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Asafo and Destoolment in Colonial Southern Ghana, 1900-1953 Author(s): Anshan Li Source: The International Journal of African Historical

Studies, Vol. 28, No. 2 (1995), pp. 327357 Published by: Boston University African Studies Center Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/221617 Accessed: 08/07/2009 22:53
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The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 28, No. 2 (1995)

327

ASAFO

AND DESTOOLMENT GHANA,

IN COLONIAL

SOUTHERN By Anshan Li

1900-1953*

The studyof the politicalhistoryof colonial Ghanahas generallyfocused on two indigenouspolitical forces: the chiefs' involvementin the struggleagainstor the collaboration withthe government, andtherole of Western-educated in the Africans movement.1 This interpretation, however,seems to be emergenceof the nationalist only partof the story.Storiesthatfocus on the chiefs or on educatedAfricanscannot explain a widespreadpolitical phenomenon: undercolonial rule chiefs were or frequentlydeposed by commoners, "youngmen,"organizedas asafo companies. Althoughin recent years therehave been some significantstudieson local politics and the role of the commoners,especially in some Ph.D. dissertations,2 there are still issues to be studiedand fit into both the historyof the nationalist movementandthe widerframeof Ghanaian history.

* This paper was originally presentedat the twenty-firstannual conference of the Canadian Association of African Studies in 1992. My thanks to M. Klein, J. Barker, G. Mikell, and J. Addo-Fening for their suggestions. The critical comments of three anonymous reviewers on an early version were most helpful. The errors,of course, remainmine. 1For example, MartinWight argued that there were two indigenous political forces in the colony: the native rulers and the educated class. Martin Wight, The Gold Coast Legislative Council (London, 1946), 181. D. Kimble has mentioned the commoners'role in local politics in his classic work. Yet by arguing that the indigenous chieftaincy was threatenedby the educated of governmentwas out of date,"he treatsboth chiefs young men, "who felt that the old apparatus and the educatedmuch more systematically.D. Kimble, A Political History of Ghana, 1850-1928 (Oxford, 1963), 458. In his Danquah lecture, Robert K.A. Gardiner used such a title for one section: "Reactionsto BritishRule-The Chiefs and Intelligentsia,"TheRole of EducatedPersons in Ghana Society (Accra, 1970), 20. There is a similar tendency in African historiography.This "elite history" has been recognized and criticized by some African historians. See E. Ayandele, AfricanHistorical Studies (London, 1979), 1-18. 2For example, E.Y. Twumasi, "Aspects of Politics in Ghana, 1923-39: A Study of the RelationshipBetween Discontent and Development of Nationalism"(D. Phil. dissertation,Oxford University, 1971); J. Simensen, "Commoners,Chiefs and Colonial Government:British Policy and Local Politics in Akim Abuakwa, Ghana, under Colonial Rule" (Ph.D. thesis, University of Trondheim,1975); and R. Addo-Fening, "AkyemAbuakwac. 1874-1943: A Study of the Impact of Missionary Activities and Colonial Rule on a TraditionalSociety" (Ph.D. thesis, University of Ghana, 1980).

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Destoolment was widespread in colonial southern Ghana between 1900 and the early 1950s, as a traditional means to check a chiefs violation of the oath of office.3 Considering the changes in the position of traditionalleaders and the policy of indirect rule, it is not surprising that the destoolments were mainly launched by the Asafo company, an indigenous organization that represented the interests of the common people. In this article, the phenomenon will be studied comprehensively, with emphasis on the mechanism of asafo and its linkage with destoolment. I will argue that the colonial government destroyed democratic features of traditional chieftaincy and made it less possible for the commoners to participate in local politics. The asafo company therefore took on the responsibility of guarding their interests and became the main instrument for mass political action in the southern Ghana. Asafo: Its Features and Functions

Among the Akan people, the warrior organization known as asafo (osa, war, fo, people) is found in almost every town or village. This system has also been introduced to the Ga, the Krobo, the Guan, and some other ethnic groups. J. D. De Graft Johnson, a colonial officer who was a Fante himself, once described the system: Asafu is primarily a warrior organization and is the name given to all male adults banded together for any purpose, particularly war. In its wider sense it is a socio-politico-military organization embracing both men and women, including stool-holders or persons holding In its narrower sense the Asafu connotes the third positions.... estate, or common people, which socially goes by the nomenclature of Kwasafu, sometimes also described or referred to, politically, as mbrantsie, or "young men" to distinguish them from the mpanyinfu, chiefs and elders.4 Here Johnson distinguished two kinds of asafo, one in general and one in particular. Our interest however, is in the second, the asafo in its narrow sense. So far, the studies on the asafo company system suggest that historians have been more conGhana hadfourparts: theGoldCoastColony,Asante, Northern 3Colonial and Territories,
the British MandatedTogoland. The area covered by this article includes the Gold Coast Colony and Asante (unless otherwise indicated),where mainly the Akan live. In Akan political culture,the

the soulor spiritof thecommunity. stoolrepresents sense,the Everystatehasa stool.In abstract of a chief, thus"enstoolment," stool is the symbolof authority the installation of a chief, and thedeposition of a chief.Chiefsin thenorthern sit on leather "destoolment," partof Ghana puffs
and "de-skinned." (skins), the symbol of chiefly authority.So they are "skinned" 4J.D. De GraftJohnson, "TheFante Asafu,"Africa 5, 3 (1932), 308.

ASAFO AND DESTOOLMENT

329

cemed with its origins or its changing impact on local politics, while sociologists and anthropologists have treated it as a social institution, stressing its patrilineal character complementary to the matrilineage.5 Since there are both published and unpublished case studies, we seem to have enough information about the system as a whole to be able to describe its main features.6 Originally a military organization, the asafo company had its own flag, song, drums, horns, caps, emblems and its own post, the rallying place of the company, where all its paraphernalia were kept. It also had its own fetish, medicines, and priests.7 All able-bodied males, except the chief and the elders, were members of the asafo. Each asafo had its own leader. In Fante, the commander of all the asafo companies was called tufuhene (captain-general).8 His appointment was originally by popular choice. Other asafo leaders, like captains, as they were usually called, were also chosen or approved by the members of the company.9 Each asafo held an annual custom, when there were company perfor-

5T. Johnson, "Protest:Traditionand Change: An Analysis of Southern Gold Coast Riots, 1890-1920," Economy and Society, 1, 2 (1972), 164-93; R. Stone, "Protest: Tradition and Change-A Critique," and T. Johnson's reply, Economy and Society 3, 1 (1974), 84-105. J. Simensen, "RuralMass Action in the Context of Anticolonial Protest: The Asafo Movement of

AkimAbuakwa, Canadian Journal Studies 8:1 (1974),25-41; "The Ghana," of African Asafoof
Kwahu,Ghana:A Mass Movement for Local ReformUnder Colonial Rule,"InternationalJournal

Historical Studies 8:3 (1975),383-406;M. Field,Akim-Kotoku An Oman of African of the Gold Coast (London,1948),27-34; K.A. Busia,ThePositionof the Chiefin the Modern Political
System of Ashanti (London, 1951), 9-10; I. Chukwukere,"Perspectiveon the Asafo Institutionin Southern Ghana,"Journal of African Studies 7:1 (1980), 39-47; A. Datta and R. Porter, "The Asafo System in HistoricalPerspective,"Journal of AfricanHistory 12:2 (1971), 279-297. 6For original documents, see Ghana National Archives, ADM11/1/738, Case no. 11/1919, "Asafo: Origin and the Powers of"; ADM11/1136, "Kwahu Asafo"; ADM1l/1311, Case no. ANA9/1920, BanbataNative Affairs. (This file contains materialsof the Asafo in Asante Akym.) ADM11/1/1393, Case no. 88/1913, "Destoolment"; ADM11/1/712, Case no. 56/1918, "KwahuAgogo Land Dispute." 7ArthurFfoulkes, "TheCompany System in the Cape Coast Castle,"Journal of the African Society 7 (1907-8), 261-77. 8The titles of asafo leaders vary in differentareas. The equivalentsof the Fanti tufuheneare in Asante, akwasontsein Ga, and asafoakyein Akyem. nkwankwaahene 9According to J.C. De Graft Johnson, the appointmentof the tufuhene "was originally by popularchoice,.., but the office now tends to become hereditaryand in one state, at least, the post is held by a hereditaryOhin of a division." See his article, "TheSignificance of Some Akan Titles," The Gold Coast Review 2:2 (1927), 218. But in Akyem Abuakwa, the asafoakye, as an appointeeof the chief and his elders, was liable to dismissal by them. "Fromthe last quarterof the nineteenth century, however, there is evidence of asafo asserting the right to choose their own leaders and merely presentingthem to the Chief and his Councillorsfor confirmation."R. AddoFening, "Akyem Abuakwa,c. 1874-1943," 22, 449.

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mances. All affairs in the asafo were managed on patrilineal lines. A father trained his sons in all possible skills of war, providing them with war medicines and weapons. Captaincies descended from father to eldest son.10 Occasionally there were women captains, who usually took charge of cooking and domestic arrangements.11 There are various interpretations of the origin of the asafo. Two main schools have offered their explanations. One view holds that the asafo is indigenous to Fante society, while the other attributes its origin to the presence of early Europeans.12 Lack of evidence prevents us from making a definite conclusion. However, several generalizations can be made from the available evidence. First, although the contact with Europeans might have influence upon its formation or adaptation, the asafo company's fundamental characteristics are indigenous. Second, the history of its introduction and spread is not clear. In addition, chiefs were reluctant to accept the asafo as an indigenous organization and everyone claimed to have borrowed the asafo from someone else.13 However, it seems to have appeared among the Fante first.14 Thirdly, since the word "asafo" has multiple meanings, it is necessary to distinguish different kinds of asafo to avoid any confusion.15 Moreover, the asafo
10B. Christensen,Double Descent Among the Fanti (New Haven, 1954), 107-26. 11It is recorded that a woman was once elected as tufuhene. J.C. De Graft Johnson, "The

see alsoChristensen, 217-18. Fortheroleof women, of SomeAkanTitles," Double Significance in Christina "The Political andMilitary Rolesof Akan Arhin, Women," Descent,111-12;Kwame
Oppong,Female and Male in WestAfrica (London, 1983), 91-98. 12Wartemberg,a native of Elmina, thought that the asafo originated during the FantiAshanti wars with the help of the Dutch. J.S. Wartemberg,Sao Jorge d'El Mina, Premier West African Settlement(Ilfracome,n.d.), 53. E.J.P. Brown, anotherGold Coast scholar, also suggested that asafo was indigenous. See EJ.P. Brown, Gold Coast and Asianti Reader Book I (London, 1929), 197-217. But Kwame Arhin argues that the asafo companies had their origin in the slave trade.Asafo leaders might have been local wealthy merchants.Kwame Arhin, "Diffuse Authority Among the Coastal Fanti,"GhanaNotes and Queries 9 (1966), 68. Porterand Datta maintainthat the asafo is indigenous to various Akan peoples, but the characterand development of the system have been much influenced by the situationscreated throughcontact with Europeans.Their view seems to be more convincing. Porterand Datta, "TheAsafo System,"279-97. 13Thereason might be that the asafo was claiming political rights that would challenge their authority. 14Meyerowitzsuggests that the Fante borrowedthe asafo system from the Effutu, but others hold different views. See E. Meyerowitz, Early History of the Akan State of Ghana (Lopdon, 1974), 93, 96; KarikariAkyempo, Deer Hunt Festival of the Effutus (Accra, n.d.). R.W. Wyllie,

A Critique of Meyerowitz's of theEffutu: "The Account," Africa 37 (1967),81-85. Aboakyer


15For example, the Christian congregation and dancing and playing clubs formed by youngsters are all called asafo. See J.B. Danquah, Gold Coast Akan Laws and Customs and the

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331

in various areas might have different origins, and its organization varies from locality to locality. Most important, the asafo must have undergone some changes through different periods; so it would be better to interpret its origin from the perspective of a process of adaptation to social change rather than a stagnant traditional form. Although certain basic features are universal in Akan areas, asafo companies assumed a wide variety of institutional forms. Since most accounts are about Fante asafo, which seems to be the best known and fully developed, differences between asafo companies in Fante and other areas should be noted.16 In the Eastern Province, for example, the asafo seems to have been introduced from the coastal Fante, since it was less elaborated and developed.17 Moreover, the asafo of the Eastern Province and Eastern Asante was by definition a movement among people of low status.18There were also different forms of asafo organization. For example, in Akyem Abuakwa the asafo on the central level consisted of the Amantoo-miensa (the Council of Three Counties) lying within a

Ghana: TheAutobiography Constitution Abuakwa Akim (London, Nkrumah, 1928),224;Kwame


ofKwame Nkrumah(London, 1957), 36. 16For Fanti asafo, see J.M. Sarbah,Fanti National Constitution [1906] (London, 1968),

"Fante 307-22; A. Datta,"The 261-77;Johnson, 231-32; Ffoulkes, Asafu," System," "Company


Fante Asafo: A Re-examination," Africa 42 (1972), 305-314. For Asante, see Busia, The

AshantiUnderthe Prempehs, 1888-1935 (London, Positionof the Chief,9-13; W. Tordoff,


1965), 373-83. I. Wilks, Asante in the Nineteenth Century(London, 1975), 535-43. For Akyem Abuakwa, see Danquah, Akan Laws and Customs (London, 1928), 119-24; Addo-Fening, "Akyem Abuakwa," 447-59; Simensen, "Rural Mass Action," 25-41. For Kwahu, see E.Y. Twumasi, "Aspects of Politics in Ghana, 1923-39," 39-44; Simensen, "Asafo of Kwahu,"383406. For Winneba, see M. Owusu, Uses and Abuses of Political Power (Chicago, 1970), 40-44. For the Effutus, see Akyempo, Deer Hunt Festival. For Accra, see D. Fortescue, "The Accra Crowd: The Asafo and the Opposition to the Municipal Corporations Ordinance, 1924-25,"

Journal Studies 24:3(1990),348-75. Canadian ofAfrican


17The earliest mention of young men and company system of the Eastern Province in the colonial documents was by Traveling CommissionerH.M. Hull in his reportdated 12 September 1898. See ADM11/738, Case no. 11/1919, Asafo: Origin and Powers of, enclosed in Secretaryfor Native Affairs to Acting Commissioner,EasternProvince, Confidential,4 December 1905. 18p. Jenkins, "Towardsa Definition of Social Tension in Rural Akan Communities of the High Colonial Period-The Asafo Movement in the Eastern Province and Eastern Asante," (Seminarpaper,University of Ghana,Legon, 9 February1971). I should thankJenkinsfor sending me this unpublished article. In Accra, not only was the organization of asafo copied from the Fante, the termsand songs were all Fante. Then other towns copied from Accra. M.J. Field, Social

1973),168. of theGaPeople(London, Organization

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seven-mile radius of the capital town. It had the right to criticize all acts of the executive and was regarded as representativeof the common people.19 All these features had political implications. First, fewer inter-company conflicts occurred in the Eastern Province compared with the Fante, who had a reputation for fierce fighting between rival asafo companies.20 Second, the unified character provided a favorable condition for the involvement of asafo in destoolment. Third, it was easier for them to adapt to the changing situation and meet the new challenge. But how was this social organization translatedinto a political force that began to challenge the chiefs authority? To explain this transformation, we have to compare its main functions before and after the establishment of colonial rule. The asafo among the Akan used to be a military force. In the precolonial period, wars between states were frequent. To obtain greater mobilization and to provide for an effective supervision in wartime, all the male members in the state, town, or village were organized into fighting groups.21 J. M. Sarbah and Casely Hayford described the military spirit of the asafo and its operation during early times. The asafo either fought against other states or were responsible for the peace of their own state. The commander of asafo companies had to be brave and able to provide some ammunition. Though the Pax Britannica rendered the military function redundant, the military origin of the asafo was always stressed. During annual festivals, the asafo performed before the chief in order to show their strength and loyalty.22 The asafo played an important role in the rituals associated with installation or deposition of a chief.23 They were also involved in other religious activities. The asafo was importanton account of its religious power to affect people's status in the next world by honoring them at the funeral. Being

AkanLaws and Customs, 16-20. 19Danquah,

of CapeCoastto the ChiefJustice, 29 November 1859. 20Theletterwritten by the Mayor


See J.M. Sarbah,Fanti CustomaryLaws [1897] (London, 1968), 12-13. 21For its early activities, see R. Kea, Settlements, Trade, and Politics in SeventeenthCenturyGold Coast (Baltimore, 1982), 136-37, 150, 181. R. Kea, "'IAm Here to Plunderon the

in thePre-Nineteenth-Century General Road': Bandits in D. Crummey, andBanditry GoldCoast,"


ed., Banditry,Rebellion and Social Protest in Africa (London, 1986), 109-32. 22Casely Hayford,Gold Coast Native Institution[1903] (London, 1970), 85-92. 23After a new chief was elected, membersof the asafo went to fetch him from his house. As a farewell to him as a commoner,they gave him a last ceremonialflogging and smearedhim with white clay, then brought him before the assembly. They also performed the same duty when a chief was destooled. Field, Akim-Kotoku,22; D.W. Brokensha,Social Change at Larteh (London, 1966), 114.

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responsiblefor fetchingthe dead body andcarryingit to the town, the asafo also performedat the funeral,drinkingand dancing, accompaniedby asafo songs. Peoplebelieve the "playthatyou aregivenhereis the play thatyou will be received The asafo also filled a wide rangeof social functions with in the next world."24 rangingfrom cooperativegroupsprovidinglaborfor public works, to local units whichformedpartof theirroutineduties.25 calleduponin cases of emergency, The overthe moralsof theirmembers' wives.26 asafo also actedas guardians of the asafo was theirrole in the traditional Butthe mostinteresting function a and structure. Having recognized effective way to expresstheiropinion, political had a say not only in the electionof the chief, but also in all matters asafo members theirapproval, couldnot be electedas chief. a candidate affectingthe state.Without of the commoners; The asafo leader was officially recognizedas representative he had made to them.27Commoners elders would consider any representations measuresissued by the chief, while the elders could could oppose any unpopular not for fearof being accusedof disloyalty,for they wereresponsible with the chief for any decision. in differentareas.In Fante,the Asafo leadershad differentresponsibilities tufuhenewas the next authoritative personafterthe ohene, or chief. The tufuhene The Gaasafoakye(the captaincould become a regent,or even a chief himself.28 in had a constitutional role the Abuakwa andwas general) Akyem politicalstructure a In as member of the councils. Ga when a Ga Mantse (chief) state, recognized died, the akwasontse was the firstpersonto be told by the eldersthata new chief

24Field, Akim-Kotoku, 145-46; Brokensha, Social Change, 195. They were also involved in witch-hunting. H. Debrunner,Witchcraftin Ghana (Accra, 1961), 103. In Agona, northof the Winnebadistrict,people believed in the "greatAku (rivergod) of the AkoraRiver, he who drowns It was accepted thatonly membersof the asafo companies could save a drowning only 'strangers."' strangeror retrievea drownedperson.Owusu, Uses and Abuses, no. 2, 149 25They formed huntingteams, a fire brigade,or a searchpartyto find missing persons. They also worked as communal laborers when needed, such as in the building of markets, the maintenanceof routes, grave digging and so on. They were responsible for the sanitation of the town as well. Field, Akim-Kotoku, 27-33. 26A member notified the company of his marriageby presentinghis wife to the assembled company, who offered the protection of his conjugal rights. When he died, the scouts of his company would take the widow to the companypost and question her to see if she was responsible for his death. It was to show to the spirit of the dead man that the asafo was concerned about his affairs. Christensen,Double Descent, 120. 27Busia, The Position of the Chief, 9-10. Double Descent, 109. 28Christensen,

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was needed.29 In Asante the nkwankwaahene represented the interest of commoners or young men (mmerante), but he was not a member of the chiefs council.30 No matter how its functions varied, it was universal that through the political role of the asafo an individual could make his opinion heard concerning state affairs, and commoners could offer or withhold their support to the chief. Under colonial rule, the functions of the asafo underwent a great change, especially in the field of local politics. Although the asafo represented the commoners' interests, its role received no recognition from the colonial government. Because of ignorance, the British government at first did not interfere with the asafo company as a political force, while they checked the chiefs authority at will. A colonial official pointed out in 1887: The Colonial Government while destroying the power of the chiefs has left the company organization intact; and the captains of the companies now arrogate to themselves an independence and freedom from restraintwhich formed no part of the original scheme.31 Since colonial rule put an end to inter-state wars, the asafo transformed its main function from a military one to a "public works department" and acted as a task force in particular situations. Although the duties were always important, they now gradually became the major role of the asafo. Resistance did exist, especially against public work. Agbodeka points out: The refusal of the Gold Coast people to permit alien interference in their affairs caused the British one particular difficulty, among others, that of obtaining labour, even paid labor, for public works.32 To solve this problem, the government issued several ordinances. A Public Labour Ordinance was passed in 1883, under which paid labor could be recruited. Under the Trade Roads Ordinance of 1894, chiefs were given power to call on people for

29M. Manoukian,Akan and Ga-Adangme Peoples of the Gold Coast (London, 1950), 46, 81-82; Field, Social Organizationof the Ga People, 138-9. Asafoatsemei in origin were hunters.

of secular After warfare ceased andpopulation affairs. increased, theytookoverthemanagement


30Busia, The Position of the Chief, 10-11; Tordoff, Ashanti Under the Prempehs, 373-74, 383. 31A.B. Ellis, The Tshi-Speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast of West Africa [1887]

1964),280. (Chicago,
32F. Agbodeka, African Politics and British Policy in the Gold Coast, 1868-1900 (London,

1971),134.

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AND DESTOOLMENT

335

six days labor in each quarter.Then the Compulsory Labour Ordinance was enacted in 1895, requiring chiefs to provide workers for the government. Compulsory labor became a heavy burden on commoners under colonial rule for several reasons. First, the demand for service now came from the government or the chief, not from the community. Some recruitment had nothing to do with their communal interests, such as the service needed for the battle against the Asante, which met some resistance.33 Second, almost all these public works were performed on a compulsory basis with little or no payment. In addition, laborers suffered severe penalties under the Ordinance.34 Third, it was not uncommon for chiefs to require some extra service for their own benefit. As a result, communal labor recruitment became a major source of grievances later.35 J. Simensen has argued that the main reasons for both the 1915-1918 rising in Akyem Abuakwa and the 1932 attempted deposition of Paramount Chief Ofori Atta were the use of communal labor for public purposes on government directive and dissatisfaction with payment for the labor.36 Another change in the function of the asafo is that commoners in different companies were now more united and usually acted with one voice. For example, in Kwahu, the asafo of each town and village organized themselves in 1905 by uniting all companies into a new and wider organization, the Asafo Kyenku (the united asafo),37 which became very active from the 1910s to the 1930s.38 In 1920 a provincial commissioner noticed:

6 October1900. The to Chamberlain, 33C096/363, Gold Coast 403, Low (Governor) of Axim complained districtcommissioner about"thedifficultyof obtaining carriers to take in connection service under theGovernment withtheexpedition." wereverycommon 34These recruited complaints amongthosecarriers by the government.
See Agbodeka,AfricanPolitics, 135-36.

35G.Mikell,CocoaandChaosin Ghana (NewYork,1989),89-90. ChiefsandColonial 150-2. 36Simensen, "Commoners, Government," 37The oncecursed thisAsafocompany omanhene of Kwahu is in by saying"'Asafo Kyenku' all but in name a Bolshevic [sic] or Communist society seeking to pull down the native administration." AsafoCompany fromTwumasi, GNA,CSO,1174/31,"Kwahu Quoted Papers." 39-40. "Aspects," 38Anofficialcommented on thisasafoin 1931,"Inorder to induce theOmanhene andState Councilto redresscertaingrievancesthe Asafo have combinedunderone Asafoakye.The is well organized movement andis a visibleexpression of thedesireof theyounger to generation takea handin thecontrol of affairs. theOmanhene andmany of thesubchiefs Unfortunately regard themovement withthegreatest disfavour andhavedecided to ignore it as muchas possible... the to bringabout thedestoolment of theOmanhene if theirdemands whichare Asafowereprepared arenotmet." reasonable on theEastern Province fortheyear1930C098/58,Report undoubtedly

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Asafos (who are known as the "young men" of Kwahu) have formed themselves into an organised body and have members in nearly every town in this district. Its policy seems to be a consistent opposition to established authority.39 The "opposition to established authority" was characterized by an increasing number of destoolments. The asafo risings in 1915-1918 in Akyem Abuakwa shared the same feature. Simensen suggests that the risings were not only spontaneous protest reactions against various forms of exploitation but were a general expression on the political level of increasing socioeconomic differentiation in Akyem Abuakwa.40 The Native Jurisdiction Ordinance passed in 1878 and enacted in 1883 remained the basis for the administrationuntil 1927. In the Ordinance, nothing was mentioned about the position of other political forces except the chiefs. The amended Ordinance in 1910 gave traditionaltribunalsexclusive jurisdiction without either effective control from above or practical checks from below. The chiefs took advantage of the situation, and cases of oppression and exploitation greatly increased. Consequently, commoners organized as asafo began to fight back. Destoolment became the means of retaliation most frequently used. During the three decades before 1920 more than seventy attempted destoolments occurred in Akyem and Kwahu.41 The asafo's influence spread so rapidly that Governor Slater was surprised to discover in 1927 that in Akyem rural areas, the real power did not belong to the chief, but to the asafo leader.42 An extraordinary fact has come to light. ... in the majority of villages, the person who has power today is the asafuakye, not the odikro (chief). In some villages, the odikro is not informed what his youngmen have done or intend to do. This metamorphosis has taken place in the last year or so.

Thisshowsthatthereweredifferent the asafo's 31, BirimDistrict (Kwahu). opinions regarding


activities among the colonial officials, which may throw some light on the fact that the governmentnever adopteda strongmeasureto prohibitits existence. 39ADM 1/738, Case no. 11/1919, Colin Hardingsto the Governor,April 1920. Chiefs and Colonial Government,"146-61. 40Simensen, "Commoners, 41For asafo in Akyem Abuakwaand Kwahu, see Simensen, "RuralMass Action," and "The Asafo of Kwahu."Johnson's "Protest:Traditionand Change,"and Stone's critique of his article with Johnson's reply also covered some importantasafo activities during the 1920s in southern Ghana. 42ADM11/1332, SS Conf. 2, Slater to Avery, 7 November 1927.

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The asafo companyfaced greaterchallengeswith the introduction of the Native AdministrationOrdinancein 1927, which strengthenedthe paramount of Native Administration chiefs power. In 1928, a protestagainstthe application led to the actualrunningthe KwahuStateby the asafo. The omanhene, Ordinance who was finallydestooledin 1932 by the asafo, describedthe conditionin Kwahu chief of Akyem Abuakwa,for help in when he askedOfori Atta I, the paramount his politicaldifficulties: Kwahuasafo is something fromall otherasafos in entirelydifferent all Akan,Twi andFantiStatesof the Gold Coast.... The asafo in Kwahuis a thingquitedifferent fromthe old constitutional asafos, It is a Kyenku of no asafo, It comprises the rabble of Kwahu, of the town andvillages headedby desperados Commoners known as asafoakyesthe worditself gave [sic] you an idea of theiroriginAkanandGa insteadof Stool Captains. They arequiteindependent
of the natural rulers, have their own oaths . . . and their object is

mainly to make laws for their Chiefs and oppose the Native Jurisdiction Ordinance of 1883 andthe new Native Administration of 1927....43 Ordinance This descriptionoutlined almost all the important featuresof the modem asafo in termsof bothits membersandleaders. system.First,it was new in organization Although epithets such as "rabble of Kwahu" and "desperadosknown as were unpleasant, asafoakyes" they did indicatethatthe membersof asafo included thepeopleof lowerclass in thetraditional sense.Second,being "independent of the natural the asafo's mainfunctionseemedto balancethe chiefs authority, rulers," andwas thusfearedby the chief. Third,its aimwas to makelaws for the chiefs and Theasafo becamesucha challengeto Ordinance. opposethe NativeAdministration the established orderthatchiefs desperately lookedfor helpfromoutside. Asafo and Destoolment: A Historical Perspective As the chiefs position, the stool symbolizes the pride and stabilityof the state. the formalremovalof a chief fromhis position,is a politiTherefore, destoolment, matter. As oncepointedout: cally significant Danquah The foundersof the AkanStateConstitution in theirwisdom instituted a mode of procedurewhereby an unwantedand oppressive or easy-going Chief, an insufficientor incapableChief, an unmoral be could his of at Chief, deprived positionpermanently anytime the
43GNA, CSO 1174/31, "AkuamoaBoateng II to Ofori Atta I, 30 December 1927," included in "KwahuAsafo CompanyPapers."Quotedfrom Twumasi, "Aspects," 41-42.

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governed felt that there were good reasons for deposing and replacing him by a better man.44 Among the Akan people, there is a long traditionof destoolment. "Destoolment, for all that, is not a new thing to the Akan peoples. It has been a part of their constitution since the earliest times."45 Destoolment, however, was usually the last resort as a constitutional means to keep the political power in balance. Only the ruler who committed grave offenses was subject to such punishment. According to customary law, the specific offenses generally included the following: (1) notorious and habitual adultery; for the second and third offense, the chief was generally made to give the injured husband sufficient money for compensation; (2) habitual drunkenness and the resulting disorderly conduct, which degraded him; (3) habitually opposing the councillors and disregarding their advice without just cause; (4) theft. (5) perverting justice when hearing cases, and inflicting extortionate fines and penalties as well as failing to protect his subjects; (6) cowardice in war; (7) circumcision;46 (8) unwarranteddisposal of stool property; extravagance and persistently involving his people in debt, and other liabilities improperly contracted or incurred; (9) defiling his stool-inability to uphold the dignity and good reputationof the stool; (10) insufficient provision for the members of the stool family; (11) and general misconduct unworthy of his position, such as constantly provoking strife by acts and words, or referring contemptuously to the genealogy or pedigree of his subjects and elders, who might have come from a low status.47 Owing to the scarcity of evidence, it is very difficult to discern a general pattern of destoolment in pre-colonial period. However, some interesting material

44J.B. Danquah,The AkimAbuakwaHandbook(London, 1928), 68. 45Danquah,Akan Laws and Customs, 115. 46The Akan custom used to look upon circumcision as an attribute of inferior foreign people. No stool in Akan toleratedit Danquah,AkanLaws and Customs, 116. But it is no longer regarded as a bar to the office. See Agyeman-Duah, "The Ceremony of Enstoolment of the GhanaNotes and Queries7 (1965), 8-11. Asantehene," 47J.M. Sarbah,Fanti National Institution, 22-24. Danquah,Akan Laws and Customs, 11517.

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does exist on the subject.48 Take the Asante area, for example.49 Asantehene (King) Osei Kwame ruled from 1777 to the end of the century, during which he tried to establish Islam as the official religion. This change was rejected by both chiefs and commoners. The powerful chiefs feared that the King would use Islam to strengthen his individual power, which would threaten their own prestige and interests. According to oral tradition, the chiefs worried that the Moslem religion, which they well know levels all ranks and orders of men, and places them at the arbitrary discretion of the sovereign, might be introduced, whereby they would lose that ascendancy they now enjoy. To anticipate the calamity they dreaded, a conspiracy was entered into.50 Commoners realized that the acceptance of Islam would weaken the very basis of their religious beliefs, and political and social institutions as well. As a result they deposed the king.51 In 1874, Asantehene Kofi Kakari took some gold trinkets and other valuable treasures from the royal mausoleum at Bantama without the consent of his councillors in Kumasi or the chiefs. People were angered when the case was discovered. The chiefs of four districts together with Kumasi councillors denounced this action as unconstitutional and sacrilegious. Consequently the king was destooled.52 In the 1880s, the young men of Asante openly took the lead in the

Journal 48J.Dupuis, in Ashantee [1824](London, 1966),245. T.E.Bowdich, of a Residence


Missionfrom Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee [1819] (London, 1966), 238-40. Busia, Position of

the Chief, 99. KwameArhin'sunpublished conferencepaper, "Sanction AgainstAbuse of in Pre-ColonialAfrica"(Wurzburg, See also his 1989) has a good description. Authority
Rule in Ghana:Past and Present (Legon, 1981). Traditional

oncecollected casesin thetraditional histories 49Busia someinformative of thedivisions of


the Asante area.Chiefs KwabenaAboagye of Asumegya, KwabenaBruku,and Kwai Ten of Nsuta were destooled for drunkenness;Kwame Asonane of Bekwai for being a glutton; Kwame Asona, also of Bekwai, for dealing in charmsand noxious medicines;and AkuamoaPanyin of Dwaben for his abusive tongue, and for not following the advice of his elders. In Kokofu, Osei Yaw was destooled disclosing the origin of his subjects (i.e., reproachingthem with their slave ancestry), and Mensa Bonsu for excessive cruelty. See Busia, Position of the Chief in Ashanti, 21-22. 50J. Dupuis, Journal of a Residence in Ashantee, 245. 51Bowdich, Missionfrom Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, 238-40. 52Busia, Position of the Chief, 99. It seems the reason for the destoolment was much more militantpolicy was thoughtto have broughtthe complicatedthan Busia described.Kofi Karikari's British invasion of Asante in 1874, when the Asante army was badly beaten. "Remembrance of these horrors influenced all future decisions with British officials and made dissident Asante politicians very eager to have British assistance in their opposition to authoritiesin Kumasi."See Thomas Levin, Asante Before the British: The Prempean Years, 1875-1900 (Lawrence, KS,

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movement which eventually overthrew Asantehene Mensa Bonsu. In 1882 the Bonsu regime introduced new rates of taxation on the southern gold-mining industries and heavy fines for violations. This measure caused protest from nkwankwaa elements in the southern districts of Asante. The Kumasi nkwankwaa led the campaign against the asantehene by uniting both the ahiafo (the "poor") and the asikafo ("men of gold, or "rich men"). They carried out a successful coup and Mensa Bonsu was destooled in early March 1883.53 Under colonial rule several changes occurred regarding the grounds for destoolment. Abuse of power became a frequent cause of deposition, which included a chiefs exploitation of his people by means of the native tribunal or a chiefs action beyond the limit of his authority, such as collaborating with the government in the application of certain ordinances without consulting his people. In addition, since bribery was increasing, both in legal cases and in the election of chiefs, acceptance of bribery also became a ground for destoolment. Many chiefs were also destooled because of their involvement in land dealing or financial misappropriation, which included extortion, collecting unlawful tribute, and cheating in order to get some money.54 General mismanagement could also lead to destoolment. A ruler could be questioned for improper conduct that caused discontent among his subjects, elders or commoners. For example, if a chief absented himself continuously from his traditional duties in order to attend to his private interests, he would be asked to explain his conduct. In 1903, the chief of Tumentu in Gwira was destooled on the ground that for several years he had neglected his district by residing permanently at Axim, spent for his own use the rents and monies paid for concessions, and wasted the stool revenue.55 If a chief constantly made use of his subjects for his own benefit, or ignored the asafo's warning, he faced destoolment. A chiefs actions could also bring about discontent or even unrest among his people.56 Such cases the youngmenplayeda crucial rolein thisdestoolment. 1978),44-48. It was not clearwhether
But as Wilks points out, the nkwankwaaacquired"theirfirst experience of political action in the anti-war and anti-conscriptionmovements"of the late 1860s and early 1870s. See Wilks, Asante in the Nineteenth Century,535. 53Wilks, Asante in the Nineteenth Century,534-43. Lewin, Asante Before the British, 7475, 115-116. 54Anshan Li, "Social Protest in the Gold Coast" (Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1993), Table V, "ChargesAgainst the Deposed Chiefs (1925-1929), 251. See also Chapters III andIV. 55Sarbah,Fanti National Constitution,47. 56Rattraynoted that "A Chief who was always orderinghis subjects to be flogged would, however, soon be destooled."R.S. Rattray,AshantiLaw and Constitution(London), 377.

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usually happened when a chiefs engagement in expensive litigation resulted in increasing taxes, or when he collaborated with the government at the sacrifice of his people. From the turn of the century, there was an increase in the number of destoolments.57 There were about 119 destoolments during the period from 1904 to 1925.58 As early as 1908, the secretary for native affairs warned that "the chiefs have been losing influence of late owing to the growth of the 'Companies'... ."59 When a destoolment occurred in Begoro in 1908, the provincial commissioner said, "Destoolments are very rare still, but much more frequent than they were." He suggested the inland people were probably "takingover the customs of the coastal towns, where destoolments were much more frequent."60The colonial report of 1918 disclosed that there had been "an unusual number of depositions," when the destoolment of no fewer than sixteen chiefs was confirmed in the year.61 The governor complained in 1922 that "Elections and destoolments were unfortunately frequent among the Omanhin [paramountchiefs] and Ohin [chiefs]."62 During the first quarter of the present century, the asafo company had pursued its political activities without much interference. According to a 1924 colonial report, the nkwankwaa in Asante had enjoyed a "feeling of independence and safety which gives vent to criticism of their elders, and a desire when dissatisfied to take the law into their own hands."63In 1926-1927, the situation seemed to

57Addo-Fening points out that "Casesof destoolment in the 19th century were few and far between."Then he mentions threecases of destoolmentin the nineteenthcentury. "By contrastno fewer than thirteen cases of destoolment or attempteddestoolment were reported in the period 1900-1912." See Addo-Fening, "AkyemAbuakwa," 404, Note 37. 58C096/663, Memorandum by Secretaryfor Native Affairs for the visit of Ormsby-Gore in 1926. There is a register of deposed chiefs from 1904 to 1929 in ADM11/2/14. After 1929, the depositions were recordedin the Gold Coast Gazetteonly. Some case studies also indicate that the number of destoolments was increasing during the first decades of colonial rule. Simensen, "Commoners," 64, 141-60. 59C096/473, Ellis memo (n.d.) enclosure in Governor Rodger to Secretary of State, 8 November 1908.

Commissioner of EasternProvinceto Secretary for Native Affairs, 5 60ADM11/457, November 1908.


61C096/601, Gold Coast 530, Native Affairs DepartmentReport for 1918, enclosure in Acting GovernorSlater to Viscount Miller, 27 June 1919. 62C098/45, "A Review of the Events of 1921-22 and the Prospects of 1922-23," Governor Guggisberg'sAddress to Legislative Council, 27 February1922. 63Colonial Reports: Ashanti, 1923-24. Quoted in Tordoff, Ashanti Under the Prempehs, 204.

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stabilize and a provincial commissioner used a very optimistic tone in his report: "There has been an almost complete absence of destoolments during the year.... the relations between the Chiefs and their people are better than I have ever known them to be." He suggested that the reason was that people were beginning to show more respect to their chiefs, who were taking their responsibility more seriously.64 The Native Administration Ordinance, enacted on April 21, 1927, increased the authority of chiefs, especially the paramount chief. Together with the governor's power to withhold recognition of destoolment, this generated some protest. A local newspaper predicted that, "The time is coming when a Chief once installed will sit firmly on the neck of the people, like the old man of the sea, and rule them in his own way without any lawful means of getting rid of him."65 Did this Ordinance check the tendency of destoolment? The effect seemed to vary. According to G. Mikell, there was a decrease of destoolments after 1927 in the Brong-Ahafo area. She suggests the reason for this decrease was that the application of the Ordinance "increased the powers of chiefs and their ability to control native courts and treasuries."66 The situation in the Eastern Province differed. There were three destoolments in the province in 1926-27. But in 1927-28 and 1928-29, there were nine and seven, respectively.67 Throughout the 1930s, the asafo's involvement in local politics assumed an aggressive aspect. In 1930 the nkwankwaa in Asante were outraged by the news that Kumasihene Nana Prempe I and his chiefs were considering a law requiring that a percentage of a deceased person's property be given to the Kumasihene and his chiefs. In a letter to the chief commissioner, the nkwankwaa reminded him of the case of Mensa Bonsu in 1883, whose overthrow was caused by a similar measure. Following the chief commissioner's advice, Nana Prempe I dropped the issue.68

64C098/48, AnnualReportof the EasternProvincefor the FinancialYear, 1926-27. in thewholecolonyduring weresevendestoolments theyear. there Actually GoldCoastTime,19 March 1927. 65The CocoaandChaosin Ghana,142. 66Mikell,
67C098/50, Report on the EasternProvince for the Year 1927-28. Among the nine chiefs, six were from Akyem Abuakwa.C098/53, Report on the EasternProvince for the Year 1928-29. In addition, threeparamountchiefs in the province were destooled by their subjects. However, the deposition of the Ga mantse was confirmedin 1930; the omanheneof Kwahu was later allowed to abdicateand the omanheneof New Dwaben was reinstatedby the governoron February12, 1929.

1927-29. See C099/45-50,Government Gazette, and the Porcupine: 68Tordoff, Ashanti, 375-82; Jean Allman,"TheYoungmen Class, for Self-determination, Journal Nationalism andAsante's 1954-57," Struggle of African History 31(1990), 269.

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The propaganda for the Native Administration Revenue Measure and the launch of Income Tax Ordinance in 1931-32 caused great confusion and protest, followed by a wave of destoolments. For example, in Akyem Abuakwa, all the main divisional chiefs were destooled and ParamountChief Ofori Atta was facing a political crisis.69 The chiefs took advantage of the power granted to them by the Ordinance either to seek their own benefits or to keep opposition under control, usually with the support of the government police.70 A district commissioner commented that "thechiefs with their autocraticmethods have been sowing the seed of unrest ever since the introductionof the Native Administration Ordinance."71 On the other hand, neither colonial officials nor chiefs were comfortable with the asafo's involvement in destoolment. After Kwahu asafo destooled their paramount chief in 1932, the official in charge of the investigation strongly suggested the abolition of the office of senior asafoakye and the repeal of asafo laws.72 In 1935, some of the Kumasi young men failed in an attempt to remove Asantehene Prempe II from the Golden Stool.73 In response to the nkwankwaa's challenge to chiefly power, the Asante Confederacy Council voted unanimously in 1936: "The position of Nkwankwaahene and asafoakye, also asafo should be abolished from the whole of Ashanti in view of the fact that they are the cause of political unrest in Asante."74 But it is not so easy to "legislate away the historically entrenched nkwankwaa,"as Allman points out.75

IncomeTaxandProtest, Minute. 69C096/699/7050A, C096/704/7260, G.C.,Confidential, to Lister, 20 August1932.Stanley to Lister,31 March Governor 1932;ActingGovernor Shaloff, The GoldCoastRiots of 1931,"Cahier "TheIncomeTax, Indirect Rule, andthe Depression:
d'Etudes Africaines 14:2 (1974), 359-75; Simensen, "Nationalismfrom Below," and "Crisis in Akyem Abuakwa:The Native AdministrationRevenue Measure of 1932," in Addo-Fening, ed., AkyemAbuakwaand Politics of the Inter-war Period in Ghana (Basel, 1975), 31-57,90-104. 70A chief in Begoro insisted that "heruled the people and not they him," and made a list of twelve persons whom he wanted to have arrestedby the government police. MP22/32, Acting Commissionerof EasternProvince to Secretaryfor Native Affairs, 17 October 1932, quoted from 255. Simensen, "Commoners," 71MP1163/31, QuarterlyReports, September 1932, quoted from Simensen, "Commoners," 255.

in "Kwahu of Evidenceand Recommendations," Asafo 72GNA,CSO 1174/31,"Review 43. Twumasi, Papers"; "Aspects," Company
73Tordoff,Ashanti, 365-69. 74AshantiConfederacyCouncil Minutes,January1936. 75Allman, "Youngmenand Porcupine,"270. She also quoted M. Fortes' observation in the

mid-1940s when he was in Asantecompleting his "Ashanti Social Survey." He found that association andself-helpgroups on thenkwankwaa continued (modeled youngmen's organizations)
to give expression to the "opinionsof commoners."

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During the 1930s, destoolment was widespread. In the period between 1932 and 1942, no fewer than twenty-two paramount chiefs were destooled. In the case of subordinate chiefs, the situation was "as bad or worse."76 By 1942 the asafo organizations were so actively involved in local politics that it caught the acting governor's attention. G. E. London noted with deep concern "the number of riots and disturbances which have been caused by members of the Company (Asafu) Organisation existing in different forms in various parts of the colony and Ashanti." He had to consider seriously "the question of disbanding these companies throughout the colony and Ashanti."77 Sir Alan C. Burns, the new governor, was "struck with dismay" by this gloomy picture. Although he warned that the disorder caused by destoolment "will not be permitted and will be put down with a strong hand,"78the situation did not change for the better. In 1943 and 1944, seventeen chiefs were deposed.79 Then there came a big wave of deposition from 1945 to 1949, when more than ninetythree chiefs were destooled.80 At the same time, a great number of chiefs abdicated, in most cases in order to forestall deposition. 81 There are three possible reasons for this boom in destoolment. First, the growth of nationalist feeling after the World War II contributed to the increase of destoolments. The local political situation was tense, with various protests against chiefs' wrongdoing, taxation, or high living standards. The 1948 Accra riots brought great attention from Westminster, spread elsewhere, and finally became a national protest.82In Yilo Krobo, there was a movement in 1948 to break down the Native Authority and refuse to pay the annual rate. It was believed one asafo leader named Kwadjo Dei was "the leader and instigator of the abortive attempt to break

Council 29 September Debates, 1942,3-4. 76Legislative Caseno. 18/1910, no. 82, Confidential, 26 February 77ADM11/1679, 1942,"The Company (Asafu) System." Council 29 September Debates, 1942,3-4. 78Legislative
79C099/71-72, GovernmentGazette, 1943-44. 80Among them threewere in the British MandatedTogoland, the rest were in the Gold Coast Colony and Asante, C099/73-77, GovernmentGazette, 1945-49.

81Thefiguresare26 for 1947, 23 for 1948,and 16 for 1949,C099/75-77, Government 1947-49. Gazette, 82Forthe Accrariots,see Reportof the Commission on Enquiry into Disturbance in the GoldCoast,1948. (Colonial no. 231, Watson for thepostwar see D. Austin, situation, Report.) Politicsin Ghana, 1946-1960(London, 1964),49-92.

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into the Yilo Krobo prison and rescue prisoners" in 1949.83 Simensen's study on Akyem Abuakwa indicates at least two removals were caused by the commoners' dissatisfaction with the chiefs lukewarm reaction towards the arrest of nationalist leaders after the Accra riot.84 Secondly, the enactment of the Native Authorities Ordinance in 1944 greatly increased the governor's power in both the election and deposition of native authorities,85 yet made no mention of the problem of popular representation. This not only upset the already tenuous balance of power, but also raised mass resentment against both the chiefs and the governor.86 Third, Sir Alan Burns, who occupied the governorship for most of this period (1941-1947), seemed fully occupied with the Kyebi murder trial (1945-1949) in respect of native affairs. He seemed to lack the time or energy, or the tactical reasons, to review cases of destoolment although he had been grantedpower to do so.87 Destoolment continued to be a conspicuous phenomenon in the early 1950s. In some cases, even the Convention People's Party (C.P.P.) members joined the asafo company in the deposition of unwanted chiefs. Nana Sir Tsibu Darku, O.B.E., was enstooled as paramount chief of the Assin Attandasu State in 1930. A very influential chief, he was a member of the executive council until February 1952 and a knighthood was conferred upon him in 1948. As a staunch supporter of the colonial government, he became the object of "increasingly violent political attacks"from the C.P.P. in 1950. Because of his unpopularity, he even failed in his Caseno. 1501,ChiefCommissioner to ColonialSecretary, 18 February 83ADM11/1797,
1949. 84Simensen, "RuralMass Action," 38.

85Themost different Ordinance of 1927 is thatthe partfromthe NativeAdministration


governor, if he thought the chief and council unfit for the job, could appoint other temporaryor was no longer automatically permanentexecutive authorityin theirplace. Thus "nativeauthority" synonymous with "traditional authority." See Native Authority (Colony) Ordinance, 1944, Sections 3-6, Supplementto the Gold Coast Gazette, no. 43, dated 22 June 1944. 86This is called by Simensen the "administrative tie-up between the chiefs and Government effected by the Ordinancesof 1944,"J. Simensen, "Nationalism From Below," 46. 87In February 1944, the odikro of Apedwa, one of the three leading amantoo-mmiensa villages in Akyem Abuakwa was reported missing (he was later said to have been ritually murdered)in connection with the ParamountChief Ofori Atta's funeral. When Governor Bums refused to exercise his prerogativeof mercy, a series of appealswere started.The case was brought four times before the Privy Council in London and kept the matterbefore the courts through 1945 and 1946. A settlement was finally reached in 1949, and the guilt men executed. The case itself was a reflection of the conflict between the local asafo company (amantoo-mmiensa) and the paramountchief in Kyebi. See Simensen, "Commoners,"330-35; for a recent analysis of this story, see R. Rathbone,Murderand Politics in Colonial Ghana (New Haven, 1993).

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own rural electoral district against a C.P.P. candidate in the general elections. Soon after the election, sixty-six charges were laid against him. He was "properly destooled," according to a commissioner's words, by the chiefs, elders, and asafo leaders.88 From 1950 to 1953, no fewer than thirty-six chiefs were destooled, while forty-three abdicated.89 The rise of nationalism gave birth to various political organizations, which gradually took over the role the asafo used to play. The educated gradually gained an influential position in the arena of local politics and the young men's protests began to assume different forms. As a result, the influence of the asafo company gradually declined, but it by no means disappeared.90They are still present in local affairs even today.91 Irregularity and Legitimacy

All these examples show that destoolment was a very popular practice from about 1900 to the early 1950s. Almost every colonial officer noticed the frequency of destoolment. They either complained of the disobedience of the young men, who they believed were the "rabble"or the "lazy and discontented part of the population," or attributed destoolment to the "weakness of the native institution." The asafo enjoyed such popularity that in some places, they became the real "bosses" in local politics. For example, in the early 1900s, owing to complaints about the heavy oath fines, an agreement was reached between the asafo and chiefs in the Kwahu State, Destoolment of Chiefsin theGoldCoast,no. 3, Governor of theGoldCoast 88C0554/702, of State,14 December to Secretary 1951. 1950-1953.After1954there 89C099/78-79; C099/81-82;C099/86,Government Gazette, in Government is no destoolment recorded Fortheperiod1948-51,see also C0554/702. Gazette. Destoolment of Chiefsin theGoldCoast,no. 1, Governor of theGoldCoastto Secretary of State, 6 December did not includethe destoolment 1951.However, the figurehe quoted of subchiefs.
From 1954 on, thereis no recordof destoolmentin Government Gazette. 90As late as 1955, some asafo company members were among those protesting against the imposition of new propertyrates, Owusu, Uses and Abuses of Political Power, 217. For Owusu's recent publications on the role of the asafo in postcolonial Ghanaianpolitics, see "Customand of Civil Orderand Disorder in Ghana,"The Journal of Modern Coups: A JuridicalInterpretation African Studies, 24, 1 (1986), 69-99; "Politics Without Parties: Reflections on the Union Government Proposals in Ghana,"African Studies Review, 22, 1 (1979), 89-108; "Rebellion, Revolution and Tradition:ReinterpretingCoups in Ghana,"ComparativeStudies in Society and History, 31, 2 (1989). For the Asante young men's involvement in local politics in the 1950s, see

"The andthePorcupine," 263-79. Allman, Youngmen


91When I was doing the researchin Ghanain 1992, it was reportedthat an asafo company was involved in a blood feud in Akyem-Chia, People'sDaily Graphic,June 27, 1992.

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which was reaffirmed in 1913. In 1917 the asafo passed a system of bylaws, which later was referred to as the Magna Carta of Kwahu. The omanhene and his divisional chiefs agreed to observe these asafo laws, which imposed extensive price controls, forbade any stool heir to offer a bribe to any party with power to elect and install a chief, forbade chiefs to apply for gunpowder unless with the permission of the asafo leader, and laid down that any chief who cohabited with the wife of a commoner would be deposed.92 This agreement shows the asafo became a real challenge to both the chief and the government. Regarding the asafo's attempted destoolment of the Ga mantse in Accra in 1924, the governor explained why the government should stand firm in dealing with the asafo: it is clearly the duty of the administrationnot to confirm a deposition which has been conducted irregularly and without justifiable cause. To act otherwise would be to encourage the wholesale destoolment of head chiefs, an evil which is already sufficiently great to be serious.93 To analyze this accusation of irregularity,several factors have to be considered. First, the British officials did not quite understandprecolonial political institutions in the Gold Coast, as they considered the young men, or the asafo, as insignificant in local politics. Early in 1913, Governor Clifford observed that Under the curiously democratic native constitution, a Chief who abuses his powers to an extent sufficient to arouse popular indignation against him, is liable to be destooled, and that destoolment is now-a-days by no means an uncommon practice.94 The word "curiously" reflected the governor's understanding. He also noted the threat of the asafo to the chiefly power, "if the asafo is allowed to exert... its authority in opposition to that of the chiefs, it will be impossible for the latter to

92Anshan Li, "Social Protest in the Gold Coast," Appendix III, 356-61. ADM11/1/738, Case no. 11/1919, "New Orders and Regulations Inauguratedby the Whole Kwahu Asafos at Abetifi on the 6th November 1917 and which will be always adheredto." See also ADM11/1/712, Case no. 56/1918; ADM11/1393 (Confidential),Ofori Atta to the Secretaryfor Native Affairs, 3 August 1915. 93C096/654, Gold Coast Secret, C018836, G17152/T19212, Guggisberg to L.S. Amery (M.P.), 4 April 1925. 94C096/528, Gold Coast (Confidential), GovernorClifford to Secretaryof State, 3 March 1913.

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carry out the administration of the tribe."95 He noticed the rise of the "'young men'--who are the third estate" in traditional kingdoms and thought "in the actual management of the little kingdom they hitherto have had no real voice." He insisted that the effective administration"can only be carried on by us through the agency of the native system of tribal government."96 In 1919, a report was sent to the governor claiming that there was "a marked tendency on the part of the asafo to usurp powers it was never intended they should possess," and that the young men were trying to "destroy the existing form of power."97 Later, it was said that the asafo "has endeavored from time to time both in the Kwahu and other Akan Divisions to arrogateto itself powers which it was never intended that it should possess."98 All these assumptions are dubious since the young men had to be consulted both in enstoolment or destoolment, or in any importantmatter concerning state affairs. Second, the government did not understand "what an important and sacred thing" the stool was.99 That is why the governor, seeking to strengthen British claim to authority in Asante, made his infamous and inflammatory demand on March 28, 1900, for the Asante people to hand in their Golden Stool.100 Nor did they understand the symbolic meaning of the stool. After the establishment of British rule, the process of enstoolment or destoolment became less regular because of interference from the government. The governor or the provincial commissioner, who knew very little about the indigenous system, began to destool disloyal chiefs or punish rebellious elders at will. For instance, Yaw Dakwa, chief of Pankesi, was removed from his position because he refused to accept the governor's ruling

Address to theLegislative 28 October "Governor's Government 95CO99/33, Council, 1918,"


But the governmentseemed at a loss facing this "curiously Gazette, 1918, no. 82 (Extraordinary). democratic constitution" and nothing effective had been done before 1927, when the Native Administration Ordinance was enacted. 96C096/567, Gold Coast Confidential,GovernorClifford to A. BonarLaw, 26 May 1916. 97ADM11/1/738, Case no. 11/1919, "Report on the Akim Asafo by the District Commissioner, Kwahu 1919." For documents of the asafo in Akyem Abuakwa, see ADM1l/ Native Affairs." 1/1311, A.N.A9/1920, "Bompata 98C098/48, AnnualReportof the EasternProvince for the FinancialYear 1926-27. 99Speaking of the Golden Stool, Ward correctly pointed out "the Government did not understandat that time what an importantand sacred thing the Golden Stool was. The British thoughtthat it was an ordinarystool to sit on, importantbecause it was a seat of the Asantehene," W.E. Ward,A ShortHistory of the Gold Coast (London, 1935), 209. 100Lwin, Asante Before the British, 136.

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From 1917 to 1921, several divisional chiefs and regardinga land dispute.101 fromoffice by the governorfor their eldersin Peki were eitherfined or suspended In protestagainst a newly elected chief who was not entitledto the position.102 such as the suspensionof a chief addition,some new practiceswere introduced, fromhis office, a notiontotallystrange to the traditional system. can also be seen as the result of the Third, the so-called "irregularity" decreasing participationby the elders in state affairs. According to an annual report,103 those Elderswho shouldassist and advise the natural rulersof the inhabitants of the capitalof the countryare,by theiracts, shownto be indifferentto the well-being of their state, regardlessof their nationalwelfare and quite obviously antagonistictowardsnative institution. This "indifferent" and "antagonistic" attitudeis understandable consideringthe The economicopportunities affectedeverybody, andindividuals changingsituation. now became less concernedaboutthe state'saffairsthanever before. The elders wereno exception. But more important,the colonial governmentdestroyed the democratic featuresof traditionalinstitutions.Now the elders had less say since the chief, backedby the government, was very little concernedabouttheiradvice.No initiative was left for them, only the choice between supportthe chief, and thus the government'sdecision, or being indifferent.The elders were antagonisticnot towardsthe "well-beingof their state,"as the reportsuggested, but towardsthe It was really theirpassive resischief, "agovernmentcreature,a quasi-official." tance againstthe colonial establishment. This left a political vacuum,makingit possiblefor theasafo to playa moreactivepoliticalrole. Fourth,for those areas where there was no traditionof destoolment,the had to resortto this measureto protectthemselves.As a new tacticin a new people thismightbe regarded A 1924colonialreport as irregular. described: situation, The custom of destoolmentwhich was knownonly amongcertain tribesis becominggeneralthroughout the Province,the resultbeing

"ALandDispute Between theChiefof Pankesi under theKingof WestAkim 101C096/380,


and the Chiefs of Obo and Obomeng under the King of Kwahu,"Gold Coast (Confidential), 13 May 1901. 102Welman,The Native States, 32-35. 103C096/55, Report on the EasternProvince 1929-30.

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that chiefs of today are faced with the possibility of being destooled for the smallest indiscretion on their part.104 For example, the Ga people had no custom of destoolment. A mantse (paramount chief) was made a mantse by a magical process that could not be undone. He could not be destooled and replaced by another mantse. He could be removed by killing or desertion, according to the degree of his misconduct.105 In the Krobo state, destoolment was also a new phenomenon. The paramount chief of Manya Krobo once stated: "We do not recognize destoolment in Krobo as there are no cases in our history. No Konor (paramount chief) has ever had the misfortune of being destooled." In the 1930s, however, Manya Krobo, Yilo Krobo, Shaim and Osudoku all decided to adopt the practice of destoolment of the Akan states.106By the 1940s the asafo company became very active in the Krobo state. At the end of 1948, the asafo company's involvement in local politics in Yilo Krobo caused alarm from the government. Eight asafoiatsemei and nine sipim (asafo captains), together with other elders, sent a petition to the governor, protesting the payment of levy. They complained that the native authorities collected taxes for five years from herbalists, fetish priests, and girls who had reached the age of puberty, and there was a "double system of taxation on palm oil and palm wine and also on timber," yet "the condition of affairs in the state of Yilo Krobo has grown progressively worse" and "theAuthority have done nothing whatsoever to improve the standardof life of the people." They therefore requested "animmediate investigation into Yilo Krobo Native Authorities account and financial affairs."107

on theEastern fortheperiod Province 104C098/42, Report April1924-March1925. 105It is toldthattheusurper insidea well and QueenDodeAkabi(1610-1635)wastrapped forhercruelty. buried aliveby angry Hertyrannical heldpoweruntil successor, Okaikoi, subjects 1660whenhe wasdeserted His lastquestion was "My by his warriors. people,do you wishme to Theanswer commitsuicide?" was, "Yes,we won'thaveany kingto governus."C.C.Reindorf,
History of the Gold Coast and Asante [1895] (Accra, 1966), 29-30; see also Field, Social Organization,76-77.

in ActingCommissioner Enclosure of Eastern Province to 106ADM11/1393, Resolutions, forNativeAffairs, 13August1930. ActingSecretary Castno. 1501,"YiloKrobo NativeAffairs," Petition of 107ADM11/1797, by Asafoiatsemei Yilo Kroboaboutthe payment of levy, 22 December1948. Theirpetition,however,was not In a letterto thecolonialsecretary, received thechiefcommissioner warmly by thegovernment. indicated thattheleader wasa troublemaker anda charge of inciting notto paytheannual persons ratewasalready him.He therefore recommended that thegovernor should notagree pending against to the petitioners' of annual rateto the NativeAuthorities. ADM11/1797, withholding payment Caseno. 1501,ChiefCommissioner to Colonial 18February 1949. Secretary,

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and the frequencyof destoolment The criticismof the asafo's irregularity How could the asafo companies calls into questionthe legitimacyof destoolment. for What is the their justification the asafo company'sconstant powers? arrogate established These questionslead to anotherissue: the to the authority? challenge need legitimacy,as legitimacyof the asafo's activities.Not only does an authority but the process of offeringpower or deprivingpower also Max Weberargues,108 needslegitimacy. law, it is the rightof those who elect the chief to Accordingto customary him when find him no longer suitable for the position. Danquah destool they as well as thelegitimacy of destoolment: thefunction analyzed This, as a formidableweapon in the hands of the people when is a certainand sure safeguard of the demoproperlymanipulated, in thatthe knowledgeof craticelementin Akan State Constitution the existenceof the rightandof the people'sreadinessto exerciseit on any necessary occasion acts as a check on the ruling princes themperpetually thatfirstandlast the supreme interestor reminding ideal before them is welfare the and of the good political governed andof the Stateas a whole.109 into the framework of colonial government, Once incorporated the chiefs status underwent several changes. Now loyalty to and cooperation with the becamethe essentialrequirement for newly elected chiefs. For examgovernment a for the to appoint it was common the chief for important practice government ple, areas in Asante, especially after the 1900 Uprising. According to the Chiefs Ordinanceissued in 1904, when the election or depositionof a chief was questioned, the governorhad the final say, which was not subjectto challenge in the courts.110 This powerthrewsome doubt,however,on the legitimacyof the chiefs position. Regardinga destoolmentthatoccurredat Bekwai, the commissionerin chargeof the investigation reported: In the case of Bekwai,for instance,the "youngmen," thatis to say the lower classes, those who were not Elders,complainedthatthey were not consultedin the choice of the Headchief,thatthey did not respecthim in Bekwaiitself, or whenhe visited the villages, andto a man they refused to serve him. The Elders remarkedthat "One cannotbe a chief withoutsubjects.If we support the Headchiefwe

108MaxWeber, From Max Weber:Essays in Sociology (New York), 294. 109J.B.Danquah,AkimAbuakwaHandbook (London, 1928), 68. 110ChiefsOrdinance, 1904, Sec. 29.

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shall be alone. The whole of the youngmenrefuse to serve the them.'"11 Headchiefandwe support claimedmanytimesthatthe contentandoperation Althoughthe government of the traditional political system shouldremainintact,yet therewas an inherent certainchiefs andpunishing dilemmain theirintentionandpractice.By promoting the mechanismof the very structure had alreadybreached others,the government they wantedto keep. The sacrednotionof chieflypowerwas weakenedanda chief or a local administrator, of the governor rather was regarded as a meremouthpiece leader of his people. The image problemworsenedby the than as a paramount in the chieflypowerand abuseof chieflypower.A moreimportant changeoccurred whichthe authority was exercised.Exceptfor the channelsthrough the institutional chiefs now enjoyed a loss of power to wage war or to inflict capitalpunishment, A chiefs authority over withinthe colonial administration. more secureauthority his people increased,while at the same time it became less legitimate and less fromtwo circumstances: situation resulted This seeminglycontradictory acceptable. checksfromhis people andelders,andthe military the weakeningof the traditional A chief now caredmuchmore aboutthe favorof the backingby the government. the of than support his people. government If the elders' indifferencecould be regardedas a passive resistance,the asafo'sposturewas moreactive andinitiative.The asafo leadersseemed to takeit the commoners andto guardtheirinterests. to represent as theirresponsibility Also, with the secretary of theirlegitimate right.In an interview they werequiteconfident for native affairs,one of the asafo leadersin Accra statedthe following theoryof theconstitution: The Stool of Accra belongs to the asafoatsemei and Manbii A Mantsereigns, The Mantseis merelya caretaker. (townspeople). but neverrules. A Mantse is not responsiblefor the actionsof his people. If his peopleask him to do a thing,he has only to do it.ll2 This theoryseems to be true,for the chief can only decide matterson which his peoplehave agreed,as is clearlyshownin the oathandceremonyin his election.113 In those areaswhere the asafo companygained power, their function in local politics was no longerquestioned.In AkyemAbuakwa,the asafo's constitutional role was no longer a subjectof debate in 1932. It was settled duringthe
111Colonial Ashanti,1920. Report: "Ga Mantse 14. Incident," 112C098/44, DoubleDescent,117.Thelimitation of thepowerof a Position,11;Christensen, 113Busia, scholars. kingora chiefhasalsobeendescribed by other

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earlier risings against the chiefs when Paramount Chief Ofori Atta and the state council failed to deny the young men the right to organize for independent political action. Finally, the asafo leaders gained the right to sit on the councils of the divisional chiefs as representatives of the commoners. They even learned how to use modern legal means in destoolment.114 In Kwahu, the paramount chief had to compromise to some extent by encouraging the wing chiefs to bring their asafo leaders to the state council meetings, where they had the opportunities of advising them in matters before the council. These asafo leaders even refused to sit with their chiefs and tried to speak for themselves and to vote as though they were equal with the council members.115 Conclusions: Causes Within and Without

There have been various interpretations of destoolments bought about by asafo companies. Governor Clifford suggested that chiefs were destooled because they were "more enlightened and progressive than their subjects."116 Governor Guggisberg thought that it showed the weakness of the native system.117 Others considered it the result of the younger generation's demand for a share in power. According to Martin Wight, the cause of destoolment was "the struggles to control stool wealth and to enjoy the perquisites of office."118 Macmillan held the same view by comparing the stool in the Gold Coast with the office in eighteenth-century England: "an office is not so much an opportunity of service as a 'place of profit.'"119 This issue was dealt with more systematically by F. Crowther, the secretary for native affairs, who attributed the increase of destoolments to the spread of education, the increase of wealth, the change of the demand for a chiefs

255-56. 114Simensen, "Commoners,"


115C096/718/21755/A, Annual reporton the EasternProvince 1933-34, enclosure in Gold Coast, no. 457, 12 September1934. But the senior asafo leader'sdemandto become a memberof the council and equal in rankto the wing chiefs was refused. 116C096/543, Gold Coast Confidential(A), Cliffordto Harcourt,24 March 1914. 117Sir Gordon Guggisberg, Gold Coast: A Review of the Events of 1920-1926 and Prospects of 1927-28 (Accra, 1927), 238. 118Wight,Gold Coast Legislative Council, 36. 119W.M. Macmillan, "Political and Social Reconstruction,The Peculiar Case of the Gold Coast,"in C.K. Meek, ed., Europe and Africa (London, 1940), 94-115.

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duty, and the lack of mutual respect and cooperation.120 All these interpretations ignore the impact of colonial policy on local politics. Establishing the chiefs as administrative agents, the colonial government could back them up with warrants, orders, or police.121 Whenever there was a conflict between the chief and the people, the government would try to support the chief if it was possible. Governor Clifford stated this policy in 1914: The democratic institutions of the people cannot be safely tampered with, but I none-the-less consider that some means should, if possible, be devised whereby Government can afford a greater measure of support than is today available to Native Chiefs whose unpopularity is due, not to excesses or extravagance, but to the fact that they are more enlightened and progressive than their subjects.122 He stated very clearly that "ithas been the endeavor of the government to strengthen the position of the chiefs and to support their authority over their subjects."123 Colonial Secretary R. Slater once said that if a chief, in attempting to carry out a government order, was deposed, this deposition would not automatically be recognized.124 The chiefs, however, knew how to take advantage of this condition. A district commissioner complained of the difficult situation in 1934: Whenever the Chief hears any rumor that his opponents intend to do anything to which he can take the slightest objection he rushes to the D. C., often grossly exaggerates the importance of the intended action, and asks that Government police will stop its occurrence... . If strong contingents of police are rushed to the spot and actually do cause the opposition to postpone or even abandon their intentions, then it is said that the Chief has the full support of Government in anything he may do, and is, in fact, little more than a Goverment servant. It is obvious that if this happens many abuses
120C096/543, Gold Coast, Confidential (A), enclosure in Clifford to Harcourt,24 March 1914. C096/577, Gold Coast, Confidential (A), "Native Affairs Report submitted by Mr.

in ActingGovernor enclosed to Walter Slater 1917. Crowther, Long,25 January


121Thiswas confirmedin the Peace ConservationOrdinance(1897).

GoldCoast,Confidential to Secretary of State,24 March1914. 122C096/33, (A), Clifford


See also C096/567, Gold Coast, Confidential,Clifford to Secretaryof State, 26 May 1916.

Address to the Legislative Council, 28 October 1918." 123C099/33, "Governor's Government no. 82, 1918(Extraordinary). Gazette, Note on Conference on NativeJurisdiction Bill withtheLegislative Council 124C096/614,
Chiefs, 24 February1920, enclosure in Confidentialto Secretaryof State, 7 July 1920.

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will creep in to his administration and the opinion of the people will be set at naught. He becomes a complete autocrat.On the other hand Government is bound to assist the Chiefs in upholding their position to a certain extent and the difficulty comes in deciding to what extent.125 These words disclosed the real problem of colonial rule. First, the chief became "little more than a government servant"in his people's eyes. Second, he could now count on the government support whenever he met a challenge from his opponent, even if the challenge was reasonable. Abusing his power, he became "a complete autocrat."Third, the government was bound to assist the chief even if it knew that the chief was wrong. This policy was adjusted consistently to strengthen the chiefly power, frequently bringing about a direct confrontation between the government and the common people. Besides consolidating chiefly power, the government was also trying to incorporate the chiefs into local administration by increasing central control. This attempt, however, was less successful for three major reasons. First, the Bond of 1844 had its impact on the government. The Bond was the first treaty signed by eight Fanti chiefs under which they acknowledged the power and jurisdiction of the Crown. Later both the chiefs and the educated Africans always reminded the government its rule rested not on conquest but on free agreement.126Therefore the government, often reluctantly or unwillingly, tried to leave some room for traditional authorities. Second, the Native Jurisdiction Ordinance in 1878 did not mention the appointment of chiefs, which implied that the right was not vested in the government but in native institutions. The amending Native JurisdictionOrdinance in 1910 strengthened further the chiefly power by giving the traditional tribunals exclusive jurisdiction. Third, the elimination of educated Africans from high government positions since the last quarterof the nineteenth century created an educated group who became increasingly critical of the colonial rulers.127Ironically, this constant pressure from educated African put the chiefs in an advantageous bargaining position while dealing with the government to preserve their power.128

125C096/718/21755A, AnnualReport on the EasternProvince 1933-34, enclosure in Gold Coast, no. 457, 14 September 1934. 126For its significance, see J.B. Danquah, "The Historical Significance of the Bond of 1844,"Transactionof the Historical Societies of Ghana 3 (1957), 3-29. 127Kimble,A Political History, 98-105. 128Simensen, "NationalismFrom Below," 48.

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Colonial rule eroded the checks and balances within the indigenous power structure.As Simensen correctly points out, "a reduction of the democratic element in the traditional constitution was a necessary precondition for establishing the This breakdown of traditionalpolitical chiefs as effective administrative agents."129 in mechanisms resulted serious abuse of chiefly power and misconduct in financial matters, such as the expropriation of stool land and money or extortion in native tribunals became very serious. During the 1920s, there were thirteen destoolments of chiefs whose charges were detailed in Government Gazette. Among the thirteen deposed chiefs, twelve were charged for economic offenses. On average, each chief was charged with nearly four financial misdeeds.130 This problem was worsened by two other factors. First, there was neither a distinction between the chiefs' personal income and the stool revenue, nor any system of control to ensure their expenditures should be on public purposes. In the 1930s, various reports revealed that many disturbances resulted from the dissatisfaction which the asafo felt at not being consulted before any expenditure. It was they who were to be ultimately responsible for the payment.131 Second, owing to the lack of normal incomes and adequate funds to maintain their prestige, chiefs continued to depend on fines from native courts and revenue from stool lands, which resulted in destoolment.132 In addition to the legitimacy problem and abuse of chiefly power, another cause for frequent destoolment was the commercialization of stools. When stool debt became a serious problem owing to the constant involvement in land litigation, it was not uncommon for stools to be offered to those who promised to pay the stool debt. In 1920, a candidate in Asante was offered the Kumawu stool on his undertaking to pay the stool debt. He accepted the offer, but persuaded the elders to sign a document making themselves responsible for reimbursing him in case he was destooled. When he became a chief he tried every means to get as much profit as possible by levying fines and fees. As a result, the people refused to serve him, and

129Ibid. whichwastheonlyperiod sources limitmy choiceof thisparticular 130The period, offering Inmostcases,charges in theGovernment didnotappear somecaseswithdetailed Gazette. charges. 1925-29. C099/42-50,Government Gazette, GoldCoast,no. 468, S. Thomas to P. CunliffeLister,19 August1933. A 131C096/711, in C096/706,Northcote to P.C.Lister,18 August1932. specificcasewasdescribed 132Busia,Position of the Chief,208. See also AnshanLi, "SocialProtestin the Gold 6. Coast," Chapter

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brought him before the chief commissioner. 133Frequent use of bribery in elections also showed the tendency to commercialize the stool. This greatly alarmed the chiefs in Asante, who decided to make some regulations on the problem.l34 This study shows that owing to its ignorance of the traditional system, the colonial government accepted the chief as an autocratwho enjoyed absolute power, taking no notice of the democratic features of indigenous system. The role of the asafo company in power structurewas disregarded and their normal participation in state affairs became less and less possible. Later, when the government noticed the clash between the asafo and the chief, it consciously supported the chief in order to follow the principles of indirect rule and to strengthen local administration. This new condition caused by the colonial rule had a psychological impact on both common people and the chief. To meet this challenge, the asafo, with its traditional tendency to balance political power, took the lead to protect commoners' interests. During the period we have discussed, it was common for the asafo to destool unpopular chiefs. Thus the situation became paradoxical. On the one hand, chiefs felt quite secure under the protection of British rule. On the other hand, since destoolment was unpredictable and meant total loss of power, the chiefs also had a sense of insecure possession of authority. A vicious circle thus developed: fear of losing privileges led to an excessive use of power at hand; and more abuse of power usually meant more destoolments.

133ColonialReports:Ashanti, 1920. Anothercase was describedin Welman'sNative States, 28-35. 134Busia, Position of the Chief, 212.

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