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Cars Bad

Dartmouth 2012

1 Mass Transit AFF DDI 2012 ***1AC


Contention One is The Regime of Automobility The United States has developed a culture of Automobility in hich the automobile is ideali!ed by the American public" seen as a symbol of status and an absolute necessity. The u er class uses !ecessionist Automobility the a"oidance o# all $others% by use o# the autonomous& indi"idual trans ortation a##orded by cars ' to maintain hysical se aration #rom the lo(er classes o# society ' #acilitatin) socio' economic and racial discrimination and hatred. *enderson& 0+ #$ason %enderson" &rofessor of 'eography at San (rancisco State University ho rites about the politics of
mobility" Secessionist Automobility) Racism" Anti*Urbanism" and the &olitics of Automobility in Atlanta" 'eorgia" +nternational $ournal of Urban and Regional Research" ,-.//," http)--bss0sfsu0edu-1henders-2ritings-i1ur3final0pdf" R45 The racial crisis centered on a young hite male baseball player for the local professional team" the Atlanta 6raves" ho had delivered a racially charged homophobic diatribe to the national sports media0 +t began hen these bigoted comments about 7e 8or9:s sub ay ere idely published) Ima)ine ha"in) to ta,e the number se"en train to the ball ar,& loo,in) li,e you-re ridin) throu)h Beirut ne.t to some ,id (ith ur le hair ne.t to some /ueer (ith AID! ne.t to some dude (ho 0ust )ot out o# 0ail #or the #ourth time ne.t to some 20'year old mom (ith #our ,ids. It-s de ressin) #&earlman" ;uoting $ohn Roc9er" <===50 $ust as Atlanta:s corporate elite ere confronting the environmental and social problems of automobility and assuring investors that they ere capable of solving comple> problems" the diatribe spar9ed a mini racial crisis and a fren!y of more negative media attention on Atlanta0 Syndicated columnists and social commentators as9ed ?2hat does @the racist diatribeA say about usB: #Schneider" .///50 Civil rights historian Cavid 'arro #.///5 called Roc9er a ?human Confederate (lag:0 'arro also stressed that the intolerance e>pressed in the diatribe as treacherously shared by many hites0 +ndeed" the controversy as met ith roaring cheers by hite baseball fans early in the ne>t season as the controversy dre on" compelling some locals to as9 if fan reaction e>posed the region:s ?rednec9 underbelly: #Smith" .///50 The social commentary proved embarrassing enough to Atlanta:s corporate elite that old stal arts of corporate-civil rights Atlanta:s regime #see Stone" <=D=5" such as former Atlanta mayor Andre 8oung and the retired baseball great %an9 Aaron" ere called upon to defuse the situation and beg for rene ed racial healing #8oung" .///50 +n spite of the thousands of self*e>amining media reports about intolerance and racism" the spatial conte>t of automobility and a vitriolic hostility to ards transit and urban life ere missed0 Curing the bigoted diatribe" the culprit as driving a large SUE F a Chevy Tahoe F and speeding do n a massive multi*lane free ay0 2hile venting to the reporter his disdain for 7e 8or9:s sub ay" he yelled angry obscenities and made gestures at other motorists from ithin his speeding cocoon0 %e held the steering heel in one hand and a cell phone in the other" continuing to speed" and he said that the thing he hated more than anything else in the orld as trafGc) + have no patience0 So many dumb asses don:t 9no ho to drive in this to n0 They turn from the rong lane0 They go ./ miles per hour0 +t ma9es me ant F Hoo9I Hoo9 at this idiotI + guarantee you she:s a $apanese oman0 %o bad are Asian omen at drivingB #&earlman" ;uoting $ohn Roc9er" <===50 The oman as hite" but to this angry hite male" everyone else on the road as in his ay0 Jveryone else as driving too slo or in the rong lane or did not signal properly0 %e as being unfairly oppressed by trafGc" omen drivers and minorities0 There as no consideration that his driving might be part of the problem0 After spitting into a toll collection device on the high ay" the angry hite male described his disdain at the possible alternatives to his SUE F a compact urban form ith intensive transit infrastructure containing pedestrian and transit spaces here people ould have physical ro.imity to 1others- o# di##erent racial& class& )ender or se.ual orientation. !een in this conte.t& his !23 (as more than 0ust an instrument #or tra"elin) throu)h the city. It (as an instrument o# secession #rom (hat he scorned in contem orary American urban s ace. 4ublic transit (as a (arren #or 1AID! and (el#are /ueens-. Times S;uare" a high*density public space" shared by pedestrians" buses" ta>is and cars" as full of ?too many foreigners ho don:t spea9 Jnglish:0 Trading the SUE in for a transit pass" and the house on an acre lot in a segregated" lo *density suburb for denser" mi>ed* use developments ith shared public spaces as the antithesis of his values and ideologies about space and ho he preferred to live0 Un ittingly" this angry hite male baseball star as practicing a distinctive politics of secessionist automobility" couched in a raciali!ed" anti*urban" anti*density" anti*transit set of ideologies and values F and none of the mainstream press articles that ensued after his diatribe made the connection0 The essentiali!ation of automobility as complete in Atlanta:s #and the nation:s5 public discourse" despite focus on smog and suspended federal transportation funds0 +t is important to understand the conte>t of this angry diatribe0 +t corresponded ith decades of vitriolic anti*transit rhetoric in debates about e>panding transit in Atlanta #and arguably" in cities throughout the US50 This raciali!ed animosity

A9shay" Chris" 7itya" Robbie" Eish

Cars Bad

Dartmouth 2012

1
to ards transit affectively produced full automobile dependency for most Atlantans" and thus contributed to the universali!ation of automobility in everyday life0 As e>hibited in (igure <" Atlanta has a limited geography of transit compared to the geography of the metropolitan area0 Since it as established in the <=,/s" the 4etropolitan Atlanta Rapid Transit Authority #4ARTA5 as 1o9ingly referred to as ?4oving Africans Rapidly Through Atlanta:0 Jvery county in metropolitan Atlanta" ith the e>ception of (ulton and CeKalb" had contentious local debates or referendums on either 1oining 4ARTA or establishing an independent" stand*alone transit system" all hile thousands of hite families relocated from the city center to the suburbs in raciali!ed reactions to the civil rights movement0 ' innett County" to the northeast of do nto n Atlanta" had its Grst failed county* ide referendum on 1oining 4ARTA in <=L<" a second attempt as made in the <=D/s" and a third in <==/ #Cordell" <=DLM Atlanta $ournal*Constitution" <=DDM Torpy" <===50 All three failed under a cloud of raciali!ed rhetoric and considerable movements of middle*class hites a ay from pro>imity to blac9s and to separate ma1ority hite suburbs #Keating" .//<50 ?The reason is =/N racial: proclaimed the 4ARTA board chair in the <=D/s #Cordell" <=DL50 (or these hites" automobility enabled physical secession to outer suburban areas hile simultaneously providing a means of travel through spaces inhabited by blac9s" all ithout having to interact ith blac9s0 Coverage of transit debates in the Atlanta $ournal*Constitution revealed ho deeply race mattered0 +n suburban Cobb County" the chairman of a local anti*ta> organi!ation declared that ?4ARTA*style mass transit ould lead to an increase in crime and the construction of lo *income housing in Cobb County: #Atlanta Constitution" <==D50 4ARTA as reviled by racists as a blac9*controlled urban agency #even though it as controlled by hites from the corporate elite of Atlanta5" in a blac9*run city ith a blac9 ma1ority population0 On the heels of the controversy over Roc9er:s angry diatribe" the 'eorgia Association of %igh ay Contractors ran television spots in .//< reacting to the suspension of federal road money because of the smog problem0 The accompanying video footage sho ed grim apartment bloc9s and blac9 people getting off a bus #2ard" .//<50 7arrators arned that radical environmentalists threatened to ta9e a ay Atlantans: right to drive and live here they ant0 #+ronically this ad attac9ed ?radical environmentalists: hen in fact the business*led 'RTA publicly led the promotion of transit05 A couple in the e>urban spra l north of Atlanta stated that they moved to the county because they felt mass transit ould never come there" and that ?transit ma9es areas accessible for lo er*income families that could other ise not come out here because they don:t have transportation and that:s good: #2ood" .///50

5eallocatin) resources to mass transit (ill #oster a broader acce tance o# eo le #rom e"ery (al, o# li#e& and brea, do(n the hysical se aration o# classes #or e"eryone in a re)ion not 0ust those (ho use the transit Frug 98 (Gerald E Frug, Samuel R. Rosenthal Professor of Law, Harvard University, !"#$ SER%"!ES&,
Le'is(e'is, )*+,, R-.
%igh ay maintenance also raises broader issues than the need to fill potholes0 (i>ing the streets is simply one of the many direct costs imposed on cities by AmericaOs automobile*based society) cities spend money policing the streets" s eeping them" installing traffic signals" and sending the fire department and paramedic services hen accidents occur0 n..P And high ays are only one ingredient in a transportation system that can either lin9 metropolitan residents together or divide them from each other0 Cecisions about the allocation of funds for high ays" mass transit" and bicycle paths have had a ma1or impact on the design of the areaOs streets" housing" and commercial life and" ith it" the accessibility of 1obs for the poor0 +ndeed" some cities and neighborhoods have e>cluded the regionOs mass transit system to prevent QundesirablesQ from having easy access to them" and high ays have been located to separate the region into racially identifiable spaces0 n..R This history of isolating the poor ma9es it clear that a decision to shi#t resources #rom hi)h(ays to a #ully accessible mass transit system (ould a##ect the li"es o# e"eryone in the re)ion& not 1ust those ho ride the trains0 n..S So does a recognition of the effect that such a shift ould have on the e>tent of car generated pollution throughout the metropolitan area0 4oreover" a reallocation of transportation resources could focus on more than e>tending the transit system0 +t could lure people out of their cars by #for e>ample5 radically reducing the fares and thereby influencing the 9ind of relationship ith strangers that the region fosters0 n.., 4ass transit and al9able streets are t o of the ma1or sources of public space in @T=.A America) they facilitate the daily e>perience of crossing paths ith different 9inds of people0 Criving" on the other hand" is a privati!ed affair) it facilitates focusing on oneself #daydreaming" putting on ma9eup5" interaction ith people one 9no s #car phones" car pools5" or" at its most e>pansive" listening to the radio0 Jmphasi!ing alternatives to the car culture could therefore nurture an aspect of fortuitous associations different from the feeling of security + have associated ith e>panding citiesO emergency services0 +t could foster a reaction that is common among people ho live in big cities * and ;uite different from the feelings of discomfort or alarm so often e>perienced by suburban residents * hen the girl ith green hair and multiple piercings" the African American 9ids blasting hip*hop on a boombo>" the gay couple holding hands" the panhandler" and the mentally ill person pushing a shopping cart pass by0 n..L That reaction is) Q hatever0Q

A broad urban trans ortation in"estment ro0ect #ocused on the needs o# mar)inali6ed o ulations is the
A9shay" Chris" 7itya" Robbie" Eish

Cars Bad

Dartmouth 2012

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only (ay to alle"iate the conditions o# o"erty and racism #elt by millions in the 2nited !tates and s ur massi"e mo"ements #or racial 0ustice& broadenin) a(areness o# the #ra)ility o# the re)ime o# Automobility Mann et al 200+.
#Jric 4ann" Ki9an!a Ramsey" 6arbara Hott*%olland" and 'eoff Ray are members of the Habor-Community Strategy Center an organi!ation that has a particular focus on civil rights" environmental 1ustice" public health" global arming" and the criminal legal system00 An Jnvironmental $ustice Strategy for Urban Transportation0 http)--urbanhabitat0org-files- <N./JricN./4ann0pdf" R45 Across the United States" federal and state transportation funds favor suburban commuters and auto o ners at the cost of the urban poor" the or9ing class" the lo est income communities of color" the elderly" high school students" and the disabled0 &eople dependent on public transit for their transportation needs suffer dilapidated buses" long aits" longer rides" poor connections" service cuts" overcro ding" and daily e>posure to some of the orst tail*pipe to>ins0 The movement for first*class" regional transportation systems that give priority to the transit dependent re;uires the mobili!ation of those e>cluded and marginali!ed from politics*as*usual" and ill challenge the pro*corporate consensus0 J ;uity demands a mass movement of funds from the high ay and rail interests to bus systems" from suburban commuters" corporate developers" and rail contractors to the urban or9ing class of color0 Such a transformation ill not happenFcannot happenF until a mass movement of the transit*dependent is built from the bottom up0 A Transit Strategy for the Transit*Cependent +n <==P" the Habor-Community Strategy Center #HCSC5 in Hos Angeles founded the 6us Riders Union #6RU5Fno the largest multi*racial grassroots transportation group in the U0S0F ith more than P"/// members representing the roughly R//"/// daily bus riders0 The 6RU:s <. years of organi!ing" significant policy and legal victories" and analytical and theoretical e>pertise can be used as a resource for the urgent or9 of mass transit reconstruction in U0S0 urban communities0 The needs and the leadership capacity of the urban or9ing class of color must play a central role in developing sustainable communities0 2e must aim to) reduce suburban spra lM promote ecological and environmental public healthM create non* racist public policyM and focus on the transportation needs of society:s most oppressed and e>ploited0 The needs of the or9ing class and communities of color are both an end in themselves and an essential building bloc9 of any effective organi!ing plan0 The transit*dependent are defined as those ho depend on public transportation for their mobility and personal viability because of income #unable to afford the purchase or maintenance of a car5" age #too young or too old to drive5" or disability0 +t is the lo age or9ers" the people of color" the elderly" the high school students" and the disabled ho must be at the center of any viable transit strategy0 The deterioration of urban public transportation is racially coded and must be addressed ith an e>plicitly anti*racist perspective0 +n every ma1or urban area in the United States" the lo * age or9force is at the center of the region:s political economyFthe domestic" department store" convenience store" electronic assembly" garment" hotel" and restaurant or9ers" the security guards" and the street vendors0 These or9ers often have children" rent apartments rather than o n homes" use public transportation" and have family incomes of U<S"/// to U./"/// a year0 Jverything they doFtransporting children to and from schools and childcare facilitiesM going to or9M loo9ing for or9M attending community collegesM even en1oying modest forms of recreationF depends upon a viable public transportation system0 &ublic %ealth vs0 Culture of the Automobile Any serious movement that prioriti!es public health over corporate profit" especially ith regard to to>ins and air pollution" must dra some very radical political and policy conclusions0 As 6arry Commoner" the noted environmental scientist" observed" the only effective ay to radically reduce airborne to>ins is to ban them before they are produced0 2ith regard to the internal combustion engine and the auto industry" it ould be best if there ere the most stringent restrictions on auto emissions" combined ith some radical restrictions on auto use0 The problem is that there can be no effective mass movement to drastically reduce fossil fuel and automobile usage until there is a ell*developed public transportation system0 This brings us up against the legendary automobile-high ay lobby" and something else) the deeply ingrained culture of the automobile" hich cuts across every social and economic class in this society" not 1ust the hite" middle*class suburbanites0 Unfortunately" the car culture has on the hearts and minds of many lo *income people" including 6lac9s and Hatinos0 'iven the centuries of housing segregation and discrimination" it is not surprising that a fancy car has become one of the fe attainable symbols of status and up ard mobility in communities of color0 This cultural attachment can only be challen)ed i# the ublic trans ortation system can at least meet the eo le-s transit needs as e##iciently as the car 0 &ublic %ealth vs0 Corporate Science +f organi!ers are indeed successful in using public health arguments to challenge the cultural obsession ith the automobile" e ill still be faced ith overcoming the corporate counter*attac9 on public health science0 +n the debate about air to>ins" corporate ?scientists: have sho n themselves to be masters of the art of obfuscation and sometimes" outright lying0 +t is generally agreed that most criteria pollutants and air to>ins ta9e years" or even decades" to generate cancers and other diseases0 6ut that is all the more reason to restrict their production in the present0 %o ever" organi!ers from impacted communities have found that approaching government regulatory agencies" such as the Air Vuality 4anagement Cistrict of Southern California #AV4C5" and tal9ing to them in common*sense public health termsF your chemicals are 9illing me" or my daughter cannot breathe from the asthma" or if you 9no a chemical is carcinogenic"

A9shay" Chris" 7itya" Robbie" Eish

Cars Bad

Dartmouth 2012

1
hy do you produce it in the first placeBFgets them no here0 The offending industries characteristically respond ith a battery of scientists and la yers arguing for multi*causality" meaning that the cancer or leu9emia could have been caused by the chemical plant in ;uestion" or an oil refinery do n the road" or any of the many 9no n carcinogens in our air and ater0 They may have debates about actual e>posure levels #2e ac9no ledge emitting 9no n carcinogens into the air but e cannot be sure that your daughter as directly e>posed to those emissions5 and dosage levelsFreflected in parts per million and even cancers per millionI They may ac9no ledge the lin9 bet een ben!ene and leu9emia" but ill deny that the ben!ene emissions from their cars is sufficient to cause leu9emia" 1ust as cigarette companies argued that their products are neither addictive nor deadly0 To spend a day dealing ith the Jnvironmental &rotection Agency #J&A5 or the AV4C" or any other similar agency" is to feel a sense of futility and e>haustion0 +t is as if the people are on trial and have to carry the burden of proof even as the system asserts that 9no n polluters and carcinogens are innocent until proven guilty0 Over the years" ho ever" e have found that public health education is a po erful organi!ing tool0 Ho *income residents come to en1oy the science as much as anyone else" and they en1oy challenging corporate science0 They understand that a social movement" hile rooted in passion and direct e>perience" can be greatly strengthened by a little 9no ledge of anatomy" physiology" to>icology" and epidemiology0 The victory of the 6us Riders Union in forcing the 4TA to abide by its clean* fuel standards and drop its plans to purchase diesel buses is a positive e>ample of grassroots science defeating corporate science in the arena of public policy and public debate0 Transportation $ustice Cemands A comprehensive list of demands for a rene ed transportation 1ustice movement ill be long" but follo ing the successful (uture of Transportation organi!ing conference in Hos Angeles this year" e currently see the follo ing as central to any serious movement0 Ho * priced public transportationF .R-L A common complaint across the country is that urban and rural bus systems are coming undone at the seams but the government continues to fund the insatiable high ay lobby #D/N of all federal funds5 and boondoggle rail pro1ects0 At U.// million per mile for ?light rail: and UPS/ million per mile for sub aysFin construction costs aloneFthese pro1ects generate constant budget deficits0 This in turn leads to massive fare increases and service cuts in urban and rural bus systems all over the United States and Canada" forcing lo *income people to fall bac9 on unreliable" gas*gu!!ling" often uninsured cars0 2hat is needed instead is aptly e>pressed by the chant) 2e need a S/*cent fare-and U./ passes-mass transportation- belongs to the masses0 A clean fuel" bus*centered mass transit system As a model" the Hos Angeles 6us Riders Union plan proposes the deployment of ,// buses and S/ community 1itneys" covering hundreds of miles and hundreds of thousands of riders" for a U<0S billion price tag" hich includes capital and operating costs0 This plan is in sharp contrast to the typical ?light rail:" hich covers si> to eight miles and serves no more than <S"/// riders for the same price0 The efforts of the rail lobbyists to characteri!e the Riders Union and other civil rights groups as narro and protest*based #read 6lac9" Hatino" Asian" female" and lo *income" as opposed to the hite" suburban" privileged" car* riding constituencies ho supposedly embody the broader vie 5 can easily be repudiated0 &lus" a gro ing number of transit planners are coming around to accepting the idea that replacing automobiles on the e>isting high ays and surface streets ith a clean fuel" bus*centered" rapid transit system" is the ay to go0 &aying attention to dirty*atsource clean fuels As Clayton Thomas*4uller from the +ndigenous Jnvironmental 7et or9 has pointed out" many clean fuels" such as compressed natural gas and hydrogen" are very dirty at the source0 There are gro ing violations of +ndigenous peoples: sovereignty and impacts on public health from coal mining" oil e>ploration" the e>traction of natural gas" and other ?dirty* atsource: energy schemes0 2e need less energy altogether and a focus on truly rene able energy sources0 2e need to place public health and the survival of Third 2orld nations at the center of our U0S0 environmental organi!ing or90 The U0S0" ith 1ust si> percent of the orld:s population" consumes and abuses .S percent of the orld:s resources0 2e need a radical restriction of this to>ic lifestyle" beginning ith a ma1or challenge to the auto industry0 As nations around the orld face devastating e>treme eather events" e have to ta9e this message to the 6lac9" Hatino" Asian-&acific +slander" and +ndigenous communities" as ell as the hite middle*class and or9ingclass communities) the future of the planet is at sta9e0 4ass Transit) The %eart of the 7e Revolution Transportation is a great multifaceted issue around hich to build a movement" because it touches so many aspects of people:s lives0 Transportation affects public health" access to 1obs" childcare" housing" medical care" education" and more0 +t is ine>tricably tied to the history of the civil rights movement no and in the past0 7o it has ta9en on a life and death urgency because of the public health crisis and global arming brought on by the automobile0 &ublic transportation can be a great unifierFbringing together people of all races and classes ho see9 a saner" healthier orld in hich ars for oil and energy are e>posed and opposed0

4lan Te.t
Thus& the 4lan8 The 2nited !tates #ederal )o"ernment should substantially increase its in"estment in ublic transit in#rastructure in the 2nited !tates.

A9shay" Chris" 7itya" Robbie" Eish

Cars Bad

Dartmouth 2012

1
Mass Transit systems and the re)ime o# Automobility ha"e systematically discriminated a)ainst lo(er class o ulations #or years& (hich has mani#ested in t(o #orms8 5acial 3iolence and 4o"erty. !tatus /uo transit systems are in#ormally se arated by race because o# insu##icient #undin) Trans ort systems used by minorities recei"e less #undin) des ite lo(er re"enues. Castillo 0: #$enny Castillo" riter for Street Spirit" $ustice ne s in the bay area" S-.//S"
http)-0thestreetspirit0org-4ay.//S-bus0htm5 A civil rights la suit as filed on April <= against the 4etropolitan Transportation Commission #4TC50 The suit accuses 4TC of discriminating against minority riders" both intentionally and by the impact of its decisions0 QThe 6ay Area has t o separate and une;ual transit systems) an e>panding state*of*the*art rail system * Caltrain and 6ART * for predominantly hite" relatively affluent communitiesM and a shrin9ing bus system * AC Transit * for lo *income people of color0 2hat eOre see9ing is not to shut do n Caltrain and 6ART" but to have e;uity"Q said 6ill Hann Hee" lead attorney for the plaintiffs0 The 4etropolitan Transportation Commission is the transportation planning" financing and coordinating agency for the nine*county 6ay Area" and funnels U< billion annually in state and federal money to local transit agencies" including AC Transit0 Cata in support of the suit from the 7ational Transit Catabase sho s that" in the 6ay Area" transit systems ith a higher percentage of hite riders receive greater public subsidies per rider than transit systems serving a higher percentage of people of color0 The figures tell the story of t o transit systems" separate and ue;ual) <0 Caltrain has ,/ percent hite riders and gets a subsidy of U<P0L= per rider0 .0 6ART has RP0P percent hite riders and gets a subsidy of U,0<R per rider0 P0 AC transit has only ./0, percent hite riders and gets a subsidy of only U.0LD per rider0 Sylvia Carensburg" the lead plaintiff in the la suit" is a single mother to three teenagers0 She or9s as a medical administrative assistant in do nto n Oa9land and also ta9es classes in %ay ard0 She relies on public transit every day0 Cue to budget cuts" bus routes have been shortened or eliminated" and it ta9es her an hour to get to or9 and an hour and RS minutes to get to school0 After school" she has to al9 home through an unsafe area" a direct result of evening service being canceled near her home0 6orn in the <=L/s" Sylvia 9no s first hand the impact of coming together under one voice0 She said" Q+ am in a population that gets out there and does the or9 and e do not have hat e need0Q Syliva spea9s about ho transportation ine;uality affects people in Jast Oa9land0 QThe hite community e>pects their buses to run on time"Q she noted0 Q2e" people of color" ho represent D/ percent of AC Transit riders" e>pect the same0 2e need buses to come on time every day" not 1ust one or t o days out of the ee90 2e 9no it is possible0 6ART runs on time * hy canOt AC Transit get the funding to provide that ;uality of serviceB +n the OL/s they had a orld*class bus system0 2e need to have that again0Q Hong hours on the bus have a negative impact on the mental and physical health of riders0 This impact is multiplied by e>periences of violence" gang*related disturbances" and encounters ith people under the influence0 6y the time parents get home" they are mentally and physically e>hausted0 (or Sylvia" she has less energy to devote to her teenagers and is often irritable and frustrated0 2hile AC Transit has been shrin9ing and scaling bac9 service" 6ART and Caltrain have been e>panding every year0 AC Transit is loo9ing into ays to offset their budget deficit0 One of the proposals is to eliminate the student bus passes hich ould cause SylviaOs transportation bill of U<S/ a month to double0 Sylvia has gotten a positive response from community members ho are sympathetic to the issues in the la suit0 Other mothers have come for ard anting to tell their stories and e>press their concerns0 She feels the community is listening0 Sylvia has a message about e;ual rights and 1ustice for all0 She said" Q+t is un1ust and discriminatory to provide ade;uate services for one segment of society hile ignoring and isolating the other0Q The la suit as filed on behalf of three Jast Oa9land and Richmond minority riders" the nonprofit Communities for a 6etter Jnvironment and the Amalgamated Transit Union" Hocal <=.0

Decisions surroundin) the lacement o# trans ortation in#rastructure isolate the oor #rom economic o ortunity Bullard et al 09 #Robert Coyle 6ullard" 'lenn S0 $ohnson" Angel O0 Torres" 6ullard has a &hC" professor of sociology" Cean of
&ublic Affais at Te>as Southern" $an <" .//R" %igh ay Robbery" &age P5 Transportation systems do not spring up out of thin air0 They are planned*Fand" in many cases" planned poorly hen it comes to people of color0 Conscious decisions determine the location of free ays" bus stops" fueling stations" and train stations0 Cecisions to build high ays" e>press ays" and belt ays have far*reaching effects on land use" energy policies" and the environment0 Cecisions by county commissioners to bar the e>tension of public transit to 1ob* rich economic activity centers in suburban counties and instead spend their transportation dollars on repairing and e>panding the nation:s

A9shay" Chris" 7itya" Robbie" Eish

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Dartmouth 2012

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roads have serious mobility implications for central city residents0 Together" all these transportation decisions shape United States metropolitan areas" gro th patterns" physical mobility" and economic opportunities0: These same transportation policies have also aided" and in some cases subsidi!ed" racial" economic" and environmental ine;uities as evidenced by the segregated housing and spatial layout of our central cities and suburbs0 +t is not by chance that millions of Americans have been socially isolated and relegated to economically depressed and deteriorating central cities and that trans ortation a artheid has been created0

The culture o# automobility across the country di"ides cities on the basis o# race 5ural idealism& 1#amily "alues-& and e"an)elical reli)ion cause the u er class to a"oid mass transit in order to stay a(ay #rom the $e"ils o# the city% *enderson& 0+ #$ason %enderson" &rofessor of 'eography at San (rancisco State University ho rites about the politics of
mobility" Secessionist Automobility) Racism" Anti*Urbanism" and the &olitics of Automobility in Atlanta" 'eorgia" +nternational $ournal of Urban and Regional Research" ,-.//," http)--bss0sfsu0edu-1henders-2ritings-i1ur3final0pdf" R45 Obviously" racism has much to do ith secessionist automobility0 The racially motivated physical movement of hites to outer suburban areas in 7orth American and Juropean cities is enabled by automobility" and automobility also enables travel through spaces inhabited by blac9s or other minorities ithout having to interact ith them0 4oreover" race has been a factor limiting the geography of transit" forcing automobile dependency by design0 6ut secessionist automobility is not simply racially motivated0 +ntervie ees for this research ere emphatic in distinguishing racism from an anti*urban ethos" revealing nuances in secessionist automobility0 Rather than raciali!ed" automobility as conceptuali!ed as a device to achieve a spatial vision of rural ideals attached to an anti*urban image of the city as a place of vice and immorality0 (or e>ample" in public meetings focused on establishing higher*density" mi>ed*use and al9able ?village centers: in a fast* gro ing suburb" one planner noted in e>asperation that the hole idea as critici!ed and atered do n by citi!ens ho associated the term ?village: ith liberal" big government politics" and the residents of the county anted nothing to do ith that #&atton" <==D50 Compact" ne urbanist development had negative connotations" and transit as e;uated ith ?big city problems: li9e graft0 2hat prompts this anti*urban thread of secessionismB Certain conceptuali!ations of family and religion have a role0 'oldGeld #<=D.5 suggests that emphasis on personal responsibility to ards one:s family results in a lac9 of civic or social responsibility to ards public space or notions of community0 +n contemporary American political rhetoric ?personal responsibility: to ards one:s family can translate into lac9 of interest in collectively solving larger*scale problems such as congestion" pollution or ine;uality that stems from automobility0 +nstead" it is ?responsible: to move the family a ay from these problems F to secede0 4ean hile" Reed #.//<5 argues" there is an e>treme evangelical religious orldvie in some households that translates into a strong anti*urban rhetoric0 The religious ethos holds a pessimistic vie of human nature" and therefore people" especially strangers" are not to be trusted0 +n a dense city" here there are obviously more strangers" the possibility of vice is ampliGed0 Automobility enables one to circumvent" if not secede from" the perceived evils of the city0 2ith this combined vision of rural idealism" ?family values: and evangelical religion" the lo * density suburbs and e>urbs of America surround corrupt cities of ghettos" vice and mob rule #6eauregard" <==P50 The ?community: here these anti*urban values are synthesi!ed moves inside" it secedes to the private spaces of home" churches" and clubs # hich e>clude the undesired50 The everyday interaction ith other people is homogenous" ith church and family comprising the e>tent of ideas about community" instead of a broader multicultural" ethnic or religiously diverse concept of community0 &rivate consumption of the home and by the family ta9es precedence over public consumption" hat %arvey #<=D=5 described as ?possessive individualism:0 &rivate yards and private malls are preferred over public par9s and civic spaces" and most importantly for the purpose of this article" private automobiles are preferred over public transport0 4itchell #.//R5 e>tends this to the ?SUE model of citi!enship: centered on privati!ed" unhindered" cocooned movement through public space" hereby people feel they have a right not to be burdened through interaction ith anyone or anything they ish to avoid0

! atial se aration in the city re roduces a dynamic o# o"erty and in0ustice that re"ents social mobility ;ichter 11 #Caniel" Cornell University" Comenico &arisi" 4ississippi State University
4ichael C0 Ta;uino" 4ississippi State University" http)--npc0umich0edu-publications-u-./<<*<,N./7&CN./2or9ingN./&aper0pdf" 4ay P" 7ational &overty Center 2or9ing &aper Series W<< <,5 Third" our analyses sho ed that patterns of racial and class segregation ere distinct but overlapping phenomena0 &oor minoritiesFboth in metro and nonmetro areasFare highly ghettoi!ed spatially at the macro*scale level #across communities and counties50 Significantly" the poor and nonpoorFregardless of raceFbecame more segregated from each

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other during the .///s0 Concentrated poverty as much higher among America:s minority rather than among hite populations0 Rural blac9s" in particular" ere especially li9ely to be concentrated in poor places and counties0 4oreover" our multivariate models indicated that countiesFeven less populated nonmetro countiesF ith heavy concentrations of racial minorities #especially blac9s5 are most li9ely to have spatially segregated poor populations0 The policy implications are clear) because spatial and social mobility often go hand*in*hand" the segregation of the minority poor from the nonpoor connotes persistent racial in1ustice" limited opportunities for up ard social mobility" and the reproduction of poverty and ine;uality from one generation to the ne>t0

5acism creates a )enocidal #orm o# bio olitics that ma,es su##erin) and (ar a ermanent condition o# society Mendieta 2 #Jduardo 4endieta" Associate &rofessor of &hilosophy at Stony 6roo9 University" :To ma9e live and to let die:)
(oucault on Racism" .//." http)-0scielo0org0co-scielo0phpBpidXS<L=R*.RD=.//L///<////LYscriptXsci3artte>t5 This is here racism intervenes" not from ithout" e>ogenously" but from ithin" constitutively0 (or the emergence of biopo er as the form of a ne form of political rationality" entails the inscription ithin the very logic of the modern state the logic of racism0 (or racism grants" and here + am ;uoting) the conditions for the acceptability of putting to death in a society of normali!ation0 2here there is a society of normali!ation" here there is a po er that is" in all of its surface and in first instance" and first line" a bio*po er" racism is indispensable as a condition to be able to put to death someone" in order to be able to put to death others0 The homicidal @meurtriZreA function of the state" to the degree that the state functions on the modality of bio*po er" can only be assured by racism #(oucault <==L" ..L5 To use the formulations from his <=D. lecture The &olitical Technology of +ndividuals hich incidentally" echo his <=L= Tanner Hectures the po er of the state after the <D th century" a po er hich is enacted through the police" and is enacted over the population" is a po er over living beings" and as such it is a biopolitics0 And" to ;uote more directly" since the population is nothing more than hat the state ta9es care of for its o n sa9e" of course" the state is entitled to slaughter it" if necessary0 So the reverse of biopolitics is thanatopolitics0 #(oucault .///" R<,50 Racism" is the thanatopolitics of the biopolitics of the total state0 They are t o sides of one same political technology" one same political rationality) the management of life" the life of a population" the tending to the continuum of life of a people0 And ith the inscription of racism ithin the state of biopo er" the long history of ar that (oucault has been telling in these da!!ling lectures has made a ne turn) the ar of peoples" a ar against invaders" imperials coloni!ers" hich turned into a ar of races" to then turn into a ar of classes" has no turned into the ar of a race" a biological unit" against its polluters and threats0 Racism is the means by hich bourgeois political po er" biopo er" re*9indles the fires of ar ithin civil society0 Racism normali!es and medicali!es ar0 Racism ma9es ar the permanent condition of society" hile at the same time mas9ing its eapons of death and torture0 As + rote some here else" racism banali!es genocide by ma9ing ;uotidian the lynching of suspect threats to the health of the social body0 Racism ma9es the 9illing of the other" of others" an everyday occurrence by internali!ing and normali!ing the ar of society against its enemies0 To protect society entails e be ready to 9ill its threats" its foes" and if e understand society as a unity of life" as a continuum of the living" then these threat and foes are biological in nature0

4o"erty is a hidden e"il that systematically tar)ets the (ea, and oor& causin) more deaths er year than any ma0or military con#lict in the ast century and creatin) the conditions #or beha"ioral "iolence #rom homicide to )enocide <illi)an =+ #$ames 'illigan" professor of &sychiatry at the %arvard 4edical School" Cirector of the Center for the Study of
Eiolence" and a member of the Academic Advisory Council of the 7ational Campaign Against 8outh Eiolence" <==," Eiolence) Our Ceadly Jpidemic and its Causes" p <=<*<=,5 The deadliest form of violence is poverty0 8ou cannot or9 for one day ith the violent people ho fill our prisons and mental hospitals for the criminally insane ithout being forcible and constantly reminded of the e>treme poverty and discrimination that characteri!es their lives0 %earing about their lives" and about their families and friends" you are forced to recogni!e the truth in 'andhi:s observation that the deadliest form of violence is poverty0 7ot a day goes by ithout reali!ing that trying to understand them and their violent behavior in purely individual terms is impossible and rong* headed0 Any theory of violence" especially a psychological theory" that evolves from the e>perience of men in ma>imum security prisons and hospitals for the criminally insane must begin ith the recognition that these institutions are only microcosms0 They are not here the ma1or violence in our society ta9es place" and the perpetrators ho fill them are far from being the main causes of most violent deaths0 Any approach to a theory of violence needs to begin ith a loo9 at the structural violence in this country0 (ocusing merely on those relatively fe men ho commit hat e define as murder

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could distract us from e>amining and learning from those structural causes of violent death that are far more significant from a numerical or public health" or human" standpoint0 6y structural violence + mean the increased rates of death" and disability suffered by those ho occupy the bottom rungs of society" as contrasted ith the relatively lo er death rates e>perienced by those ho are above them0 Those e>cess deaths #or at least a demonstrably large proportion of them5 are a function of class structureM and that structure is itself a product of society:s collective human choices" concerning ho to distribute the collective ealth of the society0 These are not acts of 'od0 + am contrasting structural ith behavioral violence" by hich + mean the non*natural deaths and in1uries that are caused by specific behavioral actions of individuals against individuals" such as the deaths e attribute to homicide" suicide" soldiers in arfare" capital punishment" and so on0 Structural violence differs from behavioral violence in at least three ma1or respects0 TThe lethal effects of structural violence operate continuously" rather than sporadically" hereas murders" suicides" e>ecutions" ars" and other forms of behavioral violence occur one at a time0 TStructural violence operates more or less independently of individual actsM independent of individuals and groups #politicians" political parties" voters5 hose decisions may nevertheless have lethal conse;uences for others0 TStructural violence is normally invisible" because it may appear to have had other #natural or violent5 causes0 The finding that structural violence causes far more deaths than behavioral violence does is not limited to this country0 Kohler and Alcoc9 attempted to arrive at the number of e>cess deaths caused by socioeconomic ine;uities on a orld ide basis0 S eden as their model of the nation that had come closes to eliminating structural violence0 +t had the least ine;uity in income and living standards" and the lo est discrepancies in death rates and life e>pectancyM and the highest overall life e>pectancy in the orld0 2hen they compared the life e>pectancies of those living in the other socioeconomic systems against S eden" they found that <D million deaths a year could be attributed to the structural violence to hich the citi!ens of all the other nations ere being sub1ected0 Curing the past decade" the discrepancies bet een the rich and poor nations have increased dramatically and alarmingly0 The <R to <D million deaths a year caused by structural violence compare ith about <//"/// deaths per year from armed conflict0 Comparing this fre;uency of deaths from structural violence to the fre;uency of those caused by ma1or military and political violence" such as 2orld 2ar ++ #an estimated R= million military and civilian deaths" including those by genocideFor about eight million per year" <=P=* <=RS5" the +ndonesian massacre of <=,S*,, #perhaps SLS"///5 deaths5" the Eietnam ar #possibly t o million" <=SR*<=LP5" and even a hypothetical nuclear e>change bet een the U0S0 and the U0S0S0R0 #.P. million5" it as clear that even ar cannot begin to compare ith structural violence" hich continues year after year0 +n other ords" every fifteen years" on the average" as many people die because of relative poverty as ould be 9illed by the 7a!i genocide of the $e s over a si>* year period0 This is" in effect" the e;uivalent of an ongoing" unending" in fact accelerating" thermonuclear ar" or genocide" perpetrated on the ea9 and poor every year of every decade" throughout the orld0 Structural violence is also the main cause of behavioral violence on a socially and epidemiologically significant scale #from homicide and suicide to ar and genocide50 The ;uestion as to hich of the t o forms of violenceFstructural or behavioralFis more important" dangerous" or lethal is moot" for they are ine>tricably related to each other" as cause to effect0

The states are not an o tion ' !tates ractice systematic discrimination a)ainst minorities !tan#ord ?ournal o# Ci"il 5i)hts @ Ci"il ;iberties +
@Aug .//," QAri!onaOs &roposition .// and the Supremacy of (ederal Ha ) Jlements of Ha " &olitics" and (aithQA Though not a ma1or problem given the political legitimacy and responsiveness of state government vis*a*vis the federal government" + do pause here to flag one civic concern) the legacy of oppression and discrimination that particular minority communities associate ith their state governments has not yet" unfortunately" been relegated to the annals of ancient history0 7ot only do segregationist policies" denial of the franchise" and ruthless state*sponsored violence come to mind for many poor blac9 southerners hen they thin9 about their relationship to the state governmentM they may also have salient memories of King v0 Smith types of intrusive" humiliating home visits related directly to elfare administration0 n<,L +n light of &R2ORAOs abandonment of federal elfare entitlements" the oppressive and discriminatory policies and attitudes of the <=S/s and <=,/s" hich had been reined in by the federal protections afforded by ay of 'oldberg and King" may potentially be revived0 +ndeed" institutional racism at the state and local level is alarmingly enduring0 &rofessor Cashin" for one" devotes considerable attention to ho states profoundly discriminate against their African*American elfare populations0 n<,D And another" &rofessor Susan 'ooden" presents a particularly salient case study of Eirginia elfare services0 +n her study" she documents and contrasts state administratorsO disparaging and ungenerous treatment of blac9 elfare recipients ith their treatment of similarly situated hite clients ho ere al ays given first notice of ne 1obs" offered the Qne estQ or9 clothes" and given access to automobiles0 n<,= Understanding discrimination is not 1ust an academic e>ercise" but also a visceral part of the elfare e>perience0 The civic harms associated ith returning po er to the states cannot be disregarded as historically contingent0 Such harms persist today0

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?ud)es must re0ect racism !cott ==
2endy 6ro n Scott" Ha " Tulane" <=== Transformative Cesegregation) Hiberating %earts and 4inds . $0 'ender Race Y $ust0 P<S H-7 $udges and college and university faculty members" the ma1ority of hom are hite and male" must be illing to cross borders and divest their hearts and minds of the belief in the superiority of 2estern culture0 As Arthur Schlesinger put it" 1udges must Qface the shameful fact) historically America has been a racist nation0Q n.<R $udges must see that they are steeped in the very traditions and values inculcated by Jurocentric curriculum" and that the incantation of neutrality is not sufficient to overcome their inherent biases0 n.<S Then they can eigh their o n traditions and values" hich have historically denigrated or denounced difference" against traditionally subordinated concepts #such as multiculturalism and Afrocentrism5 in order to determine hether the failure to include these perspectives in curricula violates the Constitution0 +n this same vein" bell hoo9s argues that not only must the blac9 life e>perience be Qdecoloni!ed"Q but that hites must be Qdecoloni!edQ themselves0 n.<, hoo9s describes the problem hich re;uires decoloni!ation) Curing that time of my life hen racial apartheid forbid possibilities of intimacy and closeness ith hites" + as most able to forget about the pain of racism000 Close to hite fol9s" + am forced to itness firsthand their illful ignorance about the impact of race and racism0 The harsh absolutism of their denial0 Their refusal to ac9no ledge accountability for racist conditions past and present0 She defines decoloni!ation as the process of hites Qunlearning hite supremacy by divesting of hite privilegeQ and blac9s divesting of the Qvestiges of internali!ed racism0Q Those vestiges include) the belief among hite Americans" hich perpetuates the e>ercise of hite privilege" that they are not responsible for racismM their belief that blac9 people should be feared and dreadedM the belief among blac9 and hite people that racism is intractable and permanent" and that no meaningful bonds of intimacy can be formed bet een blac9s and hites and therefore" hite supremacy should not be resistedM and the economic necessity of the repression of blac9 rage directed to ard hites0 33n.<=33 She states that Qthe political process of decoloni!ation is 000 a ay for us to learn to see @one another moreA clearly0 +t is the ay to freedom for both coloni!ed and coloni!er0Q Several methods have been suggested for crossing the racial divide to achieve intellectual desegregation or decoloni!ation0 Ralph Jllison suggested a form of consciousness*raising as the cure for this Qhierarchical psychosisQ that is e>hibited in the so*called campus culture ars0 This pro1ection" this identification of the socially unacceptable ith blac9s" must be raised to consciousness0 2e must be a are of hat is going on because only through this ill e be able to reassume that optimism so necessary for living and dealing ith the many problems of this diverse pluralistic society0 Cemocracy is a collectivity of individuals

!ur"i"al olitics manu#actures catastro hes to 0usti#y the (orst atrocities Callahan >7
Caniel Callahan" institute of Society and Jthics" <=LP" The Tyranny of Survival" p0 =<*=P The value of survival could not be so readily abused ere it not for its evocative po er0 6ut abused it has been0 +n the name of survival" all manner of social and political evils have been committed against the rights of individuals" including the right to life0 The purported threat of Communist domination has for over t o decades fueled the drive of militarists for ever* larger defense budgets" no matter hat the cost to other social needs0 Curing 2orld 2ar ++" native $apanese*Americans ere herded" ithout due process of la " to detention camps0 This policy as later upheld by the Supreme Court in Korematsu v0 United States #<=RR5 in the general conte>t that a threat to national security can 1ustify acts other ise blatantly un1ustifiable0 The survival of the Aryan race as one of the official legitimations of 7a!ism0 Under the banner of survival" the government of South Africa imposes a ruthless apartheid" heedless of the most elementary human rights0 The Eietnamese ar has seen one of the greatest of the many absurdities tolerated in the name of survival) the destruction of villages in order to save them0 6ut it is not only in a political setting that survival has been evo9ed as a final and unarguable value0 The main rationale 60 (0 S9inner offers in 6eyond (reedom and Cignity for the controlled and conditioned society is the need for survival0 (or $ac;ues 4onod" in Chance and 7ecessity" survival re;uires that e overthro almost every 9no n religious" ethical and political system0 +n genetics" the survival of the gene pool has been put for ard as sufficient grounds for a forceful prohibition of bearers of offensive genetic traits from marrying and bearing children0 Some have even suggested that e do the cause of survival no good by our misguided medical efforts to find means by hich those suffering from such common genetically based diseases as diabetes can live a normal life" and thus procreate even more diabetics0 +n the field of population and environment" one can do no better than to cite &aul Jhrlich" hose or9s have sho n a high dedication to survival" and in its holy name a illingness to contemplate governmentally enforced abortions and a denial of food to surviving populations of nations hich have not enacted population*control policies0 (or all these

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reasons it is possible to counterpoise over against the need for survival a Qtyranny of survival0Q There seems to be no imaginable evil hich some group is not illing to inflict on another for sa9e of survival" no rights" liberties or dignities hich it is not ready to suppress0 +t is easy" of course" to recogni!e the danger hen survival is falsely and manipulatively invo9ed0 Cictators never tal9 about their aggressions" but only about the need to defend the fatherland to save it from destruction at the hands of its enemies0 6ut my point goes deeper than that0 +t is directed even at a legitimate concern for survival" hen that concern is allo ed to reach an intensity hich ould ignore" suppress or destroy other fundamental human rights and values0 The potential tyranny survival as value is that it is capable" if not treated sanely" of iping out all other values0 Survival can become an obsession and a disease" provo9ing a destructive singlemindedness that ill stop at nothing0 2e come here to the fundamental moral dilemma0 +f" both biologically and psychologically" the need for survival is basic to man" and if survival is the precondition for any and all human achievements" and if no other rights ma9e much sense ithout the premise of a right to lifeFthen ho ill it be possible to honor and act upon the need for survival ithout" in the process" destroying everything in human beings hich ma9es them orthy of survival0 To put it more strongly" if the price of survival is human degradation" then there is no moral reason hy an effort should be made to ensure that survival0 +t ould be the &yrrhic victory to end all &yrrhic victories0 8et it ould be the defeat of all defeats if" because human beings could not properly manage their need to survive" they succeeded in not doing so0 Jither ay" then" ould represent a failure" and one can ta9e oneOs pic9 about hich failure ould be orse" that of survival at the cost of everything decent in man or outright e>tinction0 Someho e need to find better alternatives" if + may be allo ed to understate the mater0 2e need to survive as races" groups" nations and as a species" but in a ay hich preserves a ide range of other human values" and in a ay hich is as sensitive about means as about ends0 Control of technology and population limitation ill be an essential means to survival of the species0 Thus the problem is to find a ay of living ith and profiting from technology" and of controlling population gro th" si!e and distribution hich is as morally viable as it is pragmatically effective0 A balance ill have to be devised" of the most delicate 9ind0 A number of steps are necessary" the first of hich is to analy!e the various types of supposed threats to survival0 At the very least" e need to 9no hich are real and hich are imaginary" hich are of the essence and hich are fantasies0 2e also need to have a sense of those other values human beings pri!e" especially those for hich they are illing to ris9 survival" even to give it up altogether0 +n sum" e need to 9no 1ust hat it is e are trying to balance" and hat ould count as a good balance0 A number of types of survival can be distinguished" the most important of hich are survival of the species and survival of nations" cultures" groups #racial" ethnic and religious5 and individuals0 Survival of the species provides the prototype concept of survival0 Ta9en literally" it can be understood to mean a continuation of human e>istence" specifying nothing about the number of those e>isting or the ;uality of their e>istence0 +n that sense" the species could survive if only a handful of fertile humans e>isted" much as the bison or the California condor e>ists" and even if the level of e>istence as that of a primitive tribe0 +f survival of the species alone is the goal" understood in a minimal sense" it is reasonable to suppose that nothing less than a global" all*encompassing catastrophe ould sufice to bring about e>tinction0 7uclear arfare" together ith a persistence of life* e>tinguishing levels of atmospheric radiation" might present that 9ind of threat0 +t seems to me difficult" ho ever" to imagine any other 9ind of catastrophe hich ould have a li9e effect0 &ollution of the gene pool ould ta9e thousands of years" even if total pollution is conceivable in theory0 Overpopulation ould" ell before human e>tinction" be a self* correcting phenomenon0 &eople ould die until a supportable number remained" a state hich could be reached ell before e>tinction became an imminent reality0 To be sure" e>cessive population gro th could conceivably bring about a orld ide nuclear ar" as people and nations struggled for more space and resources0 And + suppose it is possible" in a orld of steel" concrete and carbon dio>ide fumes" to imagine o>ygen shortages0 6ut those are the only circumstances in hich it ma9es much practical sense to tal9 about the e>tinction of the species0 To be more blunt" the spectre of total human e>tinction is a chimera" providing a poor base upon hich to build a concern for the necessity to control technology0 Cisasters could happen" under some remote circumstancesM but then any and all 9inds of catastrophes are imaginable under some circumstances0

The abstract im act calculus o# 2tilitarianism results in no one countin) as a erson Donnelly A:
$ac9 Connelly" College of the %oly Cross" The Concept of %uman Rights" <=DS" p0 SS*SD 6asic moral and political rights are not 1ust eighting factors in utilitarian calculations that deal ith an undifferentiated OhappinessO0 Rather" they are demands and constraints of a different order" grounded in an essentially substantive 1udgement of the conditions necessary for human development and flourishing0 They also provide means * rights * for realising human potentials0 The neutrality of utilitarianism" its efforts to assure that everyone counts Oe;uallyO" results in no*one counting as a personM as Robert J0 'oodin puts it" people drop out of utilitarian calculations" hich are instead about disembodied preferences #<=D<)=SM compare C or9in <=LL)=R*<//" .P.*D" .LR ff050 +n Aristotelian terms" utilitarianism errs in basing its 1udgements on OnumericalO rather than OproportionalO e;uality0 (or our purposes" such differences should be highlighted0

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Therefore" let us consider utilitarianism" hether act or rule" as an alternative to rights in general" and thus human rights as ell0 +n particular" e can consider utility and human rights as competing strategies for limiting the range of legitimate state action0 Once again" 6entham provides a useful focus for our discussion0 2hile 6entham insists on the importance of limiting the range of legitimate state action #<DPD)<<" R=S" E+++" 0SSL ff05" he also insists that #natural5 rights do not set those limits0 +n fact" he argues that construed as limits on the state" natural rights Omust ever be" * the rights of anarchyO" 1ustifying insurrection henever a single right is violated #<DPD)<<" S.." R=," S/<" S/,50 (or 6entham" natural rights are absolute rights" and thus inappropriate to the real orld of political action0 +n fact" though" no ma1or human rights theorist argues that they are absolute0 (or e>ample" Hoc9e holds that the right to revolution is reserved by society" not the individual #<=,L) para0 .RP50 Therefore" individual violations of human rights per se do not 1ustify revolution0 (urthermore" Hoc9e supports revolution only in cases of gross" persistent and systematic violations of natural rights #<=,L) paras ./R" ./L" ..S5" as does &aine0 The very idea of absolute rights is absurd from a human rights perspective" since logically there can be at most one absolute right" unless e #unreasonably5 assum e that rights never come into conflict0 A more modest claim ould be that human rights are OabsoluteO in the sense that they override all principles and practices e>cept other human rights0 Jven this doctrine" ho ever" is re1ected by most if not all ma1or human rights theorists and documents0 (or e>ample" Article + of the (rench Ceclaration of the Rights of 4an" after declaring that Omen are born" and al ays continue" free and e;ual in respect of their rightsO" adds that Ocivil distinctions" therefore" can be founded only on public utilityO" thus recognising restrictions on the continued complete e;uality of rights0 Similarly" the Universal Ceclaration of %uman Rights #Article .=5 permits such limitations as are determined by la solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and free* doms of others and of meeting the 1ust re;uirements of morality" public order and the general elfare in a democratic society0 The +nternational Covenant on Civil and &olitical Rights includes a similar general limiting proviso #Article R5 as ell as particular limitations on most of the enumerated rights0 Rights ordinarily OtrumpO other considerations" but the mere presence of a right * even a basic human right * does not absolutely and automatically determine the proper course of action" all things considered0 +n certain e>ceptional circumstances" needs" utility" interests or righteousness may override rights0 The duties correlative to rights" and even the trumping force of rights" are prima facie only0 6ut other principles also have prima facie moral force0 Sometimes this ill be sufficient to overcome even the special entrenched priority of rights0 The obligations arising from such rights therefore ought not to be discharged" all things considered0 +n such cases" e can spea9 of the right being OinfringedO" since the #prima facie5 obligation correlative to the right is not discharged" but it ould be seriously misleading to say that it had been OviolatedO #Thomson <=L," <=LL50 6ut if even basic human rights can be 1ustifiably infringed" arenOt rights ultimately subservient to utilityB +f recalcitrant political realities sometimes re;uire subordinating natural rights" arenOt e simply suggesting that human rights are merely utopian aspirations inappropriate to a orld in hich dirty hands are often a re;uirement of political action * and thus here utility is the only reasonable guideB Such a response misconstrues the relationship bet een rights and utility and the ays in hich rights are overridden0 Consider a very simple case" involving minor rights that on their face ould seem to be easily overridden0 +f A promises to drive 6 and C to the movies but later changes his mind" in deciding hether to 9eep his promise #and discharge his rights* based obligations50 A must consider more than the relative utilities of both courses of action for all the parties affectedM in most cases" he ought to drive them to the movies even if that ould reduce overall utility0 At the very least he must as9 them to e>cuse him from his obligation" this re;uirement #as ell as the po er to e>cuse5 being a reflection of the right* holderOs control over the rights relationship0 Utility alone usually ill not override even minor rightsM e re;uire more than a simple calculation of utility to 1ustify infringing rights0 The special priority of rights-titles" as e have seen" implies that the ;uality" not 1ust the ;uantity" of the countervailing forces #utilities5 must be ta9en into consideration0 (or e>ample" if" hen the promised time comes" A ants instead to go get drun9 ith some other friends" simply not sho ing up to drive 6 and C to the movies ill not be 1ustifiable even if that ould ma>imise utilityM the desire for a drun9en binge is not a consideration that ordinarily ill 1ustifiably override rights0 6ut if A accompanies an accident victim to the hospital" even if A is only one of several passers*by ho stopped to offer help" and his action proves to be of no real benefit to the victim" usually this ill be a sufficient e>cuse" even if utility ould be ma>imised by A going to the movies0 Therefore" even recasting rights as eighted interests # hich ould seem to be the obvious utilitarian Ofi>O to capture the special priority of rights5 still misses the point" because it remains essentially ;uantitative0 Rights even tend to override an accumulation of comparable or parallel interests0 Suppose that sacrificing a single innocent person ith a rare blood factor could completely and permanently cure ten e;ually innocent victims of a disease that produces a sure" slo and agonising death0 Jach of the eleven has the OsameO right to life0 Circumstances re;uire" ho ever" that a decision be made as to ho ill live and ho ill die0 The natural rights theorist ould almost certainly choose to protect the rights of the one individual * and such a conclusion" hen faced ith the scapegoat problem" is one of the greatest virtues of a natural rights doctrine to its advocates0 This conclusion rests on a ;ualitative 1udgement that establishes the right" combined ith the further 1udgement that it is not societyOs role to infringe such rights simply to foster utility" a 1udgement arising from the special moral priority of rights0 &olitically" such considerations are clearest in the case of e>tremely unpopular minorities0 (or e>ample" plausible arguments can be made that considerations of utility ould 1ustify persecution of selected religious minorities #e0g0 $e s for

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centuries in the 2est" 4ormons in nineteenth*century America" $ehovahOs 2itnesses in contemporary 4ala i5" even giving special eight to the interests of members of these minorities and considering the precedents set by such persecutions0 7one the less" human rights demand that an essentially ;ualitative 1udgement be made that such persecutions are incompatible ith a truly human life and cannot be allo ed * and such 1udgements go a long ay to e>plaining the relative appeal of human rights theories0 6ut suppose that the sacrifice of one innocent person ould save not ten but a thousand" or a hundred thousand" or a million people0 All things considered" trading one innocent life for a million" even if the victim resists most forcefully" ould seem to be not merely 1ustifiable but demanded0 J>actly ho do e balance rights #in the sense of Ohaving a rightO5" rongs #in the sense of O hat is rightO5 and interestsB Co the numbers countB +f so" hy" and in hat ayB +f not" hy notB Ultimately the defender of human rights is forced bac9 to human nature" the source of natural or human rights0 (or a natural rights theorist there are certain attributes" potentialities and holdings that are essential to the maintenance of a life orthy of a human being0 These are given the special protection of natural rightsM any OutilityO that might be served by their infringement or violation ould be indefensible" literally inhuman * e>cept in genuinely e>traordinary circumstances" the possibility of hich cannot be denied" but the probability of hich should not be overestimated0 J>traordinary circumstances do force us to admit that" at some point" ho ever rare" the force of utilitarian considerations builds up until ;uantity is transformed into ;uality0 The human rights theorist" ho ever" insists on the e>treme rarity of such cases0 (urthermore" e>otic cases should not be permitted to obscure the fundamental difference in emphasis #and in the resulting 1udgements in virtually all cases5 bet een utility and #human5 rights0 7or should they be allo ed to obscure the fact that on balance the fla s in rights*based theories and practices seem less severe" and ithout a doubt less numerous" than those of utility*based political strategies0

***Automobility Inherency
Inherency 8B Bare& => #Thomas 6enton 6are +++" Associate" Kuta9 Roc9 H0H0&0" Omaha" 7ebras9aM $0C0" University of Connecticut
School of Ha M 60S0" University of 7ebras9a" He>is7e>is" RJC%ARACTJR+[+7' T%J CJ6ATJ) A CR+T+VUJ O( J7E+RO74J7TAH CJ4OCRAC8 A7C A7 AHTJR7AT+EJ A&&ROAC% TO T%J UR6A7 S&RA2H C+HJ44A" <==L" R45
Cespite rhetoric to the contrary" there is no real indication that any level of government intends to change its policy of encouraging individual automobile dependence0 The Transportation J;uity Act for the .<st Century #TJA*.<5" n<= hich as signed into la by &resident Clinton in <==D" as hailed by environmentalists as a step in the direction of decreasing the American proclivity for individual automobile use0 n./ 2hile the Act does allo state transportation @TR,<A departments to transfer money into public transit and other non*high ay pro1ects" it gives them full authority to decide here the money actually goes0 n.< Since states have traditionally favored spending on high ay pro1ects" n.. and there e>ists no incentive or re;uirement to shift any of that spending to ard public transit alternatives" there is no evidence that TJA*.< ill have anything but a perpetuating effect on urban spra l0 6ecause TJA*.<Os funding provisions contain no re;uirements to generate public transit alternatives" state and local governments are permitted and often encouraged by interest groups to maintain spra ling development patterns0 The high ay construction industry certainly has a sta9e in continued high ay and suburban road construction" and ould be e>pected to or9 to ensure that government* funded transportation pro1ects favor their interests0 Construction lobbies have traditionally been very strong at the state and local levels" and are li9ely to maintain their po er unless changes are made at the federal level0 n.P 7ot only does TJA*.< fail to provide incentives to shift transportation dollars a ay from spra ling urban development" but it aggravates the problem by providing the most funding to the orst spra lers0 Hos Angeles" California and Atlanta" 'eorgia are idely recogni!ed as e>treme cases of urban spra l" n.R and yet they receive some of the greatest percentages of high ay funds distributed to the states by the federal government0 n.S +n addition to these t o obvious spra lers" Kansas City and Chicago have been targeted as potential spra l problem areas" n., and the pattern of increased federal transportation funding is repeated in TJA*.<0 n.L +n short " the approach ta9en by TJA*.< and other similar funding mechanisms does nothing but support individual dependence @TR,.A on the automobile by increasing funding for high ay travel" hile failing to encourage mass transit or compact development0 n.D

Mass transit is under#unded in the s/uo and #a"ors suburban transit Bullard 11#Robert 6ullard" All Transit +s not created e;ual" http)--urbanhabitat0org-node-P/," ./<<5
(ollo the transportation dollars and one can tell ho is important and ho is not0 2hile many barriers to e;uitable transportation for lo *income and people of color have been removed" much more needs to be done0 Transportation spending programs do not benefit all populations e;ually0 The lionOs share of transportation dollars is spent on roads" hile urban transit systems are often left in disrepair0 7ationally" D/ percent of all surface transportation funds is earmar9ed for high ays and ./ percent for public transportation0

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'enerally" states spend less than ./ percent of federal transportation funding on transit0@<A Some P/ states even restrict the use of the gas ta> revenueFthe single largest source of transportation fundingFto funding high ay programs only0@.A +n the real orld" all transit is not created e;ual0 +n general" most transit systems tend to ta9e their lo *income captive riders for granted and concentrate their fare and service policies on attracting middle*class and affluent riders0@PA %ence" transit subsidies disproportionately favor suburban transit and e>pensive ne commuter bus and rail lines that serve ealthier discretionary riders0

Due to under#undin)& urban transit is raciali6ed in the s/uo its built only #or the (hite suburban o ulation and totally i)nores the minority )rou s in the cities !anche6 =A #Thomas Sanche!" Assistant &rofessor at the Center for Urban Studies"
http)-0upa0pd>0edu-CUS-publications-docs-C&=D*L0pdf" 7ovember <==D5 2hen you go beyond a relatively simple though serious problem such as police racism" ho ever" you begin to get all the comple>ities of the modern American economy0 Urban transit systems in most American cities" for e>ample" have become a genuine civil rights issue ** and a valid one ** because the layout of rapid*transit systems determines the accessibility of 1obs to the blac9 community0 +f transportation systems in American cities could be laid out so as to provide an opportunity for poor people to get meaningful employment" then they could begin to move into the mainstream of American life0 A good e>ample of this problem is my home city of Atlanta" here the rapid*transit system has been laid out for the convenience of the hite upper*middle*class suburbanites ho commute to their 1obs do nto n0 The system has virtually no consideration for connecting the poor people ith their 1obs0 There is only one possible e>planation for this situation" and that is the racist blindness of city planners0

Inner city residents lac, access to trans ortation ' Automobiles and hi)h(ay allo( suburban residents to commute the distance to the city& but that $same distance% is di##icult to commute #or city residents Cus(a 02 #Kevin Ku a" Cirector of Cebating at the University of Richmond" &hC in Communication Studies from the University
of Te>as" 2inter .//." The $ournal of Ha 4achine" He>is7e>is5 in Society" Suburbification" Segregation" and the Consolidation of the %igh ay

@TPDA 'reater and greater density*the accumulation of people living in close pro>imity to one another*generally increased over time in America as the suburb became a pervasive alternative to do nto n residency0 Jven then" the suburb arguably paved the ay for even greater levels of density as ne cities clustered around larger metropolitan areas0 4oreover" the populations of most large cities in the United States have not diminished over the past fifty years0 Their si!e has been balanced by large fringe populations" edge cities" and even rival metropolitans0 Cole completes the connection" tying automobiles and high ays to these movements in density) Q+t as the motor vehicle hich opened the fringes of cities for settlement0 The improvement in high ays has e>tended the fringe and the suburb0Q n.P Suddenly the daily vocabulary had e>panded to include metropolitan areas" fringe or edge populations" and belt ays or outer loops0 2hat as previously a rigid distinction bet een rural and urban or bet een country and city" became porous and permeable prior to the <=S, +nterstate %igh ay Act0 Cifferences bet een urban and rural realities are hard to generali!e0 7ot deterred" the U0S0 Census 6ureau has relied on at least three categories since <D//) the urban" the rural*farm" and the rural non*farm0 Using figures for cities of ."S// or more people" the urban population ballooned RS/ times bet een <D// and <=L/*from , percent of the population #P.."/// in <D//5" to S< percent in <=./ #SR million5" to LP percent in <=L/ #<R= million50 n.R Cities became over R// times more populated from <D// to <=L/0 n.S Charting some numbers associated ith the map of urbani!ation can add contours to a diagram of the suburb0 7e designations for urban ere needed because urban populations ere gro ing must faster than the rural* farm and the rural non*farm combined0 7e 8or9 City has @TP=A al ays pushed the envelope of density and si!e in the United States" and it is fitting that the urban center ould spa n the suburban fringe0 7e 8or9 City codified the gridiron plan of parcels of land cut at =/ degree angles" even superimposing the cityOs geometric graph on top of previously irregular streets in <D<<0 n., 6y <DD/" 7e 8or9 City became the first urban center to carry ith it t o ne labels #and populations5 deployed by the 6ureau of the Census) suburban and metropolitan0 A transition as at or9 bet een <DD/ and the <=S/s" for early suburbs ere simply residences built at a distance from the central business district but ithin easy reach via trolley or train0 7e modes of transportation permitted poc9ets of homogenous settlement at ;uite a distance from the city center0 That distance (as o#ten di##icult to tra"erse #or many residents o# the inner city& but the same distance seemed to e"a orate #or those (ith a "ehicle and re)ular access to urban #ree(ays. 2e are also tal9ing about a phase of suburban gro th in America that absorbed an increase in P< million automobiles" from = million in <=./ to R/ million in <=S/0 Changes ere idespread" hard to predict" and even harder to manage0 Curing this period of time" the Census changed to incorporate the gro th of suburbs and ne ly burgeoning edge cities0 n.L Schneider elaborates on the beginnings of the use of suburb in an official capacity" commenting on the initial characteristics of the suburb that ould distinguish it from Qmodern suburbia0Q +f early suburbs ere an outgro th of the reach of the trolley line" then it ma9es sense to chart the shift from the trolley line to the high ay alongside the shift from early suburbs to modern suburbia0 6ut hat are the effects of this shiftB %o

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can the constitution of suburbia help to diagram the arrival and consolidation of the high ay machineB The place of suburbia may be different than most early suburbs" but those differences also point to stratifying movements ithin a gro ing urban culture" a besieged rural population" and the development of transportation mechanisms to lin9 or segregate those places and people0

The hi)h(ay (as a ma0or #actor o# $materiali6ed se)re)ation% Cus(a 02 #Kevin Ku a" Cirector of Cebating at the University of Richmond" &hC in Communication Studies from the University
of Te>as" 2inter .//." The $ournal of Ha in Society" Suburbification" Segregation" and the Consolidation of the %igh ay 4achine" He>is7e>is5 6ergerOs reali!ation" in <=,," that suburban regions in the U0S0 ere diverse and should not be homogeni!ed" is important and valid0 4any different people" living distinct and te>tured lives" populated the suburbs in the <=S/s and ,/s0 The emergence of the suburb did not al ays translate into segregated living arrangements" particularly hen ta9ing into account pre*e>isting divisions that ere not effects of suburbia0 The borders ithin the city and its surroundings have historically involved boundaries based on race" class" and status0 These boundaries can be both permeable and rigid" and the associated stratifications did not uni;uely arise ith the modern city" the automobile" the suburb" or the high ay0 On the other hand" #e( e"ents materiali6ed se)re)ation and the internal border as much as the e.tension o# the interstate into urban areas. 6ergerOs comments" therefore" should not obscure narratives that challenge the diversity of the suburb" especially its economic diversity0 +t is important to pose a vie point in opposition to the story of the suburb as a liberated land of plenty teeming ith inter*cultural e>perience0

!uburban culture i)nores the racism that er"ades the (ay that the city is constructed Cus(a 02 DKevin Ku a" Cirector of Cebating at the University of Richmond" &hC in Communication Studies from the University of Te>as" 2inter .//." The $ournal of Ha in Society" Suburbification" Segregation" and the Consolidation of the %igh ay 4achine" He>is7e>is5
Cespite egalitarian lures of easy*living" the ideals of suburbia ould only offer themselves to a fe ealthy families ho conveniently found their living and transportation needs subsidi!ed by the federal treasury0 At the same time" many do nto n regions ere surrounded or demolished by massive high ay construction" and the revenue generated by these pro1ects did not return to the communities that ere losing their churches" schools" and homes to the concrete river0 6y <=S," the %igh ay Trust (und nS as in full effect" capturing every cent of high ay revenue and devoting it to further road construction0 The <=S/s ushered in a relatively secure source of revenue for the high ay machine as the Trust (und bloc9ed diversionary efforts by tying the income from vehicle registration and road tolls to future construction and maintenance0 $ames Cunn argues the establishment of the %igh ay Trust (und demonstrated that national support for high ays and the automobile culture ere so strong that some level of policy promotion @TPPA as inevitable0 7o mode of transport has ever Qbeen promoted so successfully and so steadily as autos and high ays0Q n, Jven though the ord suburb did not proliferate until the <Dth and <=th centuries" suburbs themselves are living arrangements that have been a part of human settlement and congregation patterns for thousands of years0 nL Rather than trying to locate the origin of the process of suburbification ho ever" the uni;ue interaction in the United States bet een spatial patterns surrounding cities and the surge of the high ay machine offers a more specific event for consideration0 6efore and after <=S," foreshado ed by the Census 6ureauOs <=S/ definition of urban" nD ne borders started to erupt bet een the urban and the rural" scattering themselves across the cultural landscape0 n= After the arrival of high ays and other paved roads connecting cities to one another" American suburbs changed dramatically through the consolidation of the high ay machine0 6ennet 6erger posits) Q+n the conte>t of the debate over Osuburbia"O hat is usually at sta9e is hose version of America shall become OAmerican0OQ n</ The struggle over hat is America had been going on far @TPRA before the advent of suburbiaM nevertheless" the sudden invasion of the interstate high ay into the heart of the city allo s us to traverse the high ayOs role in the re*ma9ing of the city and its surroundings0 Although the suburb is primarily an event centered on a particular type of place" the e>periences ithin a given place #and contributing to the creation of that place5 are e;ually significant0 +n The &ublic +nterest" 6erger notes the interplay bet een the place of the suburb and the diversity of conditions that sustain it) Hi9e the myth of a homogeneous Osuburbia"O hich for a long time obscured" and to some e>tent still obscures" the actual variety of suburban life" complacence about the cultural diversity of cities may blind us to the conditions hich sustain it0 n<<

!uburbia !uc,s
The (ealthy in America ha"e mo"ed to the suburbs to a"oid crime in the cities& ta,in) resources alon) (ith them. Inner city areas ha"e been le#t (ith no resources (ith (hich to deal (ith crime. Frug 98 (Gerald E Frug, Samuel R. Rosenthal Professor of Law, Harvard University, !"#$ SER%"!ES&,
Le'is(e'is, )*+,, R-.

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A desire for good schools and the fear of crime are both po erful motivating factors leading people to move to" and a ay from" particular cities or neighborhoods0 n<R< 2hen education is the issue" the ;uality of city services significantly influences the decision to relocate #Q eOve moved here for the schoolsQ50 2hen security is the concern" by contrast" the caliber of the police department is not the focus of attention0 +nstead" people move #if they can5 to a lo *crime neighborhood and" once there" construct their houses and businesses to ard off criminals0 They thus treat crime as largely beyond the ability of the police to control0 And they are not alone0 J>perts agree that the principal methods that the police no employ * motori!ed patrolling" responding to emergency calls" and crime investigation * have little effect on the crime rate0 n<R. Q&olice"Q as Cavid 6ayley succinctly puts it" Qdo not prevent crime0Q n<RP Of course" most people nevertheless rely on the police" as ell as location" for protection0 6ut they treat the 1ob of the police as not to eradicate crime but to reassure them that" although crime ill inevitably ta9e place" it ill ta9e place else here0 +n America" the predominant strategy for dealing ith crime is to isolate oneself from it0 @T,=A The cost of relying on this strategy has been high0 The principal cost to the government has ta9en the form of providing an escape route from crime by funding the high ays and se ers and supporting the housing and commercial development that have enabled the creation and gro th of AmericaOs lo *crime suburbs0 n<RR Those ho live in these suburbs have themselves paid for their escape through higher housing prices" the e>pense and strain of commuting" and the loss of a genuine option to live in large parts of the metropolitan area0 Their reliance on avoidance as their principal method of crime control has itself been very e>pensive0 Eastly more is spent in America on private efforts to provide security * through security guards" alarm systems" loc9s" indo bars" surveillance cameras" doormen" armored cars" dogs" metal detectors" mace" homeo nersO insurance" and the li9e * than on city police0 n<RS There are three times as many private security employees in America than there are city police officers * and the gap is idening0 n<R, Residential security alone is a five billion dollar business0 n<RL Still" the greatest cost imposed by the current emphasis on escape as a response to crime has been borne by those ho reside or or9 in AmericaOs less privileged suburbs and central city neighborhoods0 They have not only had to buy their o n security devices but have suffered the conse;uences of being e>posed to the violence that has not been eliminated and that they have been unable to avoid0 2hole neighborhoods have e>perienced an acceleration of social and economic declineM businesses have lost money because people are afraid to shop in themM crime victims have lost not 1ust their property but their lives0 n<RD @TL/A

2rban s ra(l has created a ermanent underclass o# tra ed urban oor& and )enerated a ne( henomena o# se)re)ation and disassociation that has destroyed the social cohesion o# the 2! Bare& => #Thomas 6enton 6are +++" Associate" Kuta9 Roc9 H0H0&0" Omaha" 7ebras9aM $0C0" University of Connecticut
School of Ha M 60S0" University of 7ebras9a" He>is7e>is" RJC%ARACTJR+[+7' T%J CJ6ATJ) A CR+T+VUJ O( J7E+RO74J7TAH CJ4OCRAC8 A7C A7 AHTJR7AT+EJ A&&ROAC% TO T%J UR6A7 S&RA2H C+HJ44A" <==L" R45
Jnvironmental harms aside" urban spra l and the flight to the suburbs have had a disastrous effect on central cities across the United States0 The spra l phenomenon has led to 1ob flight from city centers" societal brea9do n in cities and suburbs" and has left the urban poor loc9ed in a nearly unbrea9able cycle of increased poverty0 As e>plained in the preceding section" once the federal government began the large*scale subsidi!ation of high ays and encouragement of individual automobile use" many urban citi!ens ere able to move to the suburbs and commute into the city to or90 n,R Once this trend as established" employers began to leave the central cities" and follo ed their employees to the suburbs0 n,S $ob flight from the urban core to the suburbs started a cycle that has rea9ed havoc on many city centers0 Ta> bases have eroded as ta>*paying businesses and their or9ers have fled to ne er" e>*urban areas0 n,, Cemands for public services have increased as gro ing numbers of urban poor re;uire more social services hile their condition continues to deteriorate0 n,L 6usinesses continue to flee the cities" leaving the poor stranded ith little hope for a better future0 n,D This increasing lac9 of employment opportunities has created a nearly permanent underclass of trapped urban poor0 n,= @TR,DA Urban property values continue to fall as cities struggle to find tenants" nL/ and the number of polluted industrial bro nfield sites continues to rise0 nL< These effects have created a cycle of decay" intensifying and perpetuating nearly all of these negative impacts0 nL. Outside of environmental and urban harms" spra l has placed a huge financial strain on government at all levels0 The costs of subsidi!ing the transportation needs of the suburbs and providing utilities and other public services to far*flung communities are enormous0 nLP Cities do not shoulder the entire costs of the transportation subsidies" but their revenues are fre;uently tapped to help the state finance ne high ays and perform maintenance on and e>pansion of the infrastructure that services suburbia0 nLR Although urban areas see the benefits of these e>penditures hen their o n high ays and roads are improved" the lionOs share of these dollars go to finance e>*urban transportation pro1ects0 Such transportation pro1ects foster spra ling development to the detriment of the cities0 nLS @TR,=A &ublic service provision by the cities to suburban areas presents another set of e>pensive problems for urban centers0 As suburbs develop" they generally continue to dra on the e>isting urban service infrastructures" rather than building their o n0 nL, Cities

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often provide services to outlying suburbs and" in doing so" they actually subsidi!e continued spra ling development by ma9ing outlying developments less e>pensive for businesses and consumers loo9ing to 9eep costs do n0 nLL +f municipal governments are not re;uired to pay for the creation or maintenance of infrastructure that benefits suburbs" they can 9eep their ta> levies lo er and become attractive for relocation0 Recent literature also notes that the pursuit of the suburban dream has had an e>tremely negative impact on social cohesion in the United States0 2hereas central city living has forced at least pro>imity bet een different social groups" the suburban revolution has bred a ne culture of segregation and disassociation among groups and individuals0 nLD Authors note a decreased sense of community" less volunteerism" slac9ened charity donations" lo er voter turn*out" and a ea9ened social bond bet een rich and poor0 nL= +n addition to individual seclusion and ithdra al from society by suburban residents" there is a general ea9ening in the bond of social responsibility that once bound the cities and the suburbs0 nD/ As those in the suburbs become more ithdra n and involved ith suburban interests" the poor left in the cities must learn to fend for themselves ith little or no help0 This urban-suburban dynamic and its attendant ramifications on solving the spra l phenomenon are merely introduced here and ill be discussed at length in &art +++ of this criti;ue0

Suburban cities are biased and e>clusionary to ards the other Fru) =+ #'erald J (rug" Samuel R0 Rosenthal &rofessor of Ha " %arvard University" SUREJ8+7' HA2 A7C 6ORCJRS) The
'eography of Community" He>is7e>is" S-=,5 Jvery American metropolitan area is no divided into districts that are so different from each other they seem to be different orlds0 Residential neighborhoods are African American" Asian" Hatino" or hite" and upper middle class" middle class" or9ing class" or poorM many are populated by people ho share a single class and racial or ethnic status0 Traveling through this mosaic of neighborhoods" metropolitan residents move from feeling at home to feeling li9e a tourist to feeling so out of place that they are afraid for their o n security0 Commercial life provides a similarly ide range of e>periences0 +n one spot" a shopping center offers Houis Euitton or %ermesM in another" small stores are deteriorating" even emptyM in a third" the side al9s are cro ded ith street vendorsM in a fourth" a strip*mall features Staples or Toys R Us0 Of course" some sections of the metropolis are distinctive because they are integrated along some or all of these lines of race" ethnicity" class" and variety of commercial life0 Still" everyone 9no s that Armani isnOt located ne>t to Kmart0 Jveryone 9no s hich parts of the metropolitan area are nice and hich are dangerous0 Jveryone 9no s here they donOt belong0 @T</RDA This pervasive urban landscape is not simply the result of individual choices about here to live or to create a business0 +t is the product of a multitude of governmental policies0 +n this article" + focus on one such policy) the ays in hich cities have e>ercised their po er over land use to promote and perpetuate this vision of America0 4ost American metropolitan areas are" after all" divided into do!ens and do!ens of cities" and for decades these cities have ielded their !oning and redevelopment authority to foster their o n prosperity even if it has been on at the e>pense of their neighbors0 This pursuit of prosperity has usually meant trying to attract the Qbetter 9indQ of commercial life and the Qbetter 9indQ of people hile e>cluding the rest0 Jvery here in the nation" some suburban cities are understood as having succeeded in this effort hile others are understood as having failed0 4oreover" although no central city has attempted to e>clude people from its borders" they too have used their ability to !one and condemn property to concentrate the Qbetter 9indQ of commercial and residential uses in particular city neighborhoods0 These local !oning and redevelopment policies have had a po erful impact both on the allocation of resources in AmericaOs metropolitan areas and on the relationship bet een the different 9inds of people ho live ithin them0 Across the country" they have inhibited the ability of millions of people to participate fully in the American economy" deprived the poor of basic services hile enriching the countryOs most privileged citi!ens" fueled racial and ethnic hostility" and" most fundamentally of all" undermined the ability of metropolitan residents even to understand each other" let alone or9 together on the regionOs problems * all at the cost of billions and billions of ta>payer dollars0 One of the purposes of this article is to propose a radical revision of these land use policies so that they may better serve the people ho live in AmericaOs central cities and their suburbs0 Another purpose is to offer a frame or9 for considering the 9ind of revision that seems to me to be desirable * a frame or9 based on an argument about the role that cities ought to play in American society0 The role + propose * one that" + contend" is more important than" and should inform the meaning of" land*use policy * is community building0

Minority )rou s ha"e been e.cluded #rom the suburbs because o# the lac, o# ublic trans ort Cus(a& 02 #Kevin Couglas Kus a" Cr0 Kus a is the Cirector of Cebating at the University of Richmond and has ritten on issues
of globali!ation" critical hiteness" and rhetoric0 %e received his &hC from the University of Te>as at Austin in Communication Studies0" He>is7e>is" SU6UR6+(+CAT+O7" SJ'RJ'AT+O7" A7C T%J CO7SOH+CAT+O7 O( T%J %+'%2A8 4AC%+7J" 2inter .//." R45 An auto 1ournal in the <=./s noted) Qilliterate" immigrant" 7egro and other familiesQ remained predominantly outside the mar9et

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for motorcars0 nP, The fact that automobiles ere available to some American families and not others had severe ramifications on class and race politics0 Configurations of automobile o nership and automobile use 1oined ith the ne ly entrenched terrain of the suburb to legitimi!e and perpetuate the marginali!ation of certain groups0 +t is important that e e>pand our focus to include the areas affected by the suburb and not 1ust the suburb itself0 4any minority and lo er income neighborhoods ere e>cluded from the suburbification of AmericaM instead occupying limited land replete ith collapsing infrastructure and urban pollution0 These conditions" especially the segregation and differentiation of social status based on borders ithin the city" are not ne phenomena0 2hen horses performed many of the transportation roles in the city" pollution as 1ust as e>treme in the form of e>crement and disease0 Usually the large stables ere located a ay from the privileged or ell*to*do neighborhoods0 On the other hand" it is important to note that the suburb continued these practices and may have intensified them0 @TRSA Cetailing the suburb as a primary mechanism for the segregation of people" He is 4umford targets the metropolis and its co*option by the military and the state0 Citing overvalued land" increasing congestion" a lac9 of space for recreation" a perpetual cycle of gro th and decay" and an elitist distribution of social services" 4umford contends) QThe metropolitan regime opposes these domestic and civic functions) it subordinates life to organi!ed destruction" and it must therefore regiment" limit" and constrict every e>hibition of real life and culture0Q nPL 4umfordOs articulation of a regimented urban reality as compounded by the massive e>pansion of road building follo ing 2orld 2ar ++ and the <=S, solidification of the high ay machine0 The rise of the suburb*a place partially produced by #and fueling5 the high ayOs ability to connect the pristine periphery to the central business district* temporarily resolved 4umfordOs concerns of density and congestion" only to displace those problems ith more severe environmental and human costs0 Regardless of the organi!ation of the suburb" the construction of high ays in urban areas as a traumatic and oppressive event for the people uprooted by the high ayOs s ath0 The suburb also e>acerbated the human displacement rought by the high ay because the resources necessary to soften the blo of urban construction ere being consumed by suburban areas0 The suburbs ere typically beyond the reach of the poorest residents of the city" a barrier to entry that idened the gap bet een the rich and the poor" particularly hen the poor neighborhoods ere often the same neighborhoods torn up by the high ay0 The parado> as that the high ays and the vehicles that traversed them ere being promoted under the banners of ma>imum choice" individual access" and personal mobility0 nPD These ideals ere used to build more high ays" increasing the demand for automobiles" and removing choice from the inhabitants of the city0 &ersonal and individual choice could not e>ist on a large scale hen part of the process necessitated a destructive dissection of urban areas0

The )o"ernment-s olicies o# hi)h(ay buildin) ha"e #ueled the creation o# suburbia by co"erin) the cost o# li"in) #ar a(ay #rom cities Bare& => #Thomas 6enton 6are +++" Associate" Kuta9 Roc9 H0H0&0" Omaha" 7ebras9aM $0C0" University of Connecticut
School of Ha M 60S0" University of 7ebras9a" He>is7e>is" RJC%ARACTJR+[+7' T%J CJ6ATJ) A CR+T+VUJ O( J7E+RO74J7TAH CJ4OCRAC8 A7C A7 AHTJR7AT+EJ A&&ROAC% TO T%J UR6A7 S&RA2H C+HJ44A" <==L" R45
2hy has spra l become" as (reilich and &eshoff claim" Qas ingrained in our national myth as baseball and apple pie once ereQB n= There are several contributing factors to the phenomenon bound together by one overriding theme0 Subsidies promoting automobile dependency and suburban development combined ith a general encouragement of non*urban development through land use policies all contribute to a consumer preference for suburban living0 n</ 2hile it is difficult to discern the contribution of any single factor on the overall spra l problem" transportation subsidies are certainly an integral factor0 These subsidies cause spra l*type development in t o ays0 (irst" direct governmental subsidi!ation of the costs of driving ma9es operation of individual automobiles cheap and facilitates spra ling development0 Second" along ith the direct subsidies comes a decreased commitment to funding of public transportation0 2ith ine>pensive auto use available and a dearth of public transportation the public is not only tric9ed into a preference but is actually forced into automobile dependence0 American government" at virtually every level" has contributed heavily to spra ling development by creating high ays and increasing the convenience of driving to the point that there is little incentive to live in the urban core0 n<< As the government built high ays after 2orld 2ar ++" residential and business development emerged along the ne transit corridors and traffic congestion increased0 n<. The governmental response of building ne high ays to relieve the stress actually orsened the problem by ma9ing it even easier and less e>pensive for individuals to commute to or9 from the periphery0 n<P The scenario laid out above is e>acerbated by further subsidi!ation of private automobile use0 4ar9 %anson" a consultant ith Resource 4anagement Associates of 4adison" 2isconsin" calculated the total costs in the 4adison area of the impact of automobile use #including air pollution generated" personal in1ury e>pense @TR,/A from accidents" damage from road salt" and lost land opportunity cost50 Once these local impact costs ere calculated" he added 4adisonOs share of the nearly nine billion federal dollars spent in direct petroleum subsidies" and added the costs of building and maintaining the necessary roads0 The totals ere astronomical0 n<R A total of PR million <=DL dollars ere spent in the

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subsidi!ation of individual auto use in the 4adison area" hich brea9s do n to a subsidy of nearly U <0.L per gallon of gasoline0 n<S Unfortunately" the 4adison findings are not uni;ue0 Other authors have included the costs of policing automobile use and general pollution costs in their calculations" and reached similar conclusions to %ansonOs0 n<, 2hen one considers the governmentOs dedication to building roads and its insistence on footing the driving bill for millions of Americans" it is easy to see hy so many people are addicted to individual automobile use0 These subsidies and building practices create and encourage spra l by providing e>tensive and relatively convenient automobile*based infrastructure" and by lo ering other individual transit costs to the point here there is no economic incentive to live in a central urban area close to or9" school" and shopping0 n<L Hife as a commuter based in suburbia is affordable to many citi!ens ho ould not be able to maintain such a lifestyle if the full costs of driving ere captured by the government through accurate user fees and other cost recovery techni;ues0 n<D +n short" subsidi!ation of these costs has encouraged suburban development by ma9ing it an affordable alternative0

Inner city areas create a reci rocatin) en)ine o# resentment that #uels olice minority con#lict Frug 98 (Gerald E Frug, Samuel R. Rosenthal Professor of Law, Harvard University, !"#$ SER%"!ES&,
Le'is(e'is, )*+,, R-.
7o aspect of community building is more important than overcoming this mutual reinforcement bet een the fear of crime and the fear of strangers0 4any current crime prevention strategies" ho ever" do the opposite) they intensify rather than undermine the divisiveness that the idespread fear of crime has generated0 QThereOs no secret to fighting crime"Q one commentator says" summari!ing such a strategy) Qhire more police" build more prisons" abolish parole" stop in9ing at 1uvenile criminals" severely enforce public*nuisance la s" permit self*defense for the la *abiding and put deliberate murderers to death0Q n<S= This approach to crime imposes no obligations of any 9ind on la *abiding citi!ens) their strategy of ithdra al and their fear of strangers remain untouched0 On the contrary" it pictures the police as the agents of these unreconstructed citi!ens" ith their 1ob being to identify the bad guys and put them in 1ail0 +ndeed" no here is the sharpness of the boundary bet een QusQ and QthemQ more stri9ing than in the current enthusiasm for building prisons0 Once imagined as places of rehabilitation" and even no occasionally thought of as instruments for deterrence" prisons have become the e;uivalent in the crime control area to the use of e>clusionary !oning in allocating the nationOs housing) prisons represent an effort to deal ith QthemQ by dividing and separating the metropolitan population0 +f only enough dangerous people can be loc9ed up" it is thought" the rest of society ill be safe0 The effect of such a Qget toughQ attitude on the crime rate is a hotly debated issue0 n<,/ 6ut even if the dream of isolating criminals in a fortified ghetto is implemented by imprisoning everyone ho satisfies a minimal test of dangerousness * thereby 9eeping in prison a substantial number of hat Qget toughQ advocates euphemistically call Qfalse positivesQ n<,< * it ill be hard to loc9 up enough people to diminish the level of fear0 &otentially threatening people ill remain on the street0 Unsolved crimes are inevitable0 Eiolent offenders ho have served their sentences ill still have trouble finding a 1ob0 So ill nonviolent offenders" some of hom ill be more dangerous after @TLRA their release from prison than they ere hen they entered0 6esides" no matter ho many people are imprisoned" there ill continue to be millions of unfamiliar*loo9ing strangers in AmericaOs metropolitan areas ho have never committed a crime and more children * including more young blac9 males * becoming teenagers every day0 Since a Qget toughQ strategy ma9es it no easier to distinguish a dangerous stranger from an innocuous one" building prisons is not li9ely to dampen the desire to build the opposite 9ind of alled communities at the same time * communities designed to protect insiders by alling off hat frightens them on the outside0 A Qget toughQ strategy threatens to e>acerbate the current level of divisiveness in America in another ay as ell0 +t reinforces for all concerned the image of the police as an occupying army responsive to outsiders rather than to community residents0 A primary ob1ection voiced by African Americans to current crime control efforts is that every blac9 person" particularly every young blac9 male" is vie ed suspiciously by the police0 n<,. This degree of surveillance has generated an antagonism bet een African Americans and the police that is much more fundamental than racial pre1udice or e>cessive violence on the part of individual police officers or criminal acts perpetrated by individual African Americans * serious as these problems are0 As Cavid 6ayley and %arold 4endelsohn put it" QThere seems to be a reciprocating engine of resentment at or9 in the relations bet een police and minorities0Q n<,P This engine of resentment particularly infects the police*minority relationship in the poor African American neighborhoods most plagued by high crime rates0 Residents of these neighborhoods are too familiar ith e>amples of verbal abuse" brutality" and physical assaults to vie police officers" in the manner of those ho live in lo * crime suburbs" as there for their protection0 &atrolling in lo *crime suburbs may be designed to ard off crime" but in poor African American neighborhoods it too often provides an opportunity for routine harassment0 And the reason for this harassment" many feel" is that the police are captured by an Qus versus themQ attitude * one that combines racial pre1udice ith an instinct to use e>cessive force even for a routine arrest0 n<,R The police" on the other hand" see themselves as doing a tough" dirty 1ob that the public doesnOt under* @TLSA stand or appreciate0 They feel constantly threatened by potential

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violence and develop in response an omnipresent sense of mistrust0 This mistrust is triggered most intensely in poor African American neighborhoods here" as police officers recogni!e" residents have a po erful suspicion" even hatred" of the police0 4oreover" the officers ho or9 in these neighborhoods see them as filled ith criminals and potential criminals ho understand only toughness0 Conse;uently" they define their 1ob as re;uiring alertness to possible violence and a ;uic9" authoritative response" rather than politeness or respect0 +tOs not surprising" therefore" that they also come to believe that the only people they can trust in doing their 1ob are their fello officers0 +f so" it becomes critical to stand by them * no matter ho they behave0 n<,S

!ol"ency 5acism E 4o"erty


Im ro"in) trans ortation is ,ey to sol"e ine/uality creates a more connected society 6roadus </ #Eictoria 6roadus" 2riter for The City (i>" $uly .," ./</" http)--thecityfi>0com-blog-transport*and* ine;uality*in*latin*america*and*the*caribbean-5
Ac9no ledging that poverty reduction programs in the region have too often focused on specific" piece*meal solutions" rather than addressing the deep*seated roots of poverty and ine;uality" the report calls for more comprehensive public social policies across the region0 The policies must recogni!e and or9 to amend the structural causes of political and social origin that reflect historical factors of social ine;uality" including lac9 of e;ual opportunity and lac9 of empo erment that result in marginali!ation" oppression" and domination0 Ho er ine;uality ould mean a more connected and cohesive society" hich ould foster greater and more e;uitable economic gro th0 Safe" reliable" affordable and sustainable public transport options could be integral to this comprehensive policy to address ine;uality in the region0 After all" lin9ing cities through fast and affordable bus systems li9e 6ogot\:s Trans4ilenio certainly ma9es them more connected and cohesive" hile providing poorer residents ith improved access to cities: economic centers0 +mproving access to schools and or9places can help historically marginali!ed and economically e>cluded groups brea9 from the cycle of poverty and ine;uality0 And indeed" transport is mentioned a fe times throughout the report0 The report highlights" for instance" that hile the benefits of achieving a healthy lifestyle and a high level of education might" in theory" be e;ual for all people" the costs of achieving these goals are ;uite different for a family living far from a city center and a family living nearby0 (arther distances imply reduced access to schools and health services" greater transport costs" and higher opportunity costs) more time spent in transit reduces the amount of time that children can contribute to family tas9s or even or9 outside of the home" for e>ample0 This analysis of human development from the operative restrictions perspective implies that policyma9ers and planners must account for the interaction bet een services that are available for families F for instance" health and education F and these families: capacity to ta9e full advantage of these services0 +mproved transport is crucial" in this respect" for advances in human development and reduced ine;uality in HAC0

Access to trans ortation sol"es o"erty& ine/uality& and social e.clusion ;e(is 11
#Cavid He is" &hC" (C+T" Senior Eice &resident of %CR" R-./<<-" Jconomic &erspectives on Transport and J;uality" http)-0internationaltransportforum0org-1trc-Ciscussion&apers-C&./<</=0pdf5 According to transport scholar 4artin 2achs" mobility and access to transportation are t o of the most important global economic forces for the alleviation of poverty" ine;uality and social e>clusion0 < 2hile the degree of empirical strength in this conclusion may be debated" most investigators agree that poverty" ine;uality and social e>clusion are tied to personal mobility and to the accessibility of goods and services0 +n richer and poorer countries ali9e" 2achs notes that people ith disabilities" omen and girls and other disadvantaged people suffer from measurable deficits in nutrition" health care" employment and education0 2hile such deficits reflect an array of simultaneously occurring causes #from poor housing to ea9 governance5" problems traveling and moving goods at affordable cost can ran9 among them0 Recogni!ing ea9 transport and energy infrastructure as 9ey constraints to poverty reduction in Africa" the African Cevelopment 6an9 #AC65 has made infrastructure development a cornerstone in its development agenda and promotes private and public sector infrastructure development through the provision of financial and technical resources0 . A lin9 bet een improved transport and diminished regional disparities in income and ell*being is evident in emerging and developed economies ali9e ** mobility and transport have a role to play in diminishing economic and social gaps bet een rich and poor in literally all the orld?s economies0 P +n coordination ith other sectoral policies" transport represents an important policy instrument for reducing poverty and diminishing social e>clusion0 'ermany" for e>ample" is reported to have itnessed a larger reduction in sub*regional income disparity since the mid*<==/s than most other OJCC nations0 Analysis attributes this convergence in part to national and Juropean Union funds for infrastructure #as ell as to research

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and development" education and the transfer of some manufacturing 1obs from factories in the estern states to the east50 R As sho n in Section P belo " large infrastructure investment programs can promote productivity gro th" one of the 9ey factors in reducing income ine;ualities bet een regions and raising a real personal incomes0

Trans ortation olicy chan)e is a critical to chan)e o"erty and racism Bullard 09
#Robert Coyle 6ullard" &hC" professor of sociology" Cean of &ublic Affais at Te>as Southern" $an <" .//R" http)--boo9s0google0com-boo9sBhlXenYlrXYidX763l$oyi(.cCYoiXfndYpgX&A<Yd;XN..RacismN..]N..transportation N..YotsX'2U$a9.CVHYsigXp+e>%RVlJhDH+S+7Hy.*lb6g([4WvXonepageY;XN..RacismN..N./N..transportation N..YfXfalse5 (rom Rosa &ar9s and the brave souls ho ris9ed their lives in the 4ontgomery 6us 6oycott to $ohn He is and the (reedom Riders" individual and organi!ational frontal assaults on racist transportation policies and practices represent attempts to literally dismantle the infrastructure of oppression0 7atural heirs of the civil rights legacy" the Hos Angeles 6us Riders Union in the <==/s and hundreds of grassroots groups in the early years of the ne millennium have ta9en to our nationOs buses" trains" streets" and high ays and 1oined the battle against transportation racism0 Transportation racism hurts people of color communities by depriving their residents of valuable resources" investments" and mobility0 This boo9 represents a small but signiGcant part of the transportation e;uity movement Fa movement that is redeGning transportation as an environmental" economic" civil" and human right0 The need for transportation touches every aspect of our lives and daily routines0 The course of one day could necessitate a range of activities) or9ing" shopping" visiting friends" attending church" or going to the doctor0 (urthermore" transportation provides access to opportunity and serves as a 9ey component in addressing poverty" unemployment" and e;ual opportunity goals hile ensuring e;ual access to education" employment" and other public services0 Hest anyone dismiss transportation as a tangential e>pense" consider that e>cept for housing" Americans spend more on transportation than any other household disbursement" including #bod" education" and health care0 The average American household spends one Gfth of its incomeFor about U,"/// a yearFfor each car that it o ns and operates0: +t is not uncommon for many lo *income" people of color households to spend up to one*third of their income on transportation0 This boo9 afGrms that transportation is neither a marginal cost nor an irrelevant need" but a necessity0

!a#er mass transit and side(al, systems re"ent tra##ic #atalities and ro"ide better access #or the oor& disabled& and elderly <ao 11
#Su!i 'ao" riter for Unfinished 6uisness" a blog committed to civil and human rights for all" $uly .L" ./<<" http)-0unfinishedbusiness0org-./<</L.L*ra;uel*nelson*and*the*fatal*cost*of*transportation*ine;uality-5 Hast month" 7elson" a part*time student and single mother" as convicted in 'eorgia of vehicular homicide and 1ay al9ing0 After getting off a bus stop across the street from her home" @7elsonA and her three 9ids ere crossing a dangerous street ithout any pedestrian safeguards hen her R*year*old son as struc9 do n by an into>icated driver0 After t o trials and national outcries against her conviction" 7elson as given the option to accept either <. months probation or a re*trial0 4ean hile" the driver ho 9illed 7elson:s son got off ith si> months on a hit*and*run charge0 This unfortunate incident highlights the pertinent need for a reliable and accessible mass transit system0 A very small percentage of federal funds are being used for affordable transportation0 This means that lo *income people" seniors" and people ith disabilities are denied e;ual access to opportunity and safety0 Regrettably in 7elson:s case" the insufficient <0S percent of federal funds that ere scarcely allocated to revamp dangerous roads or to create better alternatives" ended up personally affecting her life0 According to Transportation for America:s report Cangerous by Cesign ./<<" pedestrians account for nearly <. percent of total traffic deaths0 These deaths are usually considered accidents" and often occur along dangerous roads designed for high*speed cars" neglecting provisions for pedestrian friendly infrastructure0 2e should 9eep all of this in mind as Congress considers the surface transportation reauthori!ation bill that ill outline federal spending for the ne>t si> years in transportation priorities0 Cutting a ay necessary investments in al9able communities" bicycle friendly roads" and heelchair accessibility ould be li9e cutting a ay their lifelines0 And 1ust thin9" thin9 about some of the benefits our nation ould gain" such as less pollution for our air ;uality" obesity" and the most unfortunate one in this case pedestrian fatality0

!ol"ency ' Mo"ement


The combination o# the creation o# mass transit systems and a massi"e mo"ement reco)ni6in) the issues inherent in automobility (ill create crac,s in the re)ime o# automobility. 4uttin) into /uestion the

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$)oin)'ons% o# automobility is a sub"ersi"e act that could recon#i)ure the entire trans ortation system. Bohm et al. 0+ #Steffen 6^hm" Campbell $ones" Chris Hand and 4at &aterson" Steffen 6^hm is Hecturer in 4anagement at the
University of Jsse>0 %e is a member of the editorial collective of ephemera) theory Y politics in organi!ation and co*editor of mayflyboo9s0 %e does not o n a car0 Campbell $ones is Cirector of the Centre for &hilosophy and &olitical Jconomy and Senior Hecturer in Critical Theory and 6usiness Jthics at the University of Heicester" UK0 %e al9s a lot0 Chris Hand no teaches at the University of Jsse>0 %is research has predominantly been concerned ith the constitutive role of technology in producing human sub1ectivity0 4atthe &aterson is Associate &rofessor of &olitical Science at the University of Otta a" Canada0 %is main research interests are the politics of global arming" ecological perspectives on global politics" and the political economy of global environmental change0 %aving moved to the continent of enforced automobility" he is no no longer car*free" although the bi9e remains his drug of choice" Against Automobility" &ages <P*<S" R45 One ay of enacting the regime of automobility is to loo9 at the antagonisms that are inherent to this regime and try to address the social" environmental and economic conse;uences that are produced by its ?malfunctioning:0 Ta9e" for e>ample" the introduction of congestion charges in Hondon" an undoubtedly bold scheme that started in early .//P0 Charging vehicles for entering city centres is one ay to address the gro ing gridloc9 that characteri!es most big cities on the globe0 The protests against this particular scheme in Hondon have been manifold0 Commuters complained about the spiralling costs of getting to and from or9 and the lac9 of high ;uality public transport alternatives0 Hocal businesses complained about their increased costs of doing business in Hondon0 There ill al ays be a host of social groups that ill be affected by the introduction of ne governmental measures of control0 2hat seems clear to us" ho ever" is that the introduction of congestion charges points to the inherent antagonisms that characteri!e the regime of automobility" antagonisms that need to be politically addressed" if the regime as a hole is to continue0 4any insist that individuals should be able to decide for themselves and ta9e things in their o n hands" to be responsible for their o n destiny0 As a corollary" the tas9 of politics is to reduce the interventions of the State and ensure that citi!ens have as much freedom as possible0 The automobile as the vehicle that promises completely autonomous" free movement fits perfectly ithin such image0 +t comes as no surprise" then" that despite the serious environmental" social and economic costs due to the ?success: of automobility" dominant political discourses call for cheaper fuel" less ta>es" more roads and less ?governing: of automobility0 +t seems clear that such understanding of the regime of automobility is illusory" precisely because automobility as such" is al ays already impossible" even on the conceptual level0 This is to say that automobility is already an ?open: regime in the sense that it re;uires enactment to ma9e it or90 The tas9 of politics is precisely to ?ma9e up: automobility" that is" to set the limits and thereby gloss over the particular antagonisms of automobility0 2hat e are describing here is" of course" a reformist model0 The politics of particularity aims to reform the regime of automobility by responding to particular failures" brea9s and accidents it ma9es a regime that is fundamentally impossible possible0 The Hondon congestion charge is such a politics of reform0 +t introduces a ne techni;ue for the governance of automobility" hich has already changed the face of automobility in Hondon itself) more cyclists are commuting to or9" public transport plays a better role and people simply seem to al9 more02hile e certainly do not ant to dismiss the importance of such a political move" the danger of a politics of reform is that it remains at the level of particularity in the sense that it remains geographically and politically a singular event and limited to the ?improvement: of automobility0 The Hondon congestion charge is only a small gesture" precisely because it is not yet embedded in a ider politics of ?regime*change:M a change that ould signal a hope of a radically different regime of automobility0 +t seems to us that one possible signal in urgent need to be sent out is one that entails a radical brea9 from the dependency of automobile life on the unsustainable" environmental and social destruction causing" usage of non*rene able oil resources0 %o ould an automobile society loo9 ithout oilB This radical" yet so logical" ;uestion has been as9ed by many anti*road protesters" environmentalists and authors #eg" Catton" <=D.M %einberg" .//SM [uc9ermann" <==<M 0lifeaftertheoilcrash0net5 for many years and no even progressive governments have caught on #The 'uardian" .//,50 J;ually" one could as9) ho ould a carfree city loo9 #%olt! Kay" <==L5B Cities li,e Amsterdam& Co enha)en& Freibur) and others sho( that a mi.ture o# ublic trans ort and e.tensi"e cycle lane net(or,s can ro"ide an in#rastructure that si)nals a ho e in a more sustainable and car#ree urban trans ort #uture #see Alvord" .///M Cra ford" .//.M see also 0critical*mass0org50 8et" hile such provisions are signs of a future beyond the current regime of automobility" hat seems to be important is to connect them to a ider" more general" ;uestioning of the impossibility of the regime of automobility itself0 +n our vie " reforming automobility is not enough0 +n order radically to change the ay automobility or9s today" it is not sufficient to e>pose the particular antagonisms of the regime and ma9e it once again" temporarily" ?possible: by introducing ne techni;ues of government0 +nstead" hat is needed is a broadening a areness of the fragility of the entire regime of automobility02hen in the year ./// protests against high fuel prices brought most of the UK almost to a standstill" this fragility of the regime as made clear by a relatively small number of people ithin a fe days) as almost the entirety of social life of the developed orld depends on the steady flo of oil" a brea9 of this flo has radical conse;uences for the normal maintenance of the regime of

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automobility0 Such brea9s in the normal flo s of automobility" even if they intended to achieve the opposite" e>pose the fragility of the regime0 +t is an act of subversion that has the potential to put into ;uestion the entire ?goings*on: of automobility0 Such acts do not only aim to engage ith a particular antagonism of automobility but to redefine the grounds on hich automobility can be thought0 Such acts are therefore radically unaccountableM one can never fully foresee their conse;uences0 +n our vie " this is the tas9 of today) radically to put into ;uestion the universality of automobility and engender a space that imagines not only different automobilities that cannot yet be foreseen" but also a social form hich recogni!es the necessity of disentangling its t in conceptual bases to delin9 autonomy from mobility and to put both in conte>t0 +n this sense" e are proposing interventions that ;uite literally propose to reconfigure the very coordinates of hat is perceived as ?possible:0 (aced ith an antagonistic and impossible regime of automobility" e hope that the essays collected in this volume contribute to the recognition of that impossibility and to the collective possibility of moving beyond it0

!ol"ency ' Contact *y othesis


Inter'racial contact hel s ta,e a(ay ne)ati"e stereoty es to(ard the other #2elch =P et al0 Susan 2elch and Hee Sigelman" 4arch <==P" 2elch is a Cean at the College of Hiberal Arts and &rofessor of &olitical Science at &ennsylvania State University" and Sigelman is a Columbian College Cistinguished &rofessor of &olitical Science and as previously a department chair at 'eorge 2ashington University5
2hat psychological mechanisms might mediate the lin9age bet een interracial contact and positive racial attitudesB One is availability#Kahneman" Slovic Y Tvers9y <=D.50 (or hites" having a blac9 friend or living in an area here one comes into fre;uent contact ith blac9s serves as a source of information about blac9s * their outloo9s" the problems they face" and so on0 Such first hand information almost inevitably influences oneOs perceptions of and feelings about blac9s in general0 Thus" for e>ample" hen hites are as9ed ho many blac9s harbor anti hite feelings" they may thin9 first of their o n blac9 friends" if they have any" and the very fact of their friendship should shape their response0 Or they may thin9 of blac9s in the area here they live" and here again their impressions are li9ely to be fairly positive" because blac9* hite relations are usually perceived as less problematic in oneOs local area than nation ide #Sigelman Y 2elch <==<50 Hac9ing such firsthand information" hites must base their responses on hatever other information they may have at their disposal0 'iven the tendency of media coverage to focus on cases of intense" dramatic conflict" the second hand information hites have about blac9s is apt to accentuate the negative0 This availability*based interpretation suggests" in short" that (hitesF erce tions and e. ressions o# racial hostility should be materially a##ected by ersonal contact (ith blac,s& because such contact is a ,ey source o# ositi"e in#ormation about blac,sG in the absence o# this source& (hites must #all bac, on other in#ormation sources& includin) lon)'standin) racial stereoty es and media re orts& (hich are more li,ely to be ne)ati"e. (or blac9s" too" interracial contact presumably affects the availability of information about hites" though perhaps in a some hat more muted fashion than for hites0 Hiving in a hite*dominated society" blac9s have an easier time amassing a variety of first* and secondhand information about hites than the average hite does about blac9s0 Thus" simply being in neighborhoods or school cachement areas ith hites may have little bearing on perceptions of racial attitudes generally0 %o ever" interracial friendship may deter racial stereo*typing by providing blac9s ith counter e>amples to the stereotype of hites as pre1udiced and hostile0

Data sho( that inter'racial contact increases ositi"e attitudes to(ard the other this could ma,e current race relations calmer #2elch =P et al0 Susan 2elch and Hee Sigelman" 4arch <==P" 2elch is a Cean at the College of Hiberal Arts and &rofessor of &olitical Science at &ennsylvania State University" and Sigelman is a Columbian College Cistinguished &rofessor of &olitical Science and as previously a department chair at 'eorge 2ashington University5
On the other hand" e can hardly conclude from our findings that interracial contact is unimportant0 Although half of the coefficients in Table. are nonsignificant" the other half are significant" and in every instance" the significant coefficients run

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in the direction predicted by the contact hypothesis0 +n fact" e consistently found that interracial friendships decrease blac9sO perceptions of racial hostility and that interracial neighborhood contacts decrease hitesO perceptions of hostility0 6oth interracial friendships and neighborhood contacts increase hitesO desire for racial integration0 On no occasion did e itness a orst*case scenario of interracial contact breeding negative racial attitudes0 +n some instances" the positive effects of interracial contact are modest" but even these modest effects" aggregated over millions of blac9 and hite Americans" ha"e the otential to ease the re"ailin) climate o# race relations. And in some instances" the positive effects of interracial contact are substantial0 There is" then" reason to believe that the availability hypothesis has considerable merit0 &ersonal contact bet een hites and blac9s is associated ith positive hite attitudes0 +t is note orthy in this regard that interracial contact has its most mar9ed effects on perceptions or e>pressions of racial hostility in oneOs o n area" 1ust as ould be e>pected if" in effect" people generali!e from specific situations ith hich they are familiar to more general situations about hich their information may be more uncertain0

4eo le (ith )reater contact (ith other races are better at reco)ni6in) #aces o# di##erent races #3alentine =: Tim Ealentine and &atric9 Chiroro" <==S" Ealentine as a United States democratic representative for the state of Carolina" Chiroro has been a university lecturer and professor" The Vuarterly $ournal of Jnvironmental &sychology Section A) %uman Jnvironmental &sychology" An +nvestigation of the Contact %ypothesis of the O n*race 6ias in (ace Recognition" accessed online) http)-0tandfonline0com-doi-abs-</0</D/-<R,R/LR=S/DR/<R.<Wprevie 5
Although previous studies have demonstrated that faces of oneOs o n race are recogni!ed more accurately than are faces of other races" the theoretical basis of this effect is not clearly understood at present0 The e>periment reported in this paper tested the contact hypothesis of the o n*race bias in face recognition using a cross*cultural design0 (our groups of sub1ects ere tested for their recognition of distinctive and typical o n*race and other*race faces) #<5 blac9 Africans ho had a high degree of contact ith hite faces" #.5 blac9 Africans ho had little or no contact ith hite faces" #P5 hite Africans ho had a high degree of contact ith blac9 faces" and #R5 hite 6ritons ho had little contact ith blac9 faces0 The results sho ed that although on the hole sub1ects recogni!ed o n*race faces more accurately and more confidently than they recogni!ed other*race faces" the o n*race bias in face recognition as significantly smaller among the high*contact sub1ects than it as among the lo *contact sub1ects0 Also" although high*contact blac9 and hite sub1ects sho ed significant main effects of distinctiveness in their recognition of faces of both races" lo *contact blac9 and hite sub1ects sho ed significant main effects of distinctiveness only in their recognition of o n*race faces0 +t is argued that these results support the contact hypothesis of the o n*race bias in face recognition and EalentineOs multidimensional space #4CS5 frame or9 of face encoding0

Im act Bio olitics


The hi)h(ay machine is the (orst #orm o# bio olitics it controls both those (ho dri"e and those (ho don-t throu)h di##erences in class Cus(a 2 #Kevin Couglas Kus a" Cr0 Kus a is the Cirector of Cebating at the University of Richmond and has ritten on issues of
globali!ation" critical hiteness" and rhetoric0 %e received his &hC from the University of Te>as at Austin in Communication Studies0" He>is7e>is" SU6UR6+(+CAT+O7" SJ'RJ'AT+O7" A7C T%J CO7SOH+CAT+O7 O( T%J %+'%2A8 4AC%+7J" 2inter .//." R45 One of the devastating memories of the high ay and suburbia during the middle of the last century concerns race and class and the ays many impoverished and minority people ere segregated and contained in certain city regions0 %o is po er e>ercised in these instancesB %o can these histories be tied together to criti;ue the effects of the high ay machineB A relational notion of po er can assist critical hiteness in confronting any attempts to govern through a spatial control of mobility and housing that promotes race and class divisions0 &o er no longer constitutes authority in a bipolar ay" for the e>ercise of po er produces positive and negative effects0 4ore specifically" the racing and placing of populations occurs through the high ay machineOs e>ercise of pastoral po er" not through a barricade set up by the military or forced internment0 A concept li9e pastoral po er turns a ay from analy!ing situations in terms of Qthose ith po erQ against Qthose ithout0Q &astoral po er" for (oucault" involves the individuali!ation and totali!ation of po erOs ob1ects) the sub1ect and the floc90 n,. Civil @TSSA institutions too9 it upon themselves to save and improve the citi!enry" rather than simply governing the larger social body0 +ndividuals are sub1ect to rigid norms and groups are sub1ugated by state policies and

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enforcement0 +n a less abstract sense" the urban high ay sub1ugates communities that are not able to access the high ay" hile people ho do have access are sub1ect to its restrictions and its path0 The sub1ect" or driver" desires easy access to employment as ell as a domestic escape from the perceived dangers of city life0 4ean hile" the floc9" or abstracted community" desires security and the comforts of modernity0 The underside of the sub1ect and the floc9 is" of course" the non*citi!en and the non*community*the elements that must be purged and saniti!ed for the smooth functioning of society0 This is ho pastoral po er produces sub1ectivities at the same time that it sub1ugates others0 Through the high ay machine" the non*citi!en emerges as the residue of circulation and distribution*the immobile person contained in a trap of poverty and alled*in by the very structures designed to e>pand societyOs possibilities of travel0 The have*nots become the move*nots" resigned to remain ithin a cro ded cage contrasted ith the ad1acent freedom of superhigh ays and airports0 Through the high ay machine" the non*community emerges as the residue of out*migration and gentrification" effectively raising and depressing property rates to s;uee!e some people in and some people out0 Cra ing an analogy to a more populari!ed form of containment ill serve to highlight the process0 'reene relates the discourse of containment to United States foreign policy in the Qthird orld"Q by sho ing ho poverty and overpopulation had to be contained in the @TS,A name of democracy0 n,P The borderlines bet een 7orth and South #the 7orth South gap5 and bet een Jast and 2est #the Jast 2est divide or the +ron Curtain5 became regions here containment or9ed to place and displace particular territories and populations0 These logics appeared across the globe in the form of pro>y ars #Angola" 7icaragua" Eietnam" Afghanistan5M in the emergence of spheres of influence #the bear in the bac9yard and the domino theory5M and in the separation of orlds into the industriali!ed first orld" the industriali!ing or communist*bloc second orld" and the underdeveloped or ne ly independent third orld0 Containment or9ed in these conte>ts to isolate conditions of political instability" poverty" and rapid population gro th0 These conditions then mar9ed places that could breed communism or pose a potential threat to the 2est0 'reene focuses on ho the population control apparatus adopted containment rhetoric to further birth control" family planning" and health promotion in the so*called third orld0 This article uses 'reeneOs concept to ma9e a brief comment on the tropes of Qcleanliness"Q Qthe pristine"Q Qhealth"Q and Q hitenessQ operating ithin containment0 n,R (rom there" e turn to ard the ays these discourses produce racial divisions ithin American cities0 Jarly in his account of the population apparatus" 'reene notes Qdiscourse strategies offer the means for ma9ing the conduct of a population visible as a problemQ and Qa discourse strategy e>ists as a norm for evaluating @TSLA the elfare of a population0Q n,S 2e recogni!e" though" that these discursive strategies are material and not 1ust descriptive" that rhetorical positioning operates alongside ethical 1udgment" and that discursive foundations allo the e>ercise of po er to be enabling and disabling at any given moment0 n,, 4any strategies circulate together to ma9e certain populations visible and 1udge their productivity0 Ceploying the need for health" for instance" discursive strategies began to associate the health of the individual ith the health of the nation and the health of the social body0 A number of techni;ues combine to determine hich populations are unhealthy and ho those populations can be distinguished" separated" and contained0 The health of a given population or9s figuratively and literally #metaphorically and physically50 As 'reene contends) Qthe individual health-social health couplet allo s the language of public health and disease to be deployed in order to pathologi!e particular practices as OunhealthyO for both the individual and the social body0Q n,L 'reeneOs lin9 bet een the discourse of health and containment is clear in the emergence of a 4althusian couple and state promotion of birth control" ma9ing the notion of Qracing and placing populationsQ a significant one to import to the intersection bet een the suburb and hiteness0 n,D

This #orm o# modern )o"ernmentality ta,es res onsibility #or o timi6in) the li#e o# (hole o ulations. Hithin this $bio' o(er% the so"erei)n ri)ht to ,ill is trans#ormed in to the ri)ht to let die in the name o# collecti"e li#e. Any amount o# "iolence& no matter ho( otentially li#e annihilatin)& becomes 0usti#ied. Dean 01
#4itchell Cean" &rofessor of Sociology at 4ac;uarie University" .//<"Cemonic Societies) Hiberalism" biopolitics" and sovereignty0 Jthnographic J>plorations of the &ostcolonial State" ed0 %anson and Stepputat" p0 SS*SD5 Consider again the contrastive terms in hich it is possible to vie biopolitics and sovereignty0 The final chapter in the first volume of the %istory of Se>uality that contrasts sovereignty and biopolitics is titled QRight of Ceath and &o er over Hife0Q The initial terms of the contrast bet een the t o registers of government is thus bet een one that could employ po er to put sub1ects to death" even if this right to 9ill as conditioned by the defense of the sovereign" and one that as concerned ith the fostering of life0 7evertheless" each part of the contrast can be further bro9en do n0 The right of death can also be understood as Qthe right to ta9e life or let liveQM the po er over life as the po er Qto foster life or disallo it0Q Sovereign po er is a po er that distinguishes bet een political life #bios5 and mere e>istence or bare life #!oe50 6are life is included in the constitution of sovereign po er by +ts very e>clusion from political

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life0 +n contrast" biopolitics might be thought to include !oe in bios) stripped do n mere e>istence becomes a matter of political reality0 Thus" the contrast bet een biopolitics and sovereignty is not one of a po er of life versus a po er of death but concerns the ay the different forms of po er treat matters of life and death and entail different conceptions of life0 Thus" biopolitics reinscribes the earlier right of death and po er over life and places it ithin a ne and different form that attempts to include hat had earlier been sacred and taboo" bare life" in political e>istence0 +t is no longer so much the right of the sovereign to put to death his enemies but to dis;ualify the lifeFthe mere e>istenceFof those ho are a threat to the life of the population" to disallo those deemed Qun orthy of life"Q those hose bare life is not orth living0 This allo s us" first" to consider hat might be thought of as the dar9 side of biopolitics #(oucault <=L=a) <P,FPL50 +n (oucaultOs account" bio olitics does not ut an end to the practice of (ar8 it ro"ides it (ith ne( and more so histicated ,illin) machines. These machines allo 9illing itself to be reposed at the level of entire populations0 Hars become )enocidal in the t(entieth century. The same state that ta,es on the duty to enhance the li#e of the population also e.ercises the o(er o# death o"er (hole o ulations. Atomic (ea ons are the ,ey (ea ons o# this rocess of the po er to put hole populations to death0 2e might also consider here the aptly named biolo)ical and chemical (ea ons that see, an e.termination o# o ulations by "isitin) la)ues u on them or ollutin) the bios here in hich they live to the oint at (hich bare li#e is no lon)er sustainable. Ior does the birth o# bio olitics ut an end to the ,illin) o# oneFs o(n o ulations. 5ather& it intensi#ies that ,illin)J hether by an Kethnic cleansin)K that "isits holocausts u on (hole )rou s or by the mass slaughters of classes and groups conducted in the name of the Utopia to be achieved . There is a certain restraint in so"erei)n o(er. The ri)ht o# death is only occasionally e.ercised as the ri)ht to ,ill and then o#ten in a ritual #ashion that su))ests a relation to the sacred. More o#ten& so"erei)n o(er is mani#est in the re#rainin) #rom the ri)ht to ,ill. The bio olitical im erati"e ,no(s no such restraint0 &o er is e>ercised at the level of populations and hence ars ill be aged at that level" on behalf of everyone and their lives0 This point brings us to the heart of (oucaultOs provocative thesis about biopolitics) that there is an intimate connection bet een the e>ercise of a life*administering po er and the commission of genocide) KI# )enocide is indeed the dream o# modern o(ers& this is not because o# a recent return o# the ancient ri)ht to ,ill8 it is because o(er is situated and e.ercised at the le"el o# li#e& the species" the race" and the large*scale phenomena of populationQ #<=L=a) <PL50 (oucault completes this same passage ith an e>pression that deserves more notice) Qmassacres become "ital.K There is thus a 9ind of perverse homogeneity bet een the po er over life and the po er to ta9e life characteristic of biopo er0 The emergence of a biopolitical racism in the nineteenth and t entieth centuries can be approached as a tra1ectory in hich this homogeneity al ays threatened to tip over into a dreadful necessity0 This racism can be approached as a fundamental mechanism of po er that is inscribed in the biopolitical domain #Stoler <==S) DRFDS50 (or (oucault" the primary function of this form of racism is to establish a division bet een those ho must live and those ho must die" and to distinguish the superior from the inferior" the fit from the unfit0 The notion and techni;ues of population had given rise" at the end of the nineteenth century" to a ne lin9age among population" the internal organi!ation of states" and the competition bet een states0 Car inism" as an imperial social and political program" ould plot the ran9ing of individuals" populations" and nations along the common gradient of fitness and thus measure eflicien;p, %o ever" the series Qpopulation" evolution" and raceQ is not simply a ay of thin9ing about the superiority of the Q hite racesQ or of 1ustifying colonialism" but also of thin9ing about ho to treat the degenerates and the abnormals in oneOs o n population and prevent the further degeneration of the race0 The second and most important function for (oucault of this biopolitical racism in the nineteenth century is that Qit establishes a positive relation bet een the right to 9ill and the assurance of lifeQ #Stoler <==S) DR50 The life of the population" its vigor" its health" its capacities to survive" becomes necessarily lin9ed to the elimination of internal and e>ternal threats0 This po er to disallo life is perhaps best encapsulated in the in1unctions of the eugenic pro1ect) identify those ho are degenerate" abnormal" feebleTminded" or of an inferior race and sub1ect them to forced sterili!ation) encourage those ho are superior" fit" and intelligent to propagate0 +dentify those hose life is but mere e>istence and dis;ualify their propagation) encourage those ho can parta9e of a sovereign e>istence and of moral and political life0 6ut this last e>ample does not necessarily establish a positive 1ustification for the right to 9ill" only the right to disallo life0 +f e are to begin to understand the type of racism engaged in by 7a!ism" ho ever" e need to ta9e into account another 9ind of denouement bet een the biopolitical management of population and the e>ercise of sovereignty0 This version of sovereignty is no longer the transformed and democrati!ed form founded on the liberty of the 1uridical sub1ect" as it is for liberalism" but a sovereignty that ta9es up and transforms a further element of sovereignty" its Qsymbolics of bloodQ #(oucault <=L=a) <RD50 (or (oucault" sovereignty is grounded in bloodFas a reality and as a symbolF1ust as one might say that se>uality becomes the 9ey field on hich biopolitical management of populations is articulated0 2hen po er is e>ercised through repression and deduction" through a la over hich hangs the s ord" hen it is e>ercised on the scaffold by the torturer and the e>ecutioner" and hen relations bet een households and families ere forged through alliance" Qblood as a reality ith a symbolic function0Q 6y contrast" for biopolitics ith its themes of health" vigor" fitness" vitality" progeny" survival" and race" Qpo er spo9e of se>uality and to se>ualityQ #(oucault <=L=a) <RL50 (or (oucault #<=L=a) <R=FS/5" the novelty of 7ational Socialism as the ay it articulated Qthe oneiric e>altation of blood"Q of fatherland" and of the triumph of the race in an immensely cynical and naive fashion" ith the paro>ysms of a disciplinary and biopolitical po er concerned ith the detailed administration of the life of the population and the regulation of se>uality" family" marriage" and education0FIa6ism )enerali6ed bio o(er ithout the limit*criti;ue posed by the 1uridical sub1ect of right" but it could not do a ay ith sovereignty0 +nstead" it established a set o# ermanent inter"entions into the conduct o# the indi"idual (ithin the o ulation and articulated this (ith the Kmythical concern #or blood and the trium h o# the race.K Thus" the shepherd*floc9

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game and the city*citi!en game are transmuted into the eugenic ordering of biological e>istence #of mere living and subsistence5 and articulated on the themes of the purity of blood and the myth of the fatherland . In such an articulation of these elements of sovereign and biopolitical forms of po er" the relation bet(een the administration o# li#e and the ri)ht to ,ill entire o ulations is no longer simply one of a dreadful homogeneity0 +t has become a necessary relation. The administration o# li#e comes to re/uire a bloodbath. +t is not simply that po er" and therefore ar" ill be e>ercised at the level of an entire population0 +t is that the act of dis;ualifying the right to life of other races becomes necessary for the fostering of the life of the race0 4oreover" the elimination o# other races is only one #ace o# the uri#ication o# oneFs o(n race #(oucault <==Lb) .P<50 The other art is to e. ose the latter to a uni"ersal and absolute danger" to e>pose it to the ris, o# death and total destruction0 (or (oucault" (ith the Ia6i state (e ha"e an Kabsolutely racist state" an absolutely murderous state and an absolutely suicidal stateK #.P.5" all o# (hich are superimposed and con"er)e on the Final !olution. 2ith the (inal Solution" the state tries to eliminate" through the $e s" all the other races" for hom the $e s ere the symbol and the manifestation0 This includes& in one o# *itlerFs last acts& the order to destroy the bases o# bare li#e #or the <erman eo le itsel# K(inal Solution for other races" the absolute suicide o# the <erman raceK is inscribed& according to (oucault0 in the #unctionin) o# the modern state D.P.50

Im act *uman 5i)hts


Access to trans ortation is a #undamental ri)ht !anche6 07
#Thomas 20 Sanche! is an associate professor of Urban Affairs and &lanning and research fello in the 4etropolitan +nstitute at Eirginia Tech in Ale>andria" Eirginia0 Rich Stol! is Senior &olicy Analyst at Center for Community Change0 $acinta S0 4a is a Hegal and &olicy Advocacy Associate at The Civil Rights &ro1ect at %arvard0 4OE+7' TO JVU+T8) Addressing +ne;uitable Jffects of Transportation &olicies on 4inorities0 http)--civilrightspro1ect0ucla0edu-research-metro*and*regional* ine;ualities-transportation-moving*to*e;uity*addressing*ine;uitable*effects*of*transportation*policies*on*minorities-sanche!*moving* to*e;uity*transportation*policies0pdf5 Transportation plays a vital role in our society0 +n fact" the Supreme Court recogni!ed that the right to travel is one of the fundamental rights guaranteed by the (ourteenth Amendment to the U0S0 Constitution0< 'iven the important role of transportation" it ould be e>pected that policyma9ers ould battle over transportation policy0 Too often" ho ever" those battles are fought over hat specific pro1ects ill be funded and in hich states or congressional districts" and scant attention is paid to the larger social and economic effects of transportation policies0 The civil rights movement provides some evidence of the social importance of transportation to people of color0 +n <=SS" the arrest of Rosa &ar9s for refusing to give her seat on a bus to a hite rider spar9ed the 4ontgomery 6us 6oycott0 (reedom Riders faced violent attac9s to assert the rights of African Americans to ride on integrated buses traveling interstate0 4any past and current transportation policies have limited the life chances of minorities by preventing access to places and opportunities0 The e>piration in .//P of the Transportation J;uity Act for the .<st Century #TJA*.<5 provides an opportunity to address some of the ine;uitable effects that transportation policies have on minority and lo *income communities0 Americans have become increasingly mobile and more reliant on automobiles to meet their travel needs due largely to transportation policies adopted after 2orld 2ar ++ that emphasi!ed high ay development over public transportation0 According to Census ./// data" less than five percent of trips to or9 in urban areas ere made by public transit" but this varies significantly by race and location0. 4inorities" ho ever" are less li9ely to o n cars than hites and are more often dependent on public transportation0 The transit*dependent must often rely on public transportation not only to travel to or9" but also to get to school" obtain medical care" attend religious services" and shop for basic necessities such as groceries0 The transit*dependent commonly have lo incomes and thus" in addition to facing more difficulties getting around" they face economic ine;uities as a result of transportation policies oriented to ard travel by car0 Surface transportation policies at the local" regional" state" and national levels have a direct impact on urban land use and development patterns0 The types of transportation facilities and services in hich public funds are invested provide varying levels of access to meet basic social and economic needs0 The ay communities develop land dictates the need for certain types of transportation" and on the other hand" the transportation options in hich communities invest influence patterns of urban development0

*uman ri)hts need to be ut #irst as a source o# e/uality and rotection Feyter 0:


#Koen de (eyter" professor of international la at the la faculty of the University of Ant erp" %uman Rights) $ustice in the Age of the 4ar9et" fall .//S" pages .<D*.<=" 4C5 7evertheless" the need for human rights protection is as urgent in the age of the mar9et as it as at the time of the Cold 2ar0 The right of each and every person to live in human dignity needs to be reaffirmed" particularly hen the mar9et 1ustifies e>clusion of those ho compete poorly0 The e>clusiveness of the mar9et needs to be countered by the inclusiveness of human rights0 %uman rights have this potential" but only if they ad1ust to the challenges of economic globali!ation" and if they are supported by a sufficiently strong and

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broad alliance of forces ithin and among different societies0 The e>isting catalogue of civil" cultural" economic" political and social rights" as e>pressed in the international la of human rights" remains a valid point of departure0 Coors should not be closed but be open to the recognition of multiple human rights duty holdersM open to going beyond la in thin9ing about human rightsM and open to connecting global norms and local realities0 @.<DA This change" not in ideals but in attitude" is re;uired because in the current era of economic globali!ation" and the internationali!ation of political violence that it entails" the need for protection has changed0 +t may ell change again in the future0 %uman rights have to be a living instrument in order to deliver on the promise of protection they hold0 Jconomic globali!ation re;uires the recognition of multiple human rights duty holders0 %uman rights are no longer affected only by the state" hich has territorial control over the area here people live0 Cecisions by intergovernmental organi!ations" by economic or violent non*state actors and by other states have far*reaching conse;uences for the degree to hich human rights are en1oyed in a particular part of the orld0 7one of these other actors is" ho ever" sufficiently accountable for the human rights impact of their actions vis-a-vis people affected by their activities0 The vision is of a eb of human rights obligations" ith the territorially responsible country still at the centre but no longer alone0 7o trade*off need occur bet een holding the state responsible for human rights violations and simultaneously developing the human rights responsibilities of other actors0 &erhaps the clearest e>amples are in the field of corporate responsibility for human rights0 2hen companies have a direct impact on the ;uality of life of entire communities" because they e>ploit the land off hich people live or because they provide a service essential to survival needs" effective human rights protection re;uires do n ards accountability both by the state hen it fails to prevent abuses by the private actor " and by the private actor directly hen it commits abuses falling ithin its sphere of influence0 Similarly" an ade;uate response to the adverse human rights impact of +4(*sponsored economic reforms re;uires not only investigation of the human rights responsibility of the +nternational @.<=A 4onetary (und as an international organi!ation" but also of the responsibilities of the state that agrees to the measures and those that supplied the re;uired ma1ority ithin the institution0

Im act Air 4ollution


Air Luality in oor urban areas is a lar)e cause o# asthma blac,s are sho(n to be + times more li,ely to die #rom it than (hite eo le Bullard 2000 #Robert 6ullard" &%C in Jnvironment Sociology" http)-0e1rc0cau0edu-atepN./ne sletterN./spr//sm0&C("
Spring .///5 Air ;uality impacts of transportation are especially significant to lo *income persons and people of color ho are more li9ely to live in urban areas ith reduced air ;uality than affluent individuals and hites0 (or e>ample" 7ational Argonne Haboratory researchers discovered that RPL of the P"</= counties and independent cities failed to meet at least one of the J&A ambient air ;uality standards0 Specifically" SL percent of hites" ,S percent of African Americans" and D/ percent of %ispanics live in RPL counties ith substandard air ;uality0 7ation ide" PP percent of hites" S/ percent of African Americans" and ,/ percent of %ispanics live in the <P, counties in hich t o or more air pollutants e>ceed standards0 Similar patterns ere found for the .= counties designated as nonattainment areas for three or more pollutants0 Again" <. percent of hites" ./ percent of African Americans" and P< percent of %ispanics resided in the orse nonattainment areas0 7o doubt" clean and energy efficient public transportation could give millions of Americans ho live in polluted cities a healthier environment and possibly longer lives0 'round*level o!one may e>acerbate health problems such as asthma" nasal congestion" throat irritation" respiratory tract inflammation" reduced resistance to infection" changes in cell function" loss of lung elasticity" chest pains" lung scarring" formation of lesions ithin the lungs" and premature aging of lung tissues0 Air pollution is not thought to cause asthma and related respiratory illnesses" ho ever" bad air hurts and is a ma1or trigger0 A <==, report from the federal Centers for Cisease Control sho s hospitali!ation and death rates from asthma increasing for persons .S years old or less0 The greatest increases occurred among African Americans0 African Americans are t o to si> times more li9ely than hites to die from asthma0 The hospitali!ation rate for African Americans is P to R times the rate for hites0 Asthma has reached epidemic proportions in the Atlanta region0 Atlanta area residents are paying for spra l ith their hard*earned dollars as ell as ith their health0 A <==R CCC*sponsored study sho ed that pediatric emergency department visits at 'rady 4emorial %ospital increased by one*third follo ing pea9 o!one levels0 The study also found that the asthma rate among African American children is ., percent higher than the asthma rate among hites0 Since children ith asthma in Atlanta may not have visited the emergency department for their care" the true prevalence of asthma in the community is li9ely to be higher0 A <=== Clean Air Tas9 (orce report" Adverse %ealth Jffects Associated ith O!one in the Jastern United States" lin9ed asthma and respiratory problems and smog0 %igh smog levels are associated ith rising respiratory*related hospital admissions and emergency room visits in cities across the nation0

4oor eo le are more li,ely to ha"e health roblems ;o"ell A #&%C in African American Studies" http)-0hucchc0com-upload-research-RacismN./&overtyN./andN./+nner
N./CityN./%ealthN./CurrentN./Kno ledgeN./andN./&ractices0pdf" September D" TTT%+S ART+CHJ %AS A HOT O( +7(OR4AT+O7 O7 T%J J((JCTS O( RAC+S45

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2hile it may have been traditionally difficult to document health problems as directly resulting from racism and poverty" recent literature and reports provide empirical support for the analytical concept of racism and poverty as co*determinants of health" particularly for racialised and disadvantaged populations in the inner city0 This revie ma9es the lin9ages bet een racism" poverty and health clear0 +t highlights ho racism loo9s li9e in the every*day lives of racialised individuals and ho it contributes to their health0 +t also identifies hat role racism plays in poverty and thereby contributes to the determinants of health via unemployment" lo income" homelessness and social e>clusion0

Im act 3alue to ;i#e


The (allin) o## o# dissonance and disorder robs suburban o ulations o# the ca acity to deal (ith chan)e and creates a lac, o# e.citement in li#e Fru)& =+ #'erald J (rug" Samuel R0 Rosenthal &rofessor of Ha " %arvard University" SUREJ8+7' HA2 A7C 6ORCJRS) The 'eography of Community" He>is7e>is" S-=," R45
+n his evangelical mood" Sennett argues that alling off dissonance and disorder in the effort to protect oneself from vulnerability parado>ically increases vulnerability to these very aspects of life0 The reason is that the barriers are designed to e>clude hat cannot be e>cluded) uncertainty" instability" change" pain" and disorder are inevitable0 n<D This inevitability is not attributable simply to the actions of othersM a purified identity is an attempt to escape from the self0 Otherness" confusion" and comple>ity are part of every human e>perienceM they threaten to enter consciousness at any moment0 To prevent their doing so re;uires relentless patrolling of oneOs borders" both internal and e>ternal * a vigilance that heightens the sense of an>iety because reliance on e>clusion robs eo le o# the e. erience needed to de"elo a ca acity to deal (ith roblems as they occur. There is" ho ever" an alternative strategy of self*protection" Sennett suggests" one that can provide more security0 The alternative re;uires giving up the idea that the orld can be purified or controlled and nurturing instead hat he calls Qego strength0Q n<= 6y this" he means a sense of resilience" an ability to cope ith hatever surprises and conflicts one en* @T</SRA counters" a confidence that one onOt be over helmed by comple>ity or disorder" a feeling that one can live ith" even learn to en1oy" otherness0 Jgo strength enables Qthe acceptance of chance in life"Q as ell as the acceptance of change" of gro th" of disappointment0 n./ This capacity goes by many names in the psychological literature" such as Qhuman plasticity"Q Qthe protean self"Q and Qthe dialogic selfQM sometimes" as a contrast to adolescence" it is simply called Qmaturity0Q n.< The reason for incorporating the e>perience of surprise" disorder" and difference in oneOs life is not simply to learn ho to tolerate the pain they cause0 Openness to these e>periences ma9es life more fun0 6uilding a orld on the security derived from the familiar and the predictable causes people to feel bored" feel stuc9" feel that they have Qgiven up0Q This" one should recall" is a standard criti;ue of the <=S/s*style suburban bedroom communities) There" Qthere is nothing to do0Q Thus one psychological conse;uence of living in a purified community * other than resignation or a redoubled dedication to its defense * is a desire for a more interesting" fuller life0 Hac9 of stimulation produces a longing for variety" surprise" mystery" e>citement" adventure0 (or people so moved" it triggers an ambition to escape from the secure place to hich they #or their parents5 have escaped0 6ut fulfilling this ambition re;uires openness to the une>pected" the disorienting" the ne * a frightening prospect" perhaps" but a thrilling one as ell0

***Im act Framin) Callahan


!ur"i"al olitics manu#actures catastro hes to 0usti#y the (orst atrocities Callahan >7
Caniel Callahan" institute of Society and Jthics" <=LP" The Tyranny of Survival" p0 =<*=P The value of survival could not be so readily abused ere it not for its evocative po er0 6ut abused it has been0 +n the name of survival" all manner of social and political evils have been committed against the rights of individuals" including the right to life0 The purported threat of Communist domination has for over t o decades fueled the drive of militarists for ever* larger defense budgets" no matter hat the cost to other social needs0 Curing 2orld 2ar ++" native $apanese*Americans ere herded" ithout due process of la " to detention camps0 This policy as later upheld by the Supreme Court in Korematsu v0 United States #<=RR5 in the general conte>t that a threat to national security can 1ustify acts other ise blatantly un1ustifiable0 The survival of the Aryan race as one of the official legitimations of 7a!ism0 Under the banner of survival" the government of South Africa imposes a ruthless apartheid" heedless of the most elementary human rights0 The Eietnamese ar has seen one of the greatest of the many absurdities tolerated in the name of survival) the destruction of villages in order to save them0 6ut it is not only in a political setting that survival has been evo9ed as a final and unarguable value0 The main rationale 60 (0 S9inner offers in 6eyond (reedom and Cignity for the controlled and conditioned society is the need for survival0 (or $ac;ues 4onod" in Chance and 7ecessity" survival re;uires that e overthro almost every 9no n religious" ethical and political system0 +n genetics" the survival of the gene pool has been put for ard as sufficient

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grounds for a forceful prohibition of bearers of offensive genetic traits from marrying and bearing children0 Some have even suggested that e do the cause of survival no good by our misguided medical efforts to find means by hich those suffering from such common genetically based diseases as diabetes can live a normal life" and thus procreate even more diabetics0 +n the field of population and environment" one can do no better than to cite &aul Jhrlich" hose or9s have sho n a high dedication to survival" and in its holy name a illingness to contemplate governmentally enforced abortions and a denial of food to surviving populations of nations hich have not enacted population*control policies0 (or all these reasons it is possible to counterpoise over against the need for survival a Qtyranny of survival0Q There seems to be no imaginable evil hich some group is not illing to inflict on another for sa9e of survival" no rights" liberties or dignities hich it is not ready to suppress0 +t is easy" of course" to recogni!e the danger hen survival is falsely and manipulatively invo9ed0 Cictators never tal9 about their aggressions" but only about the need to defend the fatherland to save it from destruction at the hands of its enemies0 6ut my point goes deeper than that0 +t is directed even at a legitimate concern for survival" hen that concern is allo ed to reach an intensity hich ould ignore" suppress or destroy other fundamental human rights and values0 The potential tyranny survival as value is that it is capable" if not treated sanely" of iping out all other values0 Survival can become an obsession and a disease" provo9ing a destructive singlemindedness that ill stop at nothing0 2e come here to the fundamental moral dilemma0 +f" both biologically and psychologically" the need for survival is basic to man" and if survival is the precondition for any and all human achievements" and if no other rights ma9e much sense ithout the premise of a right to lifeFthen ho ill it be possible to honor and act upon the need for survival ithout" in the process" destroying everything in human beings hich ma9es them orthy of survival0 To put it more strongly" if the price of survival is human degradation" then there is no moral reason hy an effort should be made to ensure that survival0 +t ould be the &yrrhic victory to end all &yrrhic victories0 8et it ould be the defeat of all defeats if" because human beings could not properly manage their need to survive" they succeeded in not doing so0 Jither ay" then" ould represent a failure" and one can ta9e oneOs pic9 about hich failure ould be orse" that of survival at the cost of everything decent in man or outright e>tinction0 Someho e need to find better alternatives" if + may be allo ed to understate the mater0 2e need to survive as races" groups" nations and as a species" but in a ay hich preserves a ide range of other human values" and in a ay hich is as sensitive about means as about ends0 Control of technology and population limitation ill be an essential means to survival of the species0 Thus the problem is to find a ay of living ith and profiting from technology" and of controlling population gro th" si!e and distribution hich is as morally viable as it is pragmatically effective0 A balance ill have to be devised" of the most delicate 9ind0 A number of steps are necessary" the first of hich is to analy!e the various types of supposed threats to survival0 At the very least" e need to 9no hich are real and hich are imaginary" hich are of the essence and hich are fantasies0 2e also need to have a sense of those other values human beings pri!e" especially those for hich they are illing to ris9 survival" even to give it up altogether0 +n sum" e need to 9no 1ust hat it is e are trying to balance" and hat ould count as a good balance0 A number of types of survival can be distinguished" the most important of hich are survival of the species and survival of nations" cultures" groups #racial" ethnic and religious5 and individuals0 Survival of the species provides the prototype concept of survival0 Ta9en literally" it can be understood to mean a continuation of human e>istence" specifying nothing about the number of those e>isting or the ;uality of their e>istence0 +n that sense" the species could survive if only a handful of fertile humans e>isted" much as the bison or the California condor e>ists" and even if the level of e>istence as that of a primitive tribe0 +f survival of the species alone is the goal" understood in a minimal sense" it is reasonable to suppose that nothing less than a global" all*encompassing catastrophe ould sufice to bring about e>tinction0 7uclear arfare" together ith a persistence of life* e>tinguishing levels of atmospheric radiation" might present that 9ind of threat0 +t seems to me difficult" ho ever" to imagine any other 9ind of catastrophe hich ould have a li9e effect0 &ollution of the gene pool ould ta9e thousands of years" even if total pollution is conceivable in theory0 Overpopulation ould" ell before human e>tinction" be a self* correcting phenomenon0 &eople ould die until a supportable number remained" a state hich could be reached ell before e>tinction became an imminent reality0 To be sure" e>cessive population gro th could conceivably bring about a orld ide nuclear ar" as people and nations struggled for more space and resources0 And + suppose it is possible" in a orld of steel" concrete and carbon dio>ide fumes" to imagine o>ygen shortages0 6ut those are the only circumstances in hich it ma9es much practical sense to tal9 about the e>tinction of the species0 To be more blunt" the spectre of total human e>tinction is a chimera" providing a poor base upon hich to build a concern for the necessity to control technology0 Cisasters could happen" under some remote circumstancesM but then any and all 9inds of catastrophes are imaginable under some circumstances0

4robability
I)nore lo(' robability im acts Rescher DP
Rescher0 &rof of &hilosophy _ &itt" <=DP" @7icholas" Ris9" pg0 P,*PLA

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+n real*life deliberations" in the la #especially in the conte>t of negligence5 and indeed throughout the setting of our practical affairs" it is necessary to distinguish bet een real and unreal #or Qmerely theoreticalQ5 possibilities0 Once the probability of an eventuation gets to be small enough" the event at issue may be seen as no longer a real possibility #theoretically possible though it may be50 Such an event is something e can simply rite off as being Qoutside the range of appropriate concern"Q something e can dismiss for Qall practical purposes0Q As one riter on insurance puts it) Q@&1eople000 refuse to orry about losses hose probability is belo some threshold0 &robabilities belo the threshold are treated as though thev ere !ero0Q 7o doubt" events of such possibility can happen in some sense of the term" but this QcanQ functions some hat figuratively * it is no longer something that presents a realistic prospect0 To be sure" this recourse to effective !erohood does not represent a strictly ob1ective" ontological circumstance0 +t reflects a matter of choice or decision" namely the practical step of treating certain theoretically e>tant possibilities as unreal * as not oth bothering about" as meriting being set at !ero" as being literally negligible0

Moral Mbli)ation
4o"erty oses the )reatest threat to the (orldJ(e ha"e a moral obli)ation to eradicate it 3ear 09
#$esse Heah" Co*coordinates &O2JR**&ortland Organi!ing to 2in Jconomic Rights" QAbolishing &overty) A Ceclaration of Jconomic %uman Rights"Q http)-0peace or9maga!ine0org-p or9-/R/L-/R/L/R0htm5 Hoc9ed in the cross*hairs of domestic and foreign policies hich intentionally put our bodies in harmOs ay" our terror is the terror of poverty * a terror boldly and callously proliferated by our o n government0 Surely one doesnOt need the surveillance po ers of high* definition eapons*grade satellites to see the faces of the some D/ million poor people struggling 1ust to survive in AmericaM to see the orried faces of homeless mothers aiting to be added to the aiting list for non*e>istent public housingM to find the unemployment lines filled ith parents ho arenOt eligible to see a doctor and ho canOt afford to get sic9M to see the children stric9en ith preventable diseases in the midst of the orldOs best*e;uipped hospitalsM to hear the rumble in the bellies of millions of hungry Americans hose only security is a bread line once a ee9M or to detect the crumbling of our nationOs under*funded" under*staffed schools0 4ean hile" billions are spent aging ars and occupying countries that our school children canOt even find on a map0 Surely it doesnOt ta9e a roc9et scientist to detect the moral ban9ruptcy of a nation * by far the orldOs richest and most po erful * hich disregards the basic human needs of its o n despairing people in favor of misguided military adventures that protect no one" hether in nations half* ay across the globe" or in the outer reaches of our atmosphere0 To see these things one needs neither a high*po ered satellite nor a speciali!ed degree0 One needs only to open oneOs eyes and dare to see the reality before them0 8et even as you loo9 you still might not see the millions of poor people in America0 4y face is only one of D/ million Americans ho never get as9ed for in* depth television intervie s or for our e>pert commentary regarding the state of the economy or the impact of our nationOs policies0 +n addition to all the indignities suffered by poor people in America" e must suffer the further indignation of being disappeared * 9ept discretely hidden a ay from the eyes" ears" and conscience of the rest of society and the orld0 The e>istence of poverty in the richest country on earth cannot remain a secret for long0 Americans" li9e the ma1ority of the orldOs peoples" are compassionate" fair*minded people0 2hen e>posed" the moral hypocrisy of poverty in America cannot ithstand the light of day any more than the moral hypocrisy of slavery or race or se> discrimination could0 ThatOs here the &oor &eopleOs Jconomic %uman Rights Campaign comes in0 2ith this campaign" e are reaching out to the international community as ell as the rest of US society to help us secure hat are our most basic human rights" as outlined in +nternational Ha 0 According to the Universal Ceclaration of %uman Rights" an +nternational Treaty signed in <=RD by all U7 member nations" including the United States" all nations have a moral and legal obligation to ensure the basic needs and ell*being of all their citi!ens0 Among the rights outlined in the Ceclaration are the rights to food" housing" health care" 1obs at living ages" and education0 Over half a century after signing this document" despite huge economic gains and a vast productive capacity" the United States has sorely neglected its promise0 +n a land hose founding documents proclaim life" liberty" and 1ustice for all" e must hold this nation to its promises0

Iuclear
4o"erty out(ei)hs nu,e (ar ,illin) 272 million a year ' The re#usal to reco)ni6e and criti/ue this "iolence er etuates it. The $la(% becomes a (ea on by the rulin) to secure their interest Abu'?amalN=A
#4umia" &olitical Activist" A Vuiet and Ceadly Eiolence" September <=" http)-0angelfire0com-a!

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+t has often been observed that America is a truly violent nation" as sho n by the thousands of cases of social and communal violence that occurs daily in the nation0 Jvery year" some ./"/// people are 9illed by others" and additional ./"/// fol9s 9ill themselves0 Add to this the nonlethal
violence that Americans daily inflict on each other" and e begin to see the tracings of a nation immersed in a fever of violence0 6ut" as remar9able" and harro ing as this level and degree of violence is" it is" by far" not the most violent features of living in the midst of the American empire0 2e live" e;ually immersed" and to

a deeper degree" in a nation that condones and ignores ide*ranging QstructuralO violence" of a 9ind that destroys human life ith a breathta9ing ruthlessness0 (ormer 4assachusetts prison official and riter" Cr0 $ames 'illigan observesM 6y Qstructural violenceQ + mean the increased rates of death and disability suffered by those ho occupy the bottom rungs of society" as contrasted by those ho are above them0 Those e>cess deaths #or at least a demonstrably large proportion of them5 are a function of the class structureM and that structure is itself a product of societyOs collective human choices" concerning ho to distribute the collective ealth of the society0 These are not acts of 'od0 + am contrasting QstructuralQ
ith Qbehavioral violenceQ by hich + mean the non*natural deaths and in1uries that are caused by specific behavioral actions of individuals against individuals" such as the deaths e attribute to homicide" suicide" soldiers in arfare" capital punishment" and so on0 **#'illigan" $0" 4C" Eiolence) Reflections On a 7ational Jpidemic #7e 8or9) Eintage" <==,5" <=.05 This form of violence" not covered by any of the ma1oritarian" corporate" ruling*class protected media" is invisible to us and because of its invisibility" all the more insidious0 %o dangerous is it**reallyB 'illigan notes) @JAvery fifteen years" on the average " as many people die because of relative poverty as ould be 9illed in a nuclear ar that caused .P. million deathsM and every single year" t o to three times as many people die from poverty throughout the orld as ere 9illed by the 7a!i genocide of the $e s over a si>*year period0 This is" in effect" the e;uivalent of an ongoing" unending" in fact accelerating" thermonuclear ar" or genocide on the ea9 and poor every year of every decade" throughout the orld0 @'illigan" p0 <=,A 2orse still" in a thoroughly capitalist society" much of that violence became internali!ed" turned bac9 on the Self" because" in a society based on the priority of ealth" those ho o n nothing are taught to loathe themselves" as if something is inherently rong ith themselves" instead of the social order that promotes this self*loathing0 This intense self*hatred as often manifested in familial "iolence as hen the husband beats the ife" the ife smac9s the son" and the 9ids fight each other0 This vicious" circular" and invisible violence" unac9no ledged by the corporate media" uncritici!ed in substandard educational systems" and un* understood by the very fol9s ho suffer in its grips" feeds on the spectacular and more common forms of violence that the system ma9es damn sure *that e can recogni!e and must react to it0 This fatal and systematic violence may be called The 2ar on the &oor0 +t is found in every country" submerged beneath the sands of history" buried" yet ever present" as omnipotent as death0 +n the struggles over the commons in Jurope" hen the peasants struggled and lost their battles for their commonal lands #a precursor to similar struggles throughout Africa and the Americas5" this violence as sanctified" by church and cro n" as the OCivine Right of KingsO to the spoils of class battle0 Scholars (rances (o>*&iven and Richard A Clo ard rote" in The 7e Class 2ar #&antheon" <=D.-<=DS5) They did not lose because lando ners ere immune to burning and preaching and rioting0 They lost because the usurpations of o ners ere regularly defended by the legal authority and the armed force of the state0 +t as the state that imposed increased ta>es or enforced the payment of increased rents" and evicted or 1ailed those ho could not pay the resulting debts0 +t as the state that made la ful the appropriation by lando ners of the forests" streams" and commons" and imposed terrifying penalties on those ho persisted in claiming the old rights to these resources0 +t as the state that freed serfs or emancipated sharecroppers only to leave them landless0 #S.5 The QHa Q" then" as a tool of the po erful to protect their interests" then" as no 0 +t as a eapon against the poor and impoverished" then" as no 0 +t punished retail violence" hile

turning a blind eye to the holesale violence daily done by their class masters0 The la as" and is" a tool of state po er" utili!ed to protect the status ;uo" no matter ho oppressive that status as" or is0 Systems are essentially ays of doing things that have concreti!ed into tradition" and custom" ithout regard to the rightness of those ays0 7o system that causes this 9ind of harm to people should be allo ed to remain" based solely upon its time in e>istence0 Systems must serve life" or be discarded as a threat and a danger to life0 Such systems must pass a ay" so that their great and terrible violence passes a ay ith them0

Oour Im act Calc is 5acist


Im act calculus isn-t neutral. !ocial biases cause us to systematically underestimate the im act o# racism in com arison to the unli,ely ne)ati"e conse/uences o# social trans#ormation Han) 0+
Hu*in 2ang" Ha &rofessor" &ittsburgh" Ciscrimination by Cefault) %o Racism 6ecomes Routine" p0 =/*=L The 7ormalcy and 7ormali!ation of Ciscrimination 6ecause counterfactual thin9ing influences our reactions to and e>planations of negative events" biases in counterfactual thin9ing have the potential to distort our assessments of discriminatory outcomes at several levels0 (irst" they can mute our reactions to discrimination generally" leading us to tolerate and even to accept une;ual outcomes0 Our acceptance of discrimination is not due solely to a general indifference or hardness to ard groups that are vulnerable to discrimination" but results in part from the specific ays in hich our preference for the normal or customary affects ho e process and evaluate events and behavior0 That is" the normality bias leads us to react less strongly to #and perhaps to not even notice5 misfortunes that e ta9e for granted or follo an e>pected pattern0 This bias also promotes the entrenchment of those patterns because it leads us to accept the established order but to find 1arring" and therefore to resist" challenges to those accepted ays0 (urthermore" it ma9es it easier for us to 1ustify the established patterns by vie ing them as rational and even fair0 Second" hen a case of alleged discrimination does come under scrutiny" biases in counterfactual thin9ing can distort our causal e>planations of the events in ;uestion and our evaluations of the parties0 6ecause determining hether discrimination has occurred is fundamentally an e>ercise in

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causal attribution".L the relative normality or mutability of the parties: conduct can influence our 1udgments of their roles in producing the outcome in a ay that leads us to reduce the perpetrator:s responsibility and ascribe undue responsibility to the victim0 4ore broadly" our 1udgments of blame and sympathy create a feedbac9 loop that reinforces the norms" e>pectations" and practices that contributed to our biased 1udgments and perpetuate discriminatory reactions and behavior0 +mmutable 2rongs and Suitable Eictims The more easily e can imagine the victim of a tragic fate avoiding it" the more badly e ill feel that he has suffered" so that the level of sympathy e feel and the amount of compensation e dole out may turn on trivial differences in the circumstances of a tragedy0 +n the burglary study discussed earlier" for e>ample" sub1ects e>pressed greater sympathy for victims if their homes ere burglari!ed the night before they returned from vacation than if the burglary occurred several ee9s before their return0 Similarly" sub1ects in another study recommended significantly higher compensatory a ards for a convenience store customer ho as shot during a robbery at a store he rarely patroni!ed than for a customer ho as shot at his regular store0 They also a arded significantly higher amounts to a plane crash victim ho managed to al9 miles through a remote area only to die one*;uarter of a mile from the nearest to n than to one ho traveled 1ust as far but died seventy*five miles from the nearest to n0.D +n none of the studies did the victims: losses or suffering differ based on the circumstances of their misfortunes0 7evertheless" the fate of the more highly compensated victims seemed more poignant and the victims themselves more deserving of sympathy" because sub1ects could more easily imagine positive outcomes for them0 A positive counterfactual also may come more easily to mind" as Celgado:s e>amples suggest" hen it is not normal for a person to suffer a particular fate0 Recall the bursting of the dot* com bubble" hen unemployment figures began to reflect not 1ust the usual losses of blue*collar and lo er*s9illed service 1obs but also substantial losses of high*paying" hite*collar 1obs0 7umerous ne articles highlighted and analy!ed the trend" labeling the do nturn a hite*collar recession and sympathetically profiling the ne ly idle #and mostly 2hite5 college*educated professionals for hom unemployment as both a hardship and a shoc90 Although hite*collar professionals during that period did indeed suffer higher rates of unemployment than ere typical for that group" they ere not" as many assumed" the hardest hit) the groups that usually get clobbered.= by unemploymentFblue*collar or9ers" lo er*s9illed or9ers" people of colorFcontinued to bear disproportionately higher 1ob losses0 The misfortunes of unemployed professionals dre more attention and greater sympathy in part because" as one economist put it" They are not the people ho come right to mind hen you thin9 about the 1obless0P/ Similarly" our attention and sympathy for victims varies according to ho accustomed e are to seeing themFor" to be more precise" people li9e themFsuffer crime and violence0 Jven the same" e;ually appalling forms of victimi!ation can elicit different degrees of concern depending on race and class0 A couple of high*profile cases from recent years illustrate this point0 4any readers ill li9ely recall the highly publici!ed <=D= case of the Central &ar9 1oggerFa case so famous that this reference to its victim generally suffices to identify it0 As Kimberle Crensha has noted" this case" hich as believed at the time to have involved the gang rape and brutal beating of a 2hite investment ban9er by as many as t elve 6lac9 youths"P< dre massive" sensationali!ed media coverage" provo9ed idespread public outrage" and even prompted Conald Trump to ta9e out a full page ad in four 7e 8or9 ne spapers demanding that 7e 8or9 ?6ring 6ac9 the Ceath &enalty" 6ring 6ac9 Our &olice0: P. 2hile she does not suggest that the Central &ar9 1ogger:s case did not merit great concern" Crensha does point out the dramatic disparity bet een the level of concern that case evo9ed and the virtual silence of the media ith regard to the t enty*eight other cases of first*degree rape or attempted rape that ere reported in 7e 8or9 that same ee9Fmany of hich ere as horrific as the rape in Central &ar9"PP but most of hich included victims ho ere omen of color0

2tility #or (homP Their attem t at urely ob0ecti"e calculus 0usti#ies atrocity. 4ichael HI;;IAM! +nt:l &olitics _ Aberyst yth ?: The Realist Tradition and the Himits of +nternational Relations p0 <L.*<LP
+f vie ed simply as the consideration of li9ely outcomes" an ethic of conse;uences is ithout doubt deeply fla ed0 7ot only is such a vision limited in its capacity to reflect upon the values it presupposes" but it may become the basis of a patently irresponsible politics0 4ost simply" a reduction of ethics to conse;uences ris9s becoming irresponsible precisely by ta9ing for granted the value of its ends and reducing all other actors * and indeed all actions * solely to the consideration of their efficiency as means to this end0 The outcome of this could scarcely be more clearly e>pressed than in Jd ard Hutt a9Os definition of strategyM as he puts it" Ostrategy is not a neutral pursuit and its only purpose is to strengthen oneOs o n side in the contention of nationsOB +n this case" the value of the end is placed beyond consideration" and it is only the conse;uences of actions hich further the goals of this end #in this case" the nation5 that are of concern0 The difficulties here are obvious0 One is left ondering" for e>ample" hat might be Hutt a9Os opinion of a strategist supporting a policy of global domination via genocidal e>termination0 &urely conse;uential calculation either assumes and leaves une>amined the values to hich one is to be responsible #a given state" community" or creed5" or #and perhaps at the same time5 renders prudence the servant of an uncriticised and potentially purely irrational set of drives or commitments0 +t conspicuously" and damningly" avoids as9ing the ;uestion0 Oresponsible to hom or to hatBO0 +f this form of ob1ectivity #instrumental calculation5 and scepticism #uncriticised ends5 ere all that Realism entailed" it ould indeed seem to support a form of pure decisionism or irrationalism" ma9ing for a ;uite sophisticated but e>tremely radical form of realpoliti9 * or a neutral Opolicy scienceO * acting in the

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name of hatever ideology or institution" party or programme happened to prevail at a given moment0 8et despite the attempts of theorists of such a crude realpoliti9 to appropriate the title and tradition of ORealismO for themselves" it seems clear that there is little in such a stance that the ilful Realists surveyed in this boo9 ould find compelling0 (or if all Realist ethics amounts to is 1ust a consideration of conse;uences" then the fanaticist politics of religious faction so scathingly attac9ed by %obbes" the model #and criti;ue5 of technical rationality that 4orgenthau identified as central to understanding 7a!ism" or the logic of domination that Rousseau found and re1ected in instrumental reason" ould have little resonance in the Realist tradition0

Incremental Decision'ma,in)
Incremental decisionma,in)Jthe counter lan ro"es that (e donFt ha"e to ma,e a #orced choice bet(een the lan and the status /uoJ(e also donFt ha"e to ma,e #orced choice bet(een the lan and the DA. Ad"erse conse/uences can and (ill be addressed throu)h subse/uent olicies. !ulli"an A7
%arold $0 Sullivan0 &rofessor of &olitics" 4ount %olyo9e" U`" S. $ournal of 7egro Jducation P" $STOR 2hile ac9no ledging the uncetainties associated ith policy ma9ing in the urban environment" there are substantial grounds for holding decision ma9ers responsible for having intended the results of public policy ma9ing0 +f any single model can be said to dominate the perceptions of political scientists of the policy*ma9ing process" it is the incremental model0Q The primary architects of this model ere Charles J0 Hindblom and Cavid 6raybroo9e0 Together" they developed an incremental vie of the policy*ma9ing process hich" hile it recogni!es the comple>ity and QpiecemealQ character of decision*ma9ing processes" nonetheless posits that it has significant elements of rationality0 Although the discussion to this point demonstrates that decision ma9ers do not al ays initially intend all the conse;uences that flo from their policies" 9no ledge and e>perience of e>isting policy enable decision ma9ers to eigh the possible conse;uences of either continuing present policies or of ma9ing marginal and measurable alterations in current policy0 To put it simply" policy ma9ing does not ta9e place in a vacuum0 J>perience provides some guidance as to the conse;uences of paticular policy choices0Q +n the Qreal orldQ of incremental decision ma9ing" problems are rarely addressed fully in one comprehensive action) rather" incremental decision ma9ing involves Qsmall and incremental moves on particular problems0.R &olicy ma9ing is QserialQM that is" Qit involves adaptation to the environment in a series of steps0QQ +t is QremedialQ in that it encourages the decision ma9er Qto identify situations or ills from hich to move0Q., Remedies to problems are suggested through a process of Qfeedbac9Q from prior states providing necessary information for planning the ne>t action0 Q6ecause of the serial nature of analysis" the #incremental5 strategy000generates the 9ind of information it re;uires0QQ +n sum" decision ma9ers need not anticipate all possible conse;uences of their actions because all actions are by nature tentative and sub1ect to later revie as ne information is received0 +n light of this brief revie of the incremental model" ho do decision ma9ers cope ith inade;uate information*a condition hich could lead to neglected conse;uences of their actions or Qspill overQ effectsB (irst" according to 6raybroo9e and Hindblom" there are really t o types of neglected conse;uences) #<5 those unanticipated because of limited analysis resulting from inade;uate information or the costs of obtaining information" and #.5 Qadverse conse;uences and failures at least roughly anticipated but nevertheless not permitted to influence the analystsO choice among policies0 Q.D Such anticipated conse;uences or Qspill overQ effects might be neglected simply because a decision ma9er feels able to cope ith only Qone problem at a time"Q or" as e shall see later" because of practical or political constraints placed on the actions of one decision ma9er by the actions or preferences of others0 &ostponement of consideration of anticipated or unanticipated conse;uences is 1ustifiable because) 2hen analysis and policy ma9ing are remedial and serial" anticipated adverse conse;uences of anv given policy can often be more effectively treated as ne and separate problems than as aspects of the original problem- Unanticipated adverse conse;uences can often be better guarded against by aiting for their emergence than by futile attempts to anticipate every conse;uence0 .= Assuming that incrementalism is characteristic of the policy process ithin urban school systems" hat does this model tell us about the QintentQ of decision ma9ersB 6efore ans ering this ;uestion it ould be appropriate to as9 hether it is li9ely that school officials ould be una are of racial isolation produced by their policies0 6ecause of the need or desire to limit the amount of information accumulated before decisions are made" it is possible" for e>ample" that a decision by a school board to accommodate in Qneighborhood schoolsQ students added to a district by a ne housing development might have been made ithout decision ma9ers initially being fully a are of the racial conse;uences0 Their immediate need ould be to determine the number of potential ne students ho ould be added to their school districtOs enrollment and to plan facilities for those students0 Himits on the authoritiesO ability to assemble or cope ith information could cause them to ignore the fact that the ne development ould in all probability be all* hite either because of the income level of the tenants or" more li9ely" because of private housing discrimination0Q Once the segregative conse;uences of the initial decision become clear" ho ever" the incremental decisionma9ing model assumes that Qspill overQ effects or neglected conse;uences ill become the sub1ect of subse;uent decision ma9ing0 An additional assumption of the incremental model is that conse;uences of a decision that are

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neglected bv one decision ma9er might be ta9en up bv another agency or group0 +f" for e>ample" housing officials neglect" for hatever reasons" the racial conse;uences of their decisions" then it is possible for school oficials to ta9e compensatory action0 Rather than simply letting the schools reflect the residential patterns" they could adopt some alternative mode of student assignment0 +n doing so they ould" to a degree at least" ameliorate the racial conse;uences of housing decisions0 According to 6raybroo9e and Hindblom" this capacity of multiple centers of decision ma9ing increases the rationality of decisions0 Q#+5f the values of one analyst or one policy*ma9ing group neglect indefinitely some 9inds of policy conse;uences" other analysts and groups hose values are adversely affected ill ma9e these neglected conse;uences focal points of their o n problem solving0QQ Steps are ta9en by a multiplicity of decision ma9ers o compensate for the inability of any one decision ma9er to consider all conse;uences of potential policy0

*o o## the *amster Hheel


Crisis based olitics lea"es us tra ed in the status /uo. 5e#ocusin) on the "iolence to(ard mar)inali6ed )rou s is the only (ay to deal (ith the structural causes o# insecurity instead o# 0ust mana)in) sym toms. Charles(orth 2
%ilary C%ARHJS2ORT% Cirector Centre for +nt:l and &ublic Ha _ Australian 7at:l ?. +nternational Ha ) A Ciscipline of Crisis 4odern Ha Revie ,S) P p0 P=<*P=. A concern ith crises s9e s the discipline of international la 0 Through regarding ?crises: as its bread and butter and the engine of progressive development of international la " international la becomes simply a source of 1ustification for the status ;uo0 The frame or9 of crisis condemns international la yers" as Cavid Kennedy puts it" to ?a sort of disciplinary hamster heel:0L, One ay for ard is to refocus international la on issues of structural 1ustice that underpin everyday life0 2hat might an international la of every day life loo9 li9eB At the same time that the much*analysed events in Kosovo ere ta9ing place" <0. billion people lived on less than a dollar a day0LL 2e 9no that .0R billion people in the developing orld do not have access to basic sanitation" and that half of this number are chronically malnourishedM e 9no that the developed orld holds one ;uarter of the orld:s population" but holds R-S of the orld:s incomeM e 9no that military spending orld ide is over U< billion a day and that alternative uses of tiny fractions could generate real change in education" health care and nutritionM e 9no that almost PR million people orld ide live ith %+E-A+CSMLD e 9no that violence against omen is at epidemic levels the orld over0 2hy are these phenomena not idely studied by international la yersB 2hy are they at the margins of the international la orldB An international la of everyday life ould re;uire a methodology to consider the perspectives of non*elite groups0 (or e>ample" e should able be to study ?humanitarian intervention: from the perspective of the people on hose behalf the intervention too9 place0 +nternational la yers: accounts of humanitarian intervention prompted by Kosovo do not ta9e the vie s of the ob1ects of intervention into account0 +f they did so" e ould be li9ely to end up ith a much more contradictory" comple> and confusing account of humanitarian intervention than international la yers have thus far produced0 2e should also enlarge our in;uiries0 (or e>ample" ith respect to the idea of collective security" ho can e thin9 about the global security more broadlyB $ohan 'altung has developed the notion of structural violence that highlights causes other than arfare" for e>ample poverty" as the ma1or cause of death and suffering0L= Other scholars have identified the interconnections of poverty" environmental degradation" discrimination" e>ploitation" militarisation and violence as the causes of insecurity0D/ (eminist scholars have dra n attention to the threats posed" to omen not by foreign states" but by more local actors" including the men in their families0 On this analysis security ould mean the absence of violence and economic and social 1ustice0 +f the idea of security is understood more broadly" the futility of the standard form of international collective action becomes clear0 4ilitary intervention is an inappropriate mechanism if the causes of insecurity are poverty" discrimination and violence protected by structures ithin the state0 2hat if e ere to change the type of ;uestions e as9B (or e>ample" Cavid Kennedy has pointed out that the or9 of international la yers typically focuses on humanitarian ob1ectives #such as environmental protection or protection of human rights50 2e could begin from the opposite end and e>amine hat international la has to offer to the person ho ants to pollute the environment or violate human rights0 + imagine this as an international la yer:s version of C0S0 He is: Screwtape Letters in hich cheery letters from the Cevil moc9 the ease of corrupting humans0 Such a techni;ue ould destabilise the idea that international la yers have a stable and common set of values0D< Kennedy proposes ?e>travernacular pro1ects:" slo ing the emergence of a disciplinary middle #or third5 ay and encouraging dissent and disagreement0D. (or e>ample" ho often have ?reforms: in international la obscured deep in1usticesB %o are spatial and conceptual boundaries e ta9e for granted made real by the la B (inally" e should consider our o n personal and professional investment in crises0 2e need to analyse the ay e e>ercise po er" and ho ins and ho loses in this operation0 +n as9ing this ;uestion" e ill undermine that pleasurable sense of internationalist virtue that comes ith being an international la yer" but perhaps in the end contribute something to countering the in1ustices of everyday life0

***Bicycles Bicycles Q Critical !ol"ency


Bicycles are critical to chan)e the culture o# automobility

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Furness 11 #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at
Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pgs0 D*=5 Against these odds" support for bicycle transportation is gro ing in the United States" and so are the ran9s of those dra ing critical attention to the intersecting problems of auto*supported spra l" oil reliance" and car addiction0 RP +ndeed" there is a distinctly political impetus spurring many of today:s bicycling advocates to challenge the institutions and practices of automobility as ell as the spaces in hich the automobile is materially and ideologically constructed as the 9ing of the road0 One can see this ethos at or9 in Critical 4ass" but it is a disposition similarly embraced by a legion of bi9e enthusiasts" environmentalists" cultural or9ers" tin9erers" and a variety of small*scale" autonomous groups hose ob1ectives are not part of the dominant transport or leisure cultures0RR The emergence of hat &aul Rosen calls a bicycle counterculture began in the late <=,/s and early <=L/s" hen pro* bicycle advocacy groups and anti*car environmental protests sprouted in the 7etherlands" Jngland" S eden" (rance" and" most stri9ingly" the United States" here the ubi;uity of the automobile has consistently th arted both the viability of bicycle transportation and the development of cycling traditions common to Asia and Jurope0 Spurred by the urgency of the <=L/s oil crisis and a passion for human*po ered transportation" these bi9e activists" or bi9etivists" sought to address not only the everyday challenges and dangers facing cyclists on the streets but also the social" ecological" and spatial benefits of a radically efficient and other ise sustainable technology) a vehicle for a small planet" as 4arcia Ho e puts it0RS +n voicing their support for utilitarian cycling as an immediate and-or long*term alternative to the automobile" a gro ing number of Americans are beginning to see the bicycle as much more than 1ust a utilitarian collection of metal tubes" heels" chain lin9s" pedals" and a saddle #seat50 The bicycle is variously seen" and in many cases actively reconceptuali!ed" as a source of self*empo erment and pleasure" a pedagogical machine" a vehicle for community building" a symbol of resistance against the automobile and oil industries" and a tool for technological" spatial" and cultural criti;ue0 (ormal advocacy" independent media" and the creation of grassroots cultural practices are some of the tools ith hich people simultaneously convey their aspiration for human*po ered mobility and their intense frustration ith a car culture in hich the rhetoric of the freedom of the road often replaces the actual right to freely use the road0 6icycling" in other ords" is seen as a symbolically po erful gesture capable of signifying" for e>ample" support for alternative energies" or some hat differently" a desire to not spend life inside of a bo>0R, Chris 6ull" an independent bi9e ma9er and founder of Circle A Cycles in &rovidence" Rhode +sland" indicates that bi9ing is also part of a ider cultural shift that begins at an individual level" ith people pushing themselves in all areas of life to consume less" pollute less" live differently0 RL +ndeed" many bicyclists are dra n to the idea of opting outFas much as possible in a petroleum*based economyFfrom contributing to the everincreasing profits and po er of oil and gas corporations0 Sheldon 6ro n" the recently deceased guru of U0S0 bi9e tin9erers" similarly alludes to oil*related ars as a reason hy people cycle) he says he ent from being an off*andon bi9e commuter to a full*time devotee # ith fe e>ceptions5 on the day Saddam %ussein invaded Ku ait0RD Claire Stoschec9" a feminist bi9e advocate in 4inneapolis" puts emphasis on the material simplicity of the bicycle and on the ay riding fosters open*air connections ith one:s surroundings0 4ore emphatically" she sees bi9ing as a means of literally and metaphorically subverting the dominant isolationist" individualistic" over*consumptive car culture0R= 6icycling" as an antiviolence educator in California so elo;uently puts it" is fundamentally political because it bears itness to a commitment to change and the possibility of changing the ay e thin9 and act0S/ The bicycle" li9e the automobile" is an ob1ect that becomes meaningful through its relationship to an entire field of cultural practices" discourses" and social forces0 These lin9ages" or hat cultural theorists call articulations" are not naturally occurring" nor are they due to the essence of the bicycle itself0S< Rather" they are made) people construct" define" and modify these connections by riting about bicycles" displaying them in museums" documenting them in films" representing them on T*shirts and posters" singing about them" fi>ing them" and" of course" riding them0 The intentionality of a specific rider" advocate" or documentarian can e>tend only so far" ho ever" because the processes that collectively fi> meaning around the bicycle" the act of cycling" or even the cyclist him* or herself are historically rooted" geographically and conte>tually specific" and shaped by dominant ideologies and everyday habits0 &ut simply" a bicycle means something much different hen used by an R7C protester in .//R" versus a Chinese schoolgirl in <=,D" a S iss chemist in <=RP" or a &ittsburgh #&ennsylvania5 graduate student in <===Fall the more so if one accounts for the reasons they are riding" the directions they are going" the speeds at hich they are traveling" and the types of bicycles they are pedaling0 &eople can and do ma9e bicycling meaningful" in other ords" but not ithin a conte>t of their o n ma9ing0S. +ndeed" 1ust as the physical movements of an urban cyclist are influenced by the presence of cars and framed by a road designed for cars" the processes ith hich e ma9e sense of bi9e riders" bicycle technologies" and cycling are similarly framed by the norms and assumptions bundled up ith automobility0 The po er of this regime" in other ords" stems from its coercive spatial and temporal organi!ation of bodies and machines" but also from its capacity to structure meaning) to mold the ays e thin9 about" engage ith" struggle over" and ultimately ma9e sense of both transportation and mobility itself0SP 6y renovating and ma9ing ?critical: an already e>isting activity" bi9e activists politici!e bicycle transportation and in doing so reveal the e>tent to hich bicyclingFli9e all forms of mobilityFis also made political in the conte>t of social and po er relations that are systematically asymmetrical0SR This dialectical tension is fundamental to the politics of bicycling ith hich this boo9 is concerned) a set of issues that are in some ays not about the bi9e0SS Or should + say" they are not only about the bi9e0 The politics of bicycling encompasses everything from the most pragmatic affairs of the urban bi9e commuter" to the rhetorical limits of bi9e

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advocacy" to the representation of bicycle transportation in mass media0 4ore specifically" it encapsulates a set of comple> ;uestions about the role of technology in society" the importance of mobility in everyday life" and the broader struggles over ho public spaces are used and disciplined" segmented and unified" celebrated and stolen0 6y focusing on the intersection of these issues and the myriad ays they play out through the contestation of automobility" this boo9 not only pieces together a cultural and political map of the bicycle in the United StatesM it also uses the bicycle as an ob1ect ith hich to analy!e and criti;ue some of the dominant cultural and political formations in the so*called 2estern orld0

Bicycles embody the ideal o# #reedom Furness 11 #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at
Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pgs0 PP*PR5 6y the mid*<D=/s" cycling became lin9ed ith ne social movements in more concrete ays" most notably in socialist organi!ations throughout Jurope0<.P 'erman cyclists" for e>ample" organi!ed a socialist cycling club called the 2or9er:s Cycling (ederation) Solidarity #Arbeiter*Radfahrerbund Solidaritat5 in <D=," and by <=<P membership in Solidaritat included more than <S/"/// ho declared themselves the Jnlightenment &atrols of Social Cemocracy and the Red %ussars of the Class Struggle0<.R The federation played an important role in politici!ing 'erman or9ers at a time hen local and regional governments banned or9ers: organi!ations and unions" and hile the e>act political influence of the group is unclear" it is evident that they e>plicitly incorporated the bicycle into a narrative of class struggle0<.S (or e>ample" Anne*Katrin Jbert recalls a ne spaper story from <=/P here Solidaritat is praised for reporting the results of parliamentary elections independently of the bourgeois press) +n this portrayal" the s eaty" dusty cyclists ho had traveled for hours tirelessly to report the results of their party to their people ere a symbol of the efforts and the struggle of the or9ing class and" at the same time" they represented the emancipation of the or9ing class0<., Solidaritat facilitated recreational events and bi9e tours and organi!ed a number of collectively o ned and operated institutions" including a chain of bicycle shops" a bicycle factory" a bi ee9ly ne spaper called The 2or9er* Cyclist" and a net or9 of restaurants and repair stations0<.L +t as their flair for theatrics" ho ever" that catches the attention of cycling historians) Solidaritat evidently hosted parades on their o n behalf here they bla!ed through the pac9ed streets en masse" thro ing political propaganda at the cro ds0<.D The cyclists sped through the cro ds in order to evade identification because 'erman authorities enforced strict bicycling la s and had a general disdain for socialism0 $ames 4c'urn rites" The freedom" mobility and privacy of the bicycle ere more than the authorities ould tolerate0 Significantly" 'ermany as one of the first nations to provide bicycles for its policemen and local militiasFagents of social control0<.= +n the years 1ust prior to the first 7a!i government it as estimated that Solidaritat had more than PP/"/// members" ma9ing it the #then5 largest cycling organi!ation in the orld0<P/

The bicycle is a tool that uses indi"idual mobility to stri,e bac, a)ainst the order o# automobility
(urness << #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pgs0 RS*R,5 +n addition" hile the dominant paradigm of this early manifestation of automobility privileged cycling ithin the domain of the male Anglo*elite" bicycling as not simply a practice used to affirm the dominant social order0<DS The bicycle" in many cases" revealed the possibilities of individual mobility to such a profound e>tent that it became an apt metaphor for independence and iconic signifier of freedom itself0 (eminists championed it as a source of empo erment and more literally as a means to escape both the stifling realm of forced domesticity and the atchful eyes of male chaperons0 Juropean socialists similarly embraced the bicycle as a symbol of liberation" a means for advocating radical social change" and a tool for articulating a cultural politics of the Heft0 So hile bicycling fostered an auto*mobile disposition befitting an eventual car culture" it also created ne opportunities for people to e>perience the pleasures of a radically efficient" non*polluting form of personal transportation that ould not be duplicated in the car itself0

Bi,in) is a si)n o# rotest that ta,es bac, the city #rom the di"isions caused by the re)ime o# automobility Furness 11 #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at
Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pgs0 DP*DR5 Roads are technologies that play a fundamental role in the system of automobility" both as material things that enable the circulation of auto traffic as ell as ideological constructs that are consciously designed to encourage certain practices hile inhibiting others0 That is to say" in addition to facilitating travel" roads have enormous symbolic po er and have historically been used to ield" and in some cases reorgani!e" socioeconomic and political po er0 The fi>ing of spatiality through material building" as Cavid %arvey argues" is not innocuous but rather a process of creating solidly constructed spaces that instantiate negotiated or imposed social values0.S +n the road and high ay systems" one can thus identify a matri> of motori!ed space that dominates cities and structurally limits the

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possibilities for alternative mobilities0 (or this reason #among many others5" the construction and use of roads is often a source of contention as ell as a focal point for a variety of social movements and direct action protests orld ide0., Critical 4ass can be seen as part of this ider terrain of urban struggles aged against the process of spatial homogeni!ation" for the t inned purpose of promoting bicycling and creating more participatory public spaces0 Unli9e activist groups that attempt to physically transform roads through direct action or sabotage" Critical 4ass riders ta9e over the street to assert a positive vision of ho things should be in order to e>pose the current in1ustice of car dominated public space0.L This mobile intervention points to the city as contested space of automobilityFone mediated and dominated by auto infrastructure and the norms of driving0.D +n this sense" it shares a commonality ith s9ateboarding" a practice +ain 6orden describes as a method of appropriating and ultimately transforming the meaning and uses of urban space#s50.= 6orden specifically theori!es s9ateboarding as a criti;ue of the dominant capitalist ideology governing the built environment inasmuch as s9aters advocate use value over e>change value" pleasure rather than or9" and activity instead of passivity0P/ S9ateboarding:s representational mode" 6orden argues" is not that of riting" dra ing" or theori!ing" but performingF a ay of articulating meaning through movement0P< Cespite the obvious and substantive differences bet een bicycling and s9ateboarding" a performative criti;ue is an apt ay of describing hat bicyclists do hen they ta9e to the streets in 4ass or en masse) not only do they use the environment in an unintended ay #i0e0" for a non*utilitarian purpose5M they also simultaneously call attention to the cultural norms dictating both the prescribed function of the environment and the different ays it could potentially be utili!ed" traversed" or reterritoriali!ed0 Another important distinction bet een s9ateboarding and Critical 4ass is that s9ating is an individual practice that" ith notable e>ceptions" is not consciously theori!ed" hereas 4ass is typically used to amplify a criti;ue) 6icycling is generally a very individual e>perience" especially on streets filled ith stressed*out motorists ho don:t thin9 cyclists have a right to be on the road0 6ut hen e ride together in Critical 4ass" e transform our personal choices into a shared" collective repudiation of the prevailing social madness0 The organic connections e:ve made #and continue to ma9e ane " month after month5 are the root of a movement radically opposed to the ay things are no 0 As e continue to share public space free from the absurd domination of transactions and the economy" e are forging a ne sense of shared identity" a ne sense of our shared interests against those ho profit from and perpetuate the status ;uo0P. To restate this" one of the implicit goals of Critical 4ass is to initiate a brea9 ith dominant ideology through a direct intervention in the spaces here it is ;uite literally materiali!ed0 This tactic echoes the spatial politics of Situationist +nternational #S+5" or situationists" hose collective influence on the &rovo + outlined in Chapter P0 To the e>tent that they theori!ed both a process of urban e>perimentation and the comple>ity of capitalist space#s5" the situationists offer an insightful frame or9 for interpreting Critical 4ass and the tactical prospects of situationist mobility in the present day0

He don-t need to (in #ull sol"ency tem orary disru tion is enou)h to create a ru ture in the culture o# automobility ram ant in the city and allo(s #or mobili6ation Furness 11 #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at
Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pg0 </L5 +f Critical 4ass is 1udged solely by its capacity to live up to the revolutionary rhetoric of its most vocal participants" then one can hardly call it a politically relevant action0 The hegemony of automobile transportation cannot simply be unraveled through ill po er" even if the discourses of 4ass participants ade;uately address the practices" social values" and mechanicals comprising the entire sociotechnological ensemble of the automobile0<.L 'iven these difficulties" there is a nagging temptation to dismiss Critical 4ass as a mere novelty" or a to9en gesture a9in to a pie in the face0<.D On one hand" Critical 4ass is simply a 1oyous pran9 on car culture" and an effective one at that0 6ut Critical 4ass is also much more than a pran90 Hi9e other forms of culture 1amming" it can creatively highlight une;ual po er dynamics and problems ith specific institutional arrangements0 4ore specifically" the event thrusts the politics of automobility into public debate and simultaneously hints at a critical" utopian vision of mobility that is sorely absent from public discourse0 (or short durations" cyclists disrupt the automobile:s domination of the city to demonstrate a fragmentary vision of t o* heeled mobility and humanscale community0 2hen bi9e riders use this e>perience to interrogate the functionality" design" and ideology of urban space" they are actively ;uestioning the parameters of urbanity itself" pushing others to consider hat is possible" hat could be0<.= +n this sense" participants or9 as insurgent architects of mobility) a set of subversive agents ho desire" thin9 and dream of difference0<P/ J>perimentation of this 9ind creates a literal and ontological space for people to imagine ho resistance can be mobili!ed #pun intended5 in ne ays" and hile it may not prompt a revolution or usher in the postautomobile era" it is fundamental to a strategic" radical reassessment of automobility and the privati!ation and criminali!ation of public space#s50 There is an important pedagogical value in this act alone that can point people beyond the bicycle to ard more engaged" substantive forms of collective action0 At its best" Critical 4ass is a ra e>pression of the utopian possibilities inherent in the city" and at the very least" it is a demonstration of creative dissent at a time hen idespread cynicism" 1aded apathy" and neoliberal ethics saturate the landscape ith the same stench as that hich emanates from the tailpipes of our cars0 Cavid &inder rightfully argues that the ability to challenge dominant ideology in these circumstances is therefore crucial for a politics of hope0<P< Conse;uently" even if these moments of dissent are fleeting" they give participants a chance to reali!e that they can use their voices" their bodies" and even their bicycles to ma9e themselves heard0 +n this ay" Critical 4ass is a small reminder that revolution is not ?sho ing: life to people" but ma9ing

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Bicycles are the ,ey #irst ste they allo( #or a more radical re'ima)inin) o# a car'#ree li#e Furness 11 #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at
Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pg0 .<P5 A collective shift to ard the bicycle could and should entail an analogous shift to ard public transit" affordable urban housing" more locali!ed modes of food and energy production" and" crucially" more attention paid to the importance of the spaces and places in hich e live) Cave %orton even suggests that in the struggle for environmental sustainability" it might ell be the spatial impacts of car free life hich ultimately prove more important than the direct ecological impacts of ?one less car0:PL 6ut perhaps more fundamentally" a collective shift to ard the bi9e in the United States re;uires a rigorous and radical reassessment of bicycle production and trade policy" since roughly == percent of the bicycles sold in the United States are imported0 This is not an appeal to racist nationalism or 1ingoism as much as it is a matter of common sense and a pragmatic ay to envision a broader movement for bicycle transportation that can include" and should rightfully praise" the labor of bicycle factory or9ers" elders" independent bi9e builders" tin9erers" artisans" and a multitude of small businesses and communities that stand to gain from an American vblorution0

Rm o(erin) bicyclists allo(s #or a social mo"ement to create a ne( ublic s here 0ust because (e don-t use the )o"ernment doesn-t mean (e can-t sol"e Furness 11 #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at
Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pg0 <LD*<L=5 +ris 4arion 8oung claims that one of the salient features of ne social movements is their advocacy for participatory institutions that provide services or promote political goals marginal to" or outside the authority of the state0.. 2hile bicycle advocacy is not a social movement unto itself" the creation of participatory institutions is a vital ay in hich cyclists empo er themselves" establish relationships across race-class boundaries" and foster an alternative cycling culture based upon C+8 ethics0 6y and large" these institutions operate outside of economic logic and in mar9ed contrast to the norms of capitalism) cooperation is emphasi!ed over hierarchy" participation ta9es the place of consumption" and garbage is turned into useful goods through productive" rather than alienated" labor0.P The actual material spaces created and utili!ed by community bicycle organi!ations are paramount to these ob1ectives" as they constitute part of a non*profit" and in some cases anti*capitalist community bicycling infrastructure0 +n this respect" one can find organi!ational and ideological similarities bet een community bi9e spaces and a number of radical boo9stores" infoshops" and community art venues scattered throughout 7orth America and Jurope0 Thus" it is hardly surprising that some of the same people involved in the development and organi!ation of community bi9e spaces are" or have been" involved ith similar political and artistic participatory institutions0 (or e>ample" in my hometo n of &ittsburgh #&ennsylvania5 the community bicycle organi!ation (ree Ride initially began in a storefront ad1acent to the collectively run sho space called the 4r0 Roboto pro1ectFan all*ages" C+8 pun9 music venue that operates through membership dues and volunteer labor0.R (ree Ride shared this space" dubbed the 4ultitool" ith The 6ig +dea infoshop and both pro1ects ere" at one time" at least partly staffed by the same group of pun9s and activists ho attend #or play5 sho s ne>t door0 +n addition" (ree Ride:s rent costs ere 9ept to a minimum through supplementary income made from bands that rented practice space in the basement of the 4ultitool0 6oth the 6ig +dea and (ree Ride eventually moved into their o n spaces" and (ree Ride no utili!es part of a arehouse o ned and operated by Construction $unction" a retailer of surplus and used construction materials0 Hi9e the 4r0 Roboto &ro1ect and The 6ig +dea" (ree Ride is an institution that provides services to the immediate neighborhood as ell as an interconnected activist and arts communityM it is also an important social and cultural space for bi9e riders to congregate" learn from their peers" and share their e>periences and perspectives on cycling0 Community bi9e spaces often function as hubs for the same countercultural ethics fostered by radical boo9stores" activist pro1ects" and independent music venues0 7ic9 Colombo" a volunteer ith the 2or9ing 6i9es Cooperative and 2est To n Cycles #both in Chicago5" suggests that community bi9e pro1ects are a good introduction to the subversive yet innocuous rebel subculture of people ho li9e bi9es0.S +ndeed" they often loo9 different" feel different" and fundamentally are different from most commercial cycling institutions0 At the surface level" this might entail the presence of homemade bi9e stands and all decorations made from oddly configured bi9e parts" or more visibly" the co*mingling of random volunteers ith busy teenagers" tattooed pun9s" and people ho loo9 more li9e poster boys #or girls5 for professional cycling0 6ut more important than the convergence of aesthetics or subcultural styles are the ays in hich community bi9e spaces casually cooperative pro1ects0 Hi9e the infoshop" hich gre out of Hondon:s anarchist s;uats in the <=D/s" community bi9e spaces function as part of a different public sphere that provides forums for alternative cultural" economic" political and social activities0., They function as sites here vernacular fol9 9no ledge about bicycle commuting" transportation" maintenance" and tin9ering is at the same time shared and co*produced0 This plays an integral role in the development of locali!ed 9no ledges about bicycling 1ust as it has a critical pedagogical function for people enculturated to see bicycles as toys for children and fitness buffs" rather than transportation vehicles or hac9able machines used for pedal*po ered technologies0 This type of dialogue

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and e>ample setting can positively influence the ays in hich volunteers and visitors evaluate bicycling as a mode of everyday" urban transportation0 Ric9 $arvis specifically notes the impact it can have on 9ids) 4any of the members of 6i9es 7ot 6ombs are carfree" and this gives our youth the ability to see that there are adults ho are not dependent on fossil fuels and car payments0.L

Bicycles are the best mechanism to brea, do(n socioeconomic di##erences Furness 11 #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at
Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pg0 <L,*<LD5 Transportation and access to transportation resources are both intricately connected to race and class0<< African Americans and the urban or9ing poor" for e>ample" suffer from a lac9 of transportation options not unli9e their disproportionately poor access to affordable housing and other basic daily goods and services" such as neighborhood grocery stores0<. Conse;uently" community bicycle organi!ations that intentionally facilitate programs to assist the poor and communities of color not only provide a rare service in a profit*based economyFaccess to free services" learned volunteers" and the use of tools and resources that ould other ise be unavailable or prohibitively e>pensiveFbut also are engaged # hether e>plicitly or implicitly5 ith intersecting issues of race" class" and transportation0 The Cead or #A5live bicycle collective in +ndianapolis is one of many groups that see themselves functioning in this capacity) Any action involving bi9es as transportation almost inherently involves addressing class issues" since transportation is harder to achieve if you are not of a more financially stable class0 Our bi9e givea ay program ill be directly servicing the economically disadvantaged classes0<P +n the attempt to create programs that genuinely involve people in the community" volunteers use hatever means at their disposal to ma9e bicycling part of the solution to adults: everyday transportation needs" as ell as the needs of their children0 (or e>ample" The 6i9eShare program in Toronto partners ith several community centers to have bi9e*sharing hubs accessible in lo *income areasM 6i9eAgainI provides services for the local immigrant population in 7ova ScotiaM and the 2or9ing 6i9es Cooperative in Chicago distributes bicycles to people in need and sells lo *cost bicycles out of its storefront in the 7ear 2est Side0<R Robert 'aldins" of the Re*cycles 6icycle Co*op in Otta a" e>plains his organi!ation:s sliding scale for services and used bi9es-parts) +f it seems li9e someone is lo income and can:t afford something" e ill either sell it to them at a reduced price or give it to them for free0 2e al ays trade volunteer time for use of the shop for personal pro1ects" allo ing people of lo income the opportunity to use our shop free of charge0 2e:ve also given a ay do!ens of bi9es to organi!ations that help the homeless" developing countries" and families in omen:s shelters0<S The Community Cycling Center in &ortland is one of many organi!ations that similarly values participation as a form of currency hen payment is not an option0 +n fact" it too9 a cue from its successful youth programs and developed the first adult JA6 program in the nation called Create a Commuter" hich provides lo *income adults ith fully outfitted commuter bicycles" lights" a loc9" a helmet" a pump" as ell as training in bi9e maintenance" safe riding" and route planning0<, Among other notable endeavors" the organi!ation also provided free bicycles and services to residents of Cignity Eillage" an intentional homeless community that began as a tent village under the city:s (remont 6ridge0 Community bicycle organi!ations are principally organi!ed to foster participation" s9ill building" and a sense of accomplishment through one:s o n laborFgoals that are an especially important feature of recycled bi9e and JA6 programs catered to youth0 Teenagers" especially those considered at*ris9" seem to benefit substantially from their participation in these programs" as they are model e>amples of service learning that utili!e e>periential pedagogy0<L +n some cases" bicycle education programs are integrated into other community initiatives aimed at preventing youth violence" such as Cycles of Change in Oa9land #California5 and 7eighborhood 6i9e 2or9s in &hiladelphia0 +t is significant that these efforts provide young people access to spaces based not on discipline or surveillance" but cooperation and mentorship0 %ands*on atmospheres" li9e the ones facilitated in community bi9e shops" help to teach 9ids of all ages self*discipline" patience" respect" and cooperation" values that are sometimes hard to grasp in the traditional classroom0 <D (or e>ample" the processes of bicycle assembly and repair re;uire a or9ing 9no ledge of mathematics" engineering" and reasoning s9ills that are fre;uently neglected in educational settings here these principles are by necessity" or pedagogical choice" taught ithout tangible materials or real orld applications most young people consider valuable0<= Cyclists ho or9 ith children or teenagers recogni!e that bicycle programs are successful hen they encourage students to cultivate their o n interests and-or aesthetics0 As a result" certain groups actively incorporate artistic and creative practices into their programs" far beyond the basics of bicycle construction" maintenance" or bi9e safety0 (or e>ample" the Third 2ard Community 6i9e Center in %ouston" Te>as" created an Art6i9e program for fifth and si>th graders in the &ro1ect Ro %ouses in hich 9ids fi>ed up a fleet of bicycles and designed papier*mcchb art helmets for use in a 4artin Huther King $r0 Cay parade0 Third 2ard:s chopper club" hich is no part of a ider set of programs aimed at local teens" teaches bi9e repair and elding s9ills through the creation of homemade" motorcycle*es;ue choppers and lo rider bicyclesM San (rancisco:s 6i9e Kitchen has also e>perimented ith a elding*intensive chopper class for teens0 &rograms li9e these not only foster peer education and s9ill sharing but also provide opportunities for teens ho are uninvolved" or lac9 interest in traditional after*school activities" or simply have fe creative outlets available to them0 &ut simply" 9ids ta9e pride in their creations and often feel a sense of community in spaces here people of different races" classes" and ages come together through a common love of bicycles" tin9ering" and art0./ 8outh programs create learning environments here participation is valued as highly as money and here education has a literal currency0 This is an important goal in and of itself" but it can also be a ay for older participants to

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learn s9ills that are both highly mar9etable #bi9e mechanics5 and re arding0 +n the a9e of long*established programs in Union City" St0 Houis" and +ndianapolis" cyclists affiliated ith groups li9e &edal Revolution #San (rancisco5 operate comprehensive employment and 1ob*training programs for youth bet een the ages of fourteen and t enty*one" 1ust as 6i9es 7ot 6ombs operates a 6icycle Recycling and 8outh Training Center in Ro>bury" 4assachusetts" that offers a hundred*hour mechanic apprenticeship course for people age fifteen and up0 &erhaps most important" bicycle education programs can teach youth to ma9e some of the larger connections bet een transportation and other socio*environmental issues impacting the neighborhoods or cities in hich they live0 Karen Overton" the co*founder of Recyclea* 6icycle and a tireless promoter of environmental education" states that the s9ills young people ac;uire are not 1ust technicalM they encourage youth to actively participate in the betterment of their communities0.<

Bi,es Destroy Ca italism


Bi,es use the o(er o# the rotest to create an e/ual s here and #i)ht a)ainst ca italism Furness 11 #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at
Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pgs0 DL*DD5 The situationists astutely recogni!ed that one of the ma1or obstacles impeding the transformation of cities" and by e>tension the transformation of a non*participatory culture" is the infrastructure and ideology of the automobile" and in particular" those parts of the environment here automobiles and capital have replaced the citi!en as the focal point for design0RL 2hile they clearly blamed the urbanists and capitalists for the proliferation of this ideological arrangement" they also identified the deeper problem posed by the acceptance of auto*centric design) the inability for people to collectively see past the automobile in order to imagine something else0 At the heart of Critical 4ass lies a similar attempt to brea9 the topological chains of spectacular consciousness" though it is not al ays framed in such heady terms0RD +ndeed" it is a relatively pragmatic ay to intervene in hat 4imi Sheller and $ohn Urry call the civil society of automobility" a mar9edly capitalist arrangement involving the transformation of public space into flo s of traffic" coercing" constraining and unfolding an a esome domination hich analysts of the urban have barely begun to see0R= The site here Critical 4ass happensFthe streetFis a place here bicyclists can illustrate a viable" but admittedly partial" alternative) Critical 4ass is an e>perience that goes beyond symbolic action" in spite of its enormous symbolic importance0 +t is a public demonstration of a better ay of moving through cities0 6ut during the time it is under ay" it is more than a demonstration0 +t is a moment of a real alternative" already alive" animated by the bodies and minds of thousands of participants0S/ The real alternative Chris Carlsson highlights here is the creation of a uni;ue social space that 4assers often contrast ith the alienating impulses of car culture" or more specifically" the manner in hich automobiles and the practice of driving engender clear technological and communicative barriers bet een drivers" their environments" and each other0S< 6ut hile it is true that people ho d ell* ithin*the* car fre;uently do so by themselvesF particularly on the or9 commuteFthis isolation does not al ays produce alienation or loneliness" 1ust as riding on a cro ded elevated train does not automatically elicit a sense of community and conviviality0S. As 4ichael 6ull observes" many prefer the isolation of cars because they offer time for private contemplation and-or a sense of control over one:s privati!ed acoustic spaceFa disposition also evident among the droves of i&oded mass transit riders found in big cities0SP %o ever" hen the isolated practice of driving is analy!ed as part of a broader pattern of privati!ing and individuali!ing both public and or9 spaces" these norms are highly problematic0 $oshua S it!9y specifically notes the correlation bet een these trends) +n the age of private content*controlled" enclosed malls and side al9*less" single*use" subdivision pods" the only public space e 9no in common is that hich e traverse by car0 6ut in our cars e are usually alone" even if together on a ?cro ded: road0SR Alon Raab further reiterates this point" as he sees driving as the antithesis of an innate desire for e>posure) (rom my bicycle seat" car drivers usually loo9 miserable0 Hoc9ed in their fiberglass and steel earth*polluting chariots" they move about in a stupor of noise" speed" and consumption" en route to the ne>t gasoline fi>0 Their vehicles evo9e in me" not the mass advertised images of ease and freedom" but instead mobile coffins" brushing against endless other coffins" as they head to ards those cemeteries called par9ing lots0 Seeing bicyclists" the drivers become a are" if only for a second" of that time hen they too ere able to feel the orld" not through a glass cage" but in a direct and particular ay0SS 2hile this is clearly a reductive vie of driving" Raab e>presses the sentiments of cyclists ho see bi9ing not simply as a transportation choice but as a means of overcoming the real and perceived alienation of automobility" or at the very least" the phenomenological and physical disconnection bet een mobile bodies and their environments0 +ndeed" the regular affirmation of this e>perience among thousands of individual bicyclists is part of hat shapes both the conte>t and desire for the collective" social e>periment one finds in Critical 4ass0 At the most basic level" cycling slo s do n the orld in ays that tangibly affect interpersonal communication" most notably by promoting face*to*face encounters0S, Scott Har9in" author of the !ine 'o by 6icycle" points this out in intervie ith the author) The prospect of someone stopping to tal9 to someone hen they:re 1amming by at thirty*five miles an hour is unli9ely0SL +n addition" there is a sense among critics that habitual driving engenders an e>perience of cities that is not unli9e tourism" inasmuch as urban spaces and landscapes are often abstracted into pure" rapid" superficial spectacles0SD Criving" according to this line of reasoning" physically distances people from both the materiality and the material realities of cities #i0e0" the built environment as ell as prevailing socioeconomic conditions5 by facilitating a process that allo s people to metaphorically and sometimes ;uite literally bypass the problems of cities altogether0 The driver:s ga!e shaped

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through privati!ed mobility" 7igel Taylor argues" also ob1ectifies and depersonali!es the orld outside of the car in such as ay that it transforms the environment" other vehicles" and even human beings into mere things that obstruct one:s movement0 S= That is to say" hile the carFli9e all transportation technologiesF operates as a framing device" the visuality of the indshield becomes more than a casual or temporary loo9ing glass hen one considers both the everincreasing amounts of time people individually spend sealed off from the public and the street" as ell as a broader cultural-legal conte>t in hich the public is increasingly being seen as a mere amalgamation of mobile private spheresFa condition Con 4itchell calls the SUE model of citi!enship0,/ The problem" in other ords" is not necessarily hat one sees or does not see each time one gets behind the heel" but rather" the ay driving shapes sub1ectivity and fosters a broader disposition to ard urban space and urban life) an entire ay of seeing0,<

Their R" Q Biased


All o# their e"idence is ideolo)ically loaded and biased to(ards car culture it sees the (orld throu)h the (indshield by de#ault Furness 11 #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at
Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pg0 <.D*<P<5 The corporate press may have utili!ed hyperbole in constructing the bicycle menace of the <=D/s" but at the very least" the threat as rightly framed around the issue of pedestrian safety0 7ovice cyclists" inattentive riders" and careless bi9e messengers can" after all" pose real physical ris9s to city residents0 6ut as the negative representation of urban cyclists ore on in the <=D/s" one began to see more articles that e>plicitly included motorists in the ran9s of those ostensibly threatened by bicyclists0 %arold 'luc9" a criminologist and police consultant" provides an early e>ample of this tactic in a lengthy 7e 8or9 Times opinion piece published in the midst of the <=D/s bac9lash0 %is e>clusive concern ith the safety of drivers as some hat of an anomaly in <=DP" but it serves as an instructive previe of the rationale no commonly used to condemn cyclists: ris9*inducing behavior in the t enty*first century0DP %e begins by tal9ing the reader through a detailed car accident scenario) 8ou are driving your car along the main street of your home to n0 8our destination is the shopping center 1ust outside the city limits0 As a la *abiding citi!en you 9eep ithin the speed limit0 At every red traffic light you stop0 8ou pride yourself upon t o facts0 (irst" that you are a very careful driver0 And" second" that you are a courteous driver0 There are cars par9ed along the street0 +n this day and age it is rare to find an empty par9ing spot vacant for more than five minutes along 4ain Street0 The car in bac9 of you ants to pass you" and the driver even blo s his horn0 8ou get your car a little closer to those cars par9ed along the street0 This ill permit that impatient driver to pass you on your left0 And then it happensI Absolutely from no here at all comes the little child on his bicycle0 DR After describing the child being crushed under the heels of the car" 'luc9 callously argues" The automobile is not a menace to the safety of the child or the adult on a bicycle0 0 0 0 @+An fact" it is e>actly the other ay around0DS %is assertions are stri9ing not only because he inverts the logic of danger by literally positioning a small child as the aggressor against a t enty*five*hundredpound vehicle but also because he presumes that readers ill immediately identify ith the driver" as if all people naturally see the orld through the filter of the indshield0 Readers are meant to see the automobile not as the technological usurper of this child:s play space" but in humane terms that contrast sharply ith the alleged 1uvenile delin;uency of cycling) a point 'luc9 ma9es clear ith an anecdote about a ten*year*old bicyclist allegedly causing a near fatality in a hit*and*run accident #the miniature driver fled the scene50 The perils of such rec9lessness are reiterated in the accompanying ne sprint llustrations of several long*haired cyclistsF ho coincidentally loo9 more li9e hippies than childrenF s erving ildly through the streets as cars collide in their a9e0 'luc9 concludes ith a forceful call to action befitting the most hardened suburban commuter) The drivers of these t o* heeled flimsy things are a menace to themselves as ell to others0 0 0 0 @TAhe time to protect the motorist from the bicyclist is no " and the sooner the better0D, %ere one finds a logical solution in regulating cyclists" arresting them" or more li9ely banning them from the street altogether0 The author:s line of reasoning is perfect e>ample of hat 6en (incham refers to as the car driver as victim sentiment" hich he sees manifested in 6ritish public discourse about bi9e messengers" specifically" and urban cyclists more broadly0DL +ndeed" ne spapers throughout Jngland" especially Hondon" played a central role in the production of this discourse over the last five years" effectively demoni!ing cyclists for threatening drivers: safety" freedom" mobility" and general ay of life0 At least this is hat one ould assume from reading the vitriolic commentary that routinely characteri!es cyclists as fascists" 7a!is" public menaces" road hogs" sco ling road ha!ards" and t o heeled terrors0DD 4ore often than not" cyclists are simply dubbed lycra louts" a term batted around endlessly by U0K0 1ournalists" pundits" and even Kate %oey" the former 6ritish sports minister0D= $ournalist Cavid Ro an offers a concise e>ample of this prose in a mere t o*sentence heading) They blatantly flout the la " deliberately enrage drivers and stop at nothing in their ar against the car0 7o " as 6russels threatens to ma9e motorists responsible for all accidents involving bicycles" the Standard ta9es to the road ith the radical ne breed of cycle guerrillas0=/ (incham suggests that the emergent hostility against cyclists is a symptom of the frustrations posed by the current parado> of automobility in Jngland" hereby the promise of freedom of movement is habitually curtailed by the actual temporal and economic costs of driving0=< Traffic congestion in Hondon" for e>ample" reduces the average speed of automobiles to around thirteen miles per hour ith rush hour speeds averaging eight miles per hour0 This situation" combined ith a surge in cycling rates since the year .///" produced a conte>t in hich cyclists not only are more common but also travel faster than cars and are able

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to maneuver around them easily in the all*too*common traffic 1am0 Conse;uently" 6ritish drivers no tend to see themselves as victims of circumstance ho need someone to blame" hether the 'reens inhibiting road construction" or more often than not" the cyclist0 This sentiment is effectively illustrated by the formation of the briefly lived Car &artyFa pro*car political group that un* ironically solicited both support and empathy under the heading) (or too long the 6ritish motorist has been suffering in silence0=. The eightfold increase in 6ritish drivers bet een <=S. and .//SFRP percent of hich too9 place bet een <=D/ and <==/ aloneF suggests that silence must indeed be golden" but hat it does not e>plain is hy one can find analogous criti;ues of cyclists in countries here the aggrandi!ed promises of automotive freedom are far less constrained than in central Hondon0 Kate %oey may use the 4ail on Sunday to lovingly describes cyclists as selfish" aggressive" la *brea9ing and infuriatingly smug" but one can find this same branding in Seattle" 2ashington" here the &ost*+ntelligencer alludes to the sins of cyclists that incense drivers the most" including running red lights or stop signs" going the rong ay do n one* ay streets" splitting lanes by riding bet een t o lanes" changing lanes or turning ithout signaling and a holier*than*thou attitude0=P $ournalist Anita Vuigley offers a similar" though much more brutish" characteri!ation of Critical 4ass participants in Sydney" Australia) Critical 4ass is actually selfish inner*city t ats ho have no regard for their fello Sydneysiders) people ho have or9ed hard all ee9 and ho 1ust ant to drive home0 2hat Critical 4ass fails to realise is that e don:t ant to spend our (riday night in gridloc9 hile lycraclad t itsF ith a police escortF hi! past to go have noodles and ma9e the point that Sydney should be free of cars0 These are probably also the same errant cyclists ho ignore the road rules" 1ump red lights #thin9ing it:s their privilege5 and ride on the footpath0=R as their representative ;ualities #there are hundreds 1ust li9e them5" one can identify a set of common themes and gripes used to construct a composite narratorial s9etch of the urban cyclist in the modern city) he or she is dangerous" aggressive" la *brea9ing" and seemingly filled to the brim ith self* righteousness" privilege" and-or indignity for the rights of others0 Those ho ield this bicyclist*as*menace story in the press typically do so in order to e>act an agoni!ingly detailed level of criticism against cyclists: every maneuver" but in doing so they rarely say anything substantive about driving0 +ronically" these silences still do some important or9" hich is to say that they reaffirm a shared common sense about transportation" morality" and public space) it is a narrative of automobility produced in absentia0=S

!ol"es <ender
Community bi,e ro0ects can sol"e )ender ine/uality Furness 11 #[ac9 (urness" Assistant &rofessor of Cultural Studies in the Cepartment of %umanities" %istory and Social Sciences at
Columbia College Chicago" One Hess Car) 6icycling and the &olitics of Automobility" ./<<" pg0 <DP*<D,5 As a ay to circumvent these issues" a host of community bi9e spaces designate specific days during the ee9 or month that are e>clusively reserved for omen and-or H'6TV #lesbian" gay" bise>ual" transgender" ;ueer-;uestioning5 persons ho ish to learn bicycle maintenance or have an e>perience of bi9e culture unmediated by the hetero-male norms of technological tin9ering0 These policies help to cultivate an alternative to the masculini!ed environment of most retail bicycle shops" here omen are often assumed to be either un9no ledgeable about the or9ings of a bicycle or incapable of fi>ing their o n machines0 6ut they also head off some of the same gender tensions that continue to arise in alternative settings" hether through the day*to*day operations of a space or the relationships bet een volunteers and visitors0 'reg Rothman" for e>ample" admits that even an intentionally anti*se>ist space li9e R+6S in +thaca" 7e 8or9" can ;uic9ly turn into a dude shop" and $ohn 'er9en alludes to the same problem at &lan 6" the community bi9e space here he or9s in 7e Orleans) +t can be an intimidating spaceFmessy" dusty" not ell*lit" in a big fun9y arehouse0 Hots of guys in various states of dude*ness0 +ssues of gender have been raised and addressed in a variety of aysM right no e have a omen*only day t ice a month and it:s great that e have a good mi> of people involved in general" all the time0 Still" there is no denying that it can be intimidating to al9 into a place li9e that" for anyone" especially if you don:t 9no anyone else there and- or don:t 9no much about bi9es0R. As noted" community bicycle organi!ations are not ithout their problems" but their collective attention to gender privilege is one of their distinguishing and most progressive characteristics" not to mention one of the primary reasons hy community bi9e pro1ects continue to attract so many omen and girls0 As $ac;uie &helan notes" The sign of a really progressive shop is hen it:s got a filthy*fingered female fi>ing fun9y frames0RP The egalitarian structure of these spaces not only encourages omen to participate but also nourishes an emerging consciousness about the relationships bet een bi9ing" feminism" gender" and mechanics0 +n &ortland" Oregon" omen bi9e mechanics are prevalent in a number of local institutions" including the Community Cycling Center and City 6i9es" a or9er*o ned retail-repair co*op0 At 7orth &ortland 6i9e 2or9s" the entire collective has at one point been o ned and operated by omen0 Kim (ey #a9a Kim (ern5" the co*founder of the shop" as ell as a !ine riter and originator of the &ortland Radical %istory 6i9e Tour" describes the visibility and presence of omen in &ortland:s bi9e culture as some hat remar9able" and she specifically notes the uni;ue gender dynamics at her shop) Our entire staff are omen" e>cept for Ale>" and that:s unheard of in this country" let alone the orld0 +:ve tal9ed to people in other countries" and they can:t believe it0 They say" 8ou really have si> omen and one guyB Our entire board of directors as all ;ueer omen at one pointM t o ere transgendered0 2e:re this very different" ama!ing conglomeration of people0RR Though &ortland is some hat of an e>ception to the rule" omen bi9e mechanics are no more prevalent throughout the United States and community bi9e spaces have both

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contributed to and complemented this trend0 +n particular" the presence of omen mechanics and strong female role models prompts more omen and girls to become bicycle mechanics" everyday bi9e riders" and dedicated bi9e commuters0 'ender is also being ac9no ledged as prere;uisite issue for community cycling organi!ations to address" and female*only mechanic nights" omen:s bicycling or9shops" and programs li9e 'irls in ActionFa series of classes 6i9es 7ot 6ombs designed to teach ten* to thirteen*year* old girls bi9e mechanics and riding s9illsFare an important part of this process0 4oreover" they are integral to the broader reassertion of feminism in bi9e culture that can be credited to pioneers li9e $ac;uie &helan" the professional mountain bi9e champion" riter" and founder of 2O46ATS #the 2omen:s 4ountain 6i9e and Tea Society5M to the consistent advocacy or9 of Chicago:s Cycling SistersM and more recently" to omen li9e Claire Stosche9" a 4inneapolis-St0 &aul bi9e advocate ho cofounded a class*conscious omen:s bi9e advocacy group and also created the first academic course devoted to the study of bicycling and gender" entitled 6i9e (eminism) Theory" Community and 4echanical J>ploration0RS (eminist cyclists" including an increasing number of men" collectively carve out intellectual and tangible spaces for omen to articulate and validate their o n vision of the bicycle in society0 Still" there is still a long ay to go before se>ism ceases to be a dominant factor in U0S0 bi9e culture" as ell as a global problem that 9eeps many omen from riding bicycles at all0

***Ans(ers AT8 Ca C
Ca italism is ine"itable it is the only system that is ca able o# runnin) the industrial (orld. !tromber)& 09
#Stromberg" a Research (ello at The +ndependent +nstitute" and previously held the $oAnn 60 Rothbard chair in %istory at the Hud ig von 4ises +nstitute #$oseph R0 Stromberg" Hud ig von 4ises +nstitute" 2hy Capitalism is +nevitableB L*=*.//R" http)--mises0org-article0asp>B+dX<S,.5 The result is that interventions are cheered from all sides0 (or e>ample" the movement for the #government*imposed5 family age spans left and right" hen the state intervenes to curb mass retailing" free trade" sound money" freedom of association" private property" and all the other institutional mar9s of commercial society" it can count on ide intellectual agreement0 Capitalism" it seems" despite its triumphs" remains an irresistible target of the opponents of liberty and property0 %o stri9ing to discover" then" ho fe riters and thin9ers are illing to spell out precisely hat they mean hen they refer to the economics of capitalism0 (or many" the term capitalism is nothing but a vessel into hich they pour all the people" institutions" and ideas that they hate0 And so capitalism emerges as a synonym for greed" dirty rivers and streams" pollution" corrupt businessmen" entrenched social privilege" the Republican &arty" criminal syndicates" orld $e ry" ar for oil" or hat have you0 +n fact" the advocates of capitalism themselves havenOt al ays been entirely clear on the meaning and implications of capitalist theory0 And this is hy 4urray Rothbard ent to such lengths to spell out precisely hat he as endorsing hen he championed the economics of capitalism0 This as especially necessary hen he as riting in <=LP" a time hich as arguably the lo point for capitalist theory0 4ises died that year" all economists ere said to be Keynesians" 7i>on closed the gold indo " age and price controls ere fastened on industry as an inflation fi>" and the US as loc9ed in a titanic Cold 2ar struggle that emphasi!ed government eaponry over private enterprise0 4urray Rothbard" mean hile" as hard at or9 on his boo9 (or A 7e Hiberty) The Hibertarian 4anifesto" an effort to breath ne life into a traditionally liberal program by infusing it ith a heavy dose of political radicalism0 +t must have seemed li9e a hopeless tas90 The same year" he as as9ed to contribute an essay in a series of readings called 4odern &olitical Jconomy #6oston) Allyn and 6acon" <=LP50 %e as to address QThe (uture of CapitalismQ #pp0 R<=*RP/5" the conclusion of hich might have seemed self*evidently blea90 6ut not to Rothbard0 %is contribution to the volume as lively" optimistic" enormously clarifying" and prescient to the e>treme0 Above all" he used the opportunity to e>plain ith great clarity hat precisely he means hen he refers to capitalism) no more and no less than the sum of voluntary activity in society" particularly that characteri!ed by e>change0 Keep in mind that this as <=LP" hen hardly anyone else believed these countries capable of reform) Q+n Jastern Jurope" then" + thin9 that the prospects for the free mar9et are e>cellent**+ thin9 e:re getting free*mar9et capitalism and that its triumph there is almost inevitable0Q Ten years later" it as still fashionable to spea9 of authoritarian regimes that could reform" as contrasted ith socialist totalitarianism that could not be reform and presumably had to be obliterated0 Rothbard did not believe this" based on both theory and evidence0 Rothbard sa that all sectors in all countries moving either to ard capitalism or to ard socialism" hich is to say" to ard freedom or to ard control0 +n the US" the trends loo9ed very blea9 indeed but he found trends to cheer in the anti ar movement" hich he sa as a positive development against military central planning0 Q6oth in Eietnam and in domestic government intervention" each escalating step only creates more problems hich confront the public ith tile choice) either" press on further ith more interventions" or repeal them**in Eietnam" ithdra from the country0Q %is conclusion must have sounded impossibly nadve in <=LP but today e can see that he sa further than any other QfuturistsQ of his time) Qthe advent of industrialism and the +ndustrial Revolution has irreversibly changed the prognosis

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for freedom and statism0 +n the pre*industrial era" statism and despotism could peg along indefinitely" content to 9eep the peasantry at subsistence levels and to live off their surplus0 6ut industrialism has bro9en the old tablesM for it has become evident that socialism cannot run an industrial system" and it is gradually becoming evident that neomercantilism" interventionism" in the long run cannot run an industrial system either0 (ree*mar9et capitalism" the victory of social po er and the economic means" is not only the only moral and by far the most productive systemM it has become the only viable system for man9ind in the industrial era0 +ts eventual triumph is therefore virtually inevitable0Q

4erm do both (e sol"e the lin, by re0ectin) the status /uo o# une/ual trans ortation. By buildin) better mass transit in#rastructure& (e allo( better access #or minorities in inner cities. The #ocus is on those (ho ha"e re"iously not had )ood& reliable mass transit. The erm sol"es because trans ortation lays a ,ey role in sol"in) #or o"erty& that-s our Mann 0+ e"idence. Im ro"in) mass transit recludes the C Mann says that an e##ecti"e olicy o tion is necessary be#ore cultural mo"ements can (or,. Mnce a olicy is made to )i"e the disad"anta)ed better access to ser"ices and o ortunity& e##ecti"e action can be made to tar)et ca italism. 5e"olution (ill ne"er ha Hilson& 2000 en o"erni)htJ ro)ressi"e olicies need to be built u on o"er time.

#$ohn K 2ilson" coordinator of the +ndependent &ress Association:s Campus $ournalism &ro1ect" %o the Heft can 2in Arguments and +nfluence &eople" pages <.<*<.P5 &rogressives need to be pragmatic in order to be po erful0 %o ever" pragmatism shouldnOt be confused ith Clintonian centrism and the abandonment of all substance0 &ragmatists have principles" too0 The difference bet een a pragmatic progressive and a foolish one is the illingness to pic9 the right fights and fight in the right ay to accomplish these same goals0 The current failure of progressivism in America is due to the structure of American politics and media" not because of a rong turn that the movement too9 some here along the ay0 2hat the left needs is not a QbetterQ ideology but a tactical adaptation to the obstacles it faces in the contemporary political scene0 A pragmatic progressivism does not sacrifice its ideals but simply communicates them better to the larger public0 The ords e use shape ho people respond to our ideas0 +tOs tempting to offer the standard advice that progressives should present their ideas in the most palatable form0 6ut palatable to homB The media managers and pedestrian pundits ho are the intellectual gate9eepers onOt accept these ideas0 6y the time progressives transform their ideas into the political baby food necessary for inclusion in current debates" it barely seems to be orth the effort0 Heftists need to sei!e the dominant political rhetoric" even though it may be conservative in its goals" and turn it in a progressive direction0 &rogressives need to use the antita> ideology to demand ta> cuts for the poor0 &rogressives need to use the antigovernment and anti elfare ideology to demand the end of corporate elfare0 &rogressives need to translate every important issue into the language that is permissible in the mainstream0 Something ill inevitably be lost in the translation0 6ut the political soul underlying these progressive ideas can be preserved and brought to the publicOs attention0 The left does not need to abandon its progressive vie s in order to be popular0 The left only needs to abandon some of its failed strategies and become as savvy as the conservatives are at manipulating the press and the politicians0 The language of progressives needs to become more mainstream" but the ideas must remain radical0 +n an age of soulless politicians and spineless ideologies" the left has the virtue of integrity0 Until progressives become less self*satisfied ith the 9no ledge that theyOre right and more determined to convince everyone else of this fact" opportunities for political change ill not be forthcoming0 &rogressives have also been hampered by a revolutionary instinct among some leftist groups0 According to some left ingers" incremental progress is orthless*that is" nothing short of a radical change in government ill mean anything to them0 +ndeed" for the most radical left ingers" liberal reforms are a threat to the movement" since they reduce the desire for more e>treme changes0 2hat the revolutionaries fail to reali!e is that progressive achievements can build on one another0 +f anything approaching a political revolution actually happens in America" it ill be due to a succession of popular" effective" progressive reforms0

The ra id transition (ould destroy the en"ironmentJhun)ry eo le (ould hunt animals to e.tinction and older& dirtier tech (ould be used a)ain. ;e(is =2 &rofessor" School of the Jnvironment" Cu9e University <==. #4artin" 'RJJ7 CJHUS+O7S" p0 <<L5
+f the most e>treme version of the radical green agenda ere to be fully enacted ithout truly massive human die*off first" forests ould be stripped clean of ood and all large animals ould be hunted to e>tinction by hordes of neo*primitives desperate for food and armth0 +f" on the other hand" eco*e>tremists ere to succeed only in paraly!ing the economy:s capacity for further research"

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development" and e>pansion" our future could turn out to be reminiscent of the environmental nightmare of &oland in the <=D/:s" ith a stagnant economy continuing to rely on outmoded" pollution*belching industries0 A throttled steady*state economy ould simply lac9 the resources necessary to create an environment benign technological base for a populace that sho s every sign of continuing to demand electricity" hot ater" and other connivances0 Jastern Jurope sho s ell the environmental devastation that occurs hen economic gro th stalls out in an already industriali!ed society0

5a id transition leads to a massi"e human die o## ;e(is =9 #4artin" lecturer in international history and interim director of the program in +nternational Relations at Stanford
University, Green Delusions: An Environmentalist Critique of Ra ical Environmentalism" &age .S*.,5 7o one ac;uainted ith the rudiments of medical history could deny that health has vastly improved since the industrial revolution0 4ost of the credit for such amelioration belongs precisely to the medical" dietary" and sanitary advances associated ith the transition to industrialism0 One has only to e>amine average longevity" hich stood in the United States at a miserable forty*seven years as recently as <=//" to grasp the magnitude of progress over this period0 <` e go
bac9 to medieval Jurope" socio*ecological idyll of many eco*radicals" e find that in some villages average life spans ere as lo as seventeen to eighteen years #Cohen <=D=) <.R<50 6y other indices as ell" the health standards of most pre*industrial regimes ere atrocious0 Again" consider medieval and early modem Jurope0 As 6raudel #<=D<)=<5 relates" the ancient regime as characteri!ed by Qvery high infant mortality" famine" chronic under*nourishment" and formidable epidemics0Q 4oreover" non*elite Juropeans ere contaminated by a ide variety of to>ins on a regular basis0 (e even e>perienced the delights of breathing clean air" for the atmospheres of their o n d ellings ere horribly polluted0 +t is difficult 000 to comprehend"Q rites 7orman &ounds #<=D=)<DL<5 Qho fetid and offensive must have been the air about most cottages and homes0Q +ndeed" indoor air pollution has long been #as it perhaps still is5 a greater contributor to respiratory illness than industrial airborne aste0 6ut the most severe to>ic pollution problem of the pre*modern orld as associated ith natural poisons produced by molds infecting the food supply0 QJveryone suffered from food that as tainted"Q &ounds reminds us" Qand the number ho died of food*poisoning must have been immense #</D=).<P50 Jspecially pronounced here rye as the staple food poisons produced by the ergot and (usarium molds massively suppressed immune systems" reduced fertility levels" brought on delusions and sometimes mass insanity" and reduced blood

Jven here the food supply as safe" poor nutrition resulted in idespread immunological stress0 +nfectious diseases ere rife" and periodic plagues ould decimate most populations in a cruel manner0 2ater supplies" especially in to ns" ere so contaminated by human aste as to become deadly in their o n right0 S9in and venereal diseases ere often rife and difficult" if not impossible" to cure0 Other scourges abounded" including those*such as leprosy* that have been virtually eliminated by modem medicines and sanitary techni;ues0 +ndividuals deformed by genetic inheritance or accident typically led short and brutal
circulation to such an e>tent that gangrene in the lo er e>tremities as commonplace #4atossian <=D=)<50 lives0 And every time a oman ent into labor she faced a very high ris9 of dying0 This cursory revie of the horrors of pre*industrial Juropean life may seem a pointless e>ercise in over9illM all of this is" or at least used to

0 6ut it is important to recall in detail the 9ind of social environment many eco*radicals ould see9 to recreate0 And ere e to adhere strictly to the tenets of bioregionalism" even the levels of prosperity achieved in the medieval orld ould be difficult if not impossible to maintain ithout first e>periencing a truly massive human die off0
be" common 9no ledge

Automobility ro s u ca italism& only a chance that the lan (or,s to dismantle it *enderson& 0+ #$ason %enderson" &rofessor of 'eography at San (rancisco State University ho rites about the politics of
mobility" Secessionist Automobility) Racism" Anti*Urbanism" and the &olitics of Automobility in Atlanta" 'eorgia" +nternational $ournal of Urban and Regional Research" ,-.//," http)--bss0sfsu0edu-1henders-2ritings-i1ur3final0pdf" R45 Secessionists: automobility is arbitrated by capitalists" hich in Atlanta sought to mitigate air pollution and congestion" both of hich threatened the e>change value of the region0 Articulators of secessionist automobility contested corporate elite policies of e>panding transit" and out of that struggle evolved a transit dbtente that provides a limited geography of transit service0 Secessionists also stood in the ay of Atlanta:s high ay builders" ho sought to build a massive ne outer belt ay that by design as meant to spur further automobility0 +ronically this positioned the secessionists" ho aged hat amounts to a culture ar against cities" as un itting allies of the corporate" environmental and social 1ustice interests ho at the same time battled them over e>pansion of transit0 The transit dbtente reeects that transit policy is not aimed at reorienting everyday life for the entire region in order to reduce automobility" but rather" it is a stalemate in a struggle" a stalemate negotiated by Atlanta:s capitalist gro th machine in attempts to maintain the e>change value of the metropolitan region and remain competitive in the global competition bet een cities0

AT8 <entri#ication
Their ar)ument misses a ,ey ste in the rocess as nei)hborhoods )et nicer& businesses mo"e in& allo(in) #or residents to )et better 0obs. This means that incomes (ill scale (ith nei)hborhoods& and nobody (ill be #orced out.

<entri#ication )ood s ar,s increased /uality o# li#e and de"elo ment and does not cause dis lacement Cra"atts 0> #Richard H0 Cravatts" Richard H0 Cravatts" &h0C0 is director of 6oston UniversityOs &rogram in 6oo9 and 4aga!ine
&ublishing at the Center for &rofessional Jducation" 'entrification is 'ood for the &oor and Jveryone Jlse" D-<-.//L" http)-0americanthin9er0com-.//L-/D-gentrification3is3good3for3the0html5 The recent certification by 7e 8or9Os Cepartment of City &lanning of Columbia UniversityOs re!oning application for its plan to build a ne section of its campus in 2est %arlem initiates a public revie process that no doubt promises to be a contentious"

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rhetoric*filled negotiation0 +n fact" no sooner had Columbia University made its first public announcement then activists" both from the %arlem community and ithin Columbia itself" started their not unpredictable protests against e>pansionism" displacement" and" orst of all" the dreaded ?gentrificationO that might define %arlemOs future0 6ut characteristic of their complaints is a misunderstanding of hat actually happens in a gentrifying community" ho " despite bringing significant change to the social and economic fabric of the community" the process of gentrification ill result in positive" tangible benefits for %arlemOs P//"/// residents0 (or a community perennially rac9ed ith poverty" disenfranchisement" and despair" this is an end result that" one ould thin9" all ould embrace0 6ut in their !eal to protect residents from an ?invisible handO they do not trust to produce positive benefits" protestors" as they have in numerous older urban cores undergoing change" arn of a s9e ed housing mar9et and evaporating affordability0 +n fact" gentrification does not put ne pressure on housing mar9ets and create scarcityM and an upgrade in the ;uality of life in neighborhoods serves as a catalyst for overall gro th and development0 %o B 4ar9et conditions that encourage the building of ne housing have a t o*pronged benefit for the community) as ne housing is created and neighborhood residents ho had been renters become o ners of ne units" their old housing*much of it rental*is freed up for a hole ne group of renters ho either move from less desirable units #freeing up more units5 or come into the neighborhoods for the first time0 Thus" gentrification" by ma9ing a community attractive to investors" actually enables many renters to move up the housing ladder into presumably better apartments" ithout displacing tenants and by ma9ing their old units available for yet another set of renters belo them0 $acob H0 Eigdor" professor of public policy studies at Cu9e University" noted that even the construction of ne housing for high*income residents" say" a lu>ury building ith <// condominiums" benefits the overall community0 Q6ecause if e donOt build those condos"Q he observed" Q here are the people ho ere going to live there going to liveB TheyOre going to go to a mi>ed*income neighborhood and occupy units there that could have been occupied by someone lo er do n the economic ladder0Q

<entri#ication doesn-t cause dis lacement minorities are more li,ely to remain in )entri#ied nei)hborhoods and see "isible )ains in income Ci"iat& 0A #6AR6ARA K+E+AT" Hong Time Jconomics reporter for Time 4aga!ine" Time 4aga!ine" 'entrification) 7ot Ousting
the &oorB http)-0time0com-time-business-article-/"DS=="<D<D.SS"//0html5 &eople tend to thin9 gentrification goes li9e this) rich" educated hite people move into a lo *income minority neighborhood and drive out its original residents" ho can no longer afford to live there0 As it turns out" thatOs not typically true0 A ne study by researchers at the University of Colorado at 6oulder" University of &ittsburgh and Cu9e University" e>amined Census data from more than <S"/// neighborhoods across the U0S0 in <==/ and .///" and found that lo *income non* hite households did not disproportionately leave gentrifying areas0 +n fact" researchers found that at least one group of residents" high schooleducated blac9s" ere actually more li9ely to remain in gentrifying neighborhoods than in similar neighborhoods that didnOt gentrify F even increasing as a fraction of the neighborhood population" and seeing larger*than* e>pected gains in income0 Those findings may seem counterintuitive" given that the term Qgentrification"Q particularly in cities li9e 7e 8or9 and San (rancisco" has become synonymous ith soaring rents" ealthier neighbors and the dislocation of lo *income residents0 6ut overall" the ne study suggests" the popular notion of the yuppie invasion is e>aggerated0 Q2eOre not saying there arenOt communities here displacement isnOt happening"Q says Randall 2alsh" an associate professor of economics at the University of &ittsburgh and one of the studyOs authors0 Q6ut in general" across all neighborhoods in the urbani!ed parts of the U0S0" it loo9s li9e gentrification is a pretty good thing0Q The researchers found" for e>ample" that income gains in gentrifying neighborhoods F usually defined as lo *income urban areas that undergo rises in income and housing prices F ere more idely dispersed than one might e>pect0 Though college*educated hites accounted for ./N of the total income gain in gentrifying neighborhoods" blac9 householders ith high school degrees contributed even more) PPN of the neighborhoodOs total rise0 +n other ords" a broad demographic of people in the neighborhood benefited financially0 According to the studyOs findings" only one group F blac9 residents ho never finished high school F sa their income gro at a slo er rate than predicted0 6ut the study also suggests that these residents erenOt moving out of their neighborhoods at a disproportionately higher rate than from similar neighborhoods that didnOt gentrify0

Iot only is )entri#ication lar)ely caused by nei)hborhood re#erence& but it acts as a ositi"e #orce in communities& and )rants lo(er income residents o ortunities to brid)e the income )a Biro 0A #$essica 6iro" Teacher at the +llinois 2esleyan University" Q'entrification) Celiberate Cisplacement" or 7atural Social
4ovementB"Q The &ar9 articleX</.SYconte>tXpar9place5 &lace Jconomist) Eol0 <S" http)--digitalcommons0i u0edu-cgi-vie content0cgiB that the

Raphael 6ostic and Richard 4artin #.//P5" Horetta Hees #.//P5" %oang %uu &he and &atric9 2a9ely #.///5 share the vie

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gentrification is not intrinsically designed to displace lo income residents0 They point out that people ith similar interests tend to live in the same area" so hen high income residents move in and lo income residents move out" it reflects the change of preferences in the neighborhood0 'entrification has many positive effects on an area0 The revitali!ation of the physical property and amenities in an area increases property values" creates 1obs" improves the ;uality of schools" and lo ers crime rates0 As a result of gentrification" lo income residents in the area have greater opportunities to bridge the income gap hile achieving self*improvement and a higher standard of living0 7atural social movement causes people to gather by social classes0 &he and 2a9ely #.///5 develop the Status-Vuality theory to e>plain housing preferences0 The traditional housingcost- travel*cost tradeoff theory claims that people achieve e;uilibrium by choosing a location that balances the cost of housing and the cost of commuting0 &he and 2a9ely #./// p0 </5 improve on the traditional theory by recogni!ing additional e>ternalities that people consider hen choosing a housing location) %ousing status is a measure of the desirability attached to housing in a particular locality0 +t can represent ealth" culture" religion" environmental ;uality" etc0 depending on the current value system of a given society0 %ousing status varies from household to household depending on hat the individuals value most0 (or e>ample" a household ith children ould value a neighborhood ith good schools" hereas a young couple ould place higher value on entertainment and restaurants0 &eople ill pay a premium to live in areas that they believe are high status0 &he and 2a9ely #./// p0 </5 also recogni!e that people ta9e d elling ;uality into consideration hen deciding on here to live) C elling ;uality includes physical" measurable characteristics such as floor area" number of bathrooms" number of stories" etc0 2hen lo income houses are renovated they reach a higher ;uality and therefore are mar9etable to buyers ho can afford to pay a premium for homes ith better ;uality characteristics0 +f higher income people decide to buy these renovated homes" the status of the area increases0 Ultimately" under the status- ;uality theory" people ith similar opinions of housing status and d elling ;uality ill cluster in the neighborhood and create gentrification0

AT8 !tates C4
Transit must be national in sco e our e"idence is com arati"e Ba.andall A #&hineas 6a>andall" Senior Analyst" United States &ublic +nterest Research 'roup" A 6JTTJR 2A8 TO 'O)
4JJT+7' A4JR+CA:S .<ST CJ7TUR8 TRA7S&ORTAT+O7 C%AHHJ7'JS 2+T% 4OCJR7 &U6+HC TRA7S+T" U0S0 &+R' Jducation (und" P*/D" pgs0 SS*S,5 Transit has long been seen as primarily a local issueFsomething of concern to city*d ellers and some suburbanites0 +n many statesF even some ith robust transit systemsFthere is still little or no investment of state government resources in transit systems0 And at the federal level" transit advocates have often felt compelled to accept greater spending on high ays as a means to achieve greater investment in transit0 The conse;uences of our automobile*centered transportation system" ho ever" are national in scope0 Traffic congestion" oil dependence and global arming pollution are issues that affect all Americans and deserve a national response0 A ide variety of constituencies have a potential interest in e>panding transit infrastructure in the United States0 This grand coalition potentially includes the follo ing) f 4etropolitan area residents" ho represent more than D/ percent of the American population and ho ould benefit most directly from reduced congestion and the ability to use transit0<PP f 6usinessesFboth those located in metropolitan areas that ould benefit from their employees: and customers: access to transit and those that rely on the shipment of goods and ould benefit from reduced high ay congestion0 f &roperty o ners in corridors to be served by transit" ho ould li9ely see property values increase0 f Construction firms and organi!ed labor" hich ould benefit from the 1obs created in transit system construction" operations and maintenance0 f Jnvironmentalists" ho ould support reductions in global arming emissions and other forms of pollution0 f Ho *income" elderly and disabled people" ho ould benefit from an increased range of transportation choices0 The elderly could represent an especially important constituency" as the population of Americans ages ,S and older is pro1ected to increase by ./ million bet een ./// and ././0<PR f +ndividuals concerned ith national security" ho ould support reductions in America:s dependence on foreign oil0 As long as the transit debate is about one transit line or one city at a time" there ill be little hope of mobili!ing a ide range of interests behind a ma1or commitment to transit0 To generate e>citement and idespread support" there must be a compelling vision for hat an e>pansion of transit service ould loo9 li9e and ho it ould benefit the United States Fin short" a national roadmap for transit0

!tate la( is the bi))est contributer to the di"ision o# America-s metro olitan re)ions Fru) =+ #'erald J (rug" Samuel R0 Rosenthal &rofessor of Ha " %arvard University" SUREJ8+7' HA2 A7C 6ORCJRS) The
'eography of Community" He>is7e>is" S-=,5 8et" important as it has been" the federal government is not the public entity that is most responsible for the 9ind of suburbani!ation that has spread across America0 As Richard (ord has persuasively argued" state la has been an even more significant contributor to the division of AmericaOs metropolitan region into a multitude of cities that all*too*easily can be distinguished from each other by describing their residentsO racial" ethnic" or class status0 n<</ This feature of suburban life is not simply a product of suburban gro th0 To achieve any significant level of homogeneity" suburbs need state*granted autonomy) the right to incorporate as a separate

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municipalityM immunity from anne>ation by the central cityM the privilege of engaging in e>clusionary !oningM the ability to legislate and provide services solely in their o n self*interestM the authority not only to ta> the real property located ithin city boundaries but to spend the revenue collected solely on local residents0 State legislatures and courts have been the source of these suburban po ers through their formulation of local government la 0 Jvery state in the nation has given suburbs at least some of these po ers" and many states have given suburbs all of them0 n<<< 6ut the very @T</L<A fact that there are suburbs in America that lac9 some of these po ers demonstrates that the idea of suburban autonomy cannot be deduced from the nature of a suburbM a state has to decide to confer it0 That they have largely done so has defined the meaning and importance of the city*suburb and suburb*suburb boundaries throughout the country0 One reason that state decisionma9ing on these issues has been so decisive is that the United States Supreme Court has upheld the constitutionality of every one of these aspects of suburban autonomy0 n<<.

!tates ha"e the o(er to ban racial discrimination i# they (ant to do so ho(e"er they choose not to Fru) =+ #'erald J (rug" Samuel R0 Rosenthal &rofessor of Ha " %arvard University" SUREJ8+7' HA2 A7C 6ORCJRS) The
'eography of Community" He>is7e>is" S-=,5 Of course" it ould be a mista9e to thin9 that the statesO urban policy" any more than that of the federal government" al ays pointed in the same direction0 On occasion" states have pursued urban strategies that conflict ith the one 1ust described0 They have curtailed the incorporation of ne suburbs" allo ed anne>ation of suburbs ithout their residentsO consent" redistributed locally*generated funds to more needy school districts" or limited e>clusionary !oning0 n<<L @T</L.A +n addition" some states have given central cities the very po ers mentioned above * to ta> commuters" to impose rent control" or to ban racial discrimination0 n<<D States plainly have the po er to adopt this opposite urban policy if they ant to do so) The United States Supreme Court has made clear that it too is constitutional0 n<<= As recent scholarship has demonstrated" ho ever" this alternative urban policy has not been the general practice0 n<./ Overall" states have promoted suburban autonomy and limited city po er" and they have done these not 1ust through the formulation of local government la but in other ays as ell0 n<.<

AT8 ! endin)
In"estment in ublic transit leads to economic )ro(th China ro"es ;e(is 11
#Cavid He is" &hC" (C+T" Senior Eice &resident of %CR" R-./<<-" Jconomic &erspectives on Transport and J;uality" http)-0internationaltransportforum0org-1trc-Ciscussion&apers-C&./<</=0pdf5 Another e>ample of the virtuous circle at or9 is the dramatic improvement in ell*being in China over the past t o decades hich" according to 2achs" rests on a foundation of significant investment in ports" airports" roads and public transportation0 2achs notes that hereas a significant rise in car o nership in China is the result of increased ealth" git is also to a great e>tent the cause of China?s rise as a orld po er0 This is in addition to a huge increase in the number of bicycles" electric bicycles" cars and buses that are becoming ubi;uitous in cities and also in rural areas0 Citi!ens are using all such means to access education" health care" and recreational opportunities and to obtain goods brought to them by the e>panding freight transportation system0 Today" the economic case for aggregate investment in transport infrastructure turns heavily the creation of faster and more reliable and predictable 1ourney times that help promote productivity gro th0 6y investing in ne capacity to reduce congestion and in the repair and rehabilitation of earing pavement and aging facilities and e;uipment" governments promote ell*being by promoting productivity gro th0 The reverse is also true) an insufficient level of aggregate public investment in transportation infrastructure can starve a nation?s productivity gro th" and that?s a threat to peoples? ell*being and standard of living0

!ol"es the economy '' )reater s endin) on domestic ro)rams enhances economy stability <lyn and Miliband =9
#Andre and Cavid" Jconomist and University Hecturer on Jconomics at O>ford University and 6ritish Habour &arty &olitician" BB-BB-=R" &aying for +ne;uality) The Jconomic Cost of Social +n1ustice" published by +&&R-Rivers Oram &ress in Hondon" pages ./S*.<L5 There are good reasons for believing that e;uality may enhance economic stability0 &olicies to increase economic e;uality are fre;uently associated ith higher levels of government spendingM this tends to act as an automatic stabiliser" reducing the impact on production and employment of fluctuations in other elements of demand0 Second" if the ta>ation to pay for the e>penditure is progressive" this" together ith the cyclical movements of the budget deficit" also acts to dampen fluctuations0 (inally it may be e>pected that if the distribution of personal income is more e;ual" then consumption ill sho a steadier trend" as a greater proportion

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of income ill be in the hands of those ho ill spend it consistently rather than those veering bet een bouts of saving and credit* financed consumption sprees0 As $0K0 'albraith put it ?A reasonably e;uitable distribution of income is a stabili!ing economic influence it is macro*economically functional0 The poor and the middle class spend their incomeM their support to aggregate income is stable and assured0:

R/uality leads to economic stability <lyn and Miliband =9


#Andre and Cavid" Jconomist and University Hecturer on Jconomics at O>ford University and 6ritish Habour &arty &olitician" BB-BB-=R" &aying for +ne;uality) The Jconomic Cost of Social +n1ustice" published by +&&R-Rivers Oram &ress in Hondon" pages ./S*.<L5 The macroeconomic evidence revie ed in this section in no ay supports the idea that greater e;uality leads to orse economic performance0 The golden age of the <=S/:s and <=,/:s" hen gro th as at its fastest and economies ere generally rather stable" coincided ith unprecedentedly lo and generally decreasing ine;uality0 The turn to ards ine;uality in the <=D/:s did not produce generally improved economic performance0 2hat is more countries ith less ine;uality have tended to gro faster" and ith generally no more instability0 As repeatedly stressed the relationships are comple> and such macroeconomic data can be no more than suggestive0 6ut it is certainly not suggestive of a severely damaging e;uality-efficiency trade*off0

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