ethics, and theology. 0hile considerable wor$ has been in this field, it is fair to say that neither philosophers nor scientists have succeeded in fully wor$ing out all of the implications of these discoveries for human $nowledge. (ven though debates and discussions are still going on, there is hardly any doubt that the certainty and solidity of Dewtonian physics has collapsed& this is particularly true when certain natural phenomena are studied at very small scales, at very high speeds, and in terms of their long2range effects and consequences. The cumulative result of these developments has been a lessening in the power of purely scientific explanations to adequately account for all of reality. This has inevitably opened up a space in which religion and metaphysics are able to assert their own claims to validity. It is no longer possible to ridicule religious claims simply as evidence of someones bac$wardness or ignorance. 'nli$e the nineteenth2century, the scientific community can no longer dismiss religious claims a priori& indeed, sometimes it has to entertain the possibility that in certain areas of $nowledge religion might even be superior to science. 31
!s religious resurgence of one $ind or another began to spread throughout the world, Muslim societies too experienced a renewed self2confidence in Islam. The awa$ening of Muslims in the social and political sense was almost everywhere accompanied by their awa$ening in the religious sense as well. The phenomenon of Islamic modernism, however, was beginning to lose its momentum by the end of the first quarter of the twentieth2century. !fter its initial success in galvani#ing the Muslims into action, classical modernism was increasingly at a loss when it came to providing practically sound and genuinely Islamic solutions to the complex problems of Muslim societies. This was largely due to modernisms lac$ of methodological sophistication and its reliance on apologetics. The subsequent generations of Muslims, having been awa$ened by the efforts of early Muslim modernists, now began to choose one of two ways of asserting themselves in the world1 %ome of them initiated or joined nationalist movements for the independence of Muslim lands from foreign domination, while others/who saw Islam as an ideology/joined the various religio2political movements aimed at establishing what they called the *Islamic system of life., Foremost among these religio2political movements were al2I$hwan al2Muslimun and FamaGat2e Islami.
Islamic revivalism is a complex and multi2dimensional phenomenon that has ta$en a variety of different forms in different parts of the Muslim world. "r. Israr !hmad, however, paints a simplified picture of this phenomenon by using very broad stro$es. That is to say, he does not go into the details of the various leaders, ideologues, groups, and movements that together constitute the phenomenon of twentieth2century IslOmic revivalism, nor does he discuss the many significant differences among them& instead, he only provides a general outline.
!ccording to this general outline, both al2I$hwan al2Muslimun and FamaGat2e Islami failed in achieving the goals that they had set for themselves. This judgment may sound harsh or inaccurate, especially to those readers who are associated with, or are sympathetic to, one or the other of these organi#ations. Ine may object, for instance, that both of these organi#ations are still very much active in various parts of the world, and to claim that they have already failed is either premature or it betrays a rather short2term perspective.
To appreciate "r. Israr !hmads real argument, however, two points should be $ept in mind. First, this essay was written in 5678, at a time when al2I$hwan al2Muslimun was facing the full wrath of the (gyptian government& its main leader, %ayyid Cutb, had been executed only a year ago& and many of its exiled members were being protected in %audi !rabia mainly because of the latters rivalry with -resident Dasser. This was also the time when FamaGat2e Islami was in a poor state& after having invested much of its energies and reputation in -a$istans unpredictable and explosive political arena, the FamaGat had been reduced to an ineffective faction while the oppositions agenda was being formed by stronger political parties. ?iven these circumstances, the authors judgment accurately reflects the pervasive feelings of disappointment and disillusionment that many members of these organi#ations were also experiencing at that time.
%econd, and more importantly, if the question is as$ed whether these two organi#ations have succeeded in turning their fortunes around during the four decades after this essay was written, the answer must be given in the negative. ! considerable body of research by both Muslim and non2Muslim scholars is now available that vindicates Israr !hmads much earlier judgment. !ccording to this research, the history of these organi#ations has been ripe with compromises, schisms, and questionable practices& their deliberate or inadvertent involvement in )old 0ar politics has played a major and largely negative role in this regard. In most cases, revivalist movements did not formulate any clear methodology for their activism& instead of developing a concrete and realistic course of action based on Islamic values, they relied mostly on advertising and slogans, while freely borrowing their methods and tactics from Marxist and other anti2imperialist movements. )onsequently, they merely reacted to whatever appeared as the latest crisis or the most tempting opportunity for asserting political power. -articularly damaging has been the violent behavior of extremist factions that thrived in, or emerged from, these organi#ations, often by ta$ing the original ideology to its logical conclusion.
(ven if we were to ta$e a very charitable view of their performance and focus only on their positive contributions, we are still forced to arrive at more or less the same conclusion. 0hile it is true that both al2I$hwan al2Muslimun and FamaGat2e Islami have raised the overall level of Islamic consciousness in the Muslim world, the fact 32 remains that, despite their best efforts, the dream of an Islamic renaissance appears to become more and more difficult with every passing decade. Indeed, the initial optimism of both organi#ations has practically disappeared, giving way to disillusionment in some cases and cynicism or nihilism in others.
0hy have these organi#ations, and the movements they launched, failed to ma$e any progress towards their stated goals3 0hy is it that the goal of an Islamic renaissance, which appeared to be just around the corner in the wa$e of the de2coloni#ation of the Muslim world, now appears to recede further and further away li$e a mirage3 !s we study the text of *Islamic +enaissance,, it is important to remember that these questions are being raised by a man who himself was deeply committed to, and involved with, the movement of FamaGat2e Islami for a number of years. In some ways, the subject of this treatise was a matter of deep existential concern for Israr !hmad. "uring the 56K>s, he had experienced a profound pu##lement while witnessing the rapid decline of morality within his beloved movement, an experience that forced him to closely analy#e the theoretical foundations underlying the whole phenomenon of Islamic revivalism.
In trying to account for the failure of these organi#ations, most analysts are li$ely to blame the social and political conditions, the role of the %uperpowers, or some flaw in their strategies. Ine of the most obvious explanation is that both al2I$hwan al2 Muslimun and FamaGat2e Islami acted with impatience& they jumped into the battleground of national politics and challenged the secular leadership of their respective societies without having prepared the ground in their favor. 4ecause of their hastiness, they initiated confrontations that they could neither win nor abandon. This argument does have some weight, and should be seriously considered.
Do society is without an intelligentsia, or brain trust, i.e., a group of thoughtful and perspicacious individuals that tends to have a disproportionate influence on the character and direction of that society. !n argument can be made that unless a significant change ta$es place in this section of the society, no lasting transformation can occur in the society at large. In other words, unless a considerable number of individuals who constitute the brain trust of the society are reformed, the society as a whole cannot be reformed/regardless of how much time, energy, and resources are invested in it by a given movement. This, indeed, is an argument that the author himself ma$es towards the end of *Islamic +enaissance.,
There is, then, some weight in the claim that organi#ations li$e al2I$hwan al2Muslimun and FamaGat2e Islami failed to achieve their avowed goals primarily because they acted in too hasty a manner. They simply assumed that the majority of their nations population will support them in their struggle to move the country in an IslOmic direction, not reali#ing that they had a very long way to go before they could get enough support for their cause. In other words, they overestimated their own influence in society and underestimated the power of vested interests& as a result, they rushed into challenging the secular leadership without having accomplished any significant change in the viewpoint of the intelligentsia. Ince the confrontation began, they could not receive the $ind of enthusiastic support that they had anticipated, leading to repeated setbac$s.
0hile the above analysis is correct as far as it goes, it does not go all the way/it does not provide the full answer to the questions posed above. The ultimate reason why revivalist movements have not been ma$ing any substantial progress towards their goal is to be found neither in the wea$ness of their leadership nor in the conspiracies of their enemies. Instead, the ultimate reason is to be found in the very conception of Islam that animates their struggle. Its not that these movements have not been wor$ing hard enough& its because the very plan they are following suffers from a serious shortcoming. 0hile there have definitely been problems in their strategy, including premature confrontations, these problems themselves do not represent the real illness that has been holding them bac$, for they are merely symptoms. The underlying pathology has all along been a deficiency in their understanding of Islam.
The 3hortcoming in the evivalist Interpretation of Islam
It can be seen upon closer e&amination that the understanding of Islam that animates these revivalist movements is based on the same modernist viewpoint that privileges the material body over the spirit and 33 the life of this!world over life hereafter. 1onse(uently, while a formal affirmation of Islamic metaphysical beliefs#collectively called iman# does e&ist in the revivalist discourse, these beliefs are not given the "ind of weight or value that they obviously deserve. 2n the contrary, the ga%e of the revivalist interpreters has been e&clusively fi&ed on the practical guidance that Islam provides concerning the social, political, and economic spheres of life, and for which they have coined the term Islami 4i%am!e 9ayat, or the ,Islamic 3ystem of Cife.-
Thus, while the reality of .od is formally affirmed in the revivalist discourse, that e&periential state of iman billah is entirely absent in which the faithful actually ,see- .od as the ultimate agent and final cause in both the inner and outer worlds. While the reality of life hereafter is formally affirmed, that e&periential state of iman bil!a"hirah is completely lac"ing which alone allows the faithful to spend their lives as if they were merely strangers or wayfarers in this world. While the truth of prophecy is formally affirmed, a warm and passionate love for Prophet 5uhammad ;3A is hardly discernable. According to the more ,progressive- types, the status of the Prophet is analogous to that of an ordinary postman, and is no more e&alted than that of any other central figure of the 5uslim community#a mere leader whose authority does not e&tend beyond his own life!time. Even those who recogni%e the significance of the sunnah have created a loophole by distinguishing between sunnah Badah and sunnah risalah. This bifurcation allows them the freedom to choose their lifestyle in accordance with the changing trends and fashions of the time, at least in their personal and private affairs.
In a nutshell, only that level of faith is upheld in the revivalist interpretation of Islam that (ualifies a person to be counted as a ,5uslim- in the strictly legal sense of the term. Entirely absent is any mention of the inner e&perience that allows faith to become a person6s state of being. Indeed, there is not even the slightest awareness of its need and indispensability.
It is due to this viewpoint that the concept of din has been identified with the modern notion of the 3tate, and the concept of Bibadah has been reduced to the level of mere obedience to a higher authority or sovereign. In the revivalist view of Islam, the sublime blessing of the daily salah remains unappreciated, and the truth of the Prophetic saying that e(uates the ritual prayer with spiritual ascension ;miBrajA is completely hidden from sight. 4or is there any awareness of the soul6s nourishment through salah, to the e&tent that the daily performance of ritual prayer becomes a source of inner peace and joy. 1arrying this trend to its logical conclusion, some of the more ,progressive- elements have gone so far as to identify salah with the social order of the 5uslim communityD 2thers have recogni%ed the value of salah only at an e&oteric level/ in their view, the Islamic ritual prayer is important mainly because it offers a comprehensive program for the reform and organi%ation of the 5uslim community. 3imilarly, the power of %a"ah to develop and purify the soul is much less "nown or appreciated than its role as an important pillar of the Islamic economic system. )asting is readily ac"nowledged as an e&ercise in self!control/ its power to strengthen the spirit and rela& the shac"les of bodily demands, however, is either not recogni%ed at all or is deliberately left une&pressed because of a certain embarrassment. The Prophetic saying ,fasting is a shield- is 34 often reiterated and a good deal of time is spent in its e&planation. 2n the other hand, the highly significant holy tradition ,fasting is for 5e . . .- is either s"ipped altogether, or is mentioned only in passing. )inally, it is well "nown that the ritual of 9ajj provides an important means through which a monotheistic community is organi%ed on a global level. 0eyond this, no mention is ever made of the deeper religious significance of the pilgrimage or of its numerous spiritual blessings.
The above features of the revivalist interpretation of Islam are direct conse(uences of the pervasive ascendancy of Western thought and philosophy, the influence of which has pushed the viewpoint in the direction of disbelief and materialism. 1onse(uently, in the revivalist discourse the spirit and its inner life have been e&cluded from the discussion, while the material reality and the life of this!world have been elevated as the central topics of reflection and in(uiry. This has produced what amounts to a materialistic understanding of religion. In theory, the revivalist discourse affirms that Islam is a comprehensive program for human flourishing and that it aims at human welfare in this! world as well as in the life hereafter. In practice, however, Islam is approached entirely as a political and social system, while the status of theology and metaphysics is reduced to that of a faEade or veil. This happens because the ga%e of the revivalist interpreters is firmly fi&ed on the life of this!world. The real purpose of life, according to this understanding of religion, is to enforce the Islamic political and social system in the world. As for personal "nowledge and intimate love of .od#and the attitude of loving adoration, humility, supplication, and yearning for communion that form the essence of Bibadah#all of these have been relegated to a secondary and peripheral status.
When e&amined from this perspective, it becomes clear that the essence of these twentieth century Islamic movements is more socio!political than religious. They are more this!worldly than other!worldly. As such, the revivalist movements are distinguished only in claiming that the Islamic code of life offers a better solution to the problems of temporal human e&istence/ whereas other ideological movements ma"e the same claim for capitalist democracy, socialism, and so on.
The above analysis is tantamount to saying that the tas" of reviving the real values of religion has not even startedD
It is precisely for this reason that the predicament of the revivalist movements is comparable to that of a ship without a rudder, one that drifts aimlessly at the mercy of winds and waves. 2r it is li"e that of a traveler who becomes a victim of amnesia, unable to recall the whereabouts of either his native land or his destination.
Commentary
This section of *Islamic +enaissance, contains a strong and trenchant criticism of the twentieth2century Islamic revivalist thought from within. It is important to note that the author is not judging revivalist Islam from the sidelines. .e was an active participant in a major revivalist movement, vi#., FamaGat2e Islami of -a$istan, before his resignation in 56K<. Moreover, he did not abandon the struggle for the revival and renaissance of Islam after leaving the FamaGat, but continued to pursue that goal throughout his subsequent life. 'nli$e many others who were once ardent supporters of revivalist Islam before turning against it, "r. Israr !hmad did not reject or disown the revivalist thought in its totality. In the contrary, he continued to publicly 35 ac$nowledge hid debt to %ayyid !bu Gl2!Gla Mawdudi long after leaving the organi#ation of his mentor.
The gist of the criticism is that the main shortcoming of revivalist Islam is precisely what defines 0estern modernity as a whole. Fust as modernity represents a shift of emphasis away from the spiritual and metaphysical dimension of reality and towards its concrete and material dimension, the same shift is reflected in the theory and practice of revivalism Islam. )onsequently, the renaissance of Islam is understood almost exclusively in terms of an establishment of the *Islamic system of life,, while little or no attention is given to the revitali#ation of religious faith. This should come as no surprise, since twentieth2century revivalism is a phenomenon that grew out of the Muslim experience of colonialism and moderni#ation& and that revivalist movements were launched in the Muslim world at least partly in response to, and in an unconscious imitation of, 0estern ideological movements. %ince these 0estern ideological movements were, by definition, concerned with this2world rather than with the hereafter, the same pattern was replicated in the theory and practice of almost all revivalist movements.
The main problem, therefore, lies in the very understanding of Islam that was presupposed by the ideologues of Islamic revivalism. In their understanding of Islamic activism, the cultivation of a strong and authentic faith/or iman/was not a priority at all, since there was little appreciation of its deficiency, and even absence, in the vast majority of Muslim populations. In general, the revivalist thought does not ta$e into account that Islam depends on a true experience of the presence of ?od, of the transience of this2worldly life, and of the reality of the hereafter. 0ithout any serious attention being given to the cultivation of such an experiential faith/which was ta$en for granted/the ideologues of revivalist Islam focused on the legal, ethical, and this2 worldly aspects of divine guidance. The result was an interpretation of Islam not as an all2encompassing guidance for humanity but as an ideological response to the encroachment of 0estern domination. -ut differently, the emphasis in this understanding of Islam was on the collective, outward, and exoteric aspects of religion, at the cost of its individual, inward, and esoteric aspects. Islam was conceived primarily as a social, political, economic, and cultural *system,, along with a virtual disregard for its spiritual and existential aspects.
This is not to say that the understanding of Islam presupposed by these revivalist ideologues was *wrong., If course, Islam does offer concrete instructions pertaining to the worldly aspects of human life, and it does offer both general and specific guidance for organi#ing the social, political, economic, and cultural spheres of a human collectivity. Interpreters of Islam may disagree as to the significance of these teachings, the relative importance of the commands found in the Curan and %unnah, and the appropriate mode of their application in concrete situations& no one can deny, however, that such teachings actually exist. )onsequently, the problem is more accurately described not by using the word *wrong, but by employing the word *shortcoming.,
The shortcoming of revivalist Islam is best understood in terms of an imbalance or asymmetry in its understanding of religion. This imbalance or asymmetry resulted from the fact that the ideologues of Islamic revivalism approached Islam not on its own terms, but on the terms dictated to them by the ideological environment of the twentieth2century within which they were wor$ing. !s a result, they *systemati#ed, the various teachings of the Curan and %unnah into an ideological program that was constructed as an almost exact antithesis of *the 0est., From their viewpoint, Islam had to be presented in as sharp a contrast as possible to the competing ideological programs of socialism, capitalism, liberal democracy, and other 0estern movements of the time. Islam not only became an ideology, but an ideology whose defining character was its opposition to what was seen as *0estern, values and culture.
This criticism of revivalist Islam helps identify the $ey issue that has been responsible for the lac$ of success shown by the twentieth2century revivalist movements. !ccording to "r. Israr !hmad, if any significant progress is to be made in the struggle for the revival and renaissance of Islam as a concrete historical reality, we must pay very close attention to this issue.
The primary sources of Islam employ a word that is of central importance in understanding the issue at hand. The word is iman, or faith. In the Curan and .adith, faith has two levels. In the legal level, faith is the outward declaration of ones religion commitment& this is called the testimony or shahadah. !s soon as a person publically says *I bear witness that there is no deity except ?od, and I bear witness that 36 Muhammad is the servant and messenger of ?od,, he or she immediately enters the Muslim ummah. For all legal and practical purposes, that person will be considered a Muslim. .owever, while the saying of the testimony is an important act of submission, it is by no means sufficient in the sight of !llah. 0hile the shahadah can be said in less than five seconds, at the existential level faith may ta$e years or decades to fully develop. !t this second, deeper level, faith has to be firmly entrenched in the heart as a conviction and a trust& it must lead to an inner state of peace, tranquility, and confidence. Moreover, it must express itself in continuing submission to the will of !llah through obedience to the %hariGah.
Mnowing that iman has these two levels is crucial for our understanding of what went wrong with the revivalist movements. ?enerally spea$ing, the ideologues of the revivalist movements recogni#ed the importance of faith at the legal level, but did not pay sufficient attention to faith at the existential level. In effect, they reasoned as follows1 there are millions of men and women in the world who say the shahadah, hence they are Muslims. 4ecause they are Muslims, they already possess faith& the only problem, then, is that they do not fully comprehend and practice the implications of the shahadah. )onsequently, in order to ma$e them better :i.e., practicing; Muslims, all that we need to do is tell them the logical implications of the shahadah. !s they learn about the meaning of what they already believe, they will come to appreciate their Islamic obligations& as a result, they will automatically start to fulfill them. 0e will then arouse their emotional attachment with Islam and the Muslim ummah so as to mobili#e them in the struggle for the establishment of the *Islamic %ystem of 9ife.,
Deedless to say, this view of Islam was narrow, truncated, and incomplete. Most importantly, it failed to clearly distinguish between the two levels of faith mentioned above& as such, it was imbalanced and asymmetrical. This view of Islam conflated the two levels into one, assuming that being muslim in the legal sense was the same as being mumin in the existential sense. !s a result of this failure to comprehend the real significance of faith, the ideologues of the revivalist movements did not see much need for trying to find out why faith at the existential level had declined, how can the causes of its decline be identified and addressed, and what can be done to ensure that such faith grows rather than continues to shrivel up.
Ine of the most significant ways in which this deficiency shows up in the revivalist thought is in the latters approach to the Islamic rituals of worship. The four main pillars of Islam are %alah, Pa$ah, %awm, and .ajj. In the revivalist thought, these are treated primarily as instruments for establishing and upholding the social, political, economic, and cultural structures of what is understood as the *Islamic %ystem of life.,
!s a result of this emphasis on the exoteric dimension of religion, the personal and spiritual aspects of these pillars received little or no attention. Thus, in the revivalist thought Gibadah is usually defined in terms of mere *obedience, to a higher authority :often called *sovereign,;& it therefore becomes primarily a political concept that has to do with political sovereignty as embodied in a modern nation2state. There is, therefore, a corresponding disregard for cultivating a sincere love for !llah as the animating spirit of obedience. This approach emphasi#es the political aspect of Islam at the cost of its spiritual aspect. %imilarly, the fact that the regular performance of %alah leads to inner peace and a sense of intimacy with the divine is not mentioned& what is emphasi#ed, instead, is that it creates a military discipline conducive to an ideological movement.
The same is true of the other three pillars as well. In each case, what is brought to the fore is the ideological, i.e., this2worldly dimension of Islamic rituals. %uch an approach stems from the fact that the dominant concern in the mind of the interpreter is to show Islam as an ideology, at par with other modern ideologies. It is no surprise, therefore, that the most *religious, :i.e., spiritual; aspect of Islam/faith at the existential level/is either pushed to the margin in the revivalist discourse or, if it is mentioned at all, its moral and metaphysical significance is never given the proper attention that it, in fact, deserves. The result is not necessarily a *wrong, understanding of Islam, but one that is definitely imbalanced and asymmetrical.
To sum up, "r. Israr !hmads essential criticism of modern revivalist movements is that they are based on, and are primarily motivated by, a particular interpretation of Islam that has been heavily influenced by the characteristic feature of the modern age, i.e., the pervasive ascendancy of 0estern thought. The revivalist interpretation of Islam developed and flourished towards the end of the colonial period and the beginning of postcolonial period, which is why it frequently ta$es an anti20estern and anti2 37 imperialist stance. !t the same time, we must not forget that it developed during a period that was also characteri#ed by the popularity and widespread influence of ideological movements& these ideological movements/while frequently at odds with each other/had one thing in common1 they were exclusively focused on the material aspect of reality, on the human body, and on the life of this2world. This $ey feature of modern ideological movements is also the $ey feature of 0estern modernity, as discussed previously. This common tendency of 0estern modernity and of modern ideological movements was so powerful and so pervasive that it ended up significantly shaping even those movements that were trying to oppose the domination of 0estern modernity.
In the revivalist discourse, it is true that Islam is presented as a comprehensive plan for human welfare and salvation/a divinely revealed plan that is as concerned with improving the human lot in this2world as it is with ensuring human salvation in the hereafter. The ideological emphasis of the revivalist discourse, however, means that, in effect, the mention of salvation in the hereafter is reduced to a mere formality& while it is certainly mentioned, it does not seem to ta$e the center of the stage but appears almost as an afterthought. In a few extreme cases, some ideologues have gone so far as to claim that, in fact, Islam was all along an ideological system for social and political welfare, and that it became distorted due to the influence of metaphysics and theologyX This $ind of thin$ing is obviously incorrect, for it does not represent the Curanic perspective that, while encouraging a balance between the life of this2world and that of the hereafter, does demand that the believers give their priority and preference to the latter.
)onsequently, the modern revivalist movements should be regarded as more political than religious. Fust because they claim that Islam is the solution to all human problems does not ma$e them significantly different from other ideological movements. !s a result of the fundamental shortcoming in their interpretation of Islam, these movements have become reactive rather than proactive& they seem to be drifting aimlessly in one direction or the other, with no real progress being made in the cause of reviving the real values of Islam.
enewal of )aith+ The Precondition of Islamic enaissance
3ince Islam is based on faith#"nown in Arabic as iman#the dream of Islamic revival can never become a reality without a general renewal of religious faith.
There is no denying the importance of gaining political freedom and self! determination for various 5uslim countries/ to some e&tent, these achievements have contributed towards clearing the path for a renaissance of Islam. 3imilarly, the spread of the idea that Islam is a comprehensive code of life and that it is superior to other ideological programs has also been a helpful and valuable development. The revivalist movements that have contributed#or are contributing#to the credibility of Islam in this way must be appreciated for their role in the larger process of Islamic revival.
And yet, the most basic and essential re(uirement in this regard still remains unfulfilled. 3ince the revitali%ation of religious faith is the necessary precondition for bringing about an Islamic revival, it is highly imperative that all thoughtful and perceptive 5uslims direct their attentions toward this tas". Those who come to reali%es its significance must concentrate their efforts on generating a powerful movement for the renewal and rejuvenation of religious faith#so as to ensure that iman is not just a verbal affirmation ;qalA on a person6s lips, but that it grows into a genuine conviction that defines the very state of one6s being ;halA. 38
In its essence, religious faith involves an inner state of confidence in certain metaphysical realities. To develop such faith, one must have the ability to e&perience a much higher level of certitude in transcendent truths than the certitude one e&periences in the facts revealed by ordinary sense perception. 2ne must have the ability to invest a far greater amount of trust in realities that are "nowable only through one6s heart, as compared to realities "nowable through one6s physical eyes or ears. This means that a capacity for iman bil-ghayb or ,faith in the unseen- is the foremost condition of this path. The flowering of genuine religious faith in a person6s heart is necessarily accompanied by a radical change in thin"ing and a profound revolution in viewpoint.
As a result of the inner transformation that faith brings, a person comes to see the material universe as entirely insignificant and even unreal/ while, in sharp contrast, the presence of .od is e&perienced as a living and eternal reality. )or a person of faith, the empirical world is neither a self!governing chain of cause and effect nor is it under the determining control of rigid mechanical laws/ instead, faith allows the witnessing of .od6s will and purpose in each and every moment. The world of matter becomes worthless and inconse(uential, but the spirit appears as an almost tangible reality. As faith grows, a person no longer attributes the term insan ;human beingA primarily to the physical body, but applies it in the first place to the divine spirit that is the real essence of human"ind# the same divine spirit whose presence made Adam worthy of the angels6 prostration. )or a person of faith, the life of this!world appears not only transient and ephemeral, but also utterly unreal and trifling/ one comes to reali%e that in comparison to the fleeting life of this!world, only the life hereafter is ultimately real, worthwhile, and everlasting. The goal of pleasing .od becomes infinitely more valuable than the entire world and all of its treasures. In accordance with a saying of Prophet 5uhammad ;3A, a person of faith assigns no more value to the totality of worldly riches than the worth of a gnat6s wing.
Cet it be clearly understood that unless a significant and influential portion of the 5uslim ummah undergoes this "ind of profound transformation in its thin"ing and viewpoint, the hope of an Islamic revival will not be reali%ed.
The most effective means for cultivating faith in the hearts of the 5uslim masses involves the fellowship of persons who are significantly advanced in religious "nowledge and practice. These are the individuals whose hearts and minds are radiant with the light of gnosis and faith/ whose souls are free of conceit, jealousy, rancor, and hypocrisy/ whose lives are devoid of greed, covetousness, and the love of this!world. In the aftermath of the collapse of khilafah ala minhaj al-nubuwwah, it was mainly through the instruction, e&hortation, and fellowship of pious souls who embodied these (ualities that the light of iman continued to spread and illuminate the world. 5ore recently, the poisonous winds of Western disbelief and materialism have had a chilling effect on this dimension of Islamic culture as well/ yet, such personalities are not completely e&tinct in the 5uslim ummah whose hearts are luminous with the light of faith and whose passions are abla%e with the warmth of conviction. What is needed in the present moment is a powerful wave that sweeps through every part of the ummah, so that no city or town is left without such resolute and steadfast individuals whose sole aim in 39 life is to please .od, and whose hearts are free of all desires and ambitions other than the noblest aim of bringing divine guidance to humanity.
)ortunately, a mass movement has already emerged in the Indian 3ubcontinent, under the influence of which the radiance of religious faith is disseminating among the multitudes on a large scale. The 7ama Bat!e Tabligh, which is an off!shoot of the movement associated with the $ar al!B'lum at $eoband, is raising the awareness among the 5uslim masses that .od, the spirit, and the life hereafter are infinitely more important than the physical universe, the material body, and the life of this!world. The movement of the 7amaBat!e Tabligh was initiated by persons of such deep faith and conviction that, despite the passing of more than a third of a century, there has been no diminishment in the movement6s fervor and %eal. Though we do not completely agree with its approach and methodology, it remains an observable fact that the influence of the 7amaBat!e Tabligh leads to a profound transformation in people6s thin"ing and viewpoint. As a result of this transformation, individuals begin to e&perience that reality is an attribute of the 1reator and not that of the creation, that the 2ne who controls all the causes is incomparably more real than all the finite causes put together. They reali%e that it is not food that overcomes their hunger, nor is it water that (uenches their thirst, but that such finite causes become efficacious only through the will and permission of .od. They begin to see even the minor injunctions of Islam as having intrinsic value, without needing to be convinced through logical arguments that such injunctions are parts of a larger code of life or the means for establishing an ideological program. The smallest details of the Prophetic sunnah begin to appear luminous, for no other reason e&cept their association with their beloved Prophet 5uhammad ;3A. Thus transformed in their inner lives, people who come under the influence of the 7amaBat!e Tabligh fre(uently limit their material consumption to a bare minimum and spend a significant part of their time in religious propagation and preaching by following a typical method and routine.
$espite its achievements, the actual effectiveness of the 7amaBat!e Tabligh is destined to remain limited/ the main reason being that this movement primarily addresses the sentiments rather than the intellect, and that it is founded upon religious practice and rituals as opposed to "nowledge and understanding. 1onse(uently, those sections of society are not li"ely to come under the influence of the 7amaBat!e Tabligh in which intellect ta"es precedence over feelings and "nowledge is privileged over practice. 3uch individuals are compelled, by virtue of their temperament, to first traverse the realm of reason and critical in(uiry before they can whole!heartedly step into the domain of love and passion. Their natural constitution is such that they cannot reach the deeper levels of the spirit without having untangled the "nots of their analytical and in(uisitive minds. It is an established fact that individuals of this temperament, ta"en as a whole, constitute the intellectual minority of a society. All over the world, and in every historical period, it is this minority that (uite naturally comes to play a leadership role in setting the direction and priorities of society. As a result, paramount importance must be given to bringing about a revolutionary transformation in the thin"ing and viewpoint of those who belong to this intellectual minority. If iman could not be "indled in the hearts of such individuals, and if they could not be rescued from the 40 dar"ness of spiritual ignorance, then changing the hearts and minds of the masses alone will not bring about any substantial and lasting transformation.
Commentary
!fter pointing out the basic shortcoming in the view of Islam that has been assumed and promoted by the modern revivalist movements, "r. Israr !hmad turns his attention to the main question that this critique has raised. .e has already argued that the primary reason for the irrelevance of modern Islamic revivalism is not simply the strategic errors made by its leaders, even though such errors have played an important role too. The primary reason why these movements seem to be wandering aimlessly li$e rudderless ships, however, is that the vision of IslOm that motivated their ideological activism was itself seriously imbalanced, if not flawed. To put it in a nutshell, the revivalist vision emphasi#ed the exoteric aspects of Islam at the cost of its spiritual and metaphysical aspects. In other words, it brought into sharp focus the worldly dimension of religion and, consequently, made the establishment of the Islamic way of life the central aim of Muslim activism& while this was a desirable move in itself, it was achieved by ma$ing the esoteric or inward dimension of religion more or less marginal and, in some cases, practically irrelevant. The resulting imbalance in the revivalist vision of Islam significantly affected the character of the typical Muslim activist that these movements produced. The vitally necessary lin$ with the life and mission of the -rophet Muhammad :%; could not be maintained. In effect, the goal of an Islamic renaissance, instead of coming closer with each generation, $ept moving further and further away.
This critique raises the all2important question of finding an alternative approach. If the renaissance of Islam is indeed the desired/and desirable/goal, and if the modern revivalist movements have failed to ma$e substantial progress due to their seriously imbalanced vision of Islam, then exactly what is to be done instead3 0hat are the conditions under which an IslOmic renaissance can become a reality3 .ow are those conditions to be achieved3
The critique, however, is not entirely negative. "r. Israr !hmad does ac$nowledge that the phenomenon of the modern Islamic revivalism has had some positive and desirable effects, just as the various anti2colonial independence movements in various Muslim majority regions have had some positive and desirable effects. To attain political independence by removing the shac$les of foreign rule is definitely a significant step in the direction of an Islamic renaissance& similarly, to raise the consciousness of an Islamic way of life and of the need to establish this way of life as a historical reality through organi#ed struggle is also a major step in that direction. In both cases, however, no substantial progress has been made in order to facilitate *the real tas$, that must be done in order to truly pave the way for an Islamic renaissance.
0hat is the real tas$3 !ccording to Israr !hmad, political independence of Muslim countries is definitely a part of the equation& so is raising awareness and confidence in the vitality of the IslOmic way of life as an option that is equal to, or even better than, what 0estern ideologies promise. These two tas$s were important, and they occupied the attention of a large proportion of worlds Muslim population during much of the twentieth century& both the nationalist and the revivalist movements have therefore contributed their share to the cause of Islam. Eet, neither of these constitutes the most basic and essential step in the desired direction.
0hen tal$ing about an Islamic renaissance, we need to be very clear about the meaning of our central term. 0hat is it that we call *Islam, whose renaissance we are see$ing3 Islam is difficult to define in a few words& it is a religion, a tradition, an approach to reality and a comprehensive outloo$, a worldview, a way of life, a culture, a civili#ation, and much more. In whatever way one might describe and define it, there is no denying that at the very foundation and core of Islam lies something that is best designated as *faith., To say that there is a need for an Islamic renaissance is to imply that, first and foremost, there is a need for the revitali#ation of faith. 0ithout a revitali#ation of faith, there can be no revival of Islam.
The concept denoted by the (nglish word *faith, is more or less the same as that expressed by the !rabic word iman. There are, of course, subtle differences, since 41 !rabic is a much richer language in certain respects than (nglish. Furthermore, there are also significant differences between how the word faith has been used in 0estern culture as opposed to how the word iman has been employed in !rabic and Muslim tradition. Ignoring these differences for now, we are going to use the two terms interchangeably, primarily in the interest of simplicity.
Faith denotes a trust and confidence in, affirmation of, and assent to some metaphysical postulates. ! postulate is simply a statement that is presented as true. The emphasis in this provisional definition faith is on the metaphysical nature of the postulates in question. If the postulates are not metaphysical, but merely physical, ones trust and confidence in, affirmation of, and assent to those postulates would not be called faith.
0hat differentiates faith from our ordinary $nowledge of the world is precisely this1 To have faith is to be committed to ideas or understandings that are not immediately obvious to the human senses and reason.
For instance, one does not have faith in the reality of earths gravitational pull& for one $nows the existence of gravity through observation, experience, and a little reasoning. To say that the earth exercises gravitational pull on all material bodies is therefore a physical postulate& it is verifiable through ordinary means of acquiring and testing $nowledge. In the other hand, the reality of ?od is a very different $ind of postulate altogether& it cannot be $nown in the same way in which we can $now gravity. This is a metaphysical issue, rather than a physical issue, and hence faith is going to have to play a central role in our confidence and trust in ?ods reality.
To emphasi#e the role of faith in affirming the reality of ?od does not mean that the reality of ?od is absolutely un$nowable and, as such, must be based on *blind, acceptance& nor does it mean that sense perception and reasoning have no legitimate role in the realm of faith. In the contrary, it merely means that the reality of ?od is not $nowable in exactly the same way in which we $now gravity. The same is true of other metaphysical issues, such as the reality of the human soul, the continuity of human existence beyond death, the "ay of Fudgment, heaven and hell, etc. 0hile it is possible to argue for the truth of these postulates using evidence from our ordinary $nowledge of the world/including sense perception and reasoning/the fact remains that these are, ultimately, metaphysical postulates& as such, they have to be approached in a way that is very different from the usual way of approaching questions regarding physical postulates, such as the existence of gravity.
%ince faith is a trust and a confidence in some metaphysical postulates, it necessarily involves the ability to go beyond what is $nowable through ordinary sense experience and reasoning. Faith requires the capacity to transcend the limits of ones immediate, sensory experience& it therefore calls for courage, imagination, and the willingness to ris$. Ine is called to commit oneself to certain metaphysical postulates without being offered irrefutable empirical andBor rational evidence that would publically establish those postulates as absolutely certain. Ine may be provided strong and plausible reasons that would ma$e the given postulates *probably true,, but one is not given any final, decisive, and uncontestable proof that would remove all possibilities of doubt and error. Indeed, if all possibilities of doubt and error were removed, everyone will be able to recogni#e the truth and the very notion of *faith, would then become meaningless.
To say that faith is at the very foundation and core of Islam is to emphasi#e the metaphysical nature of the postulates that we are required to accept, affirm, and trust. 0e are called upon to recogni#e the ris$ we ta$e in ma$ing such commitments, and then to have the courage to ta$e that ris$ anyway. Iur commitment is then expressed in a radically changed outloo$ on reality.
If we accept the metaphysical postulate of ?ods reality, we must see the world and even ourselves as considerably less real than ?od. If we accept the metaphysical postulate that each human being contains a divine spar$, a spirit from ?od, then we should be able to see that spirit as more worthy of our attention than its temporal embodiment as a particular physical form. If we accept the metaphysical postulate that the .ereafter is more real, more lasting, and permanent than the life of this2world, we should be able to prefer the former over the latter whenever a conflict arises between their respective demands. In short, faith involves a drastically different perspective& the consequences of the new perspective are transformative in radical ways.
)lassical Muslim authorities have frequently discussed the difference between qal and hal as they explained the meaning of faith. It is one thing to say that *there is no god 42 but ?od and Muhammad :%; is the messenger of ?od,, and quite another to have this become synonymous with who one is. The term qal refers to the act of saying or verbally claiming that a particular metaphysical postulate is true& that indeed is required from a person in order for him or her to enter the fold of Islam. Eet, there is little or no ultimate benefit if ones faith is limited at the level of ones speech. It must go deeper than ones throat& it must penetrate the very essence of the person, to the extent that the postulate is neither just a sentence that he or she occasionally utters nor a thought that he or she habitually thin$s, but that it comes to describe the persons state of being. Faith is much more than what we say& it is, ultimately, who we are. This is the meaning of the term hal. !ccording to "r. Israr !hmad, unless this level and intensity of faith is actuali#ed in a significant portion of the Muslim ummah, no amount of social and political activism will ma$e any substantial progress in the direction of an Islamic renaissance.
If it is true that iman lies at the very foundation and core of Islam, then it is easy to understand why any authentic service to the former is always, and in the same degree, a service to the latter as well. Faith, however, represents the internal or esoteric dimension of religion and is, for that reason, hidden from direct view& as such, it is tempting to ignore or belittle its significance over and against the external and exoteric dimension of religion which is much more tangible. This, indeed, has been the primary reason for the aimlessness and loss of direction so prevalent in the Islamic revivalist movements. To correct that shortcoming is to recover the lost balance between the internal or esoteric dimension of Islam on the one hand and its external or exoteric dimension on the other. 0ithout recovering, and re2establishing, this balance, no significant progress is possible in the direction of true Islamic revival. In other words, the revitali#ation of genuine religious faith is the absolutely essential precondition for an Islamic renaissance. Fust as we cannot hope to construct a stable house without first laying down a strong foundation, we cannot hope to establish Islam as a historical reality without first inculcating authentic religious faith on a significant scale.
Those who are unable to appreciate the significance of this venture would as$1 Isnt it true that Muslims already have enough faith3 Isnt it true that almost a billion and a half Muslims today affirm and proclaim the reality of ?od and the prophethood of Muhammad :%;3 Isnt it true that the problem is not a deficiency of faith, but a lac$ of understanding and motivation3
Ince again, to appreciate "r. Israr !hmads main point we ought to be able to distinguish between faith at the legal level and faith at the existential level& or faith as a verbal attestation and faith as a state of being. 0hat millions of Muslims possess today is faith at the level of verbal attestation& in fact, they wouldnt be Muslims if they hadn t publicly ac$nowledged the basic Islamic postulate1 *there is no god but ?od and Muhammad :%; is the messenger of ?od., The question that concerns us here, however, is whether or not this verbal attestation has become their state of being3 -ut differently, there is no doubt that, by definition, all Muslims enjoy faith as a matter of qal& what is at sta$e is how many of them also experience it as a matter of hal3 The obvious answer is1 Dot too many. The clearest index of faith is behavior& in general, the behavior of contemporary Muslims can hardly be seen as an accurate reflection of Islamic teachings. 0here we do find some adherence to Islamic rituals or symbols, a great deal of it is the result of sociali#ation and emotional attachment rather than spiritual reali#ation or conscious insight.
0hen it is said that an IslOmic renaissance is impossible without a revival and revitali#ation of religious faith, what is implied is not faith merely as a verbal attestation :there is no deficiency of that;, but faith as a state of being :which is in short supply;. )onsequently, *the real tas$, is to raise the level of faith among a significant portion of Muslims from qal to hal.
9ets approach this issue from another perspective. !ny $ind of activism, whether religious or secular, must to be based on a solid foundation within the heart and soul of the activist. This is because it is extremely hard to bring about any $ind of change in the objective, historical reality. The struggle of the !frican2!mericans in the 'nited %tates since their formal emancipation from slavery in 5<7J is a case in point. "espite great advancements, complete racial equality still eludes the !merican nation. It ta$es sustained effort over many generations to bring about a significant change in social structures and institutions, and yet there are frequent setbac$s, disappointments, and losses. -eople wor$ hard all their lives for a certain cause, and then reali#e that virtually nothing was achieved. !s a result, it is very common for activists to experience emotional fatigue and even *burnout, after only a few years of passionate, 43 hard wor$. 0e all $now that this is not uncommon in what is called Islamic activism& we have seen how youthful idealism soon turns into cynicism and then degenerates into worldliness. %uch is almost invariably the result of frantic outward activity without a solid foundation in the heart and soul of the activist/an imbalance or asymmetry that favors the exoteric dimension while neglecting the esoteric. The foundation in the heart and soul can only be established on the basis of faith, insofar as that faith is not just verbal attestation but has truly become the state of ones being.
!fter having established the need for a widespread revival of faith in the Muslim community, "r. Israr !hmad goes on to explain the most common and most effective way through which such a revival can be actuali#ed. Dote that this segment starts with a qualification, vi#., *Muslim masses., ! distinction between Gawam and $hawas is being made here, and it is important to understand exactly what it means and why is it so relevant.
The first point to note in this regard is that the distinction is not inherently hierarchical. In other words, whether a person belongs to the *masses, or not is by no means a reflection of his or her worth either in the sight of !llah or in the community at large. The distinction, on the contrary, should be understood as primarily temperamental and secondarily functional. Furthermore, it has no relationship whatsoever to ones capacity for faith and righteous deeds, or to ones chances of attaining salvation in the hereafter.
%econd, the distinction between Gawam and $hawas within the Muslim community has always been accepted by the Islamic scholarly tradition as a legitimate distinction, for it goes bac$ to the Curan itself and is also reflected in the various gradations found among the )ompanions of -rophet Muhammad :%;. Do student of early Islamic history can miss the well2recogni#ed and widely accepted distinction between some of the closest associates of the -rophet :%; on the one hand, and the larger Muslim community on the other.
Third, the essence of the distinction in question is to be found in the common observation that most human beings at any given period in history tend to follow the norms and beliefs of their native society without too much critical reflection. Eet, a small minority of individuals in virtually all societies regularly shows a tendency to be s$eptical of conventional wisdom. These individuals, while always a minority by definition, often tend to be a disturbing element in any society because they li$e to roc$ the boat by challenging traditional explanations of why things are the way they are. They question authority and critici#e the status quo& no ready2made answers seem to convince them, and they are satisfied only by personally see$ing and finding the truth.
In this bac$ground, it is obvious that the revival of faith in the Muslim community is a project that must ta$e this distinction into account. It is worth repeating that in this context the word *masses, is not a derogatory term& it simply denotes the large majority of human beings at any given time, individuals who tend to be more pragmatic than reflective. .owever, and very unfortunately, there is no satisfactory (nglish word that can be used to describe the small minority of critical thin$ers and see$ers of truth described above, without giving the impression of elitism. 0e may use the word *intellectuals, to describe them, but there is a clear suggestion of superiority in this word, as commonly understood today, that goes against the egalitarian and democratic spirit of Islam. 0hile the (nglish language does not seem to offer a non2 hierarchical term that can adequately function as the opposite of *masses,, the Cur anic term ulu Gl2al2bab comes to the rescue. This term simply means *people of intellect,, but does not carry any connotations of superiority.
There is, therefore, every reason to introduce this particular term into contemporary Muslim discourse. !t the same time, however, there is no need for us to surrender the word *intellectuals, either, just because its present connotation often contains an undesirable element of elitism. 0e should insist on using the word *intellectuals, while explicitly denying that a mere temperamental difference among humans can ever imply that some people are inherently better than others. Instead of avoiding the word *intellectuals, altogether, we need to rehabilitate it bac$ into our discourse.
.aving clarified the meaning of the $ey words *masses, and *intellectuals,, let us turn to the methodology for reviving authentic religious faith. %ince human beings tend to be of two basic temperaments, it is necessary that the methodology used is suited to each temperament if it is to be successful at all. This is because the methodology for 44 reviving religious faith that is going to wor$ most effectively for the Muslim masses may not be as useful for the ulu Gl2al2bab
!s far as the masses are concerned, "r. Israr !hmad notes that the most effective method for developing, maintaining, and enhancing iman to spend time in the company of the faithful. This is the traditional and time2honored method of finding a pious and learned person of faith in the community and spending as much time as possible in his or her company& this method usually goes by the name of suhbah and its psychological effectiveness is undeniable. It is difficult for a materialist mindset to understand how the mere company of such a person can be a highly effective source of faith. It is important to remember that, metaphorically spea$ing, what we call iman is a brilliant light that spreads throughout the personality and character of a man or woman in whose heart it shines, illuminating not only their souls but even their physical environment as well. )onsequently, individuals who are close to a person of faith can almost passively acquire this light by doing nothing other than spending time in their company, and by $eeping their own hearts in a receptive mode. !dditionally, of course, witnessing the righteous conduct, self2restraint, piety, and other positive qualities in ones role2model has its own influence through the usual channels that are well2$nown in social psychology. This, indeed, is the most common way through which Islam spread from 0est !frica to )hina and to %outh (ast !sia. Incidentally, this is also the method that has been populari#ed on a wide scale by the movement called Tabligh.
The text clarifies the distinction between the two $inds of human temperament in relation to faith. 0hile all human beings are *rational,, in the sense that they have the same inborn capacity to thin$, reflect, understand, and argue, comparatively spea$ing a small minority of them tends to use these faculties much more extensively than the rest of us. "r. Israr !hmad calls this group of people *the intellectual minority,, identifying it as the informal leadership of a given collectivity. "espite its small si#e, *the intellectual minority, tends to exert a very significant and widespread influence on the trends and directions of society.
0hat is this *intellectual minority, and where do we find its members3 Typically, an *intellectual, is anyone who frequently experiences a disturbing sense that most human beings are mindlessly following the established norms and uncritically pursuing the goals and ideals of their society& that they are living in a dream2li$e state of only semi2awareness, a state in which they are neither conscious of what they are doing nor do they ever pause to question why they are acting in certain ways. This experience is the hallmar$ of the people whom the Curan calls the ulu Gl2al2bab.
It is important to $eep in mind that an intellectual, as understood in the present context, is not necessarily a person of extraordinary intelligence& similarly, an intellectual does not have to be someone with many academic degrees and titles li$e *doctor, or *professor, attached to his or her name. It is true that many intellectuals are found in academic institutions, in thin$2tan$s, in non2governmental organi#ations, in newspapers and other media, and so on& however, not everyone who wor$s in these fields is necessarily an intellectual, and many genuine intellectuals do not have much formal education. Indeed, many individuals with -h. "s are seriously lac$ing in self2 reflection and self2criticism, both of which are indispensable qualities of the ulu Gl2al2 bab.
+egardless of ones educational qualification or professional position, an intellectual is simply a person who has either awa$ened from the dogmatic slumber in which most of humanity is lost, or is beginning to come out of that state. !ll that a person needs in order to be qualified as an intellectual is to exercise the natural faculties of disciplined observation, critical reflection, and honest reasoning, and, in doing so, to be able to recogni#e and ac$nowledge ones own errors, biases, and blind spots/as well as cultivate the courage and willingness to correct them. In other words, an intellectual is a person who is just li$e the rest of us, except that he or she is relentlessly committed to finding and practicing the truth, irrespective of the cost.
To say that the leadership of a society belongs in the hands of its intellectual minority is a very important statement. In the surface, it may appear as if a society is actually led by its political and economic elite, i.e., individuals with most power and most money& in the 'nited %tates, for example, most people would thin$ that the -resident and his cabinet, members of the )ongress, )(Is of major corporations, )hairman of the Federal +eserve, and billionaire aristocrats of various stripes together constitute the main bul$ of !merican leadership. This is certainly true, but only in the short2term& if we were to loo$ at the unfolding of history with a wide2angle lens we would surely see that the 45 leadership exercised by the political and economic elite tends to be overshadowed by the much more pervasive leadership of the intellectual minority. 'ltimately, it is not the whim of the monarch that triumphs, but the vision of his wisest advisors. The intellectual minority may not hold the power to bring about dramatic changes in society with the stro$e of a pen& it does, however, hold a great deal of influence. The latter is a more subtle, but nevertheless real, form of power& it can be used to prepare the masses to accept particular changes or, at the very least, to delegitimi#e and resist those changes.
In order to bring about stable and long2lasting transformations in a society, it is clearly insufficient if only the masses are convinced of the need for those changes. %imilarly, it is not enough to convince only the political and economic elite. Ine of the most important prerequisites in this regard is that the intellectual minority, the true leaders of a society, are fully committed to the desirability of the said transformations. Influence typically flows from the intellectuals to the masses, and, once the masses are mobili#ed, the political and economic elite/despite their power/do not pose any real, long2term, resistance. In the other hand, a political revolution brought about by a small segment of the political elite, such as a faction of the military, is one of the most fragile and unstable of transformations& this is not only because such a revolution generally lac$s firm foundations among the masses but also/and more importantly/ because it tends to have little or no support among the intellectuals. It is precisely for this reason that many military rulers in !sia, !frica, and 9atin !merica have tried to win the support of at least some members of the intellectual minority in order to legitimi#e their hold on power.
To sum up, the revitali#ation of authentic religious faith among the masses can be achieved through their immersion in the company of the faithful. For the intellectual minority, however, a very different approach is required. !ccording to "r. Israr !hmad, paying attention to the particular needs of this minority is one of the most important elements in the struggle for Islamic renewal and revival
The eal Tas" Ahead
In view of the analysis presented above, the most critical need at the present moment is as follows+ powerful intellectual movement must arise that would revolutioni%e the thin"ing and viewpoint of the most intelligent classes and the best educated elite of the society. A movement is needed, in other words, that would liberate the members of the intellectual minority from the cold night of disbelief and materialism, bringing them into the warm daylight of faith and enriching them with the treasures of .od!consciousness and self!awareness. 2bviously, this goal is impossible to reali%e e&cept through a cogently reasoned affirmation of religious beliefs as well as a coherently argued refutation of all forms of disbelief and materialism.
In this regard, a crucial point must be borne in mind. 3ince in our age physical distance has become inconse(uential and the entire world has become a virtual family, the intellectual level of discourse in the re(uisite movement cannot be set according to the academic standards of any particular society. ather, the proposed movement must function in accordance with the highest standard of intellectual and academic sophistication that is found anywhere in the world. There can be no doubt that what is being proposed here is an e&tremely arduous and challenging tas", but it should be e(ually obvious that dreaming of a renaissance of Islam without underta"ing its essential prere(uisite is tantamount to living in a fool6s paradise.
The first step for launching this intellectual movement is to identify bright and talented young individuals who are naturally endowed with an intense thirst for "nowledge. They must feel an inner restlessness#a 46 dissatisfaction with conventional wisdom and an irrepressible yearning for finding the truth. 3uch individuals must have reached the reali%ation that ultimate reality is far beyond what can be "nown through ordinary sense perception. Their motivation to uncover the veiled reality should be so intense as to create a burning desire for dedicating their lives to this end#disregarding in the process all the worldly ambitions of status, comfort, and attractive careers.
These young in(uirers will have to review the entire range of human thought, which will involve a thorough and penetrating study of intellectual history from its earliest stages to the present day. In this regard, the main arenas for their research and reflection will include the disciplines of logic, metaphysics, psychology, ethics, and theology. In addition, they will complement their main in(uiry by giving due attention to what is indispensable in the social and physical sciences. Along with this deep and critical e&amination of human thought, they will underta"e a focused and thoughtful study of the 9oly :ur6an#the last and most comprehensive of divine revelations#with the aim of discovering for themselves the true nature of reality.
And if, after a laborious study of human thought and revealed guidance, the radiance of the :ur6an comes to illuminate their hearts, if its message sounds li"e the voice of their own souls, if their innermost beings resonate with its teachings, if they find compelling answers to all of their fundamental (uestions about the nature of reality, and if, in the ecstasy of this enlightenment, they e&perience a profound inner satisfaction and fulfillment#then they will "now that they are tasting the sweetness of iman.
2nly such individuals will be capable of ac(uiring rusukh fil ilm, i.e., a firm and authentic grounding in the "nowledge of reality ;cf., 3urah Al! BImran F+GA. Instead of moral waywardness and intellectual caprice, their "nowledge will lead them to ever greater piety and fear of divine judgment. Their personalities will bear witness to the :ur6anic ayah+ ,. . . verily, those who fear .od from among 9is servants are the ones who possess abundant . . .- ;3urah Al!)atir FH+?=A. Their characters will be such that instead of being mere readers of the :ur6an, they will become the living embodiments of divine revelation. This is so because the essence and core of the :ur6an is precisely this ,"nowing- of reality which is otherwise called iman. While the laws and practical injunctions of the :ur6an#collectively "nown as the 3hariBah#are definitely of great importance when considered in their own right, they are of much less significance when judged against the immense value of iman. The 3ufi poet umi has even used the metaphor of ,marrow- to emphasi%e the primacy of faith, while referring to the debates and controversies surrounding the law as mere ,bones.- The truth of the matter is that any intellectual in(uiry into the laws and practical injunctions of the :ur6 an is completely futile so long as such activity is not preceded and accompanied by the cultivation of a deep and authentic religious faith. It is this subtle point that has been very aptly conveyed in the following statement by BAbd!Allah bin BAbbas ;A+ ,We ac(uired iman first, and learned the :ur6an later.-
A convincing refutation of Western thought and a demolishing criti(ue of Western culture can only be produced by individuals who have thoroughly imbued the refreshing "nowledge of reality that flows from 47 the 9oly :ur6an. 2nly such individuals will find it possible to write a new ,incoherence- in response to today6s philosophers and mount a crushing ,refutation- upon the claims of today6s logicians. It will be the efforts of these individuals alone that will finally chec" the flood of disbelief and materialism#the same flood whose momentum has been carrying the human mind for the last two hundred years.
0esides this negative wor" of demolition, they will have to underta"e the positive tas" of laying down the foundations for a new philosophical theology of Islam, otherwise "nown as kalam. The aim of the latter enterprise is to allow the facts that have been discovered so far in the domains of mathematics, physics, cosmology, biology, and psychology to occupy their proper places within the framewor" of Islamic beliefs. After all, these facts are nothing other than partial details of the same eality whose fullest manifestation is found in the ,"nowing- that we call iman.
About thirty!five or forty years ago, 5uuammad I(bal initiated this tas" through his wor" The econstruction of eligious Thought in Islam. A portion of this wor" dealing with religious law and the issues of ijma and ijtihad is rather controversial/ but that discussion is not directly related to the main topic of the boo". 1oncerning the reconstruction of the philosophical theology of Islam, I(bal6s wor" is very important and thought!provo"ing. 9e himself observed in the preface+ ,As "nowledge advances and fresh avenues of thought are opened, other views and probably sounder views than those set forth in these lectures, are possible. 2ur duty is to watch carefully the progress of human thought and to maintain an independent critical attitude towards it.- 9ad other scholars pursued this tas" by continuing to reflect along the lines suggested by I(bal, and had only a few steadfast individuals devoted their lives for this purpose, a great deal of valuable and substantial wor" would have been produced. It is regretful that not even a single individual from I(bal6s own circle of influence chose to enter this arena. In any case, unless a considerable amount of truly high (uality wor" is accomplished in the field of philosophical theology, the hope of attracting the intelligentsia towards religion will be nothing more than a mirage.
After the ,reconstruction of religious thought in Islam,- the second most important tas" is to elaborate in a cogent and coherent manner the practical guidance of Islam concerning the various spheres of human life, such as politics, jurisprudence, culture, and economics. As mentioned earlier, a substantial amount of wor" has been accomplished in this field during the last fifty or si&ty years, particularly in Egypt and the Indian 3ubcontinent. The 7amaBat!e Islami and al!I"hwan al! 5uslimun have given particular attention to themes li"e the ,Islamic way of life- and ,social justice in Islam.- 9owever, all of this wor" can be described only as a useful beginning or merely as an initial step in the right direction. 5ore recently, the tendency of mindlessly repeating the same ideas#and publishing them under different titles#has diluted the significance of even that earlier effort, which was (uite valuable in itself. The enterprise of publishing unoriginal wor"s by amateur authors and self!proclaimed scholars, and selling them within a niche mar"et, may bring economic benefit to a few but does not accomplish any positive and lasting service to Islam. In today6s world, persons of high intellectual caliber do not have the leisure to study the writings of un(ualified authors, i.e., those who lac" the appropriate academic 48 training and the relevant credentials. It is imperative, therefore, that a high academic standard is maintained in whatever intellectual wor" is brought out, and that (uality#as opposed to (uantity#is given ma&imum attention.
To engage in this "ind of wor", it is obviously essential to have an accurate understanding of the affairs and problems of the contemporary world, as well as first!hand "nowledge of the latest trends and developments in the various fields of social sciences. 3ide by side with this modern "nowledge, one must have deep familiarity with the primary sources of Islam, i.e., the :ur6an and the 3unnah. It is futile to e&pect high (uality results without the application of the same degree of meticulous attention and analytical rigor to both sides of the e(uation.
Commentary
The modern condition has created a tremendous problem of plausibility for all religious traditions. 0hile religion tries to focus human attention on the spiritual and metaphysical dimension of reality, the powerful forces of history have already succeeded in directing most of human attention towards the material and physical dimension of reality. The result so far has been a pervasive process of seculari#ation in its various manifestations/intellectual, psychological, social, political. In the face of this powerful challenge posed by modernity, all religious traditions are facing an uphill struggle in trying to regain their lost status and relevance. Islam, too, is facing the same challenge, but it enjoys a very distinctive advantage.
!ccording to the Curan, the physical universe, the material body, and the life of this2 world consist of innumerable *signs, of what is spiritual and metaphysical. The Curan does not deny or denigrate the concrete, material reality, nor does it view that reality as evil. In contrast to many other forms of religious sensibility/including certain trends within the Islamic tradition itself/the Curan affirms and embraces the empirical world by interpreting all of its phenomena as so many *signs, of ?od. This means that by emphasi#ing the material universe, the physical body, and the life of this2world, modernity has caused the human attention to focus on the realm of divine *signs., Furthermore, by discovering and systemati#ing a tremendous amount of $nowledge relating to the concrete, material reality, modernity has done the greatest possible service to the human understanding of the *signs, of ?od.
This is a $ey moment in the argument of *Islamic +enaissance,, though the text itself does not emphasi#e its significance in any obvious way. 0e may recall that the treatise started by saying that the modern age is characteri#ed by the pervasive ascendancy of 0estern thought, which means that modernity encourages a disregard for the transcendent and the metaphysical& it ends, however, by turning that statement on its head. %ince the Curan treats all empirical phenomena as *signs, of ?od, in the final analysis the modern shift of emphasis towards the concrete, material reality does not pose any impediment for religious faith. In the contrary, modernity itself has opened up new possibilities for a postmodern revival of authentic religious faith.
The fact that the spirit of the Curan has something crucial in common with the spirit of modernity constitutes a momentous discovery, one that can cause a powerful paradigm shift in a wide2range of contexts. This is precisely why the wor$ of Muhammad Iqbal requires serious attention today. Indeed, his claim has tremendous weight that certain $ey elements of 0estern modernity, particularly its empirical attitude, represent a flowering of what is a genuinely Islamic contribution. In effect, Iqbal has shown us that Muslims ought to approach modernity as a friend and ally of religious faith, and not its enemy. This is so because each and every step in the progress of the natural and social sciences, every bit of reality that is unveiled through human effort, exposes/and ma$es accessible/the truth of a divine *sign., !s human $nowledge relating to the material and physical world goes on increasing, the tas$ of affirming the spiritual and metaphysical realities posited by the Curan becomes that much easier.
%ince the unprecedented growth of $nowledge under the conditions of modernity is 49 nothing but the latest stage in the revelation of divine *signs,, Muslim theologians do not have to start from scratch as they try to secure a rational foundation for religious beliefs. !ll they have to do is study the various aspects of modern $nowledge, and interpret that $nowledge in the service of their faith/not by forcing unwarranted conclusions on the data but by exercising an honest commitment to the pursuit of truth. If the +eality that is revealed in the Curan is identical to that which is revealed in the concrete, material reality, then each *fact, about the latter will only illuminate, rather than obscure, the teachings of the Curan.
It is in this bac$ground that "r. Israr !hmads insight about the nature of the *the real tas$, can be best appreciated. .e suggests that the most fundamental form of activism that is required in order to pave the way for a renaissance of Islam is neither social nor political. It is, first and foremost, intellectual. 'nfortunately, the word *activism, has acquired connotations of visible activity with immediate and tangible results, while the word *intellectual, carries connotations of dusty libraries and sterile hairsplitting& at the same time, there is a certain amount of suspicion in Muslim communities against anything *intellectual,, a strange development in a religion otherwise $nown for its vibrant intellectual tradition. The entire argument of *Islamic +enaissance,, however, comes down to the following two claims1 First, a thoughtful and disciplined reflection on the *signs, of ?od is necessary for developing the $ind of faith that is capable of becoming ones state of being. %econd, no substantial transformation can occur in a society without the approval and cooperation of its intellectual minority. These two claims, in turn, lead to the following conclusion1 ! particular form of intellectual activism must be underta$en in order to ma$e possible the rebirth and *renaissance, of Islam. )alling the required intellectual activism *the real tas$, does not mean that the social and political varieties of Islamic activism are useless pursuits& on the contrary, it is to ac$nowledge that other forms of activism, while necessary in their own right, will not ta$e us closer to our goal so long as this fundamental need remains unfulfilled.
To sum up, those who are seriously concerned with the goal of achieving a true and lasting renaissance of Islam must pay attention to the following issues1 a; the social and political fortunes of Islam are directly dependent upon the cultivation of authentic religious faith, among both the intelligentsia and the masses, b; the religious needs of the intelligentsia are of a very different nature than the religious needs of the masses, and c; instead of spreading our limited energies and resources too thin by getting involved in a wide range and levels of activism, there is a need to focus on what is most important, most essential, and most fundamental for the cultivation of religious faith among the intelligentsia.
The practical form that *the real tas$, must ta$e is obvious. It is to launch an intellectual movement that can appropriate modern discoveries in both the physical and social sciences for the purpose of showing their spiritual and metaphysical *significance, in accordance with the teachings of the Curan. %uch an intellectual movement is the essential prerequisite for the revitali#ation of religious faith among the intelligentsia, which, in turn, is necessary for the cultivation of faith among the masses in general.
The nature of the *real tas$, is intellectual, and to fulfill its demands an academic movement has to be launched. ?iven the fact that rapid means of communication have led to an unprecedented rise in the ease and speed with which information and ideas travel around the globe, the academic movement in question cannot succeed if it limits itself to a parochial level. In other words, a movement that meets the intellectual standards of one particular country but then fails to meet the higher standards of another country will not be able to remain competitive in the global mar$etplace of ideas& ultimately, such a movement will be an exercise in futility. Ideas and arguments that do not meet the highest standards of intellectual sophistication are quic$ly challenged, refuted, and replaced/or simply ignored. In order for the required academic movement to have any chances of success, it must avoid the temptation of ta$ing the easy way& preaching to the choir, in other words, is not an option. It must aim at meeting the highest standards of academic rigor in the world.
The academic wor$ required to fulfill the practical demands of *the real tas$, is obviously very important, yet it is not required from everyone. 0hile everyone who comes to recogni#e its need can and should contribute to this movement in one way or another, the creative labor that has to form the core of this movement requires certain special qualities and commitments for which, generally spea$ing, only a tiny fraction of any given population is suitable at any given time. 50
The first step, then, is to find the right $ind of human resources, i.e., men and women who possess the necessary motivation and aptitude, a strong desire for achieving genuine $nowledge, and an irrepressible urge to experience truth rather than accept it second2hand. The sort of individuals most suitable for this underta$ing are those who feel compelled to do so as a result of a desire that they feel arising from within their souls, rather than an imperative that is artificially imposed upon them from the outside. They must feel *called, to ta$e this route.
The second step is to develop the financial and institutional resources that would provide the $ind of training and mentoring necessary for preparing these men and women for participating in *the real tas$.,
0hat $ind of education is required3 ?iven the nature of the required academic movement, these men and women would have to be well2versed in the teachings of the Curan and appropriately grounded in the traditional sources of Tafsir, .adith, Fiqh, and Tasawwuf. That this would require a thorough $nowledge of classical and literary !rabic, and perhaps other languages, goes without saying. The main emphasis will be on acquiring the necessary tools and s$ills that will help the individuals establish a close and personal relationship with the .oly Curan. !t the same time, they should acquire the necessary capabilities that would allow them to underta$e a thorough and critical study of the entire range of human thought, particularly of those areas that they find most congenial to their own interests as well as most relevant to the demands of *the real tas$.,
In terms of human thought, the most relevant subjects include philosophical theology and metaphysics, as well as those branches of philosophy that deal with psychology, ethics, anthropology, and logic :including epistemology and philosophy of science;
The above mentioned are the most crucial or *core, disciplines, but they are far from sufficient for our purpose. In the second place are the social sciences, including economics, political science, sociology, psychology, and anthropology. From the perspective of *the real tas$,, the emphasis has to be placed on the philosophical and theoretical aspects of these social sciences, though a basic acquaintance with empirical research will be necessary as well.
)losely related to the social sciences are the fields of study that are classified under the rubric of humanities. In addition to philosophy, humanities include the important areas of literature and history. These fields are valuable mainly due to their multiple connections with our *core, disciplines as well as with the disciplines in the social sciences.
Finally, some attention must be given to the physical or the natural sciences, such as physics, cosmology, biology, and experimental psychology. The emphasis, again, is not on the technical and applied aspects of these sciences but on their philosophical implications for the *core, disciplines identified above. For instance, the men and women hoping to participate in *the real tas$, would be less interested in the actual mathematical modeling of chaotic systems or in loo$ing for blac$ holes or dar$ matter, but they would be deeply interested in the philosophical and theological implications of these discoveries as they relate to their *core, disciplines.
The above survey, quic$ and cursory as it might be, paints a daunting picture. 0ho, in this age of information explosion, could hope to master a single discipline, let alone all or most of them3 If the answer is *no one,, then what does this say about the prospects of *the real tas$,3 Two relevant points should be noted in this regard. First, the proposed academic movement will be a collaborative enterprise led by a networ$ of scholars& as such, it will not require everyone to become an authority in every discipline, which is impossible in any case. %uch a movement will require the putting together of a team of li$e2minded scholar2activists who are experts in their own particular areas of inquiry but who are also, at the same time, sufficiently $nowledgeable about other areas so as to be able to communicate intelligently among themselves across disciplinary boundaries.
%econd, the very idea of *the real tas$, involves the building of bridges across diverse modes of thin$ing that are considered too far apart to have anything meaningful to say to each other& such a goal requires a synthetic approach that goes beyond the analytical trend of hyper2speciali#ation. In other words, while speciali#ation is necessary and unavoidable, the very nature of *the real tas$, demands an extraordinary degree of 51 inter2disciplinary competence from those who would underta$e it. %ince the goal involves viewing both the verses of the Curan and the discoveries of science as *signs, of the same 'ltimate +eality, only men and women with a wide range of interests and the ability to move comfortably among various disciplines will be able to ma$e the best and most useful contributions.
The purpose of all this study is not to gain information for its own sa$e& it is to acquire the tools and s$ills needed for a thoughtful contemplation of divine *signs., The aim of the entire activity is to create the necessary conditions in which faith can prosper as a natural and organic inner experience.
!s discussed in the previous section, the religious needs of the *masses, are significantly different from those of the *intellectuals., )onsequently, when it comes to acquiring religious faith, at least two different approaches are needed depending on the unique temperament of the individual in question. ?enerally spea$ing, religious faith tends to develop gradually within a persons inner being through a combination of factors, including, most importantly1 :5; absorption or assimilation from ones social environment, and :J; personal reali#ation or *enlightenment., -eople who fall in the category of the *masses, are more li$ely to develop their faith by $eeping the company of pious and faithful individuals& this is because their temperament allows them to absorb or assimilate from their surroundings the $inds of feelings and tendencies that are associated with religious faith. In the other hand, people who fall in the category of the *intellectuals, are also influenced by the company they $eep, but, in addition, they usually have to go through a variable period of questioning and intense reflection before faith can begin to ta$e root in their hearts. For such individuals, the need for the experience of personal reali#ation or *enlightenment, often ta$es the form of an irrepressible urge for truth that $eeps them restless and dissatisfied. The only thing that can bring them lasting peace is the personal experience of finding the truth within their own souls. In rare case, such *enlightenment, may happen purely as a result of divine grace, with little or no human effort. More often, however, the experience of personal reali#ation must be actively cultivated with the help of appropriate guidance, a disciplined intellectual inquiry, a contemplative attitude, a life of service and prayer, and a practice of silent meditation.
If course, the two categories of the *masses, and the *intellectuals, are gross generali#ations or ideal2types. ! large number of individuals may not easily fit in either one of these categories, which is why it would be more fruitful to imagine these categories as opposite poles of a wide spectrum. Furthermore, people also change somewhat during their lives, and hence at different ages they may be found at different locations on the spectrum. In very general and approximate terms, however, it may be possible to speculate that the people who fall in the former category :or who are closer to the *masses, pole on our spectrum; are li$ely to have one $ind of religious faith, while the people who fall in the latter category :or who are closer to the *intellectuals, pole of our spectrum; will have a different $ind of faith. If a persons faith is mostly acquired through absorption or assimilation from the surroundings, then such a faith may be called *naLve., In the other hand, if a persons faith is mostly the result of personal reali#ation, then such a faith may be named *critical.,
0hether it is naLve or critical, the subjective feelings and tendencies associated with faith tend to remain the same. 4y definition, faith is characteri#ed by a state of trust, contentment, peace, lac$ of concern for the past or the future, a confidence that reality is ultimately benevolent, etc. -ractically, it is characteri#ed by modesty and self2 restraint, honesty and fairness, a willingness to serve fellow humans and other creatures, a lac$ of interest in wealth or power, a tendency to forgive and overloo$ peoples mista$es, etc. These feelings and tendencies are unaffected by the process through which faith has been acquired. 0e may thin$ of these qualities as the *depth, dimension of faith. In other words, the difference between naLve faith and critical faith lies in its breadth, rather than in its depth. 4oth $inds of faith can potentially attain the same degree of depth, but critical faith tends to have significantly more breadth than that attainable by naive faith. 4y definition, naLve faith :also $nown as *blind faith; is the result of a persons unreflective and uncritical/and sometimes even unconscious/assimilation of certain feelings and tendencies from the social environment& the intellectual or *critical, component is minimal, though it is never entirely absent. In the other hand, while passive assimilation plays some role in the development of critical faith as well, the latter is largely the result of a peculiar $ind of personal experience that cannot come about except through a process of searching, questioning, observing, thin$ing, contemplating, reflecting, meditating, and so on. 52
There is often an element of innocence and wholesome purity in the experience of naLve faith, along with an insufficient capacity for doubt or suspicion& as a result, inner turmoil is rare and existential crisis is un$nown. -erhaps for this very reason, naLve faith is incapable of satisfying the religious needs of a significant minority of human beings, i.e., of individuals who possess an *abnormal, tendency to be critical and s$eptical of the ta$en2for2granted beliefs and practices of their society. These individuals demand something more than, or different from, what seems to satisfy the vast majority of their peers. Typically, many of these *intellectuals, fail to progress beyond the phase of s$epticism, dissatisfaction, and criticism of all things conventional& if they dont receive appropriate guidance, they may end up in a state of cynicism or get lost in the dar$ despairs of nihilism. ! few, however, continue the process of intellectual inquiry. %uch individuals may experience, with the help of divine grace, the personal reali#ation or *enlightenment, that is the characteristic feature of critical faith.
Those who wish to pursue *the real tas$, would want to $now the process that may lead them to a genuine experience of critical faith. There is no easy way to attain this goal, however, for this $ind of faith does not come to the see$er li$e the mothers mil$ but must be harvested as the fruit of disciplined effort. !s discussed previously, these individuals must embar$ upon a long and painsta$ing journey of intellectual inquiry spanning traditional religious $nowledge as well as modern humanities and social sciences, focusing on particular areas or fields in accordance with their respective aptitudes and preferences. In the course of this inquiry, each of them will inevitably gravitate towards a more or less unique set of questions, problems, and issues. In addition, they must cultivate spiritual awareness through the practice of ritual prayers, night vigils, recitation, and fasting :both prescribed and supererogatory;. They must develop a contemplative attitude, particularly towards nature, and develop the habits of humility and selfless service to others. Finally, they must learn to become intensely aware of the moment by moment activities of their own minds, so that, among other benefits of meditation, they are able to catch the negative urgings of their own egos.
0hat happens next is beyond prediction or planning, for the results of this endeavor are entirely in the hands of !llah. (ven the availability of the best guidance and mentoring, while useful, cannot guarantee a positive outcome in all cases. !s the intellectual inquiry continues at an ever higher level of sophistication/along with the cultivation of spiritual awareness/we could hope that at least a few of these individuals will receive the gift of grace. Those so blessed will be able to experience the perfect harmony that already exists among all the *signs, of ?od& they will reali#e that the *signs, on the *hori#ons and within their own souls, are indicating the same truths that have been conveyed in the *signs, found in the +evealed %cripture, i.e., in the ayat of the .oly Curan. They will thus experience the spiritual contentment that only comes from a personal reali#ation or *enlightenment.,
It is important to reiterate that the goal is not to turn ones mind into a jun$yard of information& instead, the goal is to cultivate authentic religious faith that has a significant intellectual component. Intellectual inquiry should not be allowed to become an end in itself& for it is only a means to facilitate ones journey towards critical faith. This $ind of faith is much more than mere belief or theory or information that one carries around in ones head, for it necessarily manifests itself in ones character and influences the concrete reality in both subtle and obvious ways. The individuals who have been so blessed would naturally, and effortlessly, manifest the Curanic truths in their thoughts, judgments, and actions. They would be able to *see, things as they are, and not as their egos wish them to be. +ight action would not have to be forced by the exercise of ones willpower& instead, it would organically flow from their *seeing., %ome of them may achieve an even higher ran$1 instead of being preachers or teachers of the Curan in the ordinary sense of these words, they may be chosen by !llah to act as the living, embodied proofs of the truth of .is +evealed 0ord.
"r. Israr !hmad goes on to say that *faith is the heart of religion., .ere again, he is drawing our attention to the core of his thesis, i.e., that iman is more fundamental than anything else in the Islamic tradition, including law and ethics. Faith is primary and practice is secondary, even though these two elements of religious life are supposed to be intimately intertwined as well as mutually supportive.
)ontemporary Muslims who become concerned with the reform and revival of Islam tend to focus their attentions on the legal and ethical aspects of religion, i.e., the %hari 53 Gah. The reali#e, correctly, that the historical development of Islamic juristic tradition, or Fiqh, has not $ept pace with the rapid changes in the social, political, economic, and cultural spheres that have ta$en place during the last two hundred years or so. +ecogni#ing the need for filling that vacuum and for updating the various dimensions of the %hariGah, they naturally turn to the practice of ijtihad.
There is nothing wrong with this endeavor per se& from a practical point of view it is often urgently needed in order to address the everyday needs of Muslim populations. The problem, however, is that in their desire to update the legal and ethical aspects of the IslOmic tradition, modern reformers tend to disregard the correct order of priorities. They do not reali#e that this important endeavor cannot be carried out in an authentic fashion without a prior revitali#ation of religious faith. 0hile the %hariGah is a central and indispensable element of our tradition, it does not constitute its entirety. There is something else in Islam that is more basic and more essential to the goal of living in submission to !llah than even the %hariGah/and that is the need to acquire, cultivate, and maintain the inner state of peace and trust that we call iman. 0hile the legal and ethical tradition/collectively $nown as Fiqh/represents one of the greatest achievements of Muslim civili#ation, the legitimacy of that tradition is itself based on the foundation of religious faith. If our iman is in trouble, then all the wor$ we do in the realm of Fiqh may not bring us the desired results.
Today, the most urgent and immediate challenge is not a reconstruction of Islamic law and jurisprudence, even though that too needs to be accomplished if the Islamic tradition as a whole is to undergo a true revival and a genuine renaissance. The most urgent and immediate challenge is the reconstruction of Islamic theology on sound/i. e., scientific/foundations, for our ability to experience authentic religious faith is directly related to such a reconstruction. This is not to say that law and ethics are unimportant, but to emphasi#e that faith ta$es priority over law and ethics.
The correct order of priorities is evident from the Curan itself. !s any student of the IslOmic scripture would testify, the Curan is primarily concerned with having its audience achieve a vision of reality as it truly is. In other words, the primary aim of the Curan is to inculcate in us that $nowledge of reality which alone can bring us inner peace and contentment, and which alone can enable us to live in harmony with ?ods will, i.e., iman. It is for this reason that less than ten percent of the Curanic text deals with matters of the law, and the rest deals with discussions of divine *signs, that are scattered all around us in history and society and nature, as well as within our own souls. The main emphasis of the Curan is on drawing our attention toward these *signs,, to guide us in ways that we can interpret them correctly, and, through our engagement with them, attain the $nowledge of things as they really are. If this basic and essential step is not accomplished, then merely focusing on the ten percent of verses that tal$ about legal matters will not contribute to an Islamic renaissance. In fact, the true wor$ of the reconstruction of Fiqh can be carried out only by those men and women who have already attained a high degree of faith, not by those who are still wondering in the valleys of doubt and suspicion.
G!bd2!llah bin G!bbas :+;, a companion of -rophet Muhammad :%; has reported1 *0e first learned iman and then we learned the Curan., .ere, the -rophets companion is pointing out the natural order of priorities& according to this saying, the details about legal and ethical matters were given to the companions of the -rophet :%; only after they had become receptive to it, that is to say, only after they had acquired a sufficiently strong foundation of faith. The word *Curan, in this saying has misled many, but it simply stands for $itab, which means *law, or *practice., The implication of this saying is that practical commandments and instructions cannot be forced on to people unless they have developed an inner state of acceptance, receptivity, and readiness that comes only from having tasted the sweetness of iman.
Inly such scholars as have attained a strong faith of the critical $ind can underta$e *the real tas$, that will truly pave the way for an Islamic renaissance. In Muslim history, examples of such individuals would include !bu .amid al2?ha#ali :+; and Ibn Taymiyah :+;. The former wrote Tahafat al2Falasifah, or *The Incoherence of the -hilosophers,, to refute certain un2Islamic claims made by philosophers li$e Ibn %ina, who were influenced by ?ree$ thought. The latter is $nown for his wor$ al2+add Gala Gl2 Mantiqiyin, or *The +efutation of the 9ogicians,, in which he challenged the foundations of ?ree$ logic. 4oth of these giants of Muslim history produced wor$s that may be called *negative,, in the sense that they were aimed at negating and refuting certain notions that had become influential at the time but which these two scholars had judged to be un2Islamic. %uch wor$ needs to be done in our times as well. 54
!ccording to "r. Israr !hmad, *the real tas$, involves not only the negative wor$ of refuting what is false& it also involves the positive wor$ of supporting, affirming, synthesi#ing, and constructing what is true. The most crucial and absolutely central aspect of the positive wor$ requires a reconstruction of Islamic philosophical theology, otherwise $nown as $alam. "r. Israr !hmad argues that a new $alam/a new way of understanding, explaining, and defending the Curanic view of reality/must be the cornerstone of *the real tas$.,
Traditionally, $alam has not been a central concern of our scholars, most of whom had occupied themselves with the study of Fiqh and other practical matters. !nd yet, the intellectual developments of the last two hundred years have made it clear that a reconstruction of theology is the foremost tas$ without which a true revitali#ation of faith cannot be attained. The reason that so few of our classical authorities indulged in the discipline of theology had to do with the general intellectual climate of their time. In the pre2modern period, it was generally ta$en for granted that a spiritual interpretation of the universe was the most satisfying one. In the modern period, this is no longer true, for religious faith has now become one option from among many other options. )onsequently, philosophical theology has attained an importance today that it did not enjoy a millennium ago.
The new $alam that is needed today must be founded on empirical foundations. This means that modern Muslim theologians have to ta$e into account all the discoveries that have been made until today by the application of the scientific method. 0hat has been discovered through the scientific method constitutes a set of facts pertaining to the world. The CurOn too provides us with a set of facts pertaining to the world. !ll facts are *signs,, as previously discussed, since they point toward the same 'ltimate +eality that we call *?od., Today, only that $ind of theology is viable that embraces the results of science wholeheartedly, and uses these results to show how they point beyond themselves to ?od.
In the twentieth2century, it was Muhammad Iqbal who brought to the fore the urgent need and the immense significance of developing a new $alam, i.e., of reconstructing the Islamic philosophical theology in the light of modern $nowledge and of rebuilding the edifice of religious belief on the basis of newly available philosophical categories and newly discovered scientific data.
Iqbal sought to demonstrate that the intellectual and scientific progress that was achieved by (urope during the last few centuries was a manifestation of the Curanic spirit. !ccording to Iqbal, the birth of IslOm was the birth of inductive intellect& it was the Curanic emphasis on observation and experience, as well as its stress on the concrete and the finite, which gave rise to the scientific method of inquiry. The scientific spirit was born as a result of the imperative by the Curan to give up all superstitious and fanciful beliefs, to rely on the senses and the faculty of reason for gaining $nowledge of the material world, and to contemplate the physical and natural phenomena because these are *signs, of ?od. It was under the influence of such Cur anic teachings that the inductive method of inquiry blossomed among the !rabs, before being carried through the universities in Muslim %pain into (urope, paving the way for the +enaissance and subsequently the %cientific +evolution. It was in this sense that Iqbal saw the intellectual side of the (uropean culture as *only a further development of some of the most important phases of the culture of Islam.,
Iqbal argued that the religious thought in Islam had been practically stagnant during the last half a millennium, while during the same period science and philosophy have been rapidly progressing in the 0est. Muslims will disregard these developments at their own peril. -art of the Muslim awa$ening in the twentieth2century has been the demand for a new way of approaching the timeless teachings of the Curan that ta$es into account these latest discoveries. %uch a demand cannot be ignored. It is the duty of modern Muslim theologians to *reconstruct, the religious thought of Islam, through a critical examination of the classical Islamic tradition as well as the scientific and philosophical $nowledge that has been made available more recently. If Muslim scholars failed to meet this demand, and if, instead of thoughtfully engaging with the challenges of modernity, they were to see$ refuge in the isolated fortress of classical texts, then the gap between Muslims and their religious tradition will go on increasing with the passage of time and the tas$ of establishing faith on rational foundations will become increasingly difficult.
Iqbal had recogni#ed both the urgency and the immensity of the tas$. .e $new that the 55 revival and reform of Islam cannot be achieved through political or economic means alone. .e understood that the vital element in any $ind of reform wor$ or activism was inner transformation of the human soul, achievable only through personal reali#ation or *enlightenment., %uch an inner transformation can be attained through authentic spiritual experience. Traditionally, the great mystical traditions of Islam had offered us highly sophisticated approaches to the cultivation of such an experience. Many of these techniques, however, have lost their appeal and effectiveness due to the radical change in human mindset which we call *modernity., Dew techniques are obviously needed, but techniques derive their appeal and effectiveness from accurate and meaningful understandings of the nature of reality. This means that what we call $alam has now acquired a far greater significance than was the case in the medieval period.
Iqbal himself initiated the tas$ of developing a philosophical theology of Islam that would be more conducive to the modern mindset and its *concrete habits of thought., 'sing his broad and deep $nowledge both of classical Muslim learning and of modern philosophy and science, he sought to articulate a comprehensive Curanic worldview for our times.
There can be no doubt that Iqbal made some remar$able progress. .owever, the project of the reconstruction of religious thought is truly immense, which means that it can only be carried out adequately by teams of scholars wor$ing over several generations rather than by a single individual. Indeed, the load is so heavy that very few individuals have shown the courage or the willingness to accept its responsibilities. The vast majority of Muslim scholars have been content with merely repeating or rephrasing past authorities. This is certainly true of Iqbals own *fans., 0hile there is no lac$ of individuals who are enamored by Iqbals poetry or those who write boo$s showing their admiration for Iqbals philosophy, very few have actually ta$en up as their own life mission what Iqbal had identified as the essential prerequisite for the revival and reform in Islam, i.e., a fresh approach to the Curan in light of modern scientific and philosophical discoveries.
The next item on the agenda is a cogent and coherent elaboration of those Islamic teachings that have to do with human conduct, i.e., the practical spheres of culture, law, social institutions, politics, and economics. 'nder the influence of modernity, the doctrine of *secularism, has become widely accepted in much of the world. !ccording to this doctrine, religion is the private and personal affair of the individual believer, while the public spheres of society should be established and managed on purely rational and utilitarian foundations, with no input or interference from any religious teaching. This understanding of *secularism, is contrary to IslOmic teachings, and modern revivalist movements have been correct in rejecting it as such.
The other side of the problem, however, is equally worthy of our attention. !s mentioned above, the growth and expansion of Islamic Fiqh has not $ept pace with the historical changes that have been ta$ing place during the last five hundred years or so. These changes constitute the practical consequences of moderni#ation, industriali#ation, and seculari#ation in relation to human conduct and institutions. Ine of the main reasons for the relative stagnation in the growth and expansion of Islamic Fiqh is the Muslim experience of colonialism& the classical institutions of Islamic learning were systematically dismantled by (uropean powers during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, mainly to establish and maintain their own hegemony. This, however, is not the sole reason for the current state of juristic stagnation& a movement against the continuing development of Fiqh had already appeared among Muslims even before the (uropean invasions began, a movement that is sometimes referred to as the *closing of the gates of ijtihad.,
Irrespective of the cause, no one can deny that a significant gap now exists between the classical or medieval ideals of an Islamic society and government on the one hand, and the complex realities of the modern world on the other. This means that while anyone can raise the slogan that *IslOm is the %olution,, it is an entirely different matter to actually explain to the world exactly how the teachings of Islam are to be put into practice today and exactly how would they solve the problems that human$ind is currently facing. It ta$es very little effort to proclaim that IslOm provides the best system of social justice, which is why so many of us are inclined to ma$e such a claim without giving it as much as a second thought. In the other hand, it is going to ta$e a great deal of effort to actually go about establishing the truth of that claim in a cogent and coherent manner, something that so few of us are willing to underta$e.
)onsequently, it is vital for us to reconstruct and rearticulate the practical teachings of 56 Islam in ways that are capable not only of reaching and influencing the modern sensibilities but also of being put into practice under contemporary conditions. This wor$ is part and parcel of any effort at revival and reform. ! great start was made in this regard when scholars li$e %ayyid Cutb and %ayyid !bu Gl2!Gla Mawdudi wrote significant treatises in the 56H>s and 56=>s on social, political, and economic issues. 'nfortunately, the disciples and followers of both of these ideologues did not critique, develop, or extend this initial wor$. Instead, they fell into a pattern of reiterating, reorgani#ing, and repac$aging the same ideas, giving rise to an endless series of popular boo$s and pamphlets that still adorn the shelves of religious boo$stores while ma$ing little or no original contribution to scholarship. %uch publications give the readers a false sense of security and confidence, usually confirming their existing beliefs rather than challenging them to stretch their minds. 4ecause of the low standard of these writings, professional scholars and academics cannot be expected to read such boo$s and pamphlets, let alone be moved or influenced by them in the slightest wayX
<I. A 0lueprint for Action
In order to launch the above!mentioned intellectual movement, the following two steps must be ta"en immediately.
)irst, an institution of mass propagation should be established that not only invites people to renew their faith and reform their lives, but also provides training and mentoring for the intellectual and moral development of those who respond to its call. In addition, it should elucidate the significance of the re(uisite scholarly wor" to those who are sincerely aspiring for the renaissance of Islam, as well as identify such bright and talented individuals who may be willing to dedicate their lives for this purpose.
)inding such individuals, however, seems li"e a virtual impossibility at first glance. This age of ours is characteri%ed by a pervasive domination of materialism and the love of this!world/ in addition, the challenge of earning a livelihood has become so acute that most people are forced to invest all of their abilities and energies in order to afford the basic necessities of life. The general trend of society is such that those who rise above this level immediately become obsessed with continuously raising their standards of living. $espite these impediments, the fact remains that the world is never bereft of wholesome and pure souls that are untainted by worldly ambitions. 1onse(uently, if only a few sincere and resolute individuals were to embar" on this mission with a single! minded devotion, they are#.od willing#sure to find in the same materialistic society many young individuals with brilliant minds and e&ceptional talents, individuals who would devote their lives to the learning and teaching of :ur6anic "nowledge. Their lives would thus embody the Prophetic saying ,the best among you are those who learn and teach the :ur6an.-
The only essential prere(uisite for underta"ing any momentous tas" is a strong inner motivation that develops under the influence of a particular thought or feeling. 2nce such an urge or desire is awa"ened in a person6s heart, it becomes a force in its own right that is able to create the appropriate ways and means for its own reali%ation. A motivation that emerges from within is also able to meet and overcome any number of impediments and challenges that might arise in its path.
All that is really needed, therefore, is to propagate the idea that a 57 powerful intellectual movement is essential for bringing about the renaissance of Islam. 2nce a strong sense of its necessity has ta"en root, there is no reason why such a noble and e&alted aspiration would fail to attract the re(uisite human resources.
3econd, a :ur6anic academy should be established that underta"es the teaching and dissemination of :ur6anic "nowledge on a mass scale, so that the light of divine revelation illuminates the society at large and that people come to appreciate the majesty and glory of the revealed Word. At the same time, the academy should arrange for the education, training, and mentoring of young individuals so as to e(uip them with the necessary e&pertise in modern disciplines as well as direct ac(uaintance with the 9oly :ur6an. This, in turn, will pave the way for underta"ing the academic tas"s mentioned above.
The most important outcome of the teaching and dissemination of :ur6 anic "nowledge on a mass scale will be as follows+ people6s attentions will come to focus upon the 9oly :ur6an/ their intellects will be impressed by its unmatched power/ and their hearts will once again fall in love with its ayat. In short, there will be a general attitude of respect and reverence, as well as devotion and dedication, towards the revealed 3cripture. Inevitably, a large number of young individuals with brilliant minds and e&ceptional talents will also become ,introduced- to the 9oly :ur6an, in the real sense of the word. There is every reason to hope that a substantial number of such individuals will come to recogni%e the true worth and value of the 9oly :ur6an, and that this recognition will motivate them to spend their lives ac(uiring and propagating its "nowledge and wisdom.
The primary function of the proposed academy would be the education and guidance of such individuals. To e&ecute this function, Arabic language will be taught on sound foundations, with the aim of developing in the students a deep appreciation for the language as well as a refined taste in classical literature. They will then go over the entire te&t of the :ur6an in a formal academic setting, while also underta"ing the study of 9adith, )i(h, and 'sul al!)i(h.
3ubse(uently, those with an aptitude for philosophy and theology will be able to offer a cogent criti(ue of modern philosophical trends in the light of the 9oly :ur6an, as well as to lay down the foundations for a modern philosophical theology or kalam. Those inclined towards the various fields of social sciences will be able to present the guidance of Islam concerning the different spheres of human life at the highest intellectual level.
58
Worldview
Iur worldviews determine to a large extent what we can believe about life, faith, and the very cosmos. If we are unaware of which worldview claims our allegiance, they will continue to determine our behavior in ways to which we are simply blind. !t a far deeper level than ideologies or myths, worldviews tend to dictate what we are able to believe. They are the presuppositions by which we thin$, the very foundations of thought itself. . . .
0orldviews are the fundamental presuppositions about reality, the elementary bases of thought for an entire epoch. ! worldview dictates the way whole societies perceive the world. It is neutral, in the sense that it provides only the presuppositions with which to thin$, not the thoughts themselves.
0orldviews provide a picture of the nature of things1 where is heaven, where is earth, what is visible and what invisible, what is real and what unreal3 !s I am using the term, worldviews are not philosophies, or theologies, or even myths or tales about the origin of things. 0e might thin$ of them rather as the foundation of the house of our minds. In that foundation we erect the walls and roof, which are the myths we live by, the symbolic understandings of our world. The furnishings/the stuff to sit on and lie down and eat with/are our theologies and personal philosophies. -eople notice the sofa and rugs :our theologies;, they comment on the structure :the $ey myths;, but no one notices the foundation :our worldview;. It is covered, hidden from view. In the very act of opposing another persons thought, we usually share the same worldview. Thus, during the )old 0ar, the +ussians and the !mericans share a similar worldview, but with no comprehension that we were so ali$e.
0orldviews are the bac$ground against or context in which faith exists. .ence, a worldview can prevent certain $inds of faith. The basic tenets of a worldview are not argued to but argued from. ! worldview is always presupposed, being transcendent to daily life and even to philosophical rationality. It tends to be global, a pre2understanding by which whole societies live. 0orldviews are antecedent even to our reflections and discussions of them.
0alter 0in$. J>>7. *The Dew 0orldview1 %pirit at the )ore of (verything, in Transforming the Powers: Peace, Justice, and the Domination System, edited by +ay ?ingerich and Ted ?rimsrud. Minneapolis, MD1 Fortress -ress, pp. 5825<.
The Technical Age
Narious terms are now used in referring to the distinctive complex of cultural traits that have played a decisive role in human society since about the generation of 58<6. Most of such terms are appropriate in one context or another. ! first set of terms depends on the recentness of these traits and on the fact that they do not remain constant, but must always be brought further up to date. The age characteri#ed by these traits :together with that period which, within the Iccident, can be regarded as leading up to them; is usually called GModern& the traits can be summed up as GModernity, and adoption of them, as GModerni#ing. ! second set of terms refers to the high degree of economic exploitation of resources which is also a fundamental characteristic. ! society lac$ing the traits in question is called Gundeveloped or Gunderdeveloped and the acquisition of such traits is called Gdevelopment, which properly should refer strictly to technical development as applied to exploitation of resources, but can 59 be generali#ed to all the necessarily related traits. ! third set of terms has a more precise application. 4ecause a $ey trait is technical rationality in the sense of subjecting all behaviour to calculation according to presumedly objective ends without interference from arbitrary tradition, the acquisition of the traits generally can be called *rationali#ation. Finally, some refer to acquisition of the traits in question as *0esterni#ation because they were first developed in western (urope, and because acquisition of them appears to ma$e any group seem li$e western (uropeans.
Marshall .odgson. 568=. The Venture of Islam: onscience and !istory in a "orld ivili#ation :Nol. 5; )hicago, I91 'niversity of )hicago -ress, pp.K>2K5.
The Great Western Transmutation
4etween about 57>> and about 5<>> there too$ place in 0estern (urope a general cultural transformation. This transformation culminated in two more or less simultaneous events1 the Industrial +evolution, when speciali#ed technical development decisively transformed the presuppositions of human production, and the French +evolution, when a $indred spirit established li$ewise unprecedented norms in human social relations. These events did not constitute the transformation I am spea$ing of& they were its most obvious early consequences . . . . The same generation that saw the Industrial and French +evolutions saw a third and almost equally unprecedented event1 the establishment of (uropean world hegemony. . . .
The 0estern transmutation can be described . . . as consisting primarily in transformations of culture in three main fields1 the economic, the intellectual, and the social. In the economic life there too$ place that great increase in productivity/due to a sequence of new techniques, and carried out through a concentrated control of production based on capital accumulation and mass mar$ets/which led up to and culminated in the *Industrial +evolution, and the accompanying *!gricultural +evolution., In intellectual life there came the new experimental science, from Mepler and ?alileo on, and more generally the philosophical exploratory independence made widely popular in the (nlightenment. In social life there came the brea$down of old landed privileges and supremacies and their replacement with a bourgeois bureaucratic or mercantile power which ushered in the !merican and French revolutions, with their repercussions throughout (urope. . . .
The shift from reliance on custom and continuity to reliance on reason and innovation, although it occurred only in a limited measure, was not in itself what was specific to the Modern 0estern Transmutation. It was not this that set the 0esterners apart from both their ancestors and the rest of the world. It merely accompanied and facilitated a change in the patterns of investment of time and money. This . . . occurred only in a special form, one that I shall call technicalistic, so that speciali#ed technical considerations tended to ta$e precedence over all others. Indeed, in that special form/rather than in other forms/the shift went to unprecedented lengths, so that the results set new conditions for all historical life. It was not that the human mind as such was suddenly emancipated, as if by some mutation, and could therefore begin freely to explore all calculable possibilities where, before, new paths could be opened only by chance and despite the weight of customary bias. +ather, new concrete sorts of opportunity for social investment, hitherto impractical even for the most emancipated mind, became practical, attracting even minds that still, by and large, resisted any deviation from intellectual habit. !nd then the resistance was gradually reduced. . . .
!t the core of the new innovation was the pattern of multiple technical speciali#ations. %uch technical speciali#ation was not altogether new . . . . 4ut now it reached a breadth of scale, a *critical mass,, which allowed much more extensive institutionali#ing of such innovation than before, an institutionali#ing which has to embrace and finally dominate all the $ey sectors of the whole society. (conomically, it appeared in forms of industrial and commercial investment in northwest (urope during the seventeenth century1 capital was systematically re2invested and multiplied on the basis of continuing technical innovation and of anticipated expansion in mar$et patterns. Intellectually, it appeared in the wor$ of such associations as the +oyal %ociety . . . . In the 60 seventeenth century the +oyal %ociety aimed explicitly at gathering and disseminating that new $nowledge which would replace the old, and did so largely in expectation of the continual new inventions of the by then professionali#ed instrument2ma$ers and the new observations that they would ma$e possible.
Ine must suppose that the intellectual side of the movement was dependent on the economic side, but not in the sense that the natural sciences benefitted directly from the inventiveness of industry. +ather, the expansion of industrial investment released more resources to the whole economy. These were then made use of, among scholars, in a manner consonant with the expansive mood of which the pace was surely set by the exhalation associated with the new mercantile and industrial ventures. The intellectual development was apparently quite autonomous. !fter a certain point is reached in the development of natural sciences, at any rate, it cannot advance further without a disproportionate amount of human investment on all fronts at once1 i.e., increasing speciali#ation in many different fields. . . .
In both scientific and economic life, the scale of increasing technical speciali#ation brought with it qualitative changes. -erhaps most obviously it reached a level on which it paid to invest the requisite time, funds, and concern into institutions that embodied and further confirmed the technical speciali#ation. These very institutions, then, helped to hasten the process. . . .
It will readily be seen that such a technicalistic process left behind most basic presuppositions of all agrarinate society. (ven those agrarinate level societies that there not themselves immediately agrarian/being, say, pastoralist or mercantile/had depended for their existence on the social relations prevailing in their agrarian hinterland, in which the agrarian surplus provided the chief income on which the carriers of the high culture, the chief mar$et of the mercantile cities, depended. The growth of inter2dependent technical speciali#ations freed the income structure of the privileged classes in large areas from primary dependence on agrarian exploitation of the agriculturalists.
It did so, of course, not because the industrial production could ta$e the place of agricultural in providing the common necessities of life, such as food. +ather, what the non2agricultural sectors of the economy could support now was the special income of the privileged, the careers of the high culture& and this was not nexus. (ven with no increase in the agricultural surplus, that is, with no increase in the number of non2agricultural laborers that could be fed, technical speciali#ation could vastly increase productivity, and hence total production, till so much of it was nonagricultural that a correspondingly large proportion of income in the society need not be determined by agrarian relationships. . . .
The overall process, and then the condition of society in which it has resulted, I call technicali#ation, which I will define as a condition of rationally calculative :and hence innovative; technical speciali#ation, in which the several specialties are interdependent on a large enough scale to determine patterns of expectation in the $ey sectors of a society. . . .
)entral to the technicalistic spirit was the expectation of impersonal efficiency through technical precision. There had in all times been concern with efficiency, especially military efficiency, in limited ways. There had also been a certain amount of technical speciali#ation and precision, for instance in fine craft wor$. (ven technical inventiveness had held a respected place within a more rounded economic pattern. 4ut now in western (urope the technical efficiency was increasingly given a primary role, such that all other considerations of a less universally or obviously objective sort/aesthetic, traditional, interpersonal/were increasingly made to yield to this, and it was relied on as the most important basis for excelling in constructive activities. In this psychological level, to say that all aspects of social organi#ation where being technicali#ed means that they were organi#ed primarily in terms of speciali#ed procedures calculated to yield maximum efficiency for the limited ends immediately in objective view. It is in this form that technicali#ation meant institutionali#ing a major shift from authoritative custom toward independent calculation. . . .
Marshall .odgson. 566H. *The ?reat 0estern Transmutation, in $e%Thin&ing "orld 61 !istory: 'ssays on 'urope, Islam, and "orld !istory. )ambridge, 'M1 )ambridge 'niversity -ress, pp. ==285.
Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 23 Michael Lecker The - Constitution of Medina - Mue1b8a5ammad - S First Legal Document Darwin Press 2004 PDF