Social & Cultural Geography, Vol. 10, No.

4, June 2009

Intimate mobilities: emotional embodiment and queer migration

Andrew Gorman-Murray
GeoQuest Research Centre, School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, University of Wollongong, Wollongong, NSW, 2522, Australia, andrewgm@uow.edu.au
This paper offers theoretically-informed empirical insights into queer migration in the contemporary West. Understanding the rationales, patterns and outcomes of migration is important for scholars researching the life experiences of gay men, lesbians and other nonheterosexuals. This paper advances knowledge of queer migration by interpreting interview data from thirty-seven gay and lesbian Australians. The analysis is prompted by a qualitative and narrative turn in migration studies, and the urgings of new mobility studies to account for the embodied and emotional dimensions of migration. Interrogating gay and lesbian Australians migration narratives over the life course, I scrutinise the emotionally embodied nature of queer migration. I focus on the body as a vector of displacement, and explore how emotions, desires and intimate attachments shape queer mobilities. Respondents particularly emphasised the roles of comfort and love in relocation decisions. I found that these feelings interleaved with three patterns of emotionally embodied queer migration in the datacoming out, gravitational and relationship migrations. The embodied affects of comfort played a key role in coming out and gravitational migrations, while the exigencies of love underpinned relationship migration. Key words: queer migration, embodiment, emotions, intimacy, mobility, Australia.

Introduction
Over the last decade or so, migration studies have been changing in profound and interesting ways. In terms of methodological approaches, there has been an increase in qualitative research on migrationsuch as collecting and interpreting migration narrativesalongside more traditional quantitative work (Milbourne

2007; Smith 2007). As Gibson and Argent argue:

Migration is an inherently complex spatial and social phenomenon, yet only a relatively small portion of that complexity is captured by census statistics. Therefore, shedding light on the complexity of the migration process itself (e.g. how many moves over what distances, and to what places over what period

ISSN 1464-9365 print/ISSN 1470-1197 online/09/040441-20 q 2009 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/14649360902853262

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Andrew Gorman-Murray motivations, paths and experiences over the life course. In analysing this data, I have a specic objective in mind, which responds to the qualitative and narrative turn in migration studies. I scrutinise the intimate, embodied and emotional dimensions of queer migration. As Thien (2005: 192) notes, intimacy is a spatial affair. Thus, I focus on the body as a vector of movement, and how embodied emotions insinuate into queer migration processes. In doing so, I explore how embodied sexualityidentities, feelings, desires and intimate relationships underpins queer migration, and thereby draw attention to the role of embodied emotions and intimacies in sculpting queer mobilities. I begin by reviewing a range of recent literature on queer migration, new mobilities and emotional embodiment, which simultaneously provides a conceptual framework for analysing the Australian data. The present study advances these bodies of work by focusing on the roles of feelings of comfort and love in relocation decisions. I then describe the data collection and methods of analysis. I nd three patterns of emotionally embodied queer migration emerging from the datacoming out, gravitational and relationship migrations which form the organising framework for the analytical discussion of the respondents narratives. Emotional provocations associated with comfort and love interleaved with these particular migration patterns. In the empirical discussion I thus interrogate the role of comfort in coming out and gravitational migrations, and critically investigate the entwining of love with relationship migration.1

of time) as well as the motives for, and personal experiences of, moving involves a commitment to more qualitative methods and techniques, as well as to longitudinal analyses. (2008: 136)

Growing concern with the links between migration, belonging and identity have helped shape this qualitative turn towards narratives of mobility, particularly feminist and post-colonial perspectives (Ahmed, Castan eda, Fortier and Sheller 2003; Blunt 2005a; Fortier 2000) and proliferating work on diasporic identities, communities and practices (Blunt 2005b, 2008). In a recent review, for instance, Silvey (2004) argues that feminist work on migration reaches beyond simply explaining movement, instead exploring processes of subject and identity formation through migrationhow identity is correlated to movement through agentic needs and desires as well as the affects of structural forces. This necessitates attention to stories of migration, and the articulations therein linking self, decision-making and displacement. Indeed, in another seminal piece on identity and migration, Ahmed (1999: 342) contends that migration narratives involve . . . a spatial reconguration of an embodied self; they are complex acts of narration about self, inhabitation and space which elucidate the interlacing of identity with movement. Associated with this methodological and conceptual diversication, the past few years have seen increased interest in the migration and homemaking processes of gay men, lesbians and other non-heterosexuals, and how sexual identities and practices interweave with displacement and re-placement (Fortier 2001, 2002, 2003; Gorman-Murray 2007; Knopp 2004; Knopp and Brown 2003; Puar, Rushbrook and Schein 2003). This paper advances work on queer migration, drawing on in-depth interviews with gay and lesbian Australians about their migration decisions,

Queer migration, new mobilities and emotional embodiment

Binnie (2004: 90) asserts that there is a need to conceptualize queer migration and to

Intimate mobilities ponder why migration is signicant to so many sexual dissidents. My rst task, then, is to dene queer migration. Queer, itself, is a multifaceted term (Sullivan 2003); here I follow Fortiers (2003) deployment of queer migration, in which queer is adopted as a pragmatic umbrella for gay, lesbian and other non-heterosexual identities. Queer migration, however, does not necessarily refer to the simple displacement of non-heterosexuals. Many move simply for education and employment opportunities; this, in itself, I do not denote as queer migration. Rather, queer migration occurs when the needs or desires of non-heterosexual identities, practices and performances are implicated in the process of displacement, inuencing the decision to leave a certain place or choose a particular destination. Education, economic and sexual reasons may intermingle: as long as sexuality factors play a part in motivating migration and/or choice of destination, such displacement is a form of queer migration. Indeed, prior research and anecdotal evidence suggests that sexualityas a key element of their subjectivitiesmore often than not plays a major role in migration decisions of non-heterosexuals. In a recent editorial in Society and Space, Puar, Rushbrook and Schein (2003: 386) argue that nonnormative sexuality is often tantamount to spatial displacement, suggesting that nonheterosexualities often appear out of place in communities of origin, and are frequently enabled by relocation elsewhere. To borrow the phrase used by Easthope and Gabriel (2008) in their work on Tasmanian youth migration, there seems to be a culture of migration in non-heterosexual communities. For instance, accounts of displacement and replacement, interlinked with sexual identities and desires, underpin many gay and lesbian autobiographies. In his examination of the

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closet in gay mens lives, Brown closely read six collections of gay autobiographies from the USA and the UK:
A quite recurrent theme in these narratives was that of having to move to another place in order to know oneself as gay. It wasnt enough to just open the closet door; one had to leave its interior for a different location. (2000: 48)

Such claims are afrmed for lesbians and bisexuals, as well as gay men, in Fortiers (2001, 2003) work on queer migration narratives invoked across a range of autobiographies, including Cants (1997) anthology, Invented Identities: Lesbians and Gays Talk About Migration. Thus, as Knopp (2004) suggests, actualising sexual identities, relationships and desires seems entwined with movement in many non-heterosexual lives. And yet the nature of queer migrationmotivations, emotions and destinationsas well as paths and patterns of relocationremains inadequately studied and conceptualised. I contend that foregrounding the role of sexuality in migration demands focusing attention on the body itself as it moves through space, since, as Foucault (1979) argued, sexuality is concerned with the body and its pleasures (in McDowell 1999: 39). The body has been a key concern of geographers and other scholars, who have offered a range of conceptualisations: a geographical locus of agency and identity (Smith 1993), a site of corporeal inscription (Grosz 1994), and a performative act directed by sociospatial practices (Bell, Binnie, Cream and Valentine 1994). Recently, attention has turned to the inherently emotional nature of embodiment, and the role of embodied emotions in geographical processes (Davidson and Milligan 2004: 523; McKay 2005). In this new work on emotional geographies, emotions, feelings and senses are posited as the connective tissue

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Andrew Gorman-Murray to economic and political forces (Silvey 2004). Migrants are not disembodied actors; sensual corporeality, intimate relationality and other facets of emotional embodiment also suffuse relocation processes. Queer migration studies are as needful of this emotionally embodied approach as other migration studies. Indeed, in an earlier paper in Social & Cultural Geography, Rethinking Queer Migration Through the Body (GormanMurray 2007), I invoked new mobilities in attempting to reconceptualise queer migration beyond its own taken-for-granted push pull explanations and norms of displacement. In much literature, rural-to-urban migration paths are seen as dominant, with such work contending that non-heterosexuals are oppressed and harassed in conservative rural communities, and ee to the big city to nd anonymity and like-minded communities, and explore their sexual identities and desires (Binnie 2004; DEmilio 1989; Parker 1999; Rubin 1993; Weston 1995).2 I argued that normalising rural-to-urban migration as a queer identity quest overlooks greater diversity in migration patterns and experiences. I urged, instead, for queer migration to be conceptualised and narrated through the body. At one level, I argued that the body was a more appropriate scale for analysing the complexity of queer migration:
I suggest we need to shift explanatory power from the rural-to-urban scale of displacement and xed rural/urban contrasts, to the motivations of individual migrants and the movement of the queer body itself through space. We need to downsize the scale of explanation from the regional or the national to the body. (GormanMurray 2007: 111)

between the embodied self and place. Comfort, belonging, desire and fear felt in and through the body shape attachments to place, and play an under-recognised role in mobility. I argue that these notions of emotional embodiment can help better conceptualise queer migration. If queer migration is predicated on the performativity of embodied sexuality, then scholars would benet from paying closer attention to the desirous and sensuous dimensions of relocation decisions. For me, queer migration is predicated on bodily desires and emotions, including yearnings to test new sexual identities, practices and ways of being; nding, consolidating or leaving intimate relationships; and seeking communities of belonging. The need for such work nds resonance in the new paradigm of mobility studies. The mobility turn, epitomised in the journal Mobilities and a range of dedicated books and special journal issues, encompasses a broad remit that includes studies of corporeal movement, transportation and communications infrastructures, capitalist spatial restructuring, . . . citizenship and transnationalism, and tourism and travel, as well as migration processes (which are crucial to the eld of mobility studies) (Hannam, Sheller and Urry 2006: 910). But where the new mobilities studies intersects with migration, it prompts studies of embodied, material and politicized mobilities of displacement, not theoretical abstractions or simplied pushpull explanations (Blunt 2008: 685; e.g. Fortier 2006; Metcalfe 2006). Recently reviewing cultural geographies of migration, Blunt (2008) argues that their productive connections with new mobilities work has drawn close attention to the embodied politics of identity and difference wrought through migration. In a similar vein, feminist migration studies has shown that migration decisions cannot always be adequately explained in terms of rational responses

This addresses, in part, the call of new mobility studies. The mobility turn has

Intimate mobilities sought to challenge both the sedenterist and nomadic production of knowledge (Blunt 2008: 684), where identity-formation is respectively and essentially linked to emplacement or movement (Ahmed 1999). Focusing on the body as a scale and vector of migration is one way to track a path between, and draw together, emplacement and movement, since the body is simultaneously located and mobileindeed, a mobile location. In this way I hoped that a greater diversity of migration patterns could be realised. But I also tried to take this notion of embodied displacement further. I argued that the body was not just another scale of movement, but that focusing on the body demanded accounting for the qualities of embodimentin particular, self-identication and capacities for sexual desires and intimate relationshipsand the impact they have on migration. I posited that the mutability of embodied sexual desires can sculpt migration decisions and paths in various waysthe desire for sexual pleasure with other bodies, the longing for intimate relationships, and even the exigencies of relationship breakdowns and the need to avoid certain sexual practices. In concluding, I urged for more empirical work to explore the complexity of queer migration in the contemporary world, and the role of the body and its desires in those processes. Consequently, drawing on interview data, in this paper I extend the conceptual contributions outlined in that earlier argument: to advance understanding of the link between desire and relocation, I concentrate on and explicate the role of embodied emotions in queer movements through space and re-attachments to place. Emotions are not simply interiorised subjective mental states, but intrinsically relational achievements which link the embodied self with place and other subjects

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(Bondi, Davidson and Smith 2005: 3, 7). Emotional geographies take up this relational element, focusing on emotion in terms of its socio-spatial mediation and articulation (Bondi, Davidson and Smith 2005: 3, original emphasis), and thus understanding how emotional relations and interactions weave through and help form the fabric of our unique personal geographies (Davidson and Milligan 2004: 523). Kawale (2004) provides one of the few explicit studies of emotional embodiment and sexualised spaces, exploring the role of emotions in the visibility of lesbian and bisexual womens performativity. Her focus is on their modication of emotional behaviour in order to t within certain spaces. The present study is complementary. Rather than reiterating how emotions are spatially inhibited, I explicate how desirous and sensuous emotions can engender queer mobility and spatiality. Fear of exposure, harassment or violenceis perhaps the most widely evoked emotion in geographical work on sexuality (e.g. Kawale 2004; Myslik 1996; Valentine 1993). In the present discussion I seek to move beyond the centring of fear in geographies of sexuality. Balancing this work, I concentrate on the roles of comfort and love in queer relocation processes, which were the emotions most commonly stressed by my Australian respondents. But this does not mean an unchecked celebration of positive feelings: nuanced consideration of comfort and love compels attention to the affects of discomfort and breaking up as well. At this juncture, then, I turn to the Australian case study.

Emotionally embodied queer migration: an Australian case study

The empirical data for the following discussion are drawn from thirty-seven semi-structured

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Andrew Gorman-Murray respondentssexuality played a key role in many of their relocation decisions, shaping destination choice and migration paths.3 In terms of drivers related to their embodied sexuality, respondents stressed the importance of sexual desires, intimate relationships and psychological and emotional needs in inuencing migration decisions. With regard to the emotional embodiment and performance of their sexuality, they most frequently discussed feelings of comfort and love as major triggers for relocation. As intimated above, issues around comfort and love entailed both positive and negative connotations: discomfort as well as comfort; breaking up as well as nding love. An uncomfortable match between place and embodied sexual identity and behaviour prompted migration to places that felt comfortable; ending, as well as starting, a relationship prompted displacement. Moreover, I found a t between these emotional provocations and justications for moving and particular types of queer migration. Three patterns of emotionally embodied queer migration emerged from analysing the respondents narratives:
. Coming out migration: moving for self-

interviews with gay (twenty) and lesbian (seventeen) Australians. Participants were recruited via advertisements circulated in Sydney-based gay/lesbian periodicals, websites and e-mailing lists. The interviews were conducted between September 2004 and May 2005, largely in peoples homes, and lasted about one hour each. Most interviewees (twenty-four) were resident in Sydney, but there were also participants from Melbourne (four), Newcastle (three), Wollongong (two) and regional cities in New South Wales (four). While their age range was 19 68 years, the vast majority (thirty-six) were working-age, 19 60 years, with an average of 36 years. While they were from diverse backgrounds in terms of parents social class, the overwhelming majority have tertiary qualications and work in white-collar, middle-class occupations. Most (thirty-three) were European-Australians. Appendix 1 lists respondents socio-demographic characteristics. Each respondent was asked a range of openended questions about their migration, or home-seeking, experiences, from the family home through to their present residence. This included asking participants to narrate their migration histories in depth, and discuss why they moved to and from particular locations. I wanted each respondent to contemplate and conceptualise the range of moves they had made over their life course, not only relatively recent migrations. Paths of movement were mapped to gain an understanding of migration patterns. Reasons for migration were collated and analysed using content and discourse analyses to explore why individuals moved. Not all relocations were acts of queer migration predicated on enacting sexual identities or desires: education and employment motivations gured in certain relocation choices for thirty respondents. However, for an even larger portion of the samplethirty-six

reinvention as non-heterosexual and to explore bodily sexual desires in the process; . Gravitational group migration: moving to be near a neighbourhood with a gay and lesbian presence; . Relationship migration: moving with a partner to consolidate a same-sex relationshipor conversely, moving away after relationship breakdown. Appendix 2 indicates how many and which respondents invoked each of these reasons, as well as who cited broader education and employment reasons for migrating at certain times. To make the analysis of comfort, love and

Intimate mobilities associated displacement more conceptually robust, the following discussion of the empirical material is organised around these three patterns of emotionally embodied queer migration, linking emotional triggers to particular relocation choices and migration paths. Consequently, I interrogate the roles of comfort and discomfort in prompting coming out and gravitational migrations, and those of nding and losing love in relationship migration. Figure 1 maps Australias state/territory capitals and other key centres mentioned in the subsequent discussion.

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Coming out migration: embodied affects of comfort and discomfort

Twenty-nine respondents indicated that at least one of their migrations was made

primarily to come out of the closet. This phrase refers to consciously claiming and enacting a non-heterosexual identity for oneself, and subsequently proclaiming this new self-identity to family, friends and community (Maddison 2002; Plummer 1995). Moreover, this metaphor entwines movement between places and transition between sexual identities: as Brown (2000: 48) asserts, the expressions inherent mobility equates the subjects self-identication and truth-telling to physical movement of the body. Perhaps not surprisingly, then, a number of scholars have pointed to the widespread experience of coming out migrationmigrating to know oneself as gay (Brown 2000: 48)recounted in gay and lesbian autobiographies (Cant 1997; Maddison 2002; Plummer 1995). As Brown concludes

Figure 1 Location of centres discussed in the migration narratives.

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Andrew Gorman-Murray
I knew that I wanted to experiment and I felt like I couldnt be gay in the USA [because of proximity to family]. I had to go the farthest place and theres nothing farther than Australia. . . . I feel like in Sydney and Australia I can be free and I can be gay.

through analysing a range of British and American gay mens autobiographies:

For these men, resisting the heteropatriarchal script does not just entail changing ones attitude, behavior, dress, or style; it means having to relocate oneself, to leave home and recongure it elsewhere. For some, coming out of the closet is spatialised as migration itself, for others coming out at home triggers migration to a new place. (2000: 50)

The importance of this experience was afrmed in this study, with many respondents rst self-determined relocationmost commonly out of the family homebeing congured as coming out migration. Mark was amongst the most direct here. In 1989, at 21, he moved out of the family home in Manly, in north Sydney, to Darlinghurst, an inner suburb in the same city, to come out and reinvent himself:
Mark: Manly is not the place to be out in the crowd and saying Im here, Im queer, get used to it. So I moved to the city in order to come out. Although I wouldnt have said it so succinctly then, I think that was the primary motivation. I had to get away. I felt trapped. Andrew: How did the move to the inner city facilitate your coming out? Mark: It was the sense of distance, the anonymity. I wasnt anybodys brother, or son, and nobody knew where Id gone to school or what Id achieved. They just didnt know me. So it was essentially that I could reinvent myself, which I couldnt have done in Manly.

Many respondents made similar claims. In 1999, at 23, Daniel migrated from the USA to Sydney in order to distance himself from his family and come out:

An emotional refrain of comfort underpins the coming out migration narratives from Mark and Daniel, as well as other respondents. Origin and destinationManly and Darlinghurst, the USA and Australiaare congured through a binary of discomfort and comfort. Mark felt trapped in Manly; Daniel asserted, I feel like in Sydney . . . I can be gay. Their narratives express an interlacing of sexual self-identication and feelings of comfort, which in turn underpinned the decision to migrate and choice of destinationfor instance, Daniel said elsewhere he chose Sydney due to its gay-friendly reputation. The need for a comfortable environment for personal reinvention as gay was, as Mark stressed, the primary motivation for moving. Feelings of comfort or discomfort, in this context, can be seen as the emotional t between the embodied self and place. Other scholars have also drawn attention to this connection between comfort, identity and belonging-in-place. Noble argues that comfort is fundamental to the fashioning of identity (2005: 113), and is best seen in terms of an attachment to a place or context that makes acting in that setting possible (2005: 114). Comfort, then, is a relational feeling engendered by the interface between the embodied self and a facilitative setting; discomfort arises where the self is inhibited in an environment. These senses of uncomfortable inhibition and emotional comfort are seen in Marks and Daniels coming out migration narratives. Furthermore, intersubjective connection in a place is critical for generating feelings of

Intimate mobilities comfort. Exploring the bodily performances of sexual identities in work, domestic and social spaces (1999: 475), Holliday describes comfort as:
expressing externally what one feels inside. In other words, there is a wish to close the gap between performance (acting) and ontology (being), a desire to be self-present to both oneself and others. Comfort in this case derives from being recognizably queer to both oneself and others. (1999: 481, original italics)

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part of the coming out migration process, nine respondents spoke about moving away from family in order to experiment sexually and explore same-sex intimacies. A sense of bodily discomfort and need for comfort was, again, a key trigger. Paul, for instance, moved from his familys home in Kew in suburban Melbourne to Middle Park in 1983 at 29 in order to feel comfortable experimenting sexually with other men:
I have to say regarding the timing of moving out one of the issues for me was that Id started wanting to date guys and I thought that would be easier if I had a place of my own than if I was still living with mum and dad because you dont necessarily want to introduce your parents to all the preliminary experiments that you happen to pick up. So I remember having thought that it would probably be easier to try things out in my own place.

The comfort or discomfort felt in a placethe sense of freedom to be gay and perform a new sexual identityis contingent upon interactions with, and recognition by, others in that setting (also Noble 2005). Mark could not be recognisably gay in Manly. He was ill at ease and anxious being closetedtrapped, as he put itbut equally uncomfortable being out in a place where people recognised him through particular subjectivitiesas brother, son or high-achieving student. A comfortable environment for coming out and self-reinvention was only possible through migration to a place where other people would recognise, corroborate and support his emerging gay identity. Daniel, Maria, Stephen, Lyn and others expressed like sentiments: across the sample coming out migration was triggered by feelings of bodily discomfort at being closeted, and the need for comfort in order to embrace, embody and perform a new sexual identity. This argument about bodily comfort and sexual performativity can be extended. Daniel alludes to experimentation as part of coming out. Such contentions are supported in wider literature about non-heterosexual identity development, which suggest that acting on sexual desires is a critical part of coming out. As Maddison (2002) asserts, coming out involves getting laid. Indeed, as

In a similar vein, Emma, who moved at 18 from suburban to inner-city Brisbane, indicated that exploring adult sexual relationships with other women was a key factor in that decision:
It was really important for that relationship that Id moved out. I dont think I would have been able to have that kind of adult relationship at all if Id still been living at home. I would have been way more anxious about the whole thing. So I was able to feel a lot more relaxed and happy about the whole thing.

For Emma, Paul and others, nding a comfortable setting was fundamental to experimenting with sexual desires and relationships, creating a sense of emotional ease, of relaxation, that facilitated bodily intimacies. Embodied emotions, then, were deeply implicated in coming out migration: discomfort and anxiety triggered a search for comfort and security.

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Andrew Gorman-Murray businesses and groups serving a particular communitytogether with hostility and discrimination experienced elsewhere in society which engenders bodily discomfort. This reasoning ts the experience of non-heterosexuals in contemporary Western societies including Australiageneral discrimination spurring the establishment of concentrations of gay and lesbian services, businesses, community groups and entertainment facilities in particular localities. Indeed, many respondents in the present study painted such a scenario in describing their migration decisions, paths and experiences. As such, the term gravitational group migration is apt to describe this type of queer migration. For many, such as Daniel, this meant moving near to Sydney, which was perceived as a sexually liberated city with a strong set of gay and lesbian neighbourhoods, communities and scenes, particularly those around Oxford Street, Darlinghurst, and King Street, Newtown. David, who was born, raised and had already come out in Newcastle, moved to Adelaide in 1991 at 30, but moved back to Newcastle a few months later primarily because:
I felt too isolated from my family, friends and from Sydney, as a kind of gay cultural epicentre that I realised I needed to be close to.

Gravitational group migration: bodily comfort and community belonging

Feelings of bodily comfort also permeated the second type of queer migration discussed across the sample: the desire to move nearby like-minded others in a neighbourhood with a gay and lesbian presence. For the respondents, relocating to such destinations conferred a signicant sense of ease in performing embodied sexualities. Although for some this motivation overlapped with coming out such as Daniel, abovethis was not the case for all. Many relocated to a gay and lesbian neighbourhood subsequent to an episode of coming out migration. Going somewhere was the key difference: the specic destination rather than getting out and nding a comfortable settingwas stressed in this type of migration, and a particular gay and lesbian neighbourhood was sought. Because this pattern of displacement did not neatly or necessarily map onto coming out migration in the sample, I have sequestered this as a distinct form of queer migration, calling it gravitational group migration. Twenty-nine respondents indicated moving to (or near) a gay and lesbian neighbourhoodfor the sense of comfort it providedas a key factor in their decision-making. The nomenclature gravitational group migration is already dened and used in migration studies. It typically refers to individual migrants from the same cultural or ethnic group voluntarily clustering in a particular locationfor example, the gravitation of Hungarian refugees from elsewhere in Australia to Sydneys inner eastern suburbs of Rose Bay and Double Bay in the 1960s (Waitt et al. 2000). Such clustering can occur through a combination of the availability of communal supports in a given localitysuch as clubs,

For David, feelings of isolation from Sydneys gay community proved too discomforting, prompting return migration. Proximity to a gay cultural epicentre provided a sense of comfort and security. While David resided just out of Sydney, many others moved to innercity areas, like Mark, to be a part of the nonheterosexual communities there. In particular, a group of respondents moved from Brisbane to Sydney at various points during the 1990s,

Intimate mobilities including Lyn, Ethan, Rebecca and Emma. In fact, all of these former-Brisbanites engaged in gravitational group migration twicethe rst time to move from suburban and peri-urban areas around Brisbane to the inner-city gay and lesbian neighbourhood, West End, and then a second time to move to various gay and lesbian precincts in inner Sydney, such as Newtown, Stanmore and Potts Point. Lyns narrative is exemplary in recounting these gravitational migrations and the role of bodily comfort therein. In 1987, at 28, she came out and left her marital home in suburban Brisbane for West End. As much as an example of coming out migration, moving to West End comprised an act of gravitational group migration. The destination was fundamental to Lyns decision-making: her account, which I reproduce below, stressed the qualities of West End, and its difference from suburban Brisbane, more than the experience of coming out. Moreover, her migration narrative was interwoven with feelings of comfort and discomfort; these embodied emotions were crucial to her relocation choices:
Our [married] lifestyle [in suburbia] was about being with other young professional couples and going out to dinner. So I left all that behind and moved to West End. I was really attracted to that because Id been very bored as a yuppie housewife. SuicidallyOh, my life is over and Im 28. So I embraced the whole package which was living in West End. I couldnt have not lived in West End, do you know what I mean? It wouldnt have been real. It had to be the whole package. It had to be being a lesbian, living in West End, being political, and living in a share house.

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to West End, where she could initiate a different embodied identitypolitical lesbian. More than simple comfort, she recalled enthusiastic contentment with this relocationI embraced the whole package which was living in West End. Subsequently, in 1991, Lyn moved with her partner to Newtown, in inner Sydney, attracted by its vibrant, alternative community with a strong non-heterosexual presence. Again, the migration experience was shot through with feelings of comfort:
We came straight to the ghetto of Newtown . . . because there was already an established gay and lesbian community in Newtown . . . I like being on the street and the village kind of atmosphere. I feel more connected to people. I do feel like part of a community. Its part of feeling that home is bigger than just the little box that you live in. I liked that right from the start. I felt connected and that was good.

Embodied emotions, rather than employment or education, comprised the key reason for Lyn and her partners interstate migration to Newtown. They sought the bodily comfort facilitated by an established gay and lesbian community: in this setting they felt at home, connected to a community, and able to freely perform their lesbian identities and relationship. Similarly, Stephen found comfort and belonging in gay-friendly inner Melbourne, moving there from outer Melbourne in 2000 at 29:
Choosing that location was partly informed by my sexualityI felt much more accepted as a gay man in the inner-city than I would in the suburbs. In essence, it had a vibe that was much more me than suburbia, which I guess I see as very conservative and heterosexualmums and dads with their kids and white picket fences.

Lyn was very uncomfortable performing the role of yuppie housewife in suburbia suicidally bored, as she put it. For her, the obvious choice upon coming out was moving

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Andrew Gorman-Murray call to critically attend to emotional geographies of love, desire and attachment (also Gabb 2004; Thien 2004). Without invoking myths of hopeless romanticism, one of the main driving forces of the contemporary life cycle is nding a life partnersomeone to fall in love, be intimate, and build a home with. This is the case for many non-heterosexuals as well as heterosexuals (Weeks, Heaphy and Donovan 2001)as I found in this research project. Many respondents were in or sought to be in cohabiting relationshipsalthough some, such as Christopher, did buck the normativity of such relationships by seeking multi-partner cohabiting relationships. Moreover, I found intimate relationships signicantly inuenced migration decisions, patterns and experiences across the sample: twentyeight respondents indicated that at least one of their relocations was underpinned in some way by an intimate relationship. As such, I suggest that the exigencies and outcomes of love, embodied through same-sex desires and intimacies, play a major role in sculpting queer migration. Perhaps the key way love underpinned migration in this sample was through the desire to move in withor simply to move witha partner. A number of relocations within the same city, for instance, were to move in with a new partner. In 1994, Helen relocated within Sydney, from Frenchs Forrest to Blacktown, to move into her partners place. Six years later, Helen and Sarah (then 28 and 34) jointly purchased a home, and moved together to outer suburban Sydney. In their case, feelings of love, partnership commitment, home purchase and migration were all interconnected. They had some relationship problems, but went through counselling and resolved the issues. Ready to move on and build a new life together, they chose to jointly purchase a new home, where they would be joint owners and share

Stephen chose this destination because he felt sufciently at ease to embrace and embody his sexual identity, and be recognisably gay (Holliday 1999). These preceding examples about relocation to Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane are not used to reinforce stereotypical rhetoric around inner-city gay ghettos as havens of freedom and diversity. Rather, what I want to stress through these accounts is the way a sense of bodily comfortof being comfortable in oneself and everyday interactions between self and otherswas a compelling attraction to these settings for the respondents. The allure of a gay and lesbian neighbourhood was strong, providing a relational space in which they felt they could freely and securely be themselves without a sense of inhibition or fear of retribution, and thus relax into their particular embodied performance of sexuality. In this sense, gravitating to a neighbourhood with a gay and lesbian presence is predicated on emotional embodimenton seeking and nding the congruence between embodied self and place which makes performing nonheterosexual identities, desires and relationships possible.

Relationship migration: nding and losing love

Love, like comfort, is intrinsically relational, and comprised the other signicant emotional prompt for queer migration in this sample. Love is an emotion that embraces many forms of intimate relationality: fraternal, parental, platonic, romantic and erotic, for example. My respondents invoked love in its romantic and erotic aspects, in terms of intimacy with a life partner. Consequently, this is the facet of love I discuss in the following. In doing so I address Bondi, Davidson and Smiths (2005)

Intimate mobilities nancial responsibility, and move to a new neighbourhood to start a new era of their relationship. A number of intrastate and interstate moves were also predicated on sensations of love and attachment entangled with consolidating a relationship. Natasha followed her girlfriend from Adelaide to Wollongong; Emma and Lyn both moved from Brisbane to Sydney pursuing certain partners. Emmas case is particularly interesting because although she followed her girlfriend to Sydney in 1997, their relationship was rocky at the time, and they chose not to cohabit in Sydneynevertheless, both stayed in Sydney and remain partners, eventually moving in together after a few years. Indeed, several respondents show that the entwining of love, intimate relationships and relocation experiences is more complicated than simply moving in with a partner. Loving desire for a particular partner and relationship is mutableit can ebb as well as owand this complicates the manner in which embodied desire and intimate relationships can sculpt queer migration (GormanMurray 2007). In this context, thirteen respondents asserted that at least one migration was precipitated by breaking up with a partner. Angela, for example, said that she had made big interstate moves either to be with a lover or to leave a lover. Likewise, Paul moved from Melbourne to Sydney in 2002 after ending a sixteen-year relationship in order to gain some distance from his former partner and their life in Melbourne, and begin a new life in Sydney (which he also perceived as an easier city in which single gay men can meet prospective partners). Perhaps the complexity of mutable desire and inconsistent love for or from intimate partners is best captured through Sues narrativemany of her (many) intracity, intrastate and interstate migrations were

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predicated on consolidating or leaving a signicant relationship. From the outset, Sue underscored the fundamental role of intimate, loving relationships in shaping her sense of home and belonging:
In respect to sexual identity, to me my home is where my partner is, regardless of the neighbours. Wherever, I lay my girlfriends hat, basically!

Since intimate partnering was crucial to Sues homemaking practices, feelings of love and attachment equally underpinned her homeseeking migration decisions and experiences. She recounted in detail her migration history, carefully noting where and how many legs were related to moving with or from a signicant partner. She had come out at home at 21 with strong family support, so coming out migration was not a factor in moving out of the family home in her case. Rather, she left the family home on Sydneys north shore in 1995, at 26, primarily to move in with her rst signicant partner in Turramurra. A couple of years later she moved with her partner to Newcastle, because her partner was tired of Sydney and commuting to work. But then, in 1999, their relationship broke down; Sue moved out of their home in Newcastle and in with her parents, who had themselves moved to Nelson Bay, just north of Newcastle, when she left the family home a few years earlier. She lived with her parents for a year, during which time she met her second signicant partner. In 2000, Sue and her partner migrated back to Sydney to live togetherboth had found jobs in the northern suburbs. And now things get complicated! A year later, Sue and her partner decided to move to Nelson Bay, where both sets of parents lived, and nd work in Newcastle.

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Andrew Gorman-Murray Love and intimacy not only inuence migration decisions in a positive sense moving with or to be with a partnerbut also in a negative senserelocating in the wake of relationship breakdown. The longing for intimate partnerships that underpins many non-heterosexual lives is not an intransigent ow of fullling desire. Feelings of love, desire and intimacy can be truncated and terminated as well, provoking displacement and sometimes placing constraints on destinations. In complex ways, then, emotional embodiment fundamentally shapes and drives relationship migration, underlying relocation decisions, destinations and patterns.

However, a year later again, in 2002, they separated, and Sue decided to move back to Sydney to gain some distance from her partner and get on with life without worrying about accidentally seeing her at the pub or on the street. Another year on, and Sue and her partner re-kindled their relationship: her partner came back to Sydney, and they moved into a house together. After yet another year, in 2004, Sue and her partner decided to follow our dreams of buying a house, getting married and having a kid. Consolidating their relationship through starting a family precipitated another migration, this time interstate, to the Gold Coast:
[My partner] and I had been planning to have a kid, but we didnt want to raise the child in Sydney. Also, we were both adamant that we wanted our kids to grow up on the beachdoing so in Sydney requires one to be a millionaire.

Conclusion
The foregoing discussion comprises one of few empirically-grounded studies of queer migration (cf. Parker 1999; Weston 1995). Through presenting and interpreting new empirical data I have sought to advance knowledge of queer migration, offering insights into motivations, patterns and outcomes. My particular contribution is an investigation of the emotionally embodied nature of queer migration, bringing together geographical work on emotional embodiment with provocations from new mobilities studies to elicit new understandings of the migration experiences of non-heterosexuals. Drawing on interviews with gay and lesbian Australians, I interrogated how and why embodied emotions and intimate attachments interleaved with relocation decisions. In this sample, feelings of comfort and love were emphasised as triggers for displacement and re-placement. I found that these emotions unfolded in complex waysprovocations of discomfort and losing love were as critical as the desire to nd comfort and love. Moreover, these

Unfortunately, one year later this dream disintegrated: Sues partner left her. The emotional fallout of this relationship breakdown both precipitated her latest migrationback to Nelson Bayand at the same time constrained where she can and cannot relocate:
My girlfriend left me, so not knowing where I belong I have moved back to my parents house until I nd myself again and where I belong. Still have no answers to this as it only happened a month ago. Im avoiding Sydney because my ex is living there now and the scene is too small. Im likely to bump into her if I go out in Sydney.

I have provided a quite full description of Sues migration narrative because it lucidly demonstrates the powerful and primary role love and attachment can play in the emotionally embodied practices of queer migration.

Intimate mobilities emotions entwined with three particular migration patterns emerging from the interviewscoming out, gravitational and relationship migrations. As well as demonstrating the diverse types of queer migration in contemporary society, these migration patterns provided a robust organising framework for a theoretically-informed discussion of the empirical material, revealing the deep entangling of embodied emotions and intimacies with queer migration processes, and enhancing the conceptual contributions of the analysis. Following Holliday (1999) and Kawale (2004), this study suggests that investigating embodied emotions offers fruitful insights into nonheterosexual lives, and calls for more attention to emotional geographies of sexualities. The broader implication of this study is that emotions, desires and intimate attachments play a criticalbut under-recognisedrole in migration processes not only for non-heterosexuals, but for others as well. Thus, this study also contributes to wider work on migration and mobilities. Migration studies have become increasingly interested in using qualitative and narrative approaches to understand the complexity of contemporary migration, relocation adjustments, decisionmaking, and the way mobility interweaves with identity, community, homemaking and belonging in shaping everyday lives, experiences and senses of self. Drawing on new mobilities studies, amongst other prompts, means focusing on embodied and emotional experiences of migration, and how they link with the politics of identity and difference wrought through displacement. The bodya locus of emotions and intimate relationality, simultaneously located and mobiletracks a way through fetishes of mobility and emplacement, and shows how both work together in constructing identity and belonging. As such, this paper adds to knowledge of

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and calls for more interrogation ofthe emotionally embodied dimensions of migration in the contemporary world.

Acknowledgements
I am grateful to two reviewers and Michael Brown for insightful comments. Special thanks to the reviewer who encouraged consideration of links between embodiment and emotional geographiesa fruitful and stimulating suggestion. Notes
1 Denitions of these migration patterns are provided in the empirical discussion. 2 Gorman-Murray (2007) reviews prior work on queer migration. 3 At times sexuality combined with education and employment factors.

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migrations queer en interpre tant les re sultats dentretiens avec 37 homosexuels et lesbiennes australiens. Lanalyse est motive e par une tournure a ` la fois qualitative et narrative des e tudes de migrations, et les encouragements des nouvelles e tudes de mobilite pour justier les dimensions incarne es et e motionnelles de migrations. En interrogant les re cits de migration dhomosexuels et de lesbiennes australiens pendant le cours de la vie, je de pouille la nature e motionnelle et incarne e des migrations queer. Je conside ` re le corps comme un vecteur de de placement, et jexplore comment e motions, de sirs et attachements intimes de terminent les mobilite s queer. Les personnes interroge es ont particulie ` rement souligne les ro les de confort et damour dans les de cisions de de me nagement. Je trouve que ces sentiments interagissent avec trois motifs de migrations queer incarne s e motionnellement dans les re sultatsfaire leur coming out, migrations gravitationnelles et migrations des relations. Les sentiments incarne s de confort ont joue un ro le cle dans leur coming out et leurs migrations gravitationnelles, quoique les exigences damour e tayent la the ` se des migrations des relations. Mots-clefs: migration queer, incarnation, e motions, intimite , mobilite , Australie. Movilidades intimas: encarnacio n emocional y migracio n queer Este papel se ofrece una perspicacia emp rica teo ricamente informada sobre la migracio n queer en el Occidente contempora neo. Es importante que los eruditos quienes estudien las experiencias vividas de los gays, lesbianas y otros noheterosexuales se entienden los bases, patrones y resultados de migracio n Este papel se avance la sabidur a de la migracio n queer atrave s la interpretacio n de los datos de 37 entrevistas con Australianos gay y lesbiana. El ana lisis esta provocado por una vuelta cualitativa y narrativa en los estudios de migracio n, y por la insistencia de los estudios de nueva movilidad para tomar en cuenta de las dimensiones encarnadas y emocionales de migracio n. Interrogando las narrativas migratorias de Australianos gay y lesbiana, escudrin cter emocionalmente encarnado o el cara de la migracio n queer. Enfoco en el cuerpo como un vector de desplazamiento, y exploro como

Abstract translations
Mobilite s intimes: incarnation e motionnelle et migration queer Cet article offre un aperc u empirique base sur la the orie des migrations queer dans louest contemporain. Comprendre les logiques, motifs, et re sultats de ces migrations est important pour les spe cialistes qui recherchent les expe riences de vie des hommes homosexuels, des lesbiennes et autre non he te rosexuels. Cet article approfondit la connaissance des

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Andrew Gorman-Murray
nales. Los efectos encarnados del consuelo se tomaron un papel clave en las migraciones de declararse homosexual y las gravitacionales, mientras las exigencias de amor sustentaron la migracio n de relaciones. Palabras claves: migracio n queer, encarnacio n, emociones, intimidad, movilidad, Australia.

emociones, deseos y carin ntimos se inuyen os las movilidades queer. Los encuestados se enfatizaron la importancia del consuelo y amor en tomar la decisio n trasladarse. Encuentro que estos sentimientos se entremezclan con tres patrones de migracio n queer encarnada emocionalmente en los datosmigraciones de declararse homosexual, gravitacionales y relacio-

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Appendix 1: Respondents socio-demographic characteristics

Pseudonym Alan Amanda Angela Anthony Christina Christopher Daniel David Derek Dianne Edward Emily Emma Eric Ethan Gabriela Geoff Helen Jack James John Linda Lyn Margaret Maria Mark Melanie Natasha Paul Peter Rebecca Sarah Stephen Sue Todd Tom Will
a b

Sexuality Gay Lesbian Lesbian Gay Lesbian Gay Gay Gay Gay Lesbian Gay Lesbian Lesbian Gay Gay Lesbian Gay Lesbian Gay Gay Gay Lesbian Lesbian Lesbian Lesbian Gay Lesbian Lesbian Gay Gay Lesbian Lesbian Gay Lesbian Gay Gay Gay

Age 36 19 53 55 24 30 28 42 45 48 25 26 27 24 31 27 65 32 46 48 40 27 44 60 36 36 36 37 50 31 34 39 33 36 50 59 42

Class backgrounda Working Middle Working Middle Lower-middle Middle Upper-middle Working Working Middle Middle Working Upper-middle Lower-middle Working Working Lower-middle Middle Working Working Working Upper-middle Working Lower-middle Working Upper-middle Lower-middle Middle Upper-middle Working Middle Middle Middle Middle Lower-middle Working Middle

Current occupationb Professional Student Professional/student Professional Associate professional Professional Manager/administrator Professional Professional Professional Student Professional/student Professional Student Manager/administrator Professional Retired professional Professional Unemployed Professional Professional Professional Professional Manager/administrator Professional Professional Associate professional Associate professional Manager/administrator Professional Professional Manager/administrator Professional Manager/administrator Professional Professional Professional

Ethnicity Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian/Jewish Italian-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Latin American Anglo-Australian German-Australian Anglo-Australian/Jewish Asian-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian German-Australian Anglo-Australian Latin American Anglo-Australian Italian-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Greek-Australian Anglo-Australian Aboriginal-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian Anglo-Australian

Perceptions of familys socio-economic status and class differences while respondents were growing up. Broad categories from the Australian Bureau of Statistics Standard Classication of Occupations.

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Andrew Gorman-Murray

Appendix 2: Respondents relocation decision-making

Education and employment Coming out (including sex) Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes (Yes) Yes (Yes)

Sexuality-related Relationship (including breakdown)

Pseudonym Alan Amanda Angela Anthony Christina Christopher Daniel David Derek Dianne Edward Emily Emma Eric Ethan Gabriela Geoff Helen Jack James John Linda Lyn Margaret Maria Mark Melanie Natasha Paul Peter Rebecca Sarah Stephen Sue Todd Tom Will Totals

Education Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

Employment

Gravitational Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes 29 36

Yes Yes Yes Yes

Yes (Yes) Yes (Yes) Yes Yes Yes (Yes) Yes Yes Yes Yes (Yes) Yes (Yes) Yes (Yes) Yes Yes Yes Yes (Yes) Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes (Yes) Yes (Yes) Yes Yes (Yes) Yes (Yes) Yes Yes (Yes)

Yes Yes Yes (Yes) Yes Yes (Yes) Yes (Yes) Yes (Yes) Yes Yes Yes Yes (Yes) Yes Yes (Yes) Yes (Yes) Yes Yes Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes Yes

Yes Yes Yes

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes 25 30

Yes Yes Yes

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes 29 (9)

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes 14

Yes (Yes) 28 (13)