The plague of misjudgment

The Norman Transcript

November 03, 2007 01:23 am

— For The Transcript

Making choices is an obligation imposed by life. These may bring burdens, responsibilities or pleasure but in
any case we largely determine our characters by the sum of our choices. These help form the inner spirit of
individuals just as they shape the distinctive qualities of institutions and even nations. Our choices and those
of leaders also have a ricochet effect often with incalculable consequences. This makes careful, cautious
judgment critical, especially in international and interpersonal affairs. Misjudgment here is a major
explanation of why the human race staggers from crises to crimes to tragedies.
We all make mistakes and imprudent choices. Those made by our political leaders and the Congress --
blunders, ill-informed decisions, misconceptions, compulsions and just plain dumb choices -- are sometimes
prodigious. Political party identification does not show a particularly high correlation with prudence, for both
major parties have an unenviable record of stumbling around. Listing our mistakes is subjective, but look at a
few that have shaped world affairs: America's rejection of the League of National, our fluctuating and fear-
ridden China policy, Caribbean imperialism -- Cuba, Panama, Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, Haiti, our
pitiful assault on Grenada -- Vietnam and now Iraq.
Choosing friends can be decisive. At the international level this rapidly becomes entwined with national
policy, misunderstood problems, emotional needs, fear, religion and weighty economic implications. At this
phase of history there are five great centers of power -- the U.S., China, India, Russia and "United Europe." In
a theoretical sense Africa could join these power groups, but some 300 different languages, diverse cultures,
economic incongruities and religious antagonisms render unity possible only in the distant future if at all. Still
before writing Africa off we should be cautious for history is filled with the seemingly impossible. For now,
however, as it has been for centuries, Africa is a reservoir for exploitation and a way station for economic
adventurers.
In many ways China is the most interesting and important nation in the world today. With a land area
approximately the same as the U.S., a population four times as large and a dramatically expanding economic-
industrial system China is rapidly moving to the forefront among nations. But for more than half a century the
U.S. has bungled its Chinese relations. The principal reasons have been our fear of Communism and contempt
for Orientals. Fear led us to wreck our outstanding "China Desk" in the State Department and to embrace
Chiang Kai-shek, whose commitment to democracy was shallow, whose religious conversion was probably
political, and who was authoritarian and dictatorial. His self-serving use of millions of American dollars has
his repeated failure to cooperate with American forces in World War II was a scandal. After the war efforts on
his part to manipulate the U.S. government -- often successfully -- is a disgraceful chapter in our history
reflecting the vulnerability of American democracy. The one redeeming feature of this story is Richard
Nixon's recognition of Communist China.
Today America seems at the top of the heap, but it is slipping as resources are wasted and as foreign nations
develop technologically. And comparative population seems to nudge us toward the second rank. These
realities call for critical attention; they require that we outgrow our immature fantasy of moral superiority and
military invincibility. We are a great nation, but for all our virtues -- among them a written constitution
encompassing an admirable Bill of Rights, an open society unlike any in the world and a spirit of forward
looking hopefulness -- our country still has a bad habit of intruding into the affairs of other nations.
The American psyche suffers a curious quirk -- the belief that other nations want to be as we are. Perhaps in
some ways. But what they really want are more consumer goods and a higher standard of living. Most non-
Americans do not want "the American way of life" nor democracy as we know it. This is why the president's
notion that he is bringing democracy to the Near East is an illusion. Like all mortals we succumb to
propaganda. In our case the code words are "freedom" and "democracy." Without definition or cultural
analysis we are certain of their value for the rest of the world. Too few understand that code words are a fa?
ade permitting the luxury of self-deception. They justify what we want without reflection and with
indifference to their long-term consequences. Reality fades in the face of propaganda. This is a major reason
why we flounder in Iraq. We live in a fairyland of political-moral-military-patriotic babel. Realistically we are
in Iraq for three principal reasons: (1) petroleum, (2) corporate profits and (3) to protect Israel. No oil, no
invasion; no money to be made, no war; no Israel, no military presence. There are lesser reasons -- too much
military influence in American foreign policy, right wing clerical pressure, fear of Islam and the aggressive
drive inherent in all military organization. But none of this justifies the slaughter and destruction our intrusion
has brought to Iraq.
Too often minimized in analysis of these struggles for Near East dominance and power is the role of Israel.
Some facts seem beyond dispute: historically the Jews have suffered terribly; the political-military position of
Israel is tenuous; fear and instability pervade the Near East; mayhem continues daily; and colossal tragedy
impends without a stable peace. That peace requires the cooperative, collective effort of the major nations of
the world. Short of reducing the Near East to ashes the U.S. cannot do it alone. That the major nations of the
world must devise a formula for the safety and for the fair accommodation of all of the factions of the Near
East is imperative. More arms and nuclear weapons on the part of the moslems or Jews is futile. This is
despair; it is aggravated uncontrolled emotions. Surreptitiously arming with nuclear weapons is self-
deceiving. Proof for the layman outside the "inner circle of political power" is difficult, but American "gifts"
of nuclear material to friends in the Near East complicate everything. And our political effort to disguise this
by saying the material was "lost in the industrial process" is a repelling joke. Nuclear and chemical
engineering are sophisticated sciences; their specialists are skilled students of physics and chemistry; they are
excellent mathematicians; they do not "lose" material. The irony is nuclear bombs are vain, bootless. We
ourselves sit on the largest nuclear arsenal in the world -- thousands of bombs -- and we cannot use them. If
we use a "few" we alienate the world. We can destory the "enemy," but we may well destroy ourselves in the
process. Misusing nuclear energy could prove the last human misjudgment.
Lest looking at the world as it is discourages us, there is a basis for hope: humans are gifted with intelligence.
The problem is to cultivate that intelligence with realistic, scientific and humanistically illuminating
education.
Lloyd Williams is a retired educator. He contributes to The Transcript monthly.

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