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Article
Journal Title: J ournal of the Rocky Mountain Medieval
and Renaissance Association.
Volume: 2 Issue:
Month/Year: 1981 Pages: 15-28
Article Title: Odahl, Charles M.; The Celestial Sign on
Constantine's Shields at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge
Article Author: Rocky Mountain Medieval and
Renaissance Association.
Maxcost: Free
OCLC#5638248
LL Number: 30158737
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The Celestial Sign on Constantine's Shields
at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge
In
Charles Oduhl
Boise Siale I Tiiversitv
Most sehohirs now accept the reality and sincerity of Constantines
conversion to Christianity during his military campaign against Maxentius for
control of Rome in A.D. 312provided that "conversion is understood in
units of the superstitious religious environment of the times. 1The ancient
pagan and Christian sources that described the campaign all agreed that the
car was waged in an atmosphere of intense religious fervor, even
\ !<pcrsiitiosu mak'J 'icia as one source described it, and that each commander
appealed to divine power for aid against his enemy. ~Christian accounts of
lie campaign reported that Constantine turned to the Christian God at this
time, and adopted the use of a Christian talistuanic symbol for his soldiers
weapons that successfully invoked the aid and power of this new divine patron
for his troops and drove off the hostile demons and pagan deities supporting
his enemys forces. The emperor's victory behind a Christian sign at the
Jimactic Battle of the Mijlvian Bridge convinced him that he had found the
ne and onlv true God. governor of the cosmos and repository of true power.
Thereafter, he worshipped only the Christian Divinity.
Scholars can agree on this general outline of the conversion narrative. Yet a
particular issue still contested is the precise form of the talismanic emblem
that Constantine employed at the battle.
In order to ascertain the form of this sign, scholars usually turn to
Lictantius's pamphlet On the Deaths of the Persecutors [De Mortihus
Pcrsecutoruiu). which contains the earliest account of the conversion by a
contemporary. This Latin Christian rhetor and apologist wrote his account
around 315 ;it Treves, where he was serving as tutor at the imperial court for
Constantine's oldest son. Crispus. 4 He presumably had access to
cwuiiness testimony about the events surrounding the emperor's
conversion. But the conversion story is only a small part of a larger work, the
main theme of which is Gods ultion, revenge, against the evil persecutors of
His Church. The conversion narrative is thus rather concise, and even
somewhat cryptic. It reads as follows in Latin: 4
15
Charles Odahl
Commonitus est in quiete Constantinus. us cacleste signttm Dei notaret in
scutis atque ita proelium committeret. Facit ut iussus est et transversa X
littera. sum mo capitc circumflexo. Christum in scutis notat. Quo sign!
arniatus excrcitus capit ferrum.
Translated into English, it says:
Constantine was warned in a dream, that he should mark the celestial sign of
God on his shields and thus commit himself to the battle. He did as he was
ordered and with the letter X traversed, with its highest tip hem round, he
marked Christ on the shields. Armed with this sign the army took the
battlefield.
The troublcsom phrase is transversa X letteru. summo capita circumflexo.
It obv iously refers to some kind of Christian monogram, ^ but scholars have
div ided into two schools of thought concerning its graphic form. Emphasizing
the adjectival force in transversa. rendering it "crossed through,"
Burckhardt. Alfoldi. and Jones traditionally held that the phrase describes a
Christ monogram or Christogramthe Greek letter chi (X) with a Greek letter
rho (P) slashed vertically through it, thus^or^. h Emphasizing the verbal
element in transversa, translating it "turned round, Vogt. Dbrries, and
MacMullcn have recently suggested that the phrase describes a cross
monogram or crossogramthe Greek letter chi turned on end to form a Greek
cross with its top bent into a Greek letter rho thus,?or?. The fact that
Cicero used transversa in the oblique sense of "across, crossed, or
thwarted."h may favor the former rendering, since Lactantius was such a
devotee and imitator of Ciceronian language that he was nicknamed "the
Christian Cicero" by the ancients.
Most of these scholars have relied primarily upon differing translations of
the Latin phraseology of Lactantius for their interpretations. These very
differences reveal that a solution to this problem cannot come from a literary
analysis of Lactantian terminology alone. Other pieces of contemporary
evidence must be consulted. Unfortunately, no shields used in the Battle of
the Mulvian Bridge arc known to be extant. Another literary account by a
contemporary, albeit two decades later in time of composition, does exist, as
do some pieces of contemporary Christian and imperial art. especially
coinage, which are relevant to the issue under investigation.
The literary account is that of the Greek Church Father Eusebius, bishop of
Caesarea, important participant at the Council of Nicaea, and subsequently a
friend and advisor of Constantine during the later part of the emperor's reign
in the east. After Constantine's death, he wrote a eulogistic biography in four
books on the emperor's religious life and benefactions to the Church, the Life
of Constantine ( Vita Constantini), ca. 337-38. 4 Book I is devoted to
Constantine's early life and conv ersion experience. Like Lactantius, Eusebius
placed the latter in the campaign against Maxentius for control of Rome.
lb
The Celestial Sign
Since this was the all-important initial event in the emperors Christian life,
!. dealt "ill' it ;lt greater length than his predeeessor. Reiving on what he
Itirmcd was personal and sworn testimony from Constantine himself,
h.isehins offered the following aeeount.10
He told how the emperor reflected that he needed more powerful aid than
his military forces could afford him. and so decided to seek divine assistance.
(!Histamine recalled that the persecuting emperors who had trusted in many
gads. sacrifices, oracles, and the whole paraphernalia of paganism, had been
,!ccciveil and met unhappy ends. Only his father Constantius. a philosophical
monotheist who worshipped a "Supreme Deity" all his life, had found a true
protector and giver of good things. Thus, Constantine decided that the God of
ois lather must be the holder of real power. He invoked this Deus Summits in
.!raver. entreating him to reveal his identity and to provide his help in the
,oniing trial. Constantine's answer, Eusebius asserted, came in the form of a
: anclous vision and an explanatory dream. While he and his army were
pushing toward Rome, they encountered a miraculous sign in the sky: a great
.ross ()flight above the sun bearing the inscription "I n this, conquer" (
. i . x .or Hoc siguo victor ms).11
The import of this apparition was explained to Constantine in a subsequent
dream. Christ appeared to the emperor with the image of a celestial sign, and
,,!tiered that a copy of it be made for use as an apotropaic device against his
enemies. Constantine followed instructions and had w/orkmen fashion a new
imperial vcxiUum. This Christian war standard, called the Labarum, was
ppiiposed of a long spear, overlaid with a crossbar carrying a banner with the
imperial portrait, and topped with an enwreathed monogram, "the symbol of
hie Savior's name, two letters indicating the name of Christ through the
inscribing of the initial characters, the P crossed through the middle" (
i o c oogcoAov. c Ao
; : . . , -
.: :::. ). Eusebius reported that the emperor was accustomed to wearing
this Christogram on his helmet, and in a later section, mentioned that he
made his soldiers inscribe it on their shields as well. Confident of invoking
divine power through the talismanic emblems on his war implements.
(.!nstantine marched to victory over Maxentius.
The purpose here is not to confirm or deny the miraculous elements in the
F.tischian account of Constantines conversion, though in the superstitious
religious environment of the era these elements were wholly acceptable to
r.-nstantine's contemporaries. Rather, the concern of this study is with the
graphic manifestation of Constantine's turn to a new patron deity. If there
v.!s across vision at all. it simply indicated to Constantine the name of the
,!!. initv he should invoke for aid. Although Eusebius described a cruciform
;.inlaid as one implement of invocation, it is obvious from his account that
i a constitutive element of the new vcxillumthe element also found on
helmet and shieldswas the monogram surmounting it. Much more clearly
ban Laetantius. he identified it as a Christ monogram, or monogrammatic
17
Charles Odahl
combination of the first two letters of the Greek work Christ." chi and rho
( ) . 1 A graphic representation of the emperor's monogrammed standard L
available on the imperial coinage of the era. and confirms the F.usehian
description !Figure K|. Thus, if one interprets Lactantius' account of tin
eacleste sigmim in the light of Eusebian evidence, the Christogram had t!
have been the original and official form of the new imperial talismanic sign.
An examination of the artistic evidence yields a similar conclusion. Three
examples of contemporary Christian art will illustrate this. In Britain, where
Constantine was raised to the imperial purple in 30b. a large mosaic pavement
from a Roman villa of the fourth century has recently been unearthed at the
village of Hinton St. Mary in northern Dorset !Figure 1). Now in the British
museum, the polychrome mosaic contains at its center a portrait of the youne
Christ with a monogram clearly marked above his headin the ehi-rhe!
form.
In Rome, where Constantine fought his final battle against Maxentius.
there are numerous pieces of early Christian art. On an early fourth century
wall painting in the catacombs of St. Domitilla. there is a striking painting of
Sts. Peter and Paul linked together by a Christogram placed above and
between them !Figure 3|.li> Again, on Christian grave stones dating from the
late third and early fourth centuries found in the Roman catacombs there are
numerous examples of the Christ monogram in either the usual chi-rho or
occassional iota-chi form ( ^ or ^ ). A tvpical specimen from the cemetarvo!
Calhstus reads: PAX 0(0)M(IN 1) El * CUM FAUSTIN(O) ATT1CO. The
peace of (he Lord and Christ be with Faustinas Atticus. !Figure 3|. In
However much these and other examples may confirm the fact that the
standard form of the Christian monogram in use in the western empire ir
Constantine's time was the Christogram, they still are merely private, or, a:
best. communal expressions of eultie belief. They relate only indirectly to the
issue at handthe precise form of the official monogram employed by
Constantine at the Battle of the Mulvian Bridge. For graphic evidence
relevant to this issue, one must turn to the imperial coinage, long a medium of
propaganda for the emperors.
Soon after Constantine's conversion in 312, various Christian symbols and
motifs began to make their appearance on coins simultaneously with the
gradual disappearance of pagan deities and motifs. 1' A word of eaution is ir
order concerning the interpretation of these signs, though. Those signs o:
motifs that ;!re a part of the basic iconographieal design of the coin probably
originated in the central court and present Constantine's official policy.
Those added to the basic design as marks of issue, decorative
embellishments, er cetera, probably originated at the regional mint, and
simply reflect the Christian predelections of mint administrators and workers
who were now free to use Christian as well as non-Christian symbols f o r
control marks and decorations. While certainly significant in revealing the
rise of Christians in governmental service, the latter type of signs have less
value as evidence for the issue under investigation as they merely reflect,
wbile the former tv pe of signs actually represent, official policy.
The Celestial Sign
The first specimen of the official type was the beautiful Safety of the
Republic" silver medallion, apparently issued from Ticinum as a luxury
donative to important individuals on Constantine's Decennalia in 315 [Figure
4], 14Celebrating the emperor's recent victory over Maxentius, for which the
Senate was simultaneously erecting a triumphal arch near the Roman Forum,
ihe obverse side pictured the victorius Constantine in a high crested war
helmet with a Christogram badge at the top front of the helm. Numerous
scholars also identify the implement over the emperors shield as a Christian
cross scepter with a globe atop it, representing the emperors new political
awareness that he ruled as an agent for Christ on earth. 2,1 Here certainly is
Constantines personal and public testimony that he had won the Battle of the
Mulvian Bridge behind the name of Christ and held power on earth from
him.
Once the imperial convert had publicly revealed his new religious position,
mint officials and engravers began to use monograms and crosses quite
frequently as control marks and decorative embellishments. 22 But as far as
the monogram is concerned, with only one late and eastern exception, it
always appeared in the Christ monogram or Christogram form.
Possibly inspired by the Ticinese helmet medallions, some bronze coins of
the Siscia mint, ca. 318-20, celebrating the Happy Victory of the Perpetual
Prince" showed the emperor in his new war helmet. Among the various
decorations on the central bar of the helm were Christograms. probably
engraved (here by Christian mint workers [Figure 5]. 2-1 More significant
were the contemporary bronze coins issued from the four western mints of
Ticinum. Aquilcia, Siscia, and Thessalonica between 319-20 [Figure 6|.2t
The reverse motif celebrated the Valor of the Army, and showed captives
below a war standard. Stylized Christograms with a pin-headed shaft or iota
slashed through the chi were employed as issue and series marks in the left
field. The appearance o| the monogram in several mints probably indicates
that the decision to use ft came from somewhere high up in the monetary
hierarchy of the empire, but whether or not from the court itself is debatable.
Yet the monogram in a martial setting was evocative of the story of
Constantines conquest under the name of Christ at the Battle of the Mulvian
Bridge.
Some interesting and exceptional bronze pieces within the Blessed
Tranquility" type were minted at Treves in 322-23. They pictured on the
obverse the emperor's son Crispus carrying a shield. The decoration of the
shield varies from mint to mint. But at Trves, some engraver apparently
familiar with the Lactantian account of the Mulvian Bridge Battle, or at least
cognizant of the current military practice of decorating shields with Christian
-\mhols. marked some of the shields on these coins with a large and clear
,hi-rho [Figure 7[. Since Lactantius had probably written and published the
I)c Moriihus Persccutonan at Treves, these exceptional pieces from the same
ci:v would serve to butress the Christogram interpretation over against the
crossogram interpretation of his celestial sign description.
19
Charles Odahl
The most striking and clearly Christian motif among official issues was
minted at Constantine's new Christian city of Constantinople, ea. 326-28.
These "Hope of the Commonwealth" bronze coins commemorated the
emperor's recent victories in the east over Licinius, the last of the pagan
persecutors and imperial rivals for power. The reverse iconography showed
Constantine's Christian Litbaruni piercing a wriggling serpentan apoea
Ivptic motif aimed at the Christian community familiar with pierced serpent
imagers !Figure 8|.-* The standard was dominated by a large and dear
Christogram at its apex, and almost perfectly pictured the Laban/ m described
in the F.uscbian account of Constantine's conversion. Along with the earlier
Diccumriia medallion, this coin represented the official form of the monogram
as Constantine used it in the army, and wanted the general public to see it.
A contemporary silver medallion for "Constantine the Augustus" was
minted at Rome, ea. 326, depicting the emperor holding a standard with a.
banner carrying the chi-rho !Figure 9|. Here was the first graphic
representation of the simplified labara that would become standard ir
subsequent yearsno crossbar or imperial portraits, just a banner with the
sacred monogram of Christ. It appeared again in the west during the 330sat
Arles or, as it was then known, Constantina. Here bronze coins celebrating
the "Glory of the Army" carried a reverse motif of soldiers holding war
standards. The chi-rho monogram appeared first in mid-field between two
regular military standards in 334 !Figure 10], and then on the banner of a
single Christian hiharum in 336 [Figure 111. This latter motif depicting the
emperor's Christian vcxillum became a regular representation on coins from
all the mints throughout the empire in the late 330's and 340's !Figure 12|.
Against all this evidence supporting the Christogram interpretation of
Fact ant iuss celestial sign, there was only one coin containing a cross
monogram during Constantines reign. It was a "Victory of Constantine the
Augustus"gold piece issued only at Antioch in the east, ea* 336-33. and the
ernssogram appeared in the field as a mark of issue rather tHan as an official
part of the iconographical motif !Figure 13). This form of the Christian
monogram appears to have developed rather late in Constantine's reign, and
in the eastern part of the empire. Under the influence of the Fusebian cross
vision story it became more popular in subsequent generations, and was used
interchangably with the Christogram on both coinage and in other art forms,
such ;is sarcophagi reliefs. 10 It had the advantage of combining both the
name and the cross of Christ into a single monogram. Yet. this was not
apparently Constantine's practice early in his reign in the west. As the
graphic esidcnce reveals, the Christogram and cross were separate symbols:
even when appearing together, as on the Ticinese medallions or the
Constantinopolitan Labariun coins, the Christ monogram was clearly a
distinct entity.
Considering the evidence now available as a whole, it must be concluded
that the caelcsic siguum on Constantine's shields at the Battle of the Mulvian
Bridge was the Christogram. The emperor, following Roman religious
i
20
The Celestial Sign
tradition and early Christian usage, appealed to the name of his new patron
Deitv tor power in his time of trial. As Constantine indicated in the later edict,
lie had abundant proofs for the power of Christs name, and he held it in great
reverence. 31
Returning finally to the disputed passage in Lactantius. it must be noted
that it was Christas not the crux, the name not the cross of Christ, which the
author states was marked on the shields. This marking of the name became
:he official version of the conversion story as seen on coin motifs minted later
in the century. In the ,150's. Constantines son issued coins depicting the
emperor holding the monogrammed htharum and surrounded by the
inscription "I n this sign you will be victor" (Figure 14|. Starting in the .180s,
the Theodosian empresses were honored with "Safety of the Republic
hron/e coins carrying reverse motifs showing an angel of victory inscribing
the elti-rho on a shield [Figure 15J. 2 Thus, until a contemporary shield is
found marked otherwise, it is unwarranted to assume that Constantine's
shields ;it the Battle of the Mulivan Bridge were marked with any other sign
that the Christogram. the monogrammatic name of his new divine patron,
Christ.
NOTES
Kmsummaries of the modern scholarly debate over Constantines conversion, consult: J .
\V. Radie. The Conversion of Constantine (New York: Holt. Rinehart & Winston, 1971). and C.
Odahi. 'Constantine's Conversion to Christianity,'' in Problems in European History (Durham,
North Carolina: Moore. 1979).
- The pagan sources are two contemporary panegyrical addresses delivered to Constantine in
!he decade after the Mulvian Bridge Battlc-Md Panegyricus Constantino Dictus TI T), and X
Viizani Panegyricus Consiant'ifkj, Ditius !321). The superstitiosa maleficia phrase comes from
.1; 4 I the former work. The latin text of both are published with French translations in
Iawgxri^nes Latins. Tome 11. Kd. K. Galletier (Paris: Socit cf edition Les Belles Lettres,
!Tp 1lie Christian sources are L.ictantius. De Mortibus Persecutorum (ca. 315). the Latin text
.! which is published in the Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Vol. XXVII, Fas.2
Vienna: F Tempskv. 189 ): and Fusebius. De Vita Constantini (ca. 337.38), the Greek text of
which is published in Die Orieehisehen Christliehen Svhriftsteller Der Ersten Drei JahrhunJerte
leijvig: .1. C. HinricI Tssche Buehhandlung. 1902).
On l aetantius, sec: J R, Palanque. Sur la date dll De Mortibus Persecutorum. Melanges
nth ns a J. Careopino (1906). pp. 711-16; and J . Stevenson. The Life and Literary Activity of
I jct.intiiis, Studia Patristica. Vol. I. I 1195). pp. 661-7": and Norman H. Baynes. Byzantine
Studies V Other Essays, chs. 24 & 28 on I .aelantius (London: L'niv. Press. I960), pp. 321-25,
.us.54.
^De Mort. Pers. 44 (My italics).
f With the numismatic and papyrlogical evidence now available that supports the Christian
s,unes, the old view of a French school of scholars that Constantine's monogram was a pagan
v.ncretishc symbol is no longer tenable. For that older view, see the articles of Grgoire and Hatt
21
C'liailes Oclalil
in I *)i.. ('nttvi'rsitm. |)p. 30-3H
Jacob Burckhardt. 77 /) , 4 . slantme die Crai. Tr. M. Hadas (Garden City. NY
Donbicdav. I'M'b. p. 283: Andre Alfb'ldi. The Conversion of Constantine anti Pagan Koine. Ir
II Mattingly iOxford: Clarendon Press. |4b4). PP!18: A. H. M. Jones. Constantine ami tk
iiniccrsinii of Europe (Ne York : Collier Books. I4b2), pp. 8488.
Joscpil Vogt. The Decline op Rome. I t . .1. Sondhcimcr (London: G. Weidenfeld A: Nicholson
l ut.. l lto5), pp 87-45: Hermann Dorrics. ( onstantine the (!real. Tr. R. H. Bainton (Ne Jork
Harper A Ko . 142 ). p. J J ; Ramsay MacMnllen. Constantine (New York: Harper A Row. 141
p. 2 .
s Cassell s Latin Dictionary Eds. .1. R. V. Marchant and J- E. Charles (New York: Funk 4
Wagnails Co.. 145,1). p. 5,HO.
1,1 On Eusebius, see: Johannes Quasten. Patrology. Vol.lll (Utrecht: Spectrum. 140Jt. pp
.104-45: F. J . Foakes-Jackson. Eusebius Pamphili: A Study of the Man and His Writme
i( ambridge: W. Hefter A Sons. 145.1t: and I). S. W'allace-Hadrill, !.uschiirs of Car
(Westminster. Maryland: The Canterbury Press. 14011.
1(1 Vita Const. 1. 20-40.
11 Vint Const. 1. 2H: Kusebius gives it in Greek, but the official Latin version has beer
preserved on the imperial coinage. See Fig. 14.
12 Vita Const. 1. .11; III. 2: IV. 21.
12 A. Altl cl i. "HocSigito Victor Eris: Beitrge /ur Geschichte der Bekehrung Konstantins 3
Grossen." Pisriaili Festschrift fur F. J . Dolger (Munich. 14.14). pp. 34. and Conversion e
( o n s t a n u n e . pp. 11- H,
1"* J . M. C. Tovnhee. "A New Roman Mosaic Pavement Found in Dorset," Journal of R omar.
Studies. 1.1V ( 14<)4). pp. .14
*' On the catacombs, see: J . Stevenson. The Catacombs (Londcnf: Thames & Hudson. L:d
14H). esp. pp. .1.1-34. 87-88. 14.1. and 140; for Christ monograms in the catacombs, see: :
Herding, and F. Kirschbaum. The Roman Catacombs < Their Martyrs, tr. J . Cerstell :
(Milwaukee: Bruce Pub. Co.. 14s0).
|)m Henri l.eclerctj. "Chrisme." Dictionnaire darchologie Chrtienne et de liturgie. \<!
1(1. 1(Paris: l.etou/ey. I4l.1l. pp. 1485HO.
I For standard surveys of Christian symbols on Constantinian coinage, see: J ules Maurie
\umismiitittuc Constantinienne. .1 Vols. (Paris: Leroux. 1408-12): Guido Bruck. 'De
Verwendung christlicher Symbole auf Mun/en von Constantin I. bis Magncntius
.\nmismaiist he /.eitserift. LXXVI (1455). pp. 2h-.12: Patrick Bruun. "The Christian Signs on :
Coinso! Constantine." Amos. n.s.. Vol .1(|4t*2). pp. 5-35: and M. Pierre Basticn. "Le chrisri:
dans la numismalicptc de la dynastic Constantinienne." Collectionneurs el Collcctiu.
immismaiitjues (Palis: Htel de la monnaie. |4h8). pp. 111-114.
see Eusebius. Vita Const. IV. 52
E! Brunn. "Christian Signs." pp. 4. 17-18, and 23-24: Basticn, "Chrisme." pp. 1124,
Alfldi. "Hoc Signo." pp. 4-5. and "The Initials of Christ on the Helmet of Constantine.
22
The Celestial Sign
Studies in Roman Economic and Social History in Honor of Alien Chester Johnson (Princeton,
!1'Mi. pp. 303-11: Konrad Kraft. "Das .Silbermedaillon Constantins des Grossen mit dem
(. Iirisuisnionngramm auf dem Helm," Jahrblick fr Numismatik und Geldgeschichtc (1954-55).
; ' ! 1 . :8"- 151 . M. C. Toynbee. Roman Medallions (New York: American Numismatic society.
!-14,. pp. ]0.210- 11 .
/ bid.
- 1A contemporary literary statement which confirms this interpretation is Constantines
Epmihi ad Ae/alium, the Latin of which is published in Migne. Patrologia Latina, Voi. Vili
fhii.s, lN)4!. cols. 455-8h. (T A. Jones. Constantine fi Conversion, p. 97: and J . Straub.
"('!]Mantino as K0 INO E E il 11 -NO no A ." Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 21 ( Washington. /967 ).
Bruun, "Christian Signs. passim.
Bruun, "Christian Signs. pp. 9-17. and 31: Bastien. "Chrisme, p. 113: . Alfoldi, "The
Helmet of Constantine with the Christian Monogram." Journal of Roman Studies. XXH (1932).
:;! '1-2.1, and "Hoc Signo." pp- 3-b; and C. Odahl "Christian Symbols on Constantine's Siscia
Helmet Coins." SAN. Vol. VJ11. 4 (1977). pp. 5(,-58.
1, Bruun. "Christian Signs." pp. 19-21; Bastien. "Chrisme." pp. 113-14; Alfoldi. "Hoc
S an." p. h,
' Bruun. "Christian Signs." p. 17. note; and Roman I mperial Coinage. Vol. VII (London:
Spink, Wtifi), p. 197.
Bruun. "Christian Signs." pp. 21-22: Bastien. "Chrisme." p. 112; and C. Odahl. "An
!wl'.iuological Interpretation of Constantine's Labarum Coin." SAN. Vol. VI. 3 (1975), pp. 47-51.
- Alfred R. Bellinger. "Roman and Byzantine Medallions in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection."
DOPapers. 12 (Cambridge. 19^8), pp. 135-36.
* Bruun. "Christian Signs." pp. 24-25; Bastien. "Chrisme." pp. 114-19; R. A. G. Carson. P.
\ Hill, and .!. P. C. Kent, i.ate Rhtnan Bronze Coinage (London: Spink. 1972). passim.
-1'Bruun. "Christian Signs." pp. 29-31. 33-34: Bastien. "Chrisme." p. 114; and A. R.
B-.-.linaer. 1 Bruun. J . P. C. Kent, and C. H. V. Sutherland. "Late Roman Gold and Silver Coins
.. Duiu!ir;on Oaks: Diocletian to Hugenius." DO Papers. 18 (Cambridge. 1904). pp. 183-84.
AILMdi. Hoc Sign. pp- 9-10: Michael Gough. The Origins of Christian Art (New York:
Praeger. 1974). p. 2(1. It might be remarked here that an ankh style cross (-f-) appeared on the
(e>n,i fxereitns reverses of the bronze coins at the Aquileia mint, ea. 334-35, and approximates
t vv-.mi'ul MacMttllcn gives for the Constantinian monogram: it was merely a variant of the latin
m .!nd thus, has to be ruled out of consideration as a monogram. See: Bruun. Christian
vm!-. p. 25.
( uiMamines F.die! on Religion, in Fusobius. Vita Const. II. 55.
Carson. Hill. Kent. Late Roman Bronze Coinage, pp. 70. 89. and passim: Kenneth A. Jacob.
(',,!! and Christianity (London: Seaby. 1959). p. 26; and C. Odahl, Constantines Conversion,
pp !,and 15.
23
Charles Gdahl
The author would like to thank the Museum Directors, the l ibrarians, and the Curators of
Roman coins and artifacts at Dumbarton Oaks Museum. Washington, D.C . the British Museum,
london, the Hunterian Museum. I'niversitv of Glasgow. and the Istanbul \relKnlogkii!
Museum, lor allow in him to examine their ( onstantinian materials, and providmg him Mill
negatives, prints, and slides thereof; similar thanks are offered to the officials >f the Roman
witavombs. flic author is also indebted to Ardts Hewitt ot the Boise State I'niversit hdm a:.onj!
Media Set\ ices for making the prints for this artieie.
24
The Celestial Sign
F K j I RI 1: PoUchronK
floor mosaic from Minion
Si. Man , Dorset. \\ it li
('hristoLtrani above jTon imit
of a voting ( li l i s t. b li c.
i British Museum!
25
diaries Odahl
l ICH'RK 3: Gra\e Stone
inscription from cemetery
of C atlisms with Christo-
gram. 3rd or 4ih c.
FI GURE 4: Obverse of Constant
ine's Su/us Reipubiicae tenth an
niversary medallion with ehi-rho
badge at the top of his war helmet,
and cross scepter above his shield.
315 (silver. Munich. Staat
liche Munzsamlung).
4
FI GURE 5: Obverse of Vicioriac Laetae Prine
Perp type of Siscia. with ehi-rho sign on
emperor's helmet, ca. 31S-20 (bron/e. British
Museum plaster cast of original in Vienna,
Bundessammlung).
26
The Celestial Sign
HG l Rf : Re, erse of Yinu.s -.xvrcii tvpe from tour mints
cario i n l a CI ! :si moni urani in lie left field, ca. 3 !0-
i bronze. Bn! is Museum !
E1(j le RIs 7: Obv erse of Beam Tranquillifus
tvpe of Treves with the emperor's son
carrying a tnonogrammed shield, ea. 322-23
(bmn/.L , plaster cast of original in Hunterian
Museum. Glasgow).
KIGURH 8: Reverse of .S/xs
Puhlica type from Constantinople
show ing t he emperor's !.a hit run!
piercing a wriggling serpent, ca.
320-2S (bron/e. B itish M usei m i
HGI3R17 Reverse of Consiuntinus
,4/<g medallion of Rome depicting the
emperor with what appears to be a
monogrammed standard. 42b (silver.
Dumbarton Oaks Museum).
HGCRK 10: Reverse of Gloria l-.xcrciius tvpe from Arles
carrying Christ monogram in field between military standards.
334 (bron/.e, British Museum).
27
Charles Odahl
F i di RI: 11: Reverse of Gloria /:.vercinis type from Aries with ehi-tiio
on single militare standard, "On ibron/e. British Museum).
FI GI RH 12: Reverse o f /7>' Temp Rcparatio
Restoration of Happy Times type common
throughout the empire showing Constantine's
sort Constantins 11 holding a laharum above
captives, ea. 44b-50 lbron/e. Odahl collection).
1K il'R F Id: Reverse of Victoria
Cou'shmuni Aup type of Antioch
with cross monogram in left field,
ca. ddb-d' (gold. Dumbarton
Oaks Museum).
FKi l ' RH 14: Reverse of //or Signo
Vidor Gris tvpe from Siseia depicting
the emperor with the Chrislogrannned
\c\iilutu. 450 (bron/e. British
Mu senni ).
FlGl'RH 15: Reverse of Sains Rcipublicuc tvpe common through
out imperial mints showing an angel inscribing a . hi-rho on a war
shield. 4N0s \ fi ihroo/e. British Museum).
28