Phonological Theory B (PLIN2104)

7 Feet
Outline
Stress prominence
The metrical grid
Metrical feet
Foot parameters
End Stress
Extrametricality
Catalexis
Stress prominence
1. Syllable prominence within the word
(a) Stress: the linguistic manifestation of rhythmic (metrical)
structure.
(b) Alternating rhythmic pattern across phonological strings:
perceptually strong syllables (stressed, prominence peaks)
interspersed with perceptually weak syllables (unstressed,
prominence troughs).
(c) Stressed vs. unstressed. Prominence peak () vs. trough.
PEAK+TROUGH TROUGH+PEAK
daler delght
bttle batk
prper propl
(d) Main vs. subsidiary stresses: in words with more than one local
prominence peak, one peak is even more prominent than the
others. Main/primary stress ( ) vs. subsidiary (secondary, tertiary,
etc.) stress ( ).
cnsterntion, Cnderlla, mltipliction
John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot 2
(e) Secondary stressed vs. unstressed
(i) SECONDARY+PRIMARY UNSTRESSED+PRIMARY
r-sgn resgn
furten forgt
BC (b+ s+) besege
(ii) PRIMARY+SECONDARY PRIMARY+UNSTRESSED
qurtle trtle
snwmn Rman
te prss Cyprus
2. Word stress systems
(a) Free vs. fixed stress languages
(i) Fixed stress: predictable location, derivable by rule.
(ii) Free stress: unpredictable; must be lexically specified.
(b) Examples of systems with fixed main stress
(i) Hungarian: initial
(ii) Polish: penultimate
(c) Examples of systems with free main stress: Russian, Greek.
(d) Intermediate systems: although stress is not fully fixed, the
possible locations of stress are limited to certain positions within
the word.
(i) English
(ii) Spanish: stress falls on one of the last three syllables of a
word. The basic pattern for most of the vocabulary is
penultimate (e.g. camsa), but some words have final stress
(e.g. Madrd), while others have antepenultimate (rgimen).
The metrical grid
3. Representing linguistic rhythm: the metrical grid
(a) Metrical grid: represents the rhythmic structure of a phonological
3 John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot
string.
(b) Metrical grid: examples
(i)
x
x x
x x x
x x x x x x
r e c o n c i l i a t i o n
(ii)
x
x x x
x x x x x x
x x x x x x x x x x x x
twenty-seven Mississippi legislators
(c) (i) Grid mark (x): a unit of rhythm, a beat.
(ii) Grid columns: a sequence of rhythmic beats, varying in
strength according to their height.
(iii) Grid rows/layers: on a given row, the beats occur twice as fast
as the beats on the row above.
(d) Layer 1 (the bottom row): marks represent all the units
participating in the rhythmic struture of the phonological string
typically syllables.
(e) Layer 1+n: marks represent only those units that bear some kind of
stress. The level of stress (primary, secondary, tertiary, etc.) is
reflected in the number of marks in a given column.
The metrical foot
4. Rhythmic scansion in verse
(a) Metrical foot: a unit of rhythm containing (i) exactly one strong
beat and (ii) optionally one or more weak beats.
(b) Iambic foot: weak+strong
For oft, when on my couch I lie
In vacant or in pensive mood,
They flash upon that inward eye
Which is the bliss of solitude
John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot 4
(c) Trochaic: strong+weak
Hardly from his buried wigwam
Could the hunter force a passage;
With his mittens and his snow-shoes
Vainly walked he through the forest
(d) Verse metre is calculated over sentence-level stresses (sentence
accents). In metric poetry, word-level stresses can count as either
strong or weak. Example: each of the four words in my couch I lie
in (a) bears a word-level stress. Of these, two count as strong beats
in the verse metre (couch, lie), while the other two count as weak
(my, I).
(e) The terms IAMBIC and TROCHAIC have been borrowed into
phonological theory to describe word-level stress patterns. In
metrical phonology, any stressed syllable (main or subsidiary)
always counts as strong, while only unstressed syllables count as
weak.
5. Metrical constituency in phonology
(a) Evidence that beats in linguistic rhythm are grouped into
constituents, cf. music again.
(b) The phonological METRICAL FOOT (first draft): the minimal
metrical constituent, consisting of an obligatory prominence peak
and an optional trough.
(c) Foot types
(i) TROCAHIC foot (a trochee): prominence on the left.
(ii) IAMBIC foot (an iamb): prominence on the right.
(d) Bracketed grid notation
GRID AND BRACKETS ABBREVIATION
(i) Trochee: left-headed
x
(x x) (x .)
(ii) Iamb: right-headed
x
(x x) (. x)
5 John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot
6. Linguistic stress vs. verse rhythm
(a) Within the phonological system of any given language with word
stress, only one foot type is used.
(b) Verse metre is quite independent of this. In principle, either
phonological foot type can be fitted to any verse metre. English
phonology has uniformly trochaic feet, but much metric poetry in
English uses iambic rhythm (by starting a line on an up-beat)..
7. Identifying feet in English
(a) Feet parenthesised
(i) Bisyllabic trochee: (cty), (bttle)
(ii) Monosyllabic trochee: (time), (four)
(b) Words containing more than one foot
(i) (cnster)(ntion), (Cnde)(rlla)
(ii) (mlti)(ply ), (frti)(tde)
(iii) (d)(lte), (s)(nle)
(iv) (fun)(dtion), (fc)(ttum)
(c) Stressed vs. unstressed syllables
(i) Every stressed syllable forms the head of a foot.
(ii) An unstressed syllable can either be
the weak syllable of a foot, e.g. (cty), or
unfooted (not included in foot structure), e.g. ba(nna),
(vni)ty.
(d) Expletive insertion: sounds most natural between feet (as opposed
to within feet). Insert your own bisyllabic trochee:
(abso)(lutely) (conster)(nation) (cater)(pillar)
8. Verse rimes
(a) The phonological domain over which a verse rime is defined is the
foot.
John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot 6
(b) Masculine vs. feminine verse rimes
(i) Masculine: (cook)(book), (tray)de(lay).
(ii) Feminine: e(lation)(nation), (city)(pity),
(merri)ly(veri)ly.
Foot parameters
9. Foot parameters
(a) PARAMETER PARAMETRIC SETTINGS
(i) Foot head location: Left/Right
(ii) Directionality of footing: Leftwards/Rightwards
(iii) Foot binarity On/Off
(b) Foot head location
(i) Left-headed: trochee
(ii) Right-headed: iamb
(c) Directionality of footing
(i) Foot construction proceeds right to left.
(ii) Foot construction proceeds left to right.
(d) Foot binarity: the unmarked foot is binary.
(i) Binarity [on]: no monosyllabic feet.
(ii) Binarity [off]: feet may be monosyllabic (DEGENERATE).
10. Directional footing
(a) Words with an even number of syllables: different directions
converge on the same result:
( )( )( )
(b) Words with an odd number of syllables: footing yields different
results according to whether it proceeds rightwards or leftwards:
(i) Left-to-right: the right edge of word has either a degenerate
foot or an unfooted syllable (depending on the foot binarity
parameter):
7 John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot
DEGENERATE FOOT UNFOOTED SYLLABLE
( )( )( )() ( )( )( )
(ii) Right-to-left: the left edge of word has either a degenerate
foot or an unfooted syllable:
DEGENERATE FOOT UNFOOTED SYLLABLE
()( )( )( ) ( )( )( )
11. Case studies
(a) Four case studies below, focusing on:
(i) Foot head location
(ii) Directionality of footing
(iii) Foot binarity
(b) None of the systems shows:
(i) Extrametricality (see Handout 1 and below)
(ii) Quantity sensitivity (see Handout 1 and below)
(c) We start by ignoring main vs. subsidiary stress distinctions.
12. Maranungku (Australia)
(a) pn friend
tralk saliva
mrept beard
yngarmta the Pleiades
wngowtanwan thunderhead
y
(b) Theres always a stress on the first syllable of the word.
(c) Foot head: Left
Directionality: Left-to-right
Foot binarity: Off
(d) Even (x .) (x .) (x .)
wngo wta nwan
y
Odd (x .) (x)
mre pt
John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot 8
13. Polish
(a) mrmlad marmalade (gen. pl.)
mrmolda marmalade (nom. sing.)
mrmladwy marmalade (adj.)
(b) Theres always a stress on the penultimate syllable of the word.
(c) Foot head: Left
Directionality: Right-to-left
Foot binarity: Off
(d) Even (x .) (x .)
mrmo lda
Odd (x) (x .) (x .)
mr mla dwy
14. Yidin (Australia)
y
(a) galb catfish (abs.)
gudga dog (abs.)
wawd in see (antipass. past)
y
mad mdaNd iN walk up (trans. antipass. pers)
y y
(b) Theres always a stress on the second syllable of the word.
(c) Foot head: Right
Directionality: Left-to-right
Foot binarity: On
(d) Even (. x) (. x)
waw dyin
Odd (. x) (. x)
mad m daN d iN
y y
9 John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot
15. Aklan (Philippines)
(a) bis kiss
bsah kiss (ref. imp.)
suGgu?n servant
mtinmarn being lazy
(b) Theres always a stress on the final syllable of the word.
(c) Foot head: Right
Directionality: Right-to-left
Foot binarity: Off
(d) Even (. x) (. x)
sup gun
Odd (x) (. x) (. x)
m tin marn
Main stress
16. Main (primary) vs. subsidiary stress
(a) The universal pattern is for the main stress to fall within the foot at
either at the left or the right edge of the word.
(b) The head of the foot associated with main stress projects a grid
mark on the word layer.
(c) The End Stress parameter
PARAMETER SETTINGS
End Stress Left/Right
17. Examples
(a) Maranungku: End Stress [Left]
Word x
Foot (x .) (x .) (x .)
wngo wta nwan
y
John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot 10
Word x
Foot (x .) (x)
mre pt
(b) Polish: End Stress [Right]
Word x
Foot (x .) (x .)
mrmo lda
Word x
Foot (x) (x .) (x .)
mr mla dwy
Metrical parameters: summary
18. Metrical parameters
PARAMETER PARAMETRIC SETTINGS
(a) Foot head location: Left/Right
(b) Directionality of footing: Leftwards/Rightwards
(c) Foot binarity: On/Off
(d) End Stress: Left/Right
(e) Quantity-sensitivity: On/Off
(f) Extrametricality On/Off
Metrical effects at word-ends
19. EXTRAMETRICALITY
(a) An extrametrical element (syllable, mora, or segment) is
metrically inert.
11 John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot
(b) Parameters
(i) Final extrametricality: ON/OFF
(ii) Domain of extrametricality: //C
20. CATALEXIS
(a) Catalexis: the counting of a silent beat for metrical purposes.
(b) Catalexis in verse: absence of a syllable in the last foot of a line
of verse.
Taffy was a Welshman
Taffy was a thief 3
Taffy came to my house
And stole a piece of beef 3
Consonant extrametricality
21. Cairene Arabic syllable weight
Word position: Medial Final
Light CV T T
Heavy CVV, CVC T T
Superheavy CVVC, CVCC X T
22. Main stress in Cairene Arabic
(a) Quantity-sensitivity: main stress on final syllable if superheavy.
(i) VCC]
katabt I wrote
saabt I pulled
nidimt I regretted
kidibt I lied
John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot 12
(ii) VVC]
hagga :t old woman
adda :b liar (m.)
adda :d blacksmith (m.)
bana:t girls
(b) Otherwise, main stress on penult if heavy.
(i) VC.C
katabta you (m.) wrote
mudarris teacher (m.)
muarrir editor (m.)
muhandis architect (m.)
(ii) VV.C
ha:Da:ni these 2 (m.)
be:tak your (m.) house
aba:yib close friends
he:lak take it easy
(c) Otherwise, main stress on penult or antepenult (depending on
conditions not relevant here).
(i) Penultimate V.
imil he did
hirib he ran away
garrabu try (imp. pl.)
(ii) Antipenultimate V.
?inka Sarit it (f.) broke
katabit she wrote
Sajaratuhu
23. Standard analysis
(a) Parametric settings
(i) Final C extrametrical
(ii) Moraic trochees, oriented right
(iii) Quantity-sensitive (weight-to-stress)
13 John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot
(b) (i) Final superheavy
ka(tab)<t> (hag)(ga:)<t>
(ii) Penultimate heavy
ka(tab)ta (ha:)(Da:)ni
mu(dar)ri<s> (be:)ta<k>
(iii) Penultimate light
(imi)<l> (gar)(rabu)
(iv) Antepenultimate light
(kata)bi<t> (Saja)(ra tu)hu
(c) All rimes subject to binary limit; all feet binary.
24. Final-onset analysis
(a) Every final C is the onset of a dull syllable. No need for final C
extrametricality.
(b) Super-heavy sequence = ordinary bimoraic heavy syllable plus
final light syllable.
ka(tab)t (hag)(ga:)t
Syllable extrametricality
25. Spanish
(a) Primary stress in V-final words
(i) Penultimate (default)
camsa palma perdda lost (f.)
(ii) Antepenultimate
sbado rbrica prdida loss
(iii) Final
Panam palet caf
(b) Primary stress in C-final words
(i) Final (default)
civl mercd altr
John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot 14
(ii) Penultimate
mvil mbar csped
(iii) Antepenultimate
anlisis rgimen lvarez
(c) Limited quantity sensitivity: stress must fall on one of the last
three syllables of a word; but antepenultimate stress is impossible
if the penultimate syllable is closed (* tpamba).
26. Spanish: standard analysis
(a) Default pattern: moraic trochee, oriented right.
(i) V-final: ca(msa) pa(lma)
(ii) C-final: ci(vl) mer(cd)
(b) Final V stress: lexically marked degenerate foot.
ca(f) (ple)(t)
(c) Antepenultimate V-final: lexically marked syllable
extrametricality.
(sba)<do> (rbri)<ca>
(d) Penultimate C-final: lexically marked consonant extrametricality.
(mvi)<l> (cspe)<d>
(e) Summary of standard assumptions
(i) CVC counts as heavy word-finally but not always word-
internally reverse of the usual pattern, cf. Arabic.
(ii) Syllable extrametricality.
(iii) Consonant extrametricality.
(iv) Degenerate feet.
27. Spanish: re-analysis with final dull syllable
(a) Default: syllabic trochee, right-oriented.
V-final: ca(msa) pa(lma)
(b) Final dull syllable projects to metrical structure, just like any other
syllable.
C-final: ci(vl) mer(cd)
15 John Harris iii.08 \Phono\07-08\7 Foot
(c) Final V stress: lexically marked catalexis; syllabic trochee
overhangs word end.
ca(f) (ple)(t)
(d) Antepenultimate V-final: lexically marked syllable
extrametricality.
(sba)<do> (rbri)<ca>
(e) Penultimate C-final: lexically marked syllable extrametricality.
(mvi)<l> (cspe)<d>
(f) Summary
(i) No special quantity behaviour of final CVC.
(ii) Consonant extrametricality reduces to syllable
extrametricality.
(iii) Degenerate feet dispensed with under catalexis.
(iv) Potential to dispense with distinction between moraic and
syllabic trochees.
Reading
Roca & Johnson 1999 (ch 11-13)