Examination papers and Examiners reports 2007

3
Examiners report 2007
Zone A
General remarks
This year the examination paper had a somewhat different feel from that
of previous years, to reflect the updated, more detailed syllabus and the
materials presented in the new subject guide. Certainly there was much
less emphasis on classical location theories (although they were covered)
and traditional concepts such as those of the region and those involved in
depicting rural settlement. Only one question was set for which an
understanding of classical location theory was required. So the best advice
we can give is: consider the revised syllabus carefully, make full use of the
new subject guide, look at the examination advice it gives and read this
report to get a general sense of what is required to answer questions
properly. The question papers for 2007 are more useful for your
preparation than those for previous years. You are advised to prepare in
depth for a reasonably wide range of topics.
This is a report that concentrates on the Zone A version of this paper. The
Zone B paper has the same structure and is based on the same syllabus
(and may often contain an identical question or two). There is no
difference in the style and level of difficulty of the questions that are asked
in each version of the paper. All of the remarks that this report contains
will be helpful to any candidates preparing for the Zone B version of this
examination next year.
There follow a number of general remarks that are repeated each year for,
in the main, students new to the subject read this report. Most of these
remarks have been made in examination reports in previous years, and
some recapitulate points made elsewhere in general examination advice.
With new students signing up for the unit each year they are well worth
repeating. However, it is curious (to Examiners at least) how students
seem to think that the specific comments on questions are more important
or useful than the general ones. The general comments provided
elsewhere on how to approach the examination remain still, by far, the
most important advice that can be given and must be considered non-
optional for practical implementation. Everyone knows, without saying,
that all four questions must be answered and that four questions into
three hours means 45 minutes should be spent on each. Yet there will be
some students reading this note who will not follow this simple, but vital,
requirement. It is just not that easy to pass, let alone do well, if only three
questions are attempted or if the fourth is hurried. Every year, without
exception, there are scripts that fall exactly into this category.
Furthermore, it is also unhelpful if the last question degenerates into note
form. Please divide the time equally amongst all of the four questions
answered. It is genuinely better to stop writing and leave an answer
unfinished than to misallocate time. The usual advice also still applies on
making a plan and answering the actual question posed not one that
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was hoped for or revised for. Answering the question set is paramount.
The examination is, of course, conducted in English. Care has to be taken
in making the arguments clear and this means following the basic rules of
grammar. It is altogether much better to write a little less if it means that
the sentences make sense and are properly formed. A good rule of thumb
is one clear idea per paragraph made up of short but complete sentences.
All of the above does not mean that model answers should be learned.
There is no doubt that some facts and theories have to be learned and it
makes good sense to memorise the structure of topics, but it is just not
necessary to learn individual sentences for replication. In fact there is a
tendency not to concentrate on the meaning of what is being said if
sentences are simply learned by heart. A diagram, perhaps a graph, may
well be helpful in answering certain questions and these would have to be
memorised. But really what the Examiners want to see is a student
attempting to answer the question posed in a logical way, using the
revision detail to hand.
It should be noted that in answering questions in this subject it is the
structure of the argument that is more important than taking the right
line or providing the correct answer. Very often there is no correct
answer and sometimes it is helpful for students to reason the basis of their
own value judgement or assessment. Examiners do like to see that
students are able to demonstrate that they have thought about their topic,
have undertaken some reading, are capable of understanding the question
and can interact with it. The important point is that the question must be
approached with logic and a preparedness to explore the arguments. All of
these things have been said many times before in this and other reports,
but their importance cannot be overemphasised.
Specific comments on questions
Question 1
Outline the characteristics of the various approaches that have been made to
understanding human geography since the mid twentieth century.
This is a question about how human geographers have approached their
subject. Basically it is calling for mapping of the variety of approaches that
have been used to undertake research in this subject since the middle of
the last century. You must be able to classify the different approaches so
that you can consider the fundamental characteristics of each before
moving on to the next. The idea of a paradigm would be a good place to
start. What is a paradigm? How do paradigms come about? Why do they
change? In short, a paradigm is a methodology or common set of rules or
ideas adopted by researchers about the nature of their research and how it
should be undertaken. Different paradigms come and go. That is why you
need a typology of them to chart the history or evolution of the subject.
Each text on human geography may identify different paradigms and have
its own typology. This does not matter. You can use whatever classification
you have read about and feel comfortable with. (If, for example, you have
studied 148 Methods in geographical analysis you will have
noticed that a somewhat different classification is used from that outlined
in the subject guide for 09 Human geography. This does not matter
and the basic ingredients or building blocks are the same.) It is clear that
there are certain basic types of approaches that can be identified in all
classifications. Most human geographers would contrast those approaches
that might best be described as positivistic from those that are not. You
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need to understand what the aims and methods are of a positivist piece of
work. You need to be able to associate the development of positivism in the
subject with the emergence of the quantitative revolution in the 1950s. A
really good answer would not only know these general aspects but be able
to describe the characteristics of work of this sort. If you do not know of a
specific paper from this paradigm you could think about how a particular
topic might be approached hypothetically using this style of research. You
could develop some real detail such as the specifying of a research
hypothesis, the collection of information and the testing of that hypothesis.
You could even make parallels with your studies in 04A Statistics 1. A
steady stream of different approaches has emerged in human geography
since positivism, and pretty well all of these can be associated in some form
or another with qualitative research techniques. Several commentators have
classified some of these under the heading of the cultural turn to signify a
move away from something that is scientific and as far removed from the
influence of human beings as possible. Some of the early ideas involved
radicalism of various forms. Here the idea was to introduce value
judgements and normative values into areas hitherto deemed to be value-
free or scientific. Marxism and welfare approaches were important, as were
feminist lines of thought. Other approaches seemed to owe perhaps more to
methodological difference. Hermeneutics became important; you need to
know what this term means and what difference it makes to the nature of
geographical research about human beings. More recently postmodernist
approaches have become popular and some have argued that these are
fundamentally different from those capable of being classified under the
cultural turn theme. A good answer would be able to indicate what a
typical postmodern piece of geographical research would look like. What
would be its objectives and what rules of production would it need to
follow (if any)? Finally, a first-class answer could be distinguished from a
merely good answer by a discussion of how these paradigms all play out in
the contemporary scene. Geography is not like normal science in this
respect, for paradigms are rarely replaced or overthrown. In geography they
become modified and perhaps joined by new and different approaches. As
such you can see positivism and Marxism still present alongside
structuralism and post-structuralism, not to mention postmodernism in the
geographical research of today.
Question 2
Evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of using quantitative and qualitative
techniques to address the research question that hypothesises that the
importance of distance in human geography is shrinking.
This is a thought-provoking question about the role of distance in human
geography. The question is framed in the form of a hypothesis (you need to
know what a hypothesis is) that the importance of distance in human
geography is shrinking. The subtlety in the question then comes in the
introduction of the idea of using quantitative and qualitative techniques to
assess this hypothesis. Those of you who can already see parallels with the
previous question are on the right lines. But perhaps it would be best to
begin an answer to this question by considering briefly the nature of the
hypothesis. Perhaps you could start by asking in what ways distance is
important in human geography? Think of some examples. Perhaps you take
a special interest in economic geography (though any theme would do).
How is distance important to the location of industry? You would then need
to ask whether the importance of distance is shrinking and, if so, in what
ways? You should also consider if there are any senses in which the
importance of distance is increasing. Lots of things can be considered in
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your examples globalisation, foreign travel, the Internet, call centres,
fragmentation of production, world poverty, face-to-face contact,
interpersonal relationships, loneliness, mental illness, etc. The basic idea
underlying the question is that the costs of overcoming distance seem to be
diminishing with the use of new technology or various forms of transport
but that there are many ways in which proximity and closeness are
becoming increasingly important. Arguably there is no need for any of the
large financial centres to exist, as communications between individuals
engaged in financial markets can take place from anywhere. But the fact is
that they do exist, and the reason why is that face-to-face contact, being in
the same place at the same time, is important for success. This is what gives
people key knowledge and a competitive edge. So, if you have understood
something of the basic paradox about the importance of distance in human
geography, you then have to weave in the notion of how quantitative and
qualitative approaches can make a contribution to better understanding the
paradox. Here you are asked to discuss the advantages and disadvantages
of each approach. Examples of each can be developed but in general the
balance of contribution is likely to be as follows. It is fairly straightforward
to show how the importance of distance is shrinking by collecting figures
about travel times and costs to demonstrate that transport and
communication over space is becoming cheaper and easier. These figures
can be subject to quantified analysis to demonstrate the point. But although
it is easier to communicate and move people and goods, distance or
proximity is starting to be important in much more subtle ways. To
understand the latter, more qualitative methods may well prove to be more
helpful, for often the important underlying causes are not capable of being
quantified and owe more to attitudes, opinions and value judgements
involving social behaviour.
Question 3
Describe and evaluate the usefulness of either von Thunens theory of the
location of agricultural production or Webers theory of the location of
manufacturing activity.
This is a question about classical location theory. Note that it is an either/or
question and this means that you should answer only one part of the
question. If you answer both parts you will be wasting your time because
you will be given credit only for answering one part. Once you have
selected which theory to focus on, the question itself is the same. You need
to describe the theory and evaluate it in terms of its usefulness. You should
realise that this is a question where you need a substantial depth of revision
detail to do well. Whatever the model you pick, it is important that you
outline its purpose. These are classical location theories which set out both
to simplify reality and to search out optimal solutions to the question at
hand. We will return to this because it is important for the evaluation
dimension of the question. Taking von Thunens model first, what are its
main characteristics? Most would argue that the notion of location rent lies
at its heart. You need to explain what this is (perhaps even going back in
the logic as far as diminishing returns) and how it relates to the idea of
different land uses being able to afford to occupy land at varying distances
from the market. In fact location rent is fundamentally underpinned by
distance and you can use some familiar graphs to explain this. The result is
the map of von Thunens rings of varying types of agricultural land use
more intensive uses nearer the centre and less intensive further away. A
good answer will explain how these concentric rings can be altered by
changing the assumptions of the model (it would be a good idea to explain
this at the start). Perhaps at this stage you could provide some examples in
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which von Thunens model seems to work (and there are some). But most
observers would say that agricultural land use is not explainable in this
way in modern times. Agriculture these days is more to do with subsidies
and grants, economies of scale and food being transported thousands of
kilometres across the planet. All this seems far away from what von
Thunen was trying to understand, and this brings us to perhaps the
subtlest evaluative point. Von Thunen was not really trying to explain
reality (even in his day), he was trying to model what an optimal situation
would look like. He was explaining that under certain (many would say
unrealistic) assumptions, if farmers behaved in a particular way (making
economically rational decisions) the outcome would be what he predicted
(and what you have just explained). This begs the question as to how far
an evaluative judgement about a piece of work should be related to its
aims and objectives. So it is possible to be both heavily critical in some
senses about this work as well as praising it from other standpoints. It is a
theory that has stood the test of time and that many have learned from.
The fact that it does not explain the location of agriculture as we know it
today is another matter. Taking Webers model next, it can be seen that
much the same can be said (and this is why this is an either/or question).
You need to start with Webers assumptions about the influences of the
location and nature of raw materials in the manufacturing production
process and the nature of economic behaviour to minimise costs by
minimising transport costs. This is usually explained by location triangles
of various sorts where the point of minimum aggregate travel can be
determined. Once the optimal location for a manufacturing concern is
found Weber alters the models to consider the effects of labour and
agglomeration economies. You need to understand the detail of isotims
and isodapanes here (perhaps with some sketch maps) to explain the
mechanics of the model. Then you must criticise it. A good answer will
concentrate first on some technical faults in the model such as the static
way it treats labour and agglomeration. But then the main point is the
same as for von Thunen. Webers model does not explain the location of
manufacturing in contemporary times (although in some places it does)
because all sorts of other things are more important than distance; but this
was not what Weber was trying to do even at the time he was writing. The
lesson is that research can be useful in various ways.
Question 4
Why is the notion of space-time compression important to understanding the
nature and impacts of economic globalisation?
One of the most important themes of modern times is that of
globalisation. Much has been written about this but here you are being
asked to focus on the role of space-time compression in understanding
the scope and implications of globalisation. Clearly a good place to start
would be with the idea of space-time compression itself. The phrase
implies an evolution from a state when space and time were not so
compressed (perhaps in von Thunens and Webers times). Of course, we
have had world trade and companies that have operated in a range of
countries for many years, but the argument is that in more recent times
these have reached entirely different levels so that we are not talking
about the same thing. We have moved from a situation of less integration
to more (some would argue total) integration. Key authors put this down
to the idea of being able to work in real time where decisions about
production, purchasing and selling can be communicated instantly and
where the results in terms of the delivery of goods and services can occur
within time frames that were unheard of before. Information is the key,
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technology is the facilitator and capitalism is the driver. The result is a
global space economy. In an essay of this sort it could be beneficial to
explain via some examples what forms the global space economy can take.
Markets that were once local, regional or national are now global and this
is because the obstacles of overcoming space and the distances involved,
as well as the time consumed in doing so, have been dramatically reduced.
Space and time have been compressed. The next part of the question
involves trying to link what you know about space-time compression with
the nature and impacts of economic globalisation. It would be a good idea
to start with growth in international trade, perhaps then moving to growth
in global finance and direct foreign investment. All of these themes, and
others, characterise the nature of economic globalisation. A first-class
answer would also try to examine the links of the global with lower spatial
scales such as the local and the regional. Here notions of the new
economic geography are important in dealing with economies of
agglomeration and production clusters. This links in well with some basic
ideas about the implications of economic globalisation. What do these
global forces mean for local places? Are local places more vulnerable to
the decisions of non-local actors? Can local places control their own
destiny? What are sticky places? What can governments do about what is
going on? Just what are the moral and ethical implications that need to be
considered? This is a good question for some logical and analytical
thinking.
Question 5
Discuss the reasoning behind Huntingdons view that the main source of conflict
after the cold war will not be ideological or economic but cultural.
This is a question about world polity. To answer it you need to know
something about the cold war what is was, how it came about, how and
why it came to an end and you also need to have read Huntingdons
analysis of what form of conflict is likely to replace it and come next. The
question is set up to contrast ideological and economic conflict with
cultural conflict. A good answer will begin with some scene-setting
describing the realist politics of the cold war itself. Ideology was
important, of course, and so was a related striving to be economically
powerful. You need to discuss the natures of communism and capitalism
as they were perceived from each side. It is also important to discuss the
influence of each side on the satellite countries under their influence.
Much could be said about these things but some care must be taken in this
question to provide more than context, for the main part of the question is
about the post-cold war new political (dis)order. The work of Huntingdon
is mentioned explicitly in the question and you need to be aware of his
main line of thought. Famously he outlined his view that the principal
future divisions among humankind will be as a result of cultural difference
and preference. By culture he means civilisation. He defines a range of
what he calls civilisations, each with its own characteristics of history and
language and culture and, most important of all, religion. But in essence
his line of thought (and remember the context) boils down to the potential
conflicts between cultures that are founded on Judeo-Christianity and
those founded on Islam. This is the background; the question, however,
asks you to discuss the reasoning that lies behind it. A critique of
Huntingdons ideas is required. His ideas have been criticised as being
over-simplistic as regards the nature of civilisation and this can be
elaborated upon in several ways. In might also be a good idea to mention
the work of other authors writing on the same theme but taking somewhat
differing lines. The work of Kaplan is particularly relevant, especially
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where he discusses the varying legacies of colonialism. He is also of the
view that future conflicts will not be as predictable as those outlined by
Huntingdon (and which are currently being fought out in several
countries). Kaplan argues that the future world will be more fluid and
unpredictable. But Kaplan too has his critics in this fascinating area of
contemporary political geography. Some wider general reading on these
themes is likely to pay dividends in answering questions such as this one.
Question 6
How far in your view do contemporary world population trends constitute a
crisis?
This is a question about modern-day world population trends and whether
(or not) they can be thought of as constituting a crisis. There are several
lines of approach here that might become apparent if you consider the
nature of the topic world population trends. Begin by providing some
context. How many people live on the earth? How many people live on
each continent? How many more people are there now than there were 10
or 20 years ago? Next consider the components of population change. We
know that population dynamics arise from the outcome of natural change
and people movement. Every day people are born and people die. Birth
rates and death rates vary widely over the planet. You need to have some
understanding of the scale of birth rates and death rates and how they
vary from place to place. You need to know something about what is
termed the demographic transition where high birth and death rates
evolve to become low birth and death rates as countries develop. You need
to be able to assess the stage that demographic transition has reached in
various parts of the world. These processes, important as they may be, are
thought by some to be less important than the other component of
population change population migration. Although this stance is
debatable, since there are powerful arguments about the significance of
extremely high birth rates in the most underdeveloped of countries, it is
the case that international migration does bring with it certain problems.
Migration is a process whereby people move their permanent residences
from one place to another. It can be seen at a variety of spatial scales, but
in this question you are expected to focus on international migration. It
would be good to show that you know something about why migration
takes place by briefly outlining some of the theories and patterns of
international migration. You could start with Ravenstein and finish with
Todaro but in either case the economic motive for migration will be shown
to be influential. You could also describe what you understand to be the
major migration flows that are currently taking place on the world stage.
The final part of the question involves an interpretation of population
trends of the sorts considered above, in terms of the notion of crisis. As far
as natural change is concerned, crisis might well be the word to use for
extremely high birth rates in the most underdeveloped places, where
resources are at a premium. There are no greater crises than poverty and
starvation. At the opposite extreme it might be worth pointing out that
there are some places where birth rates have reached such low values that
governments are becoming concerned about the populations ability to
replace itself. Crisis may be too strong a word for this position but it is
certainly a cause for concern in some places. Migration, on the other hand,
is definitely associated with crisis in many cases, although it is important
to point out that there are also many benefits from migration. The
problem of refugees, however caused, constitutes a particular
contemporary crisis. The difficulties associated with the assimilation of
refugees into new societies are often thought of as constituting a crisis. So
too are problems that are associated rightly or wrongly with economic
migration. The effects of this might be interpreted as a crisis in both
sending and receiving countries. A good answer might conclude by briefly
considering how such crises caused by population trends might be
mitigated in terms of a policy response.
Question 7
In terms of future global resource scarcity, explain why you believe whether
Simon or Ehrlich is correct in their respective optimistic or pessimistic views.
This is a question about just how concerned we should be about global
resource scarcity. As the question indicates, there are those who are
generally optimistic about resource scarcity, believing it essentially to be a
non-problem, and those who are pessimistic, thinking that there is a very
real problem. Simon is associated with the former viewpoint, and Ehrlich
the latter. The notion of what constitutes a resource must be considered
before embarking on a question like this. There are various definitions that
need to be considered but the essential point is that resources are
societally defined. Resources come and go according to societys needs and
demands. Some materials that were resources in the past are not so now.
There are some materials considered valueless now that at some point in
the future could well become resources. Some examples of these thoughts
(hypothetical in terms of the latter) will be helpful in illustrating this
argument. Then you should consider the real focus of the question.
Economists (Simon) tend to argue that there is little need to be concerned
because society will always find new resources to satisfy their needs. You
will need to explain exactly how market and price can influence the
supply of resources that society needs. These are intricate arguments and
they need to be rehearsed in detail. You will need to introduce a
discussion about the way price re-evaluates what is a resource. You will
need to talk about re-use of resources and about the discovery of new
resources. You will need to discuss the processes of invention and
technological change. Others (Ehrlich), on the other hand, think that we
should be far more concerned than are the optimists about resource
depletion. A good answer would go back to the thoughts of Malthus and
the inter-relationships between population and sustainability. Rachel
Carson too has a contribution to make. You could develop the theme of
the Green Revolution together with its aims and objectives (and successes,
or otherwise). This links well to issues of environment the ultimate
resource and themes of pollution. The limits to growth was probably the
most influential of the pessimists writings being developed at around the
time that Ehrlich was predicting his gloom and doom. This work was
finely detailed in outlining the alarming rates at which resources were
being consumed. Predictions were made about sustainability and
starvation. Certainly some of those about the latter have not turned out to
have been correct (except in some places). A first-class answer will try to
come to some sort of balanced and reasoned judgement about the two
lines of approach. Unpriced goods are important in this respect. Everyone
takes for granted the air they breath and the fact that they are protected
(usually) from radiation whenever they step outside. These are the
ultimate resources but they are not priced and as a result the price
mechanism does not work in such a simple way as it might for, say, oil. A
short discussion on climate change and the potential for carbon and
emissions trading would provide a most interesting conclusion.
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Question 8
Why is global warming such a difficult issue to tackle politically?
Like many of the questions in this paper, this one is linked to another in
fact, to the previous question. This question is about global warming, and
although it is essential to be able to explain briefly what global warming
means and what evidence exists to demonstrate its reality, this is not a
question in physical geography. This question is about politics. You are
simply asked to explain why global warming is such a difficult issue to
tackle politically. Most observers take as a starting point that global
warming is a reality, but before we come to a discussion about how it might
be tackled, it is interesting to briefly discuss the politics that surround its
existence. There are some a minority who do not believe that global
warming as we know it a man-made phenomenon is a reality. Some of
these people are scientists and they point to the earths natural warming
and cooling tendencies. There are others, who usually have vested interests
in activities said to be influential in causing global warming, who argue that
the case against them is not proven. It is difficult to see the politics that are
relevant to the scientific debate but the politics of the cause of climate
change are very clear (and important) indeed. This latter point might be a
good place to start the debate about the politics of global warming. There
are many definitions of the meaning of politics but most involve the notion
of how groups of people come together to make decisions about things that
influence their lives or, in other words, how they govern themselves. One of
the critical issues is the notion of constituency the nature and scope of the
group itself. We all know that we have local government, sometimes
regional government, always national government that is normally
dominant, sometimes supra-national government and then the United
Nations and international law. Global warming is a global phenomenon but
political consensus is not strong at this level. The causes of global warming
require concerted and co-ordinated action involving some sacrifice.
Everyone needs to be involved and, unless they are, then the incentives for
only some to be so are much reduced. In short, we need a political
constituency for the planet. This is not to say that nothing can be done, for
a start has been made with some imaginative agreements signed and some
imaginative schemes devised such as emissions limits and carbon trading
between countries. These involve political debates about who is (and has
been) responsible for global warming, who has the resources to do
something about it and who should be exempt because their levels of
development are so low. Global warming is a difficult issue to tackle
politically. Economists believe that they have some of the solutions; others
are far more pessimistic.
Question 9
Discuss the implications of international migration for the social and economic
conditions of the countries involved.
This is a question that allows you to expand on a theme that was partly
touched upon in Question 6 above. When people migrate internationally
there are implications for both the sending and receiving countries. Much
depends on the nature of the migration and there are classifications of
migration types that are available to help in this respect. Perhaps the main
distinction is between those migrations that are forced by certain
circumstances present in the sending country and those that are voluntary.
Forced migration is essentially the plight of the refugee. People flee or are
expelled from countries for a range of reasons. The implications for the
sending countries are difficult to weigh. The perpetrators of the causal
forces may well view such out-migration as beneficial to the country
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involved. Certainly also forced out-migration for reasons of lack of
resources (perhaps food) and opportunities to work might also be thought
of as improving the conditions of those remaining. But usually this is not
the case. When people are forced to do something against their will the
legacy is usually unsatisfactory a remaining population might be even
more subjugated or poorer. As for the receiving countries, refugees can
cause a myriad of problems (for often the destination countries are lacking
in resources as well). Even when they are not, such as in some
contemporary European Union countries, the problems created by large
numbers of refugees can be significant. These problems might not just be
related to the economic strain on resources but also to social difficulties
between the residents and the incomers. Voluntary migration is somewhat
different but still has implications for the origins and destinations of
migrants. Taking the conditions of the sending countries first, likely
problems can be associated with the loss of a skilled and youthful, often
male, population, for these are the groups that are likely to migrate. The
sending population then becomes imbalanced and this important resource
in the development of a country becomes depleted. The receiving country
may well benefit from the receipt of voluntary migrants for they might
have many of the attributes that can be harnessed to that countrys
development. Much depends on the nature of the economic (and social)
context of the destination country. Where economic conditions are tight
and unemployment is high, economic migrants may well cause more
problems than they solve. Although there might be a tendency to dwell on
the economic aspects of this interesting question, you should not for forget
the social aspects and these often have a complicated racial dimension. As
always, these arguments come alive in any answer that is able to
incorporate some examples into the narrative.
Question 10
What will cities look like in 2050?
This question about cities can be taken literally in the sense of their visual
appearance or figuratively in the sense of what will be their future
fundamental characteristics. In many ways the latter is more interesting
than the former for it takes a long time to build a city and much of what is
currently present will still be present in 2050. This is not to say that cities
have not altered their appearance in the last 50 years, or will not do so in
the next 50 years. Also it is probably the case that you need to be an
architect to do full justice to the notion of the changing physical
appearance of cities. So let us concentrate on the wider interpretation of
the question here (and it is perfectly valid to introduce the issue of visual
appearance in this line of argument as well). Probably the best place to
start is with matters of urbanisation and counterurbanisation. The last 50
years have seen many (but by no means all) cities move from a situation
where they were growing or urbanising to one where they have declined
or counterurbanised. Counterurbanisation is a movement from greater to
lesser urban concentration. In many, but not all, senses it is the opposite of
urbanisation. It is about the decline of large cities. The discussion about
counterurbanisation would be facilitated by a consideration of functional
urban areas which describes the anatomy of cities. But many cities,
especially in developing countries, are still growing rapidly and examples
should be cited. What causes these trends, and are these causes likely to
be similar in the future? What is the urban life cycle? This is an idea that
cities tend to go through a series of phases where they develop and
prosper, reach their peak, begin to decline and fail, and then later perhaps
rejuvenate. The key to understanding why cities tend to behave in this
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way lies in the nature of urban economies and diseconomies in different
places and at different times. When economies are to be gained then cities
prosper and grow. When diseconomies set in (and these can be of various
sorts) then cities decline. The next stage after counterurbanisation for
cities in advanced western economies, in theory, is reurbanisation, and
exactly the same arguments hold. Is this then what these sorts of cities will
be like in 2050? On the other hand will the large metropolitan areas in the
developing world soon begin to decline? Or are things more complicated
than that? Associated with urbanisation and counterurbanisation are
particular issues and problems. The problems of the inner city in advanced
western cities has been of vital importance in recent times. Will these
disappear as gentrification processes take over? The problems in large
third world cities lately have largely been focused on the edge with
shantytowns and their associated poverty. Will these disappear as
population begins to decentralise? These are the sorts of thoughts that
need to be debated in a question like this. In the end it is all a matter of
judgement, for no one knows what the future holds. An answer that
argues for a dramatically different city in 2050 can achieve as high a mark
as one that argues for little change though this will depend on the
quality of the logic.
Question 11
Development is a much misunderstood term. Explain.
Potentially this is a very wide-ranging (and interesting) question about the
nature of development. Few people, if anyone, would disagree with the
statement, the critical point of this question is to explain why this may be
so (and perhaps why the question is so important). It would good to begin
with a discussion of the term itself and the associated notion of
underdevelopment. The origins, of course, involve mainly economic ideas
of the stages of development through which countries progress. The main
issues here are not about poverty but more about national growth
(although the two can clearly be related). It would be good to have some
detail on these growth models and how well countries have achieved pure
economic development (for some countries have clearly prospered). It is
important to point out that much of the assistance given to the so-called
developing countries has been (and still is) related to this aspect of
promoting economic development. Essentially, developed countries
attempt to export their own development experience to the developing
countries that are being assisted, often with the assistance of the World
Bank. But there is another, less economic, take on development and some
aspects of this are reflected in the Millennium Development Goals agreed
by the UN in 2000. These are much more related to improving social
conditions, especially when the nature of those conditions is promoted by
the people being developed themselves. You need to be able to develop
some detail on the characteristics of these new goals and how they might
be achieved. This introduces the idea of the geopolitics of development.
The providers of economic aid for development have their own agenda
and ideas. In the past these were the dominant force. More recently the
receivers of development assistance have also had their say and it is true
that the nature of aid is beginning to change. On a specific issue, a good
answer might well conclude with a discussion of the benefits (and
dangers) of economic assistance that is not tied to specific end uses. On a
general issue, a good answer might well conclude with a discussion of the
idea that development itself has become the problem rather than the
solution. But this is a theme that could be expanded into a whole answer
in itself.
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Question 12
International tourism is about adventure, escape and fantasy. Discuss in the
light of the impacts on host countries.
The final question involves an excursion into international tourism and the
ways it represents an emerging cultural geography of consumption. You
are asked to discuss the quote in the light of the impacts of international
tourism on host countries. It would be best to begin by considering what
exactly the quote might mean. The phrase adventure, escape and fantasy
is used what does this phrase convey to you? We all know that much
international tourism is sold on the basis of similar phrases. What does the
phrase tell you about the lives of the individuals buying into such tourism
and the conditions that they live and work in? Clearly there is a theme of
the geographical imagination involved here and this can be expanded.
Tourists imagine that their international destination is certainly going to
be different, perhaps exotic, perhaps one where they can consume a
different culture or experience, or be freer to engage in activities that are
precluded at home and that they may fantasise about. In essence this
geographical imagination is all about consumption and using the tourist
places for personal enjoyment of various forms, ranging from a simple
appreciation of landscape to more harmful abuse of local environments
and populations. Next the question can be turned to examine the impact
of this increasing mode of consumption on host countries. Although there
is a temptation to start with the bad, perhaps it would be a good idea to
briefly outline the benefits of international tourism for host countries.
These are not too difficult to fathom, although by no means are there
benefits for all residents of host countries. But probably the more
important part of this question concerns the negative implications of
international tourism for host countries. Some of these are straightforward
and involve environmental despoliation, economic dependence and
unpleasant (sometimes life-threatening) effects on local health and
welfare, not least criminal activities. More subtle is what international
tourism does for local culture. The culture becomes an entertainment
something to be consumed and many would argue that through such
exploitation it becomes altered and changed. This means that the very
cultural attributes that give rise in the first place to the desire for
international tourism can be destroyed by this tourism. This is an
interesting topic, and one that is capable of being developed in a variety of
different ways. Certainly international tourism is by no means a
straightforward and culturally neutral business.
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