HIS 382 Final Essay

NAME- TUNEER MUKHERJEE STUDENT NO.
997996370
HIS 382 H5F FALL 2013 December 8, 2013

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HIS 382 Nationalism in Modern South Asia Assignment IV Final Essay
Professor Dr.Suvadip Sinha Words- 4067
'Hindutva 2014'- Modern Hindu Nationalism and Electoral Politics in India

The term Hindutva derives its origins from the ideological pamphlet Hindutva: Who Is a
Hindu".
1
The pamphlet written by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was used to propagate
"Hinduness" or the "quality of being Hindu" as described in the book Women, States, and
Nationalism.
2
Establishing Hinduism as a political identity was something that Savarkar had first
proposed and even he would not have expected this idea to later evolve into something as big as
it is today. An excerpt from the revised 5th edition of the pamphlet, "Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu",
states that,"we Hindus are bound together not only by the tie of the love we bear to a common
fatherland and by the common blood that courses through our veins and keeps our hearts
throbbing and our affections warm, but also by the tie of the common homage we pay to our
great civilization - our Hindu culture".
3
His concept of a Hindu nation would be criticized in the
future and it was not an idea that would be extolled easily.As early as 1950, Jean A.Curran
mentioned Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in an article in the Far Eastern Survey and
termed it 'Militant Hinduism'.
4

1
Savarkar , V.D. Essentials of Hindutva. Web.
<http://www.savarkar.org/content/pdfs/en/essentials_of_hindutva.v001.pdf>.
2
Tetreault, Mary Ann, and Sita Ranchod-Nilsson. Women, States, and Nationalism. London: Routledge, 2004. 104.
Print.
3
4
Curran Jr., Jean A. "The RSS: Militant Hinduism." Far Eastern Survey- Institute of Pacific Relations. 19.10 (1950):
93-98. Web. 24 Oct. 2013. (< http://www.jstor.org/stable/3023941>)

NAME- TUNEER MUKHERJEE STUDENT NO. 997996370

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Even in its early days, violence dominated the image of Hindu nationalism. Nathuram Godse, the
sole assassinator of Mahatma Gandhi was an ex-member of the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha.
5

It is believed that because Gandhi took a soft stance on violence committed by Muslims on
Hindus during the fragile period of partition, many right wing Hindu nationalists including
Savarkar conspired to help Godse assassinate Gandhi. Even though RSS and Savarkar would be
later exonerated from the assassination of Gandhi, the initial image the newly independent Indian
population had of Hindu nationalism was not a favorable one.
6
Additionally, the RSS was
banned consequently in the aftermath of Gandhi's assassination. This ban would later be revoked
when investigators could find no evidence that the RSS was organizationally involved, had
formally sponsored or even had any knowledge of Godse's plot.
7

In today's India, the concept of Hindu nationalism is enforced by a group of organizations called
the 'Sangh Parivar'. The word parivar which means family consists of organizations that believe
in the same ideology of 'Hinduness' or Hindutva. This includes the Vishwa Hindu Parishad
(VHP), the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Bajrang
Dal and the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP).
8
These organizations together have
redefined Hindu Nationalism in India, in both good and bad ways. But, there is a general feeling
among scholars that the non-secular character of these organizations has always overshadowed
the better aspects of these organizations' ideology. The next general elections scheduled to be
held in 2014 is around the corner and a swarm of corruption scandals, bad government polices

5
http://www.hindu.com/2004/08/18/stories/2004081805151100.htm
6
7
8
Saha, Santosh Religious Fundamentalism in the Contemporary World: Critical Social and Political Issues.
Lexington, MA: Lexington Press 2004. Print


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along with a stagnant economy has seriously crippled the ruling Indian National Congress (INC)
led government. This atmosphere of anti-incumbency has been seized upon by opposition
parties; the most prominent winner from this situation is the BJP led coalition of political parties
that advocate a Hindu nationalist agenda. Thus, after ten years of serving as national opposition,
the opportunity and time is ripe for BJP to resume its leadership of the Indian masses.
The electoral effort in BJP is being led by the charismatic Narendra Modi, who within a couple
of months of declaring of his candidacy for the prime ministerial post, has redefined the way
Hindutva is perceived in India. The way he has galvanized the primary support base for the BJP
and complimented that by showcasing himself as a strong minded politician has attracted a lot of
first time voters in his favor. Additionally, the recent results of the Indian state assembly
elections along with Modi's current impact on Indian politics at the national level is crucial in
determining the current standing of Hindutva in India. Therefore, in the context of current
electoral politics in India and the BJP and Narenda Modi's track record with communalism and
violence, this essay asks and answers how relevant Hindu Nationalism and its associated policies
are in the eyes of today's Indian voter and what role Narendra Modi will play in the revival of
Hindutva in the run-up to the Indian general elections of 2014.
While exploring the multi-faceted and nature of the term Hindutva in the context of today's
India, this essay also explores some key issues surrounding Hindu nationalism in the country.
The most important of these is the communal nature of this ideology and how it has influenced
communal violence in India in the past, focusing especially on events during the dark decade
between 1992 and 2002 with particular focus on Ayodhya and Godhra respectively. The essay
also discusses the differences in the Bharatiya Janata Party's approach to politics while it is in
power compared to when sits in the opposition. A closer look is taken at the relevance of policies

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like; repulsion of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, Uniform Civil Code and the
construction of a temple at 'Ramjanmabhoomi' in today's political landscape. The candidacy of
controversial leaders like L.K.Advani and Narendra Modi as Prime Minister is also discussed. It
also attempts to discuss the political impact that other organizations inside the 'Sangh Parivar'
have had on BJP and on its political and electoral fortunes. Additionally, this essay will briefly
delve into the anti-Congress (INC) atmosphere in India and explore the factors which have
propelled BJP to a favorable position to win power at the federal level after the 2014 elections.
The communal violence that is characterized with Hindu nationalism and more importantly the
BJP must be discussed first, to get a better picture of why Hindu nationalism in India is regarded
the way it is. The earlier incidents of communal violence in post-independent India were usually
isolated ones and were caused by regional tensions. It was only in the late 1980's and early
1990's when Hindu nationalists grew in stature, did we see something substantial that was
communal in nature. The Ramjanmabhoomi and the Babri Masjid demolition is best explained
by Paul Brass in the opening commentary of his book, The Production of Hindu-Muslim
Violence in Contemporary India, when he says that, "Forty five years after Independence, the
world was presented with another image of India, that of violent mobs of Hindus descending
upon the old, mainly Hindu religious town of Ayodhya to climb upon a five-hundred-year-old
mosque to destroy it".
9
In his book, Brass mentions how the communal atmosphere in India was
propagated by right-wing Hindu Nationalist parties, all of which were part of the 'Sangh Parivar'.
He openly states that, "All the organizations in the RSS family of militant Hindu organizations
adhere to a broader ideology of Hindutva, of Hindu nationalism that theoretically exists

9
Brass, Paul R. The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. Seattle, WA: University of
Washington Press, 2003. Print.

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Independently of Hindu-Muslim antagonisms, but in practice has thrived only when that
opposition is explicitly or implicitly present."
10
In the immediate aftermath of the Babri Masjid
demolition, communal riots between Hindus and Muslims broke out in all parts of India.
11

These riots which led to deaths of a lot of innocent Muslims were seen as a precursor to anti-
Indian feelings among the Muslim population in India, and were later attributed as the reason
behind the 1993 Bombay bomb blasts.
Another such incident that shook the secular fabric in India was the Gujarat pogrom of 2002. The
BJP was in charge of both the state government and the national government at that time.
The pogrom of 2002 also gave birth to the controversial character of Narendra Modi, which he
yet is to be completely absolved of. Parvis Ghassem-Fachandi in his book Pogrom in Gujarat:
Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India, states that, "A pogrom is an event driven
by words and images, as much by the associations and invocations that precede it as by those that
accompany it."
12
He mentions how state machinery did nothing to prevent the riots in the
aftermath of Godhra and goes on to say that, "Hindu residents of Ahmedabad at the time of the
pogrom explained to me that in their view, the Modi government obviously had no other choice
than to allow the eruption to take its course. Otherwise, it would have been dealing in
politics."
13
This along with the conviction of important minsters like Maya Kodnani and Amit
Shah does point out to the fact that in some way or the other Narendra Modi knew about the

10
11
12
Ghassem-Fachandi, Parvis. Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India. Princeton:
Princeton University Press,, 2012. Print.
13


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conspiracy being hatched in Gujarat.
14
The Gujarat riots according to Ghassem made the
Muslims in the state of Gujarat support BJP even more. In the words of one interlocutor, "They
will stab you from the front not from the back" when comparing the BJP to INC.
15
But that does
not absolve the Modi government from its failure to protect Muslim civilians in the state at that
time.
11 years after the Gujarat pogrom, the three time Gujarat Chief Minister has emerged as the most
popular politician in India. The way Gujarat has developed economically has even surprised the
best critics of Modi and with the general elections around the corner, he is the leading candidate
to be India's next prime minister. The Economic and Political Weekly article sums it up best,
"Soon after the organized killings of Muslims in Gujarat in 2002 helped Narendra Modi win the
assembly election that year, which the BJP was expecting to lose prior to the riots, there was a
sudden and perceptible change in the way he projected himself. Aggressive Hindutva was put on
the public relations back-burner and those who insisted on the continued focus on Hindutva
like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader Pravin Togadia and influential sections of the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) were unceremoniously sidelined. This is not to suggest that Modi
abandoned aggressive Hindutva, but it was to remain invisible, at least below the radar of public
perception and mainstream media. An organized publicity campaign was launched to foreground
development."
16

The fact that their own leaders have such controversial backgrounds and are at times directly
involved in these incidents hasn't helped their cause either. This is not the first time that Hindu

14
http://www.deccanchronicle.com/131125/commentary-columnists/commentary/rss-still-mood-love
15
16
"Selling Modi." Economic and Political Weekly . XLVIII.16 (2013): n. page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013.
<http://www.epw.in/editorials/selling-modi.html>.

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nationalists have projected such a candidate with a controversial background. L.K Advani, its
last prime ministerial candidate for the 2009 general elections also has a dark past that is linked
to the destruction of the Babri Masjid in 1992. When Narendra Modi was projected at the prime
ministerial candidate, Mr.Advani was fundamentally opposed to any such move, even though his
own personal credentials are not particularly secular.
17
The Liberhan commission that was
entrusted with the task of investigating the actual culprits behind the demolition of the Babri
mosque came out with its report in 2009.
18
This report was subject of a lot of controversy when it
was tabled in the Parliament especially because senior BJP leaders were accused of being
involved in the larger conspiracy.
19
Justice M S Liberhan termed Atal Bihari Vajpayee, L K
Advani, and Murli Manohar Joshi as pseudo-moderates, saying they were individuals who were
pretending to keep a distance from the Ram Janmabhoomi campaign when they were actually
aware of the whole conspiracy.
20
The report also stated that, "They have violated the trust of the
people. There can be no greater betrayal or crime in a democracy and this Commission has no
hesitation in condemning these pseudo-moderates for their sins of omission".
21
Thus given these
revelations it is clear that the BJP has no qualms in projecting leaders with controversial
backgrounds. The last three prime ministerial candidates of the BJP for general elections in
2014,2009 and 2004, namely Narendra Modi, L K Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee respectively
have all been accused of helping and conspiring communal acts, if not directly being involved in
them.

17
http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-09-12/india/42007408_1_parliamentary-board-l-k-advani-
narendra-modi
18
The Liberhan Commission Report, 2009; http://docs.indiatimes.com/liberhan/liberhan.pdf
19
http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB125906324450462205
20
http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2009-11-25/india/28097016_1_liberhan-commission-report-justice-
liberhan-report-lists
21

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But the question that intrigues everyone is that, why in spite of such incidents of communal
violence not only has the BJP survived, but has prospered inside India. This in my opinion can
be attributed to multiple factors, but the most significant one of these is the absence of a credible
opposition to the Congress party in India. The niche of pan-India national opposition party that is
there to be filled has been diligently occupied by the BJP. Furthermore, one needs to distinguish
between the different political appearances of BJP in order to a get better idea as to how the
concept of Hindutva has developed over time politically. Especially by comparing BJP's policies
when they are in power and when they are in opposition.
The BJP even after vehemently propagating for issues like a Uniform Civil Code, nullification of
Article 370 of the Indian Constitution and building of a Ram Temple at the Ramjanmabhoomi in
Ayodhya throughout the years, remained reclusive from all these issues when they came to
power for six years from 1998 to 2004.
The Uniform Civil Code is something that can be traced back to the days of the formation of the
Indian constitution. Such legislation would have truly outlined the secular character of India, but
such a measure was never taken up fearing backlash from the sizeable Muslim minority in
India.
22
Jan Sangh, the predecessor to BJP had strongly supported a Uniform Civil Code during
the formulation of the constitution. Their view was that if Hindus are to have a civil code, the
same applies to Muslims and Christians as well. While, other personal laws have undergone
reform, the Muslim personal law has not.
23
One such notable conflict in regard to Muslim
personal law was the Shah Bano case, when Muslim personal law came into conflict with an

22
Article 44, Constitution of India/Part IV
23
Noorani, Abdul Gafoor. The Muslims of India : a documentary record. 2003. New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2004. Print.

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order from the Supreme Court.
24
The Prime Minister of India at that time, Rajiv Gandhi nullified
the judgment by passing the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986
through the Indian parliament where his party held two-thirds of the majority.
25
This was done to
mollify the large Muslim minority in the country who regarded the Supreme Court verdict to be
in direct opposition to what the Quran says. In a subsequent move, to appease the country's
Hindu voters, Rajiv Gandhi also ordered the gates of the disputed Babri mosque to be opened to
allow Hindus to worship there.
26
This decision of his, led to the subsequent 'Ramjanmabhoomi'
movement, where Hindus from all around India were called upon to help the 'Sangh Parivar' in
establishing a Ram Temple in Ayodhya on the disputed site of the Babri Masjid.
27
While the
demand for a Uniform Civil Code has died down in recent times, the agitation for a Ram Temple
still remains strong. Even though a recent rhetoric by BJP's prime ministerial candidate
suggested otherwise when he announced in a rally that if he comes to power "he will build toilets
before temples".
28
Surprisingly enough, a similar attitude was maintained by the Atal Bihari
Vajpayee led NDA government, due to pressure from its coalition partners and in the fear of
Muslim backlash. The government did not go ahead with any temple construction on the
disputed site. One issue though which has found mention in the election campaign leading up to
2014, is Article 370 of the Indian Constitution.Article 370 of the Indian constitution grants
special autonomous powers to state of Jammu and Kashmir, a region which is matter of dispute
between India, Pakistan and China. Narendra Modi in one of his election rallies in Jammu said,

24
Noorani, Abdul Gafoor. The Muslims of India: a documentary record. 2003. New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2004. Print.
25
Noorani, Abdul Gafoor. The Muslims of India: a documentary record. 2003. New Delhi: Oxford University Press,
2004. Print.
26
http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?224878
27
28
http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/make-toilets-before-temples-narendra-modi-tells-students-in-delhi-426880

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"As per Constitution, the debate will go on whether Article 370 will end or continue, at least
there should be debate whether Article 370 has benefitted J&K or not."
29
This is a clear dilution
of the stand BJP has taken in the past where it has spoken in favor of abrogating Article 370
altogether.
30
This again was something that the NDA government did enforce while in power
given the limitations of its coalition government.
Even though the Vajpayee government was under pressure from elements within the 'Sangh
Parivar', it was impossible for the BJP to push items like building the Ram Janmabhoomi
Mandir, repealing Article 370 which gave a special status to the state of Kashmir, or enacting a
uniform civil code, owing to its dependence on coalition support. The discontent expressed by
some right-wing hard-liners were so much that on 17th January 2000, there were reports that
these elements were planning to restart Jan Sangh, the precursor to the BJP, due to their
dissatisfaction with the Vajpayee government.
31
Former president of the Jan Sangh, Balraj
Modhak had even written a letter to the then RSS chief Rajendra Singh for support.
32
The RSS at
that time routinely criticized the government for its free-market policies at the expense of
swadeshi economics and even termed the BJP under A B Vajpayee as the B-team of the
Congress.
33
Thus we can see that there are internal divisions between the 'Sangh Parivar' as well.
The November 2nd 2013 issue of the Economic and Political Weekly carried the article 'Divided
Sangh', in which it mentions deep divisions between the state units of RSS and BJP.
34
The article
further mentions that it is Narendra Modi's elevation as the prime ministerial candidate that has

29
http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/at-narendra-modi-s-jammu-rally-bjp-dilutes-stand-on-article-370-453127
30
http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/at-narendra-modi-s-jammu-rally-bjp-dilutes-stand-on-article-370-453127
31
http://expressindia.indianexpress.com/ie/daily/20000118/ina18037.html
32
33
34
"Divided Sangh." Economic and Political Weekly. XLVIII.44 (2013): n. page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013.
<http://www.epw.in/editorials/divided-sangh.html>.

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for the time being brought the 'Sangh Parivar' together in the interest of a larger Hindutva
platform for the 2014 elections.
35
But the fact remains that the BJP is the moderate face of Hindu
nationalism in India, mainly because of its status as a national political party. The party has to
deal with its coalition partners and it prefers to take a more moderate stand on issues due to the
fear that it may lose a portion of its voter base if it pursues a policy that is deemed extreme in
nature. Other organizations like the RSS and VHP prefer a more hard-liner approach to Hindutva
and thus have actually done more harm than good to BJP's political prospects. In recent times
many senior party leaders like L.K.Advani, Arun Jaitley, Sushma Swaraj and Ananth Kumar
were noticeably skeptical about the idea of a parikrama in Ayodhya and faced flak from other
members of the 'Sangh Parivar' due to this.
36

The 2014 general elections will be surely the largest electoral procedure ever held in the world
and the youth of 21st century India are sure to dish out some surprising results as they did in
the state assembly elections held in India in the latter half of 2013. The right-wing Hindu
nationalists under the leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won the elections in three
out of four states, while ended up being the single largest party in one state. These elections also
saw the spectacular debut of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which brought home its anti-
corruption agenda and pro-people movement by bagging second place in the prestigious Delhi
Assembly elections.
37
These elections if considered a pre-cursor to the 2014 general elections
scheduled to be held in India, points to a shift in electoral fortunes in favor of the BJP. The party
that rode the last wave of nationalism in 1998 to come to power is looking for something similar

35
"Divided Sangh." Economic and Political Weekly . XLVIII.44 (2013): n. page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013.
36
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/vhp-rally-ayodhya-ram-mandir-rift-in-sangh-parivar-chaurasi-kos-
parikrama/1/304591.html
37
http://eciresults.ap.nic.in/

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to replicate its success in the upcoming elections as well. Furthermore, buoyed with these state
assembly election results, the future of Hindutva in India finally looks bright after serving as
national opposition for a decade. The wider coalition of political parties called NDA (National
Democratic Alliance), headed by the BJP has also lost a crucial ally in the form of the Janata Dal
(United) abbreviated as JDU.
38
This can be attributed solely to the declaration of Narendra Modi
as the prime ministerial candidate. In the absence of wider consensus for the policies broadcasted
by NDA, Mr.Modi has been that charismatic leader that has been entrusted with the job of
getting the BJP the required support it needs to displace the INC from the pedestal of federal
politics in India.
Narendra Modi is the poster boy of Hindutva in today's India. His brand of Hindutva not only
represents the ever evolving idea of Hindu Nationalism in India but today embodies the growing
clout for a strong political figure. With the 2014 elections looming in the background, there
suddenly seems to be a dearth of strong political leaders in India. The search for a leader that can
mobilize the Indian population and promote an acceptable agenda was seriously missing until the
arrival of the charismatic Gujarat Chief Minister on the national scene. Largely supported by the
Sangh Parivar, Modi in spite of his controversial role in the pogrom committed in Gujarat in
2002, has attained surprising popularity among the Indian electorate, especially among first-time
voters. An article in 'The Economic and Political Weekly' also mentions that Modi is
aggressively pursuing a development Hindutva platform, where development means the
agenda of big capital, and Hindutva is the political programme of reaction."
39
Thus the
strongman from Gujarat is trying to amalgamate the pro-business policy of BJP with the social

38
"Governed by Realpolitik." Economic and Political Weekly . XLVIII.26-27 (2013): n. page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013.
<http://www.epw.in/editorials/governed-realpolitik.html>.
39

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policies of the 'Sangh Parivar. But is Mr. Modi the answer to the problem? The same person,
who is held liable for the 2002 pogrom in Gujarat by many, is suddenly the Prince of Hindutva.
Even though his concept of Hindutva has managed to pull in a prominent portion of the Indian
electorate, they have still a long way to go before establishing themselves as the biggest political
party in terms of electoral results. The General Elections in India are still six months away and
one can only gauge the effects of 'Modi mania' once the results of those elections are declared.
Nevertheless, one cannot discount the effect Modi has had on national politics ever since he was
declared the prime ministerial candidate by the BJP.
Other factors that have contributed to the rise of the BJP and Narendra Modi, is the disastrous
performance of the ruling INC led coalition- UPA (United Progressive Alliance). Falling
economic growth rate coupled with inflation has led to a steep rise in prices of essential foods
and commodities. Additionally, a series of corruption scandals and graft cases have tarnished the
clean and uncorrupt image of the Manmohan Singh government.
40
The failure to carry out good
governance along with paralysis of key government policies has made the Indian electorate wary
of the UPA government. Another important development was the Jan Lokpal Movement which
demanded a Citizen's Ombudsman Bill, to help investigate cases of graft against corrupt
politicians, bureaucrats, judges etc.
41
The subsequent formation of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)
and its surprising performance in the 2013 Delhi Assembly elections as seen by the Economic
and Political Weekly is, "lends credence to the belief that idealism can triumph over established
political parties like the Congress and the BJP and shows that violent and unscrupulous means

40
http://cag.gov.in/html/reports/civil/2010-11_19PA/Telecommunication%20Report.pdf
41
http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/what-is-the-jan-lokpal-bill-why-it-s-important-96600?curl=1386729528

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are not the only way to gain electoral success."
42
Thus with the anti-incumbency factor very
much stacked against the Congress, it remains to be seen if the BJP can take advantage of this
atmosphere and rejuvenate Hindutva in the country. The other scenario could be that, smaller
regional parties could spoil Modi's march to 7 Race Course Road, by capturing the anti-Congress
vote.
What is Hindutva in reality and what purpose does it have in todays Indian political scene? This
essay has explored the multifaceted nature of Hindu Nationalism in India, trying to capture the
best and the worst aspects of Hindutva. In period of violence that tore apart the secular fabric of
India, Hindutva has been labelled to be sectarian in nature and is held responsible for creating a
communal atmosphere in the country. From Ramjanmabhoomi to Godhra, Hindutva has been
marred by communal violence. But in the end of it all, this ideology is the only other concrete
alternative available to the Indian voter. An ideology that may divide India, but cuts across all
the boundaries established within Hinduism and unites the majority of largest democracy in the
world. This is why is it that in spite of having such controversial leaders with communal
backgrounds, the BJP is the only party that can truly be called a national party other than the
INC. Where even after a decade long period of communal violence filled with religious conflicts,
Hindutva lives on. Narendra Modi's good governance and development agenda has attracted a lot
of attention in the recent times, but it would take Mr. Modi a little more than Hindutva to
displace the Grand Old Party of India (INC). Nevertheless, Modi and BJP have captured the
nation's imagination and in spite of all the controversies associated with Hindu nationalism,
Hindutva seems to be the catchphrase leading up to 2014.

42
Ananth , V Krishna. "A Message to the Aam Aadmi Party."Economic and Political Weekly . XLVIII.50 (2013): n.
page. Web. 7 Dec. 2013. <http://www.epw.in/web-exclusives/message-aam-aadmi-party.html-0>.

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aam-aadmi-party.html-0>.
Brass, Paul R. The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. Seattle, WA:
University of Washington Press, 2003. Print.
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Web. 7 Dec. 2013. <http://www.epw.in/editorials/governed-realpolitik.html>.
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