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HIGHLAND PARK NEXT GENERATION:

REVIVING STREET CULTURE IN NORTHEAST LOS ANGELES
A Thesis
Presented to the
Faculty of
California State Polytechnic University, Pomona
In Partal Fulfllment
Of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Urban and Regional Planning
By
Elizabeth Anne Gallardo
2013
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SIGNATURE PAGE
THESIS: HIGHLAND PARK NEXT GENERATION:
REVIVING STREET CULTURE IN NORTHEAST LOS ANGELES
AUTHOR: Elizabeth Anne Gallardo
DATE SUBMITTED: Spring 2013
Department of Urban and Regional Planning
Gwen Urey, PhD _________________________________________
Thesis Commitee Chair
Urban and Regional Planning
Richard W. Willson, PhD, FAICP _________________________________________
Urban and Regional Planning
Mark Vallianatos, JD _________________________________________
Urban and Environmental Policy
Occidental College
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I want to express my deepest appreciaton to my Thesis Commitee: Gwen Urey, Richard
Willson, and Mark Vallianatos, for their fexibility, guidance, and feedback on my topic formaton,
approach, and content. I would especially like to thank my commitee chair, Gwen Urey for her
guidance and critcal eye in preparaton of my research methodology and objectve feedback on
my drafs.
A giant thank you to Rick Willson for his guidance, support, and academic insight over
the past two years. His enthusiasm for theory, exploraton, and experimentaton in the ultra-
practcal world of applied planning has been uterly inspiring.
I am also very thankful for the support of the Los Angeles Department of Transportaton,
where I was an intern for much of the duraton of this study. Thank you Margot Ocaas and
Valerie Watson for your mentorship, and your inspiratonal leadership and contributon to the
real world of pedestrian and complete streets issues.
Finally, I would like to thank all the partcipants of this study for their tme and desire
to contribute to the documentaton of change on York Boulevard. The honest and uncensored
input from the studys partcipants has provided this document with integrity and spirit.
Funding for this study was provided by the generous support of the Cal Poly Pomona
URP Graduate Fellowship Commitee.
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ABSTRACT
Los Angeles is a complex, car dominated street environment and a place where
revitalizaton is primarily driven by city-sponsored commercial interventon. York Boulevard
provides a case where city planners and developers have not led the neighborhoods revival
and shif towards a complete street. This study aims to identfy the sources of York Boulevards
revitalizaton through a qualitatve analysis of neighborhood history, built environment, city
policy, and community sentment. The purpose of this research is to perform a case-study
that explores the relatonship between street revitalizaton and the cultural and environmental
dynamics that motvate and encourage community-driven placemaking. By creatng a rich
descriptve narratve of York Boulevards development through individual interviews, reviews
of historical documents, and policy analysis, the study seeks to identfy those factors that most
positvely afected the streets development. Semi-structured interviews were conducted
with local stakeholders including small business owners, residents, cultural producers, and
city ofcials. These interviews were aggregated to establish themes such as the local arts
community, small business development, transportaton policy, and the human scale of the built
environment, which were then explored in relaton to existng literature. Themes that emerged
as primary factors were a general neighborhood zeitgeist, street confguraton, afordability,
local anchor businesses, Council Ofce supported improvement, and the physical character of
the corridor. These factors provide indicators for identfying placemaking site locatons and a
framework for community-driven growth. Ultmately the study provides food for thought in
Los Angeles, a diaspora of neighborhood character, where establishing a transferable model
of community-driven placemaking and revitalizaton is a necessity for the citys future as a
compettve and desirable region.
Keywords: placemaking, creatve placemaking, revitalizaton, economic corridor, community,
small business, neighborhood character, complete streets, living streets, parklets, road diet,
bicycle friendly, street culture
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Signature Page.....................................................................................................................
Acknowledgements.............................................................................................................
Abstract................................................................................................................................
List of Tables.........................................................................................................................
List of Figures.......................................................................................................................
Chapter 1. Purpose of the Study..........................................................................................
Introducton............................................................................................................
Statement of Purpose.............................................................................................
Ratonale.................................................................................................................
Justfcaton of Importance of the Study.................................................................
Scope of the Study..................................................................................................
Chapter 2. Review of Literature...........................................................................................
Introducton............................................................................................................
Previous Investgatons...........................................................................................
Theoretcal Themes................................................................................................
Clarifcaton of Key Theoretcal Terms....................................................................
Prescriptons for Revitalizaton...............................................................................
Literature related to Methodology and Research Design.......................................
Conclusion..............................................................................................................
Chapter 3. Methodology......................................................................................................
Statement of Methodology....................................................................................
Descripton of Data Collecton................................................................................
Design of the Study.................................................................................................
Analysis and Measurement....................................................................................
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Chapter 4. Results..................................................................................................................
Existng Data...........................................................................................................
Context and Framing..............................................................................................
Ethnographic Observaton......................................................................................
Physical Observaton...............................................................................................
Chapter 5. Interpretaton of Data and Discussion...............................................................
Stakeholder Norms, Motvatons and Practces......................................................
Interview Themes in Relaton to Literature............................................................
Discussion of Yorks Primary Themes......................................................................
Chapter 6. Conclusions........................................................................................................
Summary.................................................................................................................
Conclusion...............................................................................................................
Limitatons of the Study..........................................................................................
Policy Implicatons..................................................................................................
Follow-up Research and Suggestons for Future Investgaton...............................
References...........................................................................................................................
Appendix A. Defniton of Terms..........................................................................................
Appendix B. IRB Approval Leter..........................................................................................
Appendix C. Sample Interview Questons............................................................................
Appendix D. Consent Form..................................................................................................
Appendix E. List of Interviews..............................................................................................
Appendix F. Interview Themes............................................................................................
Appendix G. Demographic Characteristcs 2000-2010........................................................
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 Descripton of Subjects: Interview Typologies and Operatonal Defnitons.....
Table 2 Inventory of Arterial Streets Intersectng with York Boulevard.........................
Table 3 Pedestrian Collisions in Study Areas Worst Pedestrian Intersecton.................
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 Map of study area and context in subregion....................................................
Figure 2 Detail map of York Boulevard study area and businesses................................
Figure 3 Themes and relatonships from the literature..................................................
Figure 4 Methodology diagram......................................................................................
Figure 5 Census tracts and changes for project area, 2000-2010..................................
Figure 6 Household and family characteristcs, 2000-2010............................................
Figure 7 Housing occupancy and ownership, 2000-2010...............................................
Figure 8 New businesses on York feature boldly designed exteriors and handcrafed
goods................................................................................................................
Figure 9 Cafe de Leche signage modernizes an old building on York and Aveue 50......
Figure 10 Historic homes in Highland Park are being rehabbed rapidly by house
fippers..............................................................................................................
Figure 11 Comment on Highland Park Patch artcle about York Vision Plan....................
Figure 12 Comment on Highland Park Patch artcle about new businesses on York........
Figure 13 York area land use............................................................................................
Figure 14 Other areas in Northeast Los Angeles can refer to specifc plans....................
Figure 15 Street designatons and circulaton. ................................................................
Figure 16 Vehicular/Pedestrian collisions at Avenue 50 and Avenue 56, 2001-2011......
Figure 17 Historical map of Rancho Verdugo, excerpt from The Old Spanish and
Mexican Ranchos of Los Angeles County..........................................................
Figure 18 Historical route map: Los Angeles Railway Electric Car and Bus Routes in
Northeast Los Angeles, c. 1938........................................................................
Figure 19 Typical road diet confguraton: before and afer.............................................
Figure 20 Photograph illustratng right of way confguraton for bikes, cars, and turn
lane...................................................................................................................
Figure 21 Bike lanes implemented since 2010.................................................................
Figure 22 Los Angeles Bicycle Master Plan: Northeast Los Angeles porton of Citywide
Bikeway System................................................................................................
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Figure 23 Current bike lanes in Northeast Los Angeles....................................................
Figure 24 Los Angeles frst bike corral: York Boulevard in front of Caf de Leche...........
Figure 25 Parklets introduce green space into an environment dominated by cars........
Figure 26 York Boulevard Parklet at dusk.........................................................................
Figure 27 Second Saturday NELA Artwalk........................................................................
Figure 28 Early impressions of Highland Park reported in stakeholder interviews..........
Figure 29 Reasons for locatng in Highland Park reported in stakeholder interviews......
Figure 30 Methods of introducton to the York Boulevard corridor as reported in
stakeholder interviews.....................................................................................
Figure 31 Reasons for locatng on or patronizing the York Boulevard corridor as
reported in stakeholder interviews..................................................................
Figure 32 Reasons preventng or impeding York Boulevards success as reported in
stakeholder interviews.....................................................................................
Figure 33 How York Boulevard is preceived today as reported in stakeholder
interviews.........................................................................................................
Figure 34 How stakehoolders see York Boulevard in the future as reported in
stakeholder interviews.....................................................................................
Figure 35 Celebratory community events put on by CD 14 feature mexican sweet
bread and bilingual translaton.........................................................................
Figure 36 On-street culture on York Boulevard................................................................
Figure 37 York businesses are packed on the weekends..................................................
Figure 38 New businesses on York clean up and modernize blighted commercial
frontage............................................................................................................
Figure 39 Redfns top 10 up and coming neighborhoods.............................................
Figure 40 Though Moryork Gallery provides a multtude of cultural producton in the
area, it is unidentfable from its exterior.........................................................
Figure 41 Alexandra Grant, an LA artst, is on her way to a party with a piata
purchased from a local party store...................................................................
Figure 42 Stakeholder quote about diversity....................................................................
Figure 43 Tatoo parlor signage bleeds into graft on the side of the building...............
Figure 44 Tagging is stll prevalent in alleys and back lots................................................
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Figure 45 Stakeholder quote about Highland Park gangs.................................................
Figure 46 Redistrictng of 2011 York corridor consolidated into purview of CD 14.......
Figure 47 Stakeholder quote about Yorks demographic draw.........................................
Figure 48 Why York Boulevard Works diagram.................................................................
Figure 49 Stakeholder quotes about walkability...............................................................
Figure 50 Interview Themes diagram...............................................................................
Figure 51 Stakeholder quotes about localism and walkability..........................................
Figure 52 Stakeholder quote upon discovering Pets with Fez at a NELA Art event..........
Figure 53 New businesses versus the old.........................................................................
Figure 54 Stakeholder quotes about Yorks physical character and scale.........................
Figure 55 Typical older business storefronts on York.......................................................
Figure 56 Sidewalk culture on York..................................................................................
Figure 57 Stakeholder quote about street confguraton.................................................
Figure 58 A packed night at Ba.........................................................................................
Figure 59 Stakeholder quote about social connectedness through agglomeraton.........
Figure 60 Stakeholder quote about Highland Parks liberal nature..................................
Figure 61 Stakeholder quote about artsts in the community..........................................
Figure 62 NELA Art has recently started distributng a newspaper..................................
Figure 63 Stakeholder quotes about artsts infuence on Yorks revitalizaton................
Figure 64 Graft and dirt driveways could be considered blight, but are integral parts
of Highland Parks aesthetc character..............................................................
Figure 65 Happenings at Moryork Gallery........................................................................
Figure 66 Stakeholder quote about small business owners.............................................
Figure 67 Stakeholder quote about the threat of gentrifcaton......................................
Figure 68 Stakeholder quote about the economic causes of displacement.....................
Figure 69 Stakeholder quote about renters......................................................................
Figure 70 Stakeholder quote about displacement............................................................
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Figure 71 Stakeholder quote about the challenges of community outreach...................
Figure 72 Model for York Boulevards revitalizaton.........................................................
Figure 73 Stakeholder quotes about the bike corral and parklet.....................................
Figure 74 Stakeholder quotes about Yorks zeitgeist........................................................
Figure 75 Quote about Highland Parks duality of place..................................................
Figure 76 Quote about LA walking...................................................................................
Figure 77 An early comment on a local blog touches on the auspicious pedestrian
scale of York......................................................................................................
Figure 78 Policy model for neighborhood corridor revitalizaton.....................................
Figure 79 Stakeholder quote about community values....................................................
Figure 80 Highland Park would be a wonderful candidate for a study about Latno
Urbanism..........................................................................................................
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CHAPTER 1
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
Introducton
At a neighborhood gathering celebratng funding secured for a local pocket park, LA
City Councilman Jose Huizar concluded his speech with the defnitve statement: Highland
Park is on the move to preserving its historical past. This statement is a bit of a paradox, the
change implied in on the move at odds with Highland Parks desire to preserve its roots. As the
Northeast Los Angeles neighborhood fnds itself at a crossroads in the post-redevelopment era,
York Boulevard, one of Highland Parks two primary business corridors (see Figure 1.), provides
an ideal case study for revitalizaton it is a street on the brink of a signifcant transformaton,
one that could go in dramatcally diferent ways. In the past two years, with strong support from
the Council District, members of the York Boulevard community have focused intensely on a
vision for the streets future. The implementaton of the vision has thus far been community-
driven and tactcal: the improvements have been achieved through a low-cost succession of
quick wins small business development, bike lanes, and parklets small but dynamic changes
that have bolstered the neighborhoods revival.
Seemingly led by a cultural evoluton, the revitalizaton and placemaking phenomena
occurring on York Boulevard provide a test run of less-explored mechanisms in one of the
natons most car-centric regions. Old models of community revitalizaton such as slum clearance
have largely been abandoned and more recently, redevelopment agencies were eliminated in
California with ABx1 26 (for a full explainaton of ABx1 26 and Californias post-Redevelopment
era, see Ratonal secton). Yet cites like Los Angeles stll seek to revive their neighborhoods
with top-down methods supported by developers. Ofen these developer-led strategies initate
displacement of low-income residents, eliminate the cultural identty of place, and create
tourist destnatons that add no beneft to the existng neighborhood or residents. By seeking
to identfy the subtle mechanisms of change on York, this research aims to illustrate a model
beyond developer-initated and implemented neighborhood revitalizaton, giving communites
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inspiraton to lead their own process of placemaking and economic development.
As a case study, the research is site specifc, but the subject of the York Boulevard
corridor has been selected precisely because it has many typical characteristcs of an under-
utlized Los Angeles street. Placemaking establishes a character and culture within a space,
a process that is highly individual and subjectve to its context. As a case study of successful
placemaking, York Boulevard is also an example of many aspects of Complete Street strategies,
providing rich data on a street confguratons efect on neighborhood dynamics of revitalizaton
and placemaking. This research informs a discussion that is overdue in Los Angeles and the
popular discourse on community revitalizaton and economic development as a whole. The
study hopes to prompt new ways of thinking about the cultural and historical factors that are so
important to revitalizaton, and provide innovatve solutons for an era that lacks the fnancial
capacity of the 20th century.
Statement of Purpose
There are many theories about what drives neighborhood revitalizaton. This study
investgates the case of York Boulevard, identfying factors afectng the dynamics of change in
the neighborhood. The paper focuses on a qualitatve investgaton of neighborhood history,
built environment, city policy, and community sentment that brought about York Boulevards
revival as a bustling and vibrant corridor in Los Angeles.
Ratonale
In the midst of a statewide budget crisis, Californias legislature passed ABx1 26, a
legal dissoluton of the states Redevelopment Agencies. Since Californias adopton of the
Community Redevelopment Act in 1945, community revitalizaton has been led by Community
Redevelopment Agencies (CRAs), ofen with the strategy of freeing up land and partnering
with developers in order to invigorate a blighted place (State of California, 2013). Since 1952,
these eforts were funded via tax increment fnancing (State of California, 2013), a funding
system that simply no longer exists for redevelopment or revitalizaton eforts. Much critcism
of conventonal redevelopment tactcs has been made over the years (York, 2012; California
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Budget Project, 2011), but cites across the United States including Los Angeles contnue to
utlize top-down, developer-led revitalizaton as the primary tool of revitalizaton and economic
development, building projects like LA Live in Downtown Los Angeles.
Many new strategies and revitalizaton factors have been explored in more recent
research including the dynamism of small business owners (Suton, 2010; Loukaitou-Sideris,
2000), creatve placemaking (Markusen, 2010; Currid, 2009), and the infuence of politcal
rhetoric or values branding (McCann, 2002). A new feld is simultaneously emerging in the realm
of the Street. Cites are increasingly embracing a Complete Streets philosophy (McCann, 2011),
ensuring users of all modes and ability can safely inhabit the most social realm of mobility: the
street. Corridor studies have been a common topic in the economic development conversaton
of neighborhood revitalizaton (Suton, 2010; Loukaitou-Sideris, 2000), but only recently has the
discourse shifed to the actual culture and built environment of on-street actvity (Sharp et al.,
2005; Markusen, 2010).
Jane Jacobs has talked about the importance of street culture since the 1961 publicaton
of her seminal work, The Life and Death of Great American Cites. For decades though, the
concepton of streets and street actvaton was restricted to the older, more dense cites of the
East Coast. How was a city like Los Angeles, made up of suburban sprawl and disparate nodal
epicenters, supposed to apply these lessons? Today, we live in a diferent economy. Sprawl is
contractng in 2011, 77% of new housing constructon permits in Los Angeles were for mult-
family housing units (Kolko, 2012), and there is a distnct shif in our use of city space and a
new open-mindedness to methods of community revitalizaton that are sharply focused on the
rehabilitaton of the existng street and built environment.
If one could ask Jane Jacobs how to fnd out what is driving change in a neighborhood,
she would say to get on the ground and talk to people. This research takes a hands-on method
to obtain rich, qualitatve data. The study can illustrate the importance of learning the minutae
of change, even in academic work that seeks to create broad, overarching meaning.
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Justfcaton of Importance of the Study
Due to the dissoluton of redevelopment agencies in California, the system of community
revitalizaton will need to fundamentally change, with a shif in leadership, motvaton, and
implementaton. In looking at a neighborhood that has revitalized and reorganized without
the interventon of the citys redevelopment agency, we can observe other useful factors in
community improvement and establish new models of revitalizaton.
By taking a descriptve, qualitatve approach, the study explores incentves and
challenges to independent and public improvements, as well as the dynamics of building
community politcal will, coalitons, and acton. Community revitalizaton is a site specifc
process that is driven by the individual personalites and elements of the area. This study
qualitatvely explores factors efectng revitalizaton and show the prevalence and predominance
of themes related to community growth, while also informing methods of identfcaton and
exploraton of these factors.
This research reveals trends that might not be obvious to policy makers and can raise
awareness and politcal will among stakeholders in additon to planners, about how they can
positvely afect change in their community. By illustratng the process of change and the extent
to which it has been facilitated by mechanisms within the city, the study atempts to demystfy
how and why change occurs in communites and the means by which it most efectvely comes
about.
Scope of the Study
This study looks at the porton of York Boulevard that lies at the epicenter of change
happening in Highland Park (see Figure 2.). The area under investgaton spans from Avenue
50 to Avenue 56. The study focuses on the stakeholders of that area including residents,
users, business owners, property owners, cultural producers, and the local Council Ofce,
partcularly those community members who have been involved in the visible manifestatons of
revitalizaton. For the defniton of commonly used terms in this paper, refer to Appendix A.
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CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Introducton
The literature surrounding alternatve visions of revitalizaton addresses various initators
of neighborhood change. Many describe a process of exchange, social in nature, that results in
regeneratve neighborhood and economic improvements. Most challenge the broader existng
literature, statng the alternatve visions of redevelopment are under-explored and that art,
culture, and social drivers are not yet fully acknowledged. Generally though, the literature
emphasizes the dynamic and social nature of placemaking and place-based vitality.
Because of the complex mechanisms involved in the urban ecosystem, the literature
focuses on various qualitatve drivers of neighborhood change. Studies identfy small
businesses, public fgures, business corridors, art, and culture as factors that contribute to
change and placemaking. A majority of these studies observe neighborhood change via case
studies, looking at how specifc mechanisms have worked in diferent contexts.
This literature review brings together a selecton of studies from academics at the at
both the foundatons and forefront of the corridor revitalizaton and placemaking discussion
including, Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris, Jane Jacobs, Stacy Suton, and Ann Markusen. The
review atempts to identfy and compare theoretcal commonalites and interrelatonships,
and then generalize and archetype theories and criteria thought to drive the revitalizaton
process. The theories observed in the studies include concern about an inadequate inquiry into
economic revitalizaton mechanisms; the need to observe revitalizaton as a dynamic, systemic
phenomenon; the role of retail climate in shaping social climate; the street as a central locaton
of revitalizaton; clustering and agglomeraton as a businesses and social development strategy;
art and culture as catalysts for redevelopment; public fgures as instgators of revitalizaton; the
challenge of gentrifcaton; and the general fear of monolithic (re)development.
The review includes a clarifcaton of key terms thrown around in revitalizaton and
placemaking discussions. The development of place versus the existence of a space discussed in
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placemaking theory; the diference between redevelopment, revitalizaton, and urban renewal;
and the diference between community-driven planning and advocacy planning discussed in
planning theory are all terms that can be explored to beter understand the mechanisms of
neighborhood change.
Finally, the review identfes prescriptons for the process of revitalizaton including
best-practce methods and pitall issues to avoid. Methodologies of previous investgatons are
also examined, especially in regards to qualitatve approaches in case studies. The literature can
direct research methodology undertaken in this study, themes to note, and establish a strategy
and justfcaton for site selecton.
Previous Investgatons
Jane Jacobs seminal text, The Death and Life of Great American Cites (1961) pioneered
the lens though which we see urban communites and neighborhoods today. Though much
planning practce contnues to embrace more traditonal top-down visions of urban renewal,
Jacobs radically denounces redevelopment as the sacking of cites (p. 4). Over 50 years later,
this qualitatve guidebook to the vitality of neighborhoods remains highly relevant, especially
in our current tme of community-led revitalizaton, adaptve reuse of inner cites, and the
tendency to re-focus on esoteric, small neighborhood businesses.
In her vision, a neighborhood functons as a socially and environmentally interdependent
phenomenon. In this socio-spatal relatonship, the basics of trust and community are built
through people and their culture. In the realm of planning theory, Jacobs is perhaps most
famous for her concept of eyes on the street, where safety is self-regulated by the community
through the casual presence of citzens throughout the day. More importantly though, she
introduces the idea that streets themselves are the central spaces of social and economic
transacton within a community. Streets are spaces where people meet and connect and
therefore need to be formated and used (both spatally and socially) in ways that promote,
rather than detract from these socio-economic opportunites.
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The literature provides a variety of perspectves to look at revitalizaton mechanisms.
One primary approach is to look at inner city corridors, addressed in Anastasia Loukaitou-
Sideris (2000) Los Angeles study, Revisitng Inner-City Strips: A Framework for Community and
Economic Development. These corridors ofen display an array of problems of the American
inner city: disinvestment, decay, poor physical infrastructure, and high crime rates (Loukaitou-
Sideris, 2000, p. 165). The author atributes the decay of these streets partly to the inadequacy
of public policies devised to save the inner-city, especially in the instance of white fight and the
suburbanizaton trend of the 1960s.
Loukaitou-Sideris (2000) found that many living in these neighborhoods depended on
these corridors for their everyday basic needs and services. The study profled local businesses
establishments, exploring their challenges and successes, ultmately identfying the majority of
their disadvantages in the realms of uncontrollable social impacts (gangs, transients, prosttutes,
etc.). Of the more manageable challenges, Loukaitou-Sideris (2000) found that corridors in the
inner city areas are typically understored indicat[ing] that the areas stll have signifcant
purchasing power. The lack of nearby competton in additon to afordability of rent
provide an advantage to proprietors (p. 172).
Suton (2010) argues that neighborhood small business owners are underrated and
under-studied community stakeholders that have the potental to signifcantly infuence if
not lead commercial revitalizaton. Suton (2010) purports that the defniton of commercial
revitalizaton is under-explored, emphasizing the fact that, public subsidizaton of corporate-led
development fails to engender purported conventonal economic development efects for poor
people and places and public cofers (p. 353).
In her study, Suton traces the history of Fort Greene, Brooklyn, from its incepton, but
more recently, in the period where it was once host to stable communites, and then declined
due to corporate divestment, small business abandonment, public sector retrenchment, and
public percepton biased against black and latno communites (Suton, 2010). More recently,
economic development has been led by corporate development, which threatens the areas
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identty and undermines the democratc planning process (Suton, 2010).
Elizabeth Currids artcle, Bohemia as Subculture, takes a more cultural perspectve,
arguing that artsts and cultural producers simultaneously bring redevelopment and
reinvestment, atractng people rather than industry. Bohemia as Subculture suggests that art
serves multple redevelopment roles including actng as an amenity or consumpton product, as
an outright redevelopment and development tool, as an instrument to brand a place, and as a
generator of jobs and revenue (Currid, 2009).
Like Currid, Ann Markusens white paper, Creatve Placemaking atempts to formally
defne this art-as-initator phenomenon. Creatve placemaking has been happening for years in
the realm of community revitalizaton, but has not been measured or studied in a quantfable
or qualitatve way. Markusen defnes creatve placemaking as the strategic shaping of the
physical and social character of environments by means of arts and cultural actvites (Markusen,
2010). The study follows cases where creatve placemaking has brought life to public and private
spaces, rejuvenatng structures and streetscapes, while simultaneously improving the local
business climate and public safety (Markusen, 2010). Creatve placemaking also fosters social
diversity and creates an environment that supports entrepreneurs and jobs. In Markusens
(2010) vision, art and creatve places are utlized like lightning rods in decentralized spaces,
mixing with retail and housing to fll community voids and vacancies.
Addressing the darker side of placemaking and spatal identty, Eugene McCann (2002)
looks into politcs-driven placemaking and how public support for development agendas
comes to be. One aspect of monitoring spatal identty and transacton involves how and in
whose interest local spatal economies are produced and reproduced (McCann, 2002). McCann
observes that social values are naturalized in order to produce consensus, established in a
process where meaning is defned by a social elite, and then popularized to become a common-
sense value among the public. In the case study provided, a preacher imbued support of a
development with religious rhetoric and values, gaining support from the community by creatng
ideological meaning in the developments constructon. In this way, a community believes it is
11
driving its development, but the real driver is that which has manufactured the meaning-with-
tracton of the spatal identty.
Theoretcal Themes
The literature illustrates a number of basic themes, falling into the following categories
(see Figure 3.):
inadequate inquiry into economic revitalizaton mechanisms
revitalizaton as a dynamic, systemic phenomenon
retail climate is closely linked to social climate: Re-circulatng local economies (growth
led by people, trust, and quality of life)
street-based revitalizaton
clustering and agglomeraton
art and culture as catalyst for redevelopment
public Figures: Small business, merchants, and entrepreneurs as instgators of
revitalizaton
gentrifcaton
against monolithic city-instgated (re)development
Inadequate Inquiry into Economic Revitalizaton Mechanisms
All literature cites the inadequate inquiry into the mechanisms that make revitalizaton
work. Suton (2010) traces the poor understanding of neighborhood commercial revitalizaton
to a series of assumptons that have not explored the full range of socio-economic infuences
and possibilites important in creatng neighborhood change. The limited or monolithic
understanding of revitalizaton mechanisms is a result of revitalizaton being studied in three
distnct but overlapping felds: neighborhood revitalizaton, retail development, and minority
entrepreneurship (Suton, 2010). Her goal is to align these felds, using an extended case
methodology in order to fully understand the dynamic nature of the phenomena.
12
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13
Currid (2009) discusses the dynamism of revitalizaton in terms of abstracton statng
that there are both tangible, quantfable mechanisms, but also ethereal social and living factors
as well. She argues that impacts are not just economic but culturally dynamic living infuences
that are not given their due credit. One reason for this cursory view is that art cannot be placed
in a single predictable role- it is irratonally consumed and created, its heterogeneous nature
creates objects of rarity, and it is subject to creatve whims, unable to be predicted in markets
(Currid, 2009). Markusen (2010) underscores the difculty of analyzing the impacts of localized
interventons due to the cacophony of factors infuencing the environment and the special
interests that color reportng results.
In additon to poor atenton to the more rarifed and obtuse factors of social and
community led redevelopment, there is generally a poor understanding of redevelopment
performance beyond economic measurement. Markusen (2010) states that, surprisingly, there
are almost no good studies of other types of urban interventons such as stadiums or public
housing. Impact analyses are ofen writen as advocacy documents before the fact, but their
data are hypothetcal (Markusen, 2010, p. 25).
The study of revitalizaton also lacks geographic or spatal diversity, especially in the area
of smart growth, which emphasizes the reuse of existng resources in already urbanized areas
(Lee and Leigh, 2005, p. 330). Smart growth has typically been focused in city centers and
central business districts, but Lee and Leigh (2005) suggest that smart growth strategies need
to consider inner ring suburbs, as contemporary growth paterns of cites have provided many
underutlized and urbanized areas beyond the central business district. Geographically, suburbs
now form mult-ring, polycentric structures (Lee and Leigh, 2005), much like the development
patern of Los Angeles.
The original modes of transportaton to these geographic epicenters also should
be considered in additon to all other criteria. Lee and Leigh (2005) suggest that streetcar-
developed suburbs should be studied separately beyond inner-ring suburbs, citng
transportatons unique relatonship to scale in the built environment.
14
Revitalizaton as a Dynamic, Ecosystemic Phenomena
Jane Jacobs (1961) sees cites as rich ecosystems that only functon well when all parts
are interconnected. Jacobs says that cites are fantastcally dynamic places the look of things
and the way they work are inextricably bound together (p. 14). This binding establishes a trust
that endears and indebts people to each other, a bedrock atribute of peoples sense of safety
and security and the very basis of anything a community could be built upon.
Community trust and the sense of safety that accompanies it is built through casual
interacton only (Jacobs, 1961; Harrison and Dourish, 1996). This interacton is both subtle and
individual. Jacobs (1961) says that, [safety] is kept primarily by an intricate almost unconscious
network of voluntary controls and standards among the people themselves and enforced by
the people themselves (p. 32). This authority then dictates good behavior amongst citzens.
Studies about place-making confrm that a sense of place must be forged by the users; it
cannot be inherent in the system itself. Harrison and Dourish (1996) observe that space is the
opportunity, but place is a cultural phenomenon a sense that develops about appropriate
behavior in a space, and therefore requires assimilaton and socializaton via enculturaton (p.
70).
Suton (2010) calls for a dynamic understanding of commercial revitalizaton, which
instructs a more critcal and holistc concepton of contemporary revitalizaton practces where
retailer and merchant dynamism should be explored in relatonship to other aspects and
drivers of community revitalizaton. Specifcally, Suton (2010) recognizes the instrumentality
of merchants, and spotlightng small business owners contributon towards civic capacity,
locatonal decisions, and retail mix (p. 353). Much literature atempts to simply quantfy the
qualitatve aspects of merchants efects on economic revitalizaton for instance, a common
perspectve in literature supposes that economic developments base metric is frm size (Suton,
2010). These authors argue that revitalizaton is more nuanced than traditonal forms of urban
change (market-driven redevelopment, gentrifcaton, and succession), and seek to learn from
the process of change, spatal characteristcs, socio-economic climate, zeitgeist, and intentons
15
(Suton, 2010; Markusen, 2010; Currid, 2009).
Diversity an indicator of health of the urban ecosystem (Jacobs, 1961) can be
identfed by place vitality, economic health, social equity, and sustainability (Talen, 2006).
Diversity has the ability to spillover into innovaton and vitality, thus establishing a dynamic
synergy in a community (Talen, 2006; Currid, 2009; Suton, 2010).
Markusen (2010) champions creatve placemaking as a central executor for quality of life
and a source of health for the community ecosystem. Her study found that creatve placemaking
enhanced livability, diversity, and economic development by means of public safety, community
character, environmental quality, afordable housing and work spaces for creatve workers,
more atractve transportaton optons, and collaboraton between civic and private partners
(Markusen 2010).
The pragmatc approach to contemporary ecosystematc development is smart growth,
a term coined by Ryan Snyder in 1988. Smart growth aims to comprehensively address sprawl
by preserving the public good, minimizing adverse land use interactons and maximizing positve
ones, minimizing public costs, maximizing social equity, and fnally, improving quality of life (Lee
and Leigh, 2005). From another perspectve, smart growth can be perceived as an atempt to
insttutonalize the social ecology of the city. It uses many healthy community concepts that
Jacobs (1961) references, but with the idea that it can all be quantfed and applied as a formula.
Smart growth as applied by local land use regulaton and governmental fscal incentves can
actually sit in oppositon to grassroots or community-driven development- smart growth can
become prescriptve, taking on a sense of uniformity, elitsm, and artfciality.
Retail Climate is Closely Linked to Social Climate: Re-circulatng Local Economies (Growth Led
by People, Trust, and Quality of Life)
Much of the literature primarily sees this dynamism of revitalizaton in terms of
social phenomena (Jacobs, 1961; Suton, 2010; Currid, 2009; McCann, 2002)- a living, cultural
process built on regeneratve individual relatonships and transactons. Jacobs (1961) identfes
storekeepers and small businesses as strong proponents of order. Following leads from the
16
feld of sociology, the neighborhood store should be conceived as a community insttuton, and
therefore as functonal sites for goods and services, spaces of social interacton, inclusion, and
social organizaton (Suton, 2010).
Trust on the street creates boundaries for people to engage and share personal aspects
of themselves with the public, and thus is born the public self or social pillar that Jacobs (1961)
speaks of. From this urbano-ecological social contract, the public self identty allows people
to feel safe and secure amongst strangers and dictates public respect and trust. It is important
to note though that the cultvaton of this identty cannot be insttutonalized precisely because
it implies no previous commitments (Jacobs, 1961, p. 56). In essence, it must be ofered as a
favor and through this transacton, generosity in the culture of locals is cultvated.
Merchant behavior in inner-city corridors confrm that, the existence of strong social
networks is partcularly important in the fght against crime because these contribute to a sense
of ownership and territoriality of the locality shared by neighbors, who feel responsible to
watch out for one another (Loukaitou-Sideris, 2000, p. 177). Trust between local residents and
merchants is integral to revitalizaton, but can be hard to achieve in neighborhoods that have
severe social problems. Loukaitou-Sideris (2000) ofers neighborhood cleanups as a common
ground, benefcial to both residents and business owners alike.
According to Chapple and Jacobus, the way the retail sector changes is closely related
to how the neighborhood changes (Suton, 2010, p. 357). Markusen (2010) brings an example
of this social dynamism where the diversity of hours of operaton of art and cultural events
works to actvate spaces far beyond that of a typical 9-5 or 10-6 establishment, creatng a
whole new living social environment. This increased sense of community combined with more
consistent eyes on the street forms the basis to incorporate other necessary elements of the
healthy neighborhood ecosystem: strangers. Jacobs (1961) says that
once a street is well equipped to handle strangers, once it has both a good, efectve
demarcaton between private and public spaces and has a basic supply of actvity and
eyes, the more strangers the merrier. Strangers become an enormous asset. (p. 40)
17
Currids (2009) work mainly focuses on the value of human capital and the rise of the skilled
city, a place where the creatve and highly skilled workers bring their disposable income to
complement an agglomeratve environment that reproduces creatvity and innovaton. This is
spatally-driven economic revival, driven by creatve people that want to interact and exchange
in a self-established environment. Markusen (2010) agrees that jobs increasingly follow
people and new businesses are drawn to cultural hot spots (p. 5). Viewing neighborhoods with
this lens also stresses that people, not industry are the drivers of growth, [that] art and culture
[are] considered signifcant variables infuencing the locatonal paterns of highly skilled human
capital (Currid, 2009, p. 370).
Street-based Revitalizaton
For Jacobs (1961), the street is the center of local culture and economy, it is the place
of convergence and the epicenter of vitality. Streets highlight the economic dynamics of the city
through business, housing, and zoning. Additonally, streets serve society as a bufer between
public and private, a place of security, exploraton, and cultural exchange, and the primary space
of social mixing and the manufacture of social capital. As a basic concept, if a street is not safe,
none of its features or uses will be safe (Jacobs, 1961).
It is a fact that everyone must use streets as a means of accessibility, but how or why
people use streets is primary to any conversaton about space, place, or community revival.
Jacobs (1961) stresses the need to have concrete reasons to use streets, statng that, you cant
make people use streets they have no reason to use (p. 36). Therefore, design for urban vitality
must provide an environment of safe engagement in order to draw people along sidewalks.
Vibrant and diverse sidewalks, established through social engagement among strangers,
invigorate neighborhoods, and these spaces are the most valuable neighborhood asset (Jacobs,
1961). Jacobs (1961) laments a general neglect of sidewalk culture, citng that, sidewalks are
conventonally considered to be purely space for pedestrian travel and access to buildings, and
go unrecognized and unrespected as the uniquely vital and irreplaceable organs of city safety,
public life and child rearing that they are (p. 87).
18
Localism and scale are both central to a streets usage, identty, and vibrancy. Long
blocks, in their nature, thwart the potental advantages that cites ofer to incubaton,
experimentaton, and many small or special enterprises (Jacobs, 1961, p. 183). This can also
be considered economically, where streets that feature buildings or housing stock of only new
constructon will deter from a diversity of use, as only those who can aford the cost of new
constructon will be able to establish business ownership or residency. Florida (2013) warns
that, housing costs rise as good jobs and more highly skilled workers gravitate to these places,
a process that is exacerbated by restrictve zoning regulatons. Therefore a healthy street must
provide buildings in a variety of constructon and conditons (Jacobs, 1961).
Clustering and Agglomeraton
The dynamism and social nature of revitalizaton that the literature suggests can only
be achieved through robust networks and broad civic relatonships. Jacobs (1961) reminds us
that people that live in cites are not provincial they are mobile. They pick and choose where
to go and what to use in their larger metropolitan context (p. 116). Therefore it is important
to understand where people are going and why they desire to locate, cluster, and grow at a
given place. This process has been identfed in the literature as a process of clustering and
agglomeraton.
Ofen, the inter-relatonships of local fgures and small businesses work to bolster both
a sense of community and economic actvity in a neighborhood (Loukaitou-Sideris, 2000; Suton,
2010; Currid, 2009). Small business owners and merchants getng to know each other leads
to a merchant exchange and builds stronger community- these relatonships recycle dollars
within the community and strengthen social bonds (Loukaitou-Sideris, 2000). Currid (2009)
observes that creatve and cultural development functon primarily through social networks
and connectons, agglomeratng to form local dense interrelated industries and consumers.
Clustering and agglomeraton therefore are both an instgator and result of alternatve types of
revitalizaton.
19
Currid (2009) insists that growth should be viewed in its relatonship to quality of place.
Highly skilled laborers are atracted to authentc, cool places and look for ways to invest their
disposable income, not just in objects, but in something culturally and socially meaningful
(though this does not necessarily imply altruism) (Currid, 2009). This illustrates a vision of the
consumer city, where much of what becomes physical reality is driven by the consumptve
desires of the residents. Currid (2009) brings up the noton that high-technology innovators (and
innovators in general) make locatonal choices based on both natural and constructed amenites,
seeking out the best of both worlds, environmentally and culturally.
Because of this shif towards on-demand amenites and having it all, localism is key to
understanding clustering and agglomeraton. Currid (2009) stresses that policy makers should
preserve creatve communites at the local level, rather than looking to developers to exploit a
cultural in into the community. Clustering is best utlized by creatve industries that thrive on
ad hoc and instantaneous transactons (Currid, 2009). A fexible labor pool, that can establish
reoccurring tes with various frms labor pools and resources, can beneft greatly from a
densifcaton of urban fabric (Currid, 2009, p. 377).
Sutons (2010) study also advocates clustering. Illustratng the strength of the merchant
associaton, Suton (2010) argues for greater support for such systems, suggestng that merchant
associatons are underutlized in redevelopment. Considering that there is not enough capacity
building support for such associatons, cites should work to preserve and enhance clusters of
small businesses in neighborhoods (Suton, 2010).
At the same tme, it may be prudent to heed warnings from Jacobs (1961), who
reminds us that, diferences, not duplicaton, make for cross-use (p. 130). Adjacencies and
their resultng interactons should not be meaningless (Jacobs, 1961) - they should provoke
exchange and instgate dynamism and diversifcaton. Even Richard Florida (2013), proprietor
of the Creatve Class ideology that introduced clustering as a development strategy begs us
to ask Who benefts and who loses from this talent clustering process? Whether clustering
and agglomeraton is a self-serving process of hegemonic control for the rich or a true beneft
20
to society that creates cross-use remains a key social justce issue. Recently Florida (2013) has
backed of his fully-pro stance on geographic clustering asking if it confer[s] broad benefts
in the form of higher wages and salaries to workers across the board or do the benefts accrue
mainly to smaller group of knowledge, technology, and professional workers? Increasingly
scholars are blaming economic geography for increasing rather than amelioratng economic
inequality (Florida, 2013).
Art and Culture as Catalyst for Redevelopment
Since the 1960s, culture (and lack thereof) has been viewed as a signifcant factor
for community health (Jacobs, 1961). Most planning approaches to revitalizaton atempt
to incorporate culture as injectons, incorporatng public art into redevelopment projects or
establishing community centers that provide cultural oferings like performances or classes.
These approaches recognize the importance of culture, but fail to understand or utlize the
mechanisms by which culture actually afects community development.
Recently art and culture have been introduced in theories of revitalizaton beyond
beautfcaton they are now considered in their own right as drivers of community revitalizaton
(Currid, 2009; Markusen, 2010). Currid (2009) argues that art and culture can be considered
an amenity that boosts quality of life and atracts residents, creatng their own economy of
desire and consumpton. In order to artculate the economy and context in which it is actually
consumed, Currid (2009) categorizes art and culture as 1) taste-driven goods, services, products,
and performances, 2) goods sold on the market place, and 3) that which is valued for arts
sake.
Markusen (2010) notes that this is an historic tme, where art and culture has a unique
opportunity to take the role of revitalizing urban environments:
Arts and culture are proving their power as economic and social catalysts. Through
smart collaboratons with other sectorsgovernment, private business, foundatons
they are creatng opportunites for rejuvenaton and economic development, anchored
in and tailored to diverse communites. The arts can be a fulcrum for the creatve
21
transformaton of American cites. (p. 6)
Whether art and culture is ultmately at the center of community redevelopment, Currid (2009)
states that Cultural industries [are] seen as [the] silver bullet to atract the skilled human
capital that drives the postndustrial economy (p. 369).
Economically, arts and cultural investments help to capture local income, where instead
of traveling for entertainment, culture, or shopping, local residents stay put (Markusen, 2010).
Currid (2009) observes that places of cultural and art producton are well known to create hot-
beds, consumable spaces branded and expanded to embrace creatve culture and its consumers.
She emphasizes the use of culture as power which begets the cycle of consumpton behind
the branding and spirit of cultural spaces. Lepofsky and Fraser (2002) however have a less
glamoured view of the cultural-spatal marketplace. For them, this as an economically-bound
process skewed to beneft elites. In their concepton, the marketplace becomes the space for
performatve acts, and in this space, real estate and business owners have hegemony precisely
because they have the capital to spend.
Markusen (2010) has also found that cultural spaces gather creatvity, resultng in
dialog, exchange and innovaton, especially valuable for exportng cultural product to the larger
world. Players in creatve placemaking agglomerate to include arts and cultural organizatons
and cultural industries, artsts, community development organizatons, developers and builders,
mayors, governors, city council members and legislators, banks and fnancial insttutons,
foundatons, and public sector leaders and staf (Markusen, 2010).
Public Figures: Small Business, Merchants, and Entrepreneurs as Instgators of Revitalizaton
Jacobs (1961) sites that public self fgures are great aggregators of neighborhood
communicatons and happenings. As communites over-develop and embrace capitalistc
commercial tactcs, the efciency of public sidewalk characters declines drastcally as too
much burden is put upon them. Their functon as conduits that walk and talk the neighborhood
to itself, taking private informaton from their trusted relatonships and then distributng it
wholesale, ceases (p. 70-71). With the demise of the public fgure, informaton is lost, local
22
understanding erased for the sake of faster, more efcient, and less personal lifestyles.
The current literature focuses on the entrepreneurial and organizing capacity of small business
owners and merchants. When small business owners and merchants are engaged in the process
of neighborhood revitalizaton, community-led visioning and planning processes address
broader conceptons of vitality, seek[ing] to improve social conditons, physical infrastructure,
economic opportunites, civic capacity, and local organizatonal structure (Suton, 2010, p. 354).
Sutons (2010) study of Fort Greene fnds that retail restructuring can be led successfully
by small business owners who can raise politcal clout, establish civic alliances, add to the
neighborhood planning conversaton, and promote the area as an economic and cultural
enclave. This process enlists neighborhood residents in Jacobs role of public fgure they
are the primary agents and benefciaries of change and brand local insttutons like community
development agencies upholders of the communitys values and vision (Suton, 2010).
In Fort Greene, the merchants associaton served as the primary informaton outlet
between city ofcials and the local business community and merchants were actve in corridor
signage, decoratve street lights, holiday ornaments, poted sidewalk plants, street fairs, block
partes, district marketng (Suton, 2010). Further ideas for merchant associaton actvites
include festvals and sidewalk sales, the creaton of a neighborhood business resource guide,
a merchant newsleter, the organizaton of a weekend paintng of business facades, and fund-
raising eforts that could support the street beautfcaton program (Loukaitou-Sideris, 2000, p.
172).
Suton (2010) notes that not all small retailers serve to beneft a community. The studys
purpose wasnt to establish merchants as saviors in community revitalizaton, but to distll the
way community revitalizaton works with regard to merchants. Suton (2010) is interested in
retail change for whom, by whom, and according to what assumptons (p. 356). Suton (2010)
cites that
researchers have generally examined inner-city retail development as a functon of
middle-class consumpton or exogenous insttutonal practces of real estate and
23
corporate investors Literature has failed to explicate the politcs of neighborhood
entrepreneurship and show how merchants partcipate in planning and decision making
and afect revitalizaton. (p. 356)
Despite its great potental to invoke revitalizaton, the success and propagaton of small business
is ofen restricted by redlining by banks and lending insttutons and unfavorable relatons
with suppliersthat undermine business capacity (Suton, 2010, p. 263). In contrast to
this, small businesses were assisted by the limited competton and low rent associated with
underdeveloped areas, as well as loans from local banks and small business services (Suton,
2010).
Gentrifcaton
Neighborhood revitalizaton can occupy a tricky space- if a neighborhood is improved
too fast and with litle regard to the social capital of the existng inhabitants, an end result of
displacement may occur. Neighborhood vitality, already noted as an ecosystem, has a complex
dynamic and should be pursued with a strategy that identfes and treats the source problems,
not just the symptoms (Jacobs, 1961). Conventonal planning approaches tend towards
paternalism, aiming for change through artfcial and superfcial means (Jacobs, 1961). This
reliance on physical determinism ofen leads to gentrifcaton the unslumming or improvement
of a neighborhood that results in the inequitable displacement of lower-income residents.
Jacobs (1961) argues that true unslumming or revitalizaton requires people to stay put.
A core tenant of placemaking is identty, and the literature meanders through
various mechanisms of place branding and identty formaton that are pursued as strategies
for hegemony of space. Branding of place is ofen managed through intangibles- social or
economic spillover and cultural clustering (Currid, 2009). These ethereal identty-forming
placemaking strategies provide a cultural redevelopment that can draw further negatve efects
of gentrifcaton and resident displacement. Part of this phenomenon may be due to the cultural
elitsm of this kind of taste-making (see Clustering and Agglomeraton).
24
The rhetoric surrounding place branding and identty in the formaton of community
vision can provide insight into the power structure and drivers of gentrifcaton. Because the
culture and economy of a place are mutually consttuted, intertwined, and most importantly,
socially constructed (McCann, 2002), a logical queston would be, by whom and for what
purpose?
The conversaton of rights to the city- what cites are, who they are for and what
they mean- is a recurrent topic in the literature (Lefebvre, 1996; Lepofsky and Fraser, 2002;
McCann, 2002). Whom is leading the redevelopment discussion is extraordinarily important
in future placemaking models as well as future visions of economic development and the
fght against gentrifcaton of a neighborhood. McCann (2002) stresses that voices that are
automatcally assumed to be speaking under the interests of common good (eg. religion, elected
representatves, cultural revitalizaton) are perceived as having more genuine non-money
motvated arguments than the average individual, when in reality, they may be much more
motvated by special interests. In this way, the illusion of advocacy for local stakeholders can be
perpetuated, despite the dominance of special interests.
In his study of the urban policy process, McCann illustrates that atempts to brand or
code economic interests with cultural values makes them above reproach. McCann (2002) begs
we ask the following questons of the redevelopment process: What do we interpret as growth?
What is the meaning of quality of life? And, last but not least, what are the motvatons and
tactcs of the actvists? He fnds these queries at the basis of the new economic geography
which atempts to contextualize... the economic by locatng it within the cultural, social, and
politcal relatons through which it takes on meaning and directon (McCann, 2002, p. 388).
Florida (2013) agrees that there is litle beneft to the lower income populaton experiencing
geographic economic agglomeraton, fnding in his research that, the trickle-down efect
disappears once the higher housing costs borne by less skilled workers are taken into account.
The implicatons of this powerful relatonship between socio-cultural and economic are
huge for vision-establishing social actors leading any revitalizaton conversaton. The impact
25
of socio-cultural leadership moves beyond a social realm or movement, to shape and establish
the future economy. This future economy either advocates for social equity, or will ultmately
be responsible for displacement. Leaders of the revitalizaton process have massive amounts
of infuence, imbuing the visioning process with their personal values (Lepofsky and Fraser,
2002; McCann, 2002). Lepofsky and Fraser (2002) remind us that resource-rich residents think
towards capitalistc development and entrepreneurial motvatons naturally, and therefore
may not inform the process of community building any more than a developer or private
partner. McCann (2002) agrees that, social actors engaged in politcs mobilize representatons
and understandings of their place in the world, the meaning of their environment, and their
relatonships to place as they artculate competng visions for the future of their locality (p.
389).
Therefore, if the leaders of the revitalizaton process come from the elite, their vision
may not leave a place for those with less cultural or economic capital. Lepofsky and Fraser
(2002) are keen to point out that, while residents must demonstrate involvement, non-
residents are always already involved (p.132). They go further to say that these power relatons
threaten the fexibility of citzenship and community ownership. Yet, avoiding this confict
and expanding citzenship would beter serve how urban areas take shape (Lepofsky and
Fraser, 2002, p. 127). Emily Talen (2006) reminds us that the process of revitalizaton is ripe for
inequity: while downtown neighborhoods are gentrifying, they are not necessarily on their way
to becoming mixed income and multracial; they are instead on their way to becoming middle-
and upper-middle-class neighborhoods, and in the process simply shifing concentrated poverty
from one locaton to another (p. 234).
Against Monolithic City-instgated (re)Development
One of Jacobs (1961) best takeaways about public space is the concept that any given
space is not necessarily going to embody a certain identty or use it is people and culture that
create a sense of place. Public spaces, especially open public spaces like streets or parks are not
necessarily going to be anything and therefore cannot be championed as built solutons without
26
the accompanying social capital.
Suton (2010) cites that the perennial pressure to seek the highest economic use of
urban real estate threatens resident merchant businesses sustainability and can undermine
commercial revitalizaton (p. 368). Currid (2009) also calls atenton to the bifurcated
approach that cites ofen take in cultural redevelopment, on one hand, developing large scale
constructed culture atractons, and then (the paltry) investments in local community arts
initatves (p. 373). While the community arts investments have rippling efects throughout
the community and potentally draw tourism to a community, the large scale atractons ofen
run the risk of at once tr[ying] to market a citys uniqueness while at the same tme ironically
standardizing the experience for tourists and residents alike (Currid, 2009, p. 373). In situatons
like these, the money economy supercedes the social economy of a place, working as a dynamic
force to increasingly focus personal interactons in fnancial transactons and commodifed
services, rather than via social trust.
In McCanns concepton of place-based economy, politcs and economics are cultural,
married together in a nexus of exchange, especially in the case of reinvestment or preservaton.
McCann (2002) claims the character of a neighborhood is synonymous with the character of the
economy. The vision of redevelopment then, is based in a homogenized vision of future beneft
to this established character. Special interest groups and local politcs ofen dominate these
image-making strategies, shifing the discourse of placemaking towards their specifc economic
development beneft (McCann, 2002).
These authors all challenge the model of large-scale revitalizaton. Lepofsky and Fraser
(2002) claim that large-scale public-private ventures hailed by smart growth (Lee and Leigh,
2005) atempt to draw capital to cites as an efort to create a politcal economy geared towards
capitalism (eg. Monopoly planning). Large scale developments like the proposed Farmers
Field in Downtown Los Angeles follow smart growth principles that focus on walkability, but
provide economic generators focusing on corporate development like hotels rather than the
local economy (Richardson, 2011). These partnerships focus on partcipatng in the world
27
of globalized capital, engaging worldwide corporatons like AEG and competng in a global
economy. Seconding McCanns opinion, these ventures legitmate providing an outlet for
fexible modes of accumulaton which provide material benefts to politcal, economic and
cultural elites (Lepofsky and Fraser, 2002, p. 128).
Perhaps there is stll hope. Rather than acceptng top-down disenfranchisement,
Suton (2010) found in her study that the community was inspired and actvated by fear of a
city-run redevelopment scheme. Markusen (2010) also notes that creatve placemaking may
originate in the public sector but it just as ofen emerges in the community (p. 17). Avoiding
the steamrolling threat of developers, Suton (2010) found that local merchants took it upon
themselves to organize and enliven the economic and civic environment.
Another risk of large-scale revitalizaton presented by Lepofsky and Fraser (2003) is the
prospect that developers will have more power in a neighborhoods redevelopment precisely
because they are best suited to take advantage of development opportunites. Lepofsky and
Fraser point out that any new economically-oriented neighborhood exists as a performatve
space, and gives real estate, business owners, and others with fnancially oriented goals
hegemony, specifcally because they have the capital to spend (read: perform).
Lack of diversity of uses found in monolithic projects limits the social use of any street
to nil the street instead becomes a mechanism of commerce, rather than a place of social
contract its primary purpose to serve economic capital rather than social purposes. Traditonal
redevelopment ofen only focuses on economic aspects of quality of life, rather than the social,
and similarly, cultural processes are seen literally as material conditons (McCann, 2002).
Placemaking, however, has moved away from the monolithic/stand-alone cultural insttutons
championed by developers and sought in past redevelopment schemes. Uniqueness and
locaton-specifc tactcs that engage the existng community are key to the success of
placemaking (Markusen, 2010). Harrison and Dourish (1996) talk about placemaking as a
complex, culturally sensitve endeavor. In terms of design, they say
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[Placemaking] refects the conscious arrangement of elements to create a space that
accommodates actvity, and the interplay of refectve design and happenstance to give
expression to the values of the occupants and their wider community. In other words a
space can only be made a place by its occupants. The best that the designers can do is to
put the tools into their hands. Trying to do moretrying to build placesis not our job.
(p. 74)
Markusen agrees that placemaking and revitalizaton needs to be by and for the community
where
a culture-based revitalizaton efort must be appropriate to its local circumstances, not
a me, too replica The best of the projects nurture distnctve qualites and resources
that already exist in the community and can be celebrated to serve community members
while drawing in visitors and new businesses (p. 13)
Todays concepton of revitalizaton via placemaking embraces Jane Jacobs vision of a mosaic
of distnctve neighborhoods, each with its cultural hallmarks, cuisines, festvals, and street life
(Markusen, 2010, p. 13). Markusen (2010) emphasizes the potental for a new vision of tourism
branded by cultural enttes, beneftng both the locality and the larger region.
Clarifcaton of Key Theoretcal Terms
Placemaking: Theories of Space Versus Place
When thinking of placemaking, many authors diferentate between the nature of a
space vs. an actual place. In Harrison and Dourishs (1996) study of collaboratve work spaces,
they found that collaboratve and communicatve environments utlize space and its organizaton
in order to facilitate and structure interacton. In their research, they found that space is
ofen encountered individually, and it was a sense of place that actually framed the interactve
community behavior.
Harrison and Dourish (1996) defne place as, a space with something addedsocial
meaning, conventon, cultural understandings about role, functon and nature (p. 69). Their
interpretaton of placemaking highlights the diference between social meaning and physical
29
reality. Because it is culturally constructed, place has the dynamic ability to connect and
create social boundaries. In their study, place is seen through the lens of behavioral framing,
where sense-of-place is rooted in sets of mutually-held, and mutually available, cultural
understandings about behavior and acton (Harrison and Dourish, 1996, p. 67). Place is
primarily politcal in nature afectng the quality of peoples lives (Talen, 2006, p. 233).
Therefore place requires actve ownership, assimilaton, and enculturaton.
Harrison and Dourish (1996) also looked at the potental for fexible uses in the same
space, positng that multple places can functon in the same space. Place is more specifc than
space: where a space is, what it is, and what people make it. Harrison and Dourish (1996) assert
that a place can have temporal propertes, where the same locaton can serve for completely
diferent places at diferent tmes. These distnctons of place are integral to meaning in
space: the social distncton applied to a space extends the Jacobs (1961) concept that social
boundaries dictate behavioral norms and create paterns of use.
Renewal, Redevelopment, and Revitalizaton
Early versions of revitalizaton coined as urban renewal, incorporated comprehensive
removal and rebuilding of entre neighborhoods as a means of eradicatng urban blight. Ofen
this process served developers and investors instead of communites (Hall, 1989) and gained a
negatve reputaton as slum clearance when historic neighborhoods like Los Angeles Bunker
Hill were obliterated.
This trend ended in the mid-60s against outcries of social injustce and evolved into the
advocacy/grassroots planning approaches. Afer a period of soul seeking and a realizaton that
advocacy was ofen shaped by politcal economy, redevelopment emerged in the 80s as the
enterprising soluton to neighborhood revitalizaton (Hall, 1989). Redevelopment combined
public planning with private investment, ofen subsidized by public funds in order to develop
underutlized land and property in blighted neighborhoods. Redevelopment has earned a
questonable reputaton of producing private proft (Hall, 1989; Legislatve Analysts Ofce,
2012), and afer various atempts to shif funds away from redevelopments discretonary
30
budget, the lucratve funding mechanism has ultmately led to its own demise in California,
where the governors proposal to end redevelopment cited the need to preserve public
resources that support core government programs (Legislatve Analysts Ofce, 2012). In
the fnal unwinding of redevelopment, the process changes the distributon of property tax
revenues among local agencies, but not the amount of tax revenues raised, therefore creatng
funding for other purposes like one-tme state fscal relief and long-term funding for schools
(Legislatve Analysts Ofce, 2012).
Beyond this mission-based failure, redevelopment primarily focused on economic
aspects of quality of life, rather than the social, and similarly, cultural processes are seen literally
as material conditons. This perspectve completely dismisses the social nature of Jacobs (1961)
bedrock principles and only reinforces alienatng aspects of neighborhood dynamics.
Today, neighborhood vitality is at the core of contemporary literature and research. The
approaches featured in the Previous Investgatons, illustrate that contemporary researchers are
observing revitalizaton a more nuanced and socially-based interpretaton of neighborhood
vitality and development (Loukaitou-Sideris, 2000; Lee and Leigh, 2005; Suton, 2010; Markusen,
2010).
Community Driven vs. Advocacy Planning
Diferent methods of community engagement are central to identfying community
issues of revitalizaton as well as the general approach taken to community improvement.
Advocacy planning, introduced in the 1960s by Paul Davidof invites a complex picture of
stakeholder values, opinions, and desires that inclusively explore pluralistc perspectves. This
planning theory seeks to give agency to minority interests, empowering those who are not
economically, politcally, or socially equal in their representaton by advocatng for them in the
planning process (Davidof, 1965).
Early visions of advocacy planning and pluralism present a somewhat nave and/or
optmistc expectaton of achievement. A primary pitall in advocacy planning is that it risks
an insufcient engagement and assessment necessary to achieve a true representaton of a
31
community. The advocacy planning approach envisions the planner as a brave soul, bestowed
with ethical and moral virtues, who, with this enlightened perspectve can recognize a
communitys issues and propel them into a productve planning discussion (Davidof, 1965).
This means of engagement establishes an ego-based approach to planning, which
predisposes the process to issues of privilege, superiority, and other-ness. As an advocate, the
planner daily plays the expert role, using his or her own values to assign priority to issues
(Davidof, 1965). Advocacy planning is inherently fawed by the fact that the perspectve is
tokenistc (Arnstein, 1969) and always limited by the planners percepton of the world their
assumptons, their values (Davidof, 1965). Discovering the real issues of a community and then
identfying and addressing the root causes would require signifcant investgaton on the part of
the planner, far beyond a community meetng or generally what the planning profession does in
its everyday scope of work.
Whether advocacy-led or community-driven, the planning process always works
within existng power factons as it requires community support as well as support from local
politcians. Planning approaches risk being limited then to politcized propaganda and the
traditonal forms and purviews of the existng profession (Davidof, 1965). McCann (2002) warns
communites to beware the visioning process, as it can be subtly driven and defned by special
interests of community members, politcians, and other public fgures.
Community driven planning, with the assistance of planning advocates, addresses the
issue of local expertse, and is thought to be the most healthy means of forming a collectve
vision for redevelopment or revitalizaton. Community based planning ofers degrees of citzen
power beyond tokenism by partnering with communites, delegatng power to community
members, and in its most extreme form, allowing citzen control of the planning process
(Arnstein, 1969). Partcipaton as a citzen connects the imaginary space of ownership to reality,
thus creatng social capital (Lepofsky and Fraser, 2002).
It is important to note that there is a spectrum of community engagement and
empowerment that contnues to be used in planning process. Arnsteins (1969) Ladder
32
of Citzen Partcipaton illustrates the efectveness of these methods of empowerment
and provides feedback on the more complicated factors encountered at each rung of
engagement. Arnstein (1969) enumerates some of the challenges that face community-
driven planning, warning that it is more costly and less efcient, it supports separatsm,
creates balkanizaton of public services, enables hustlers, is incompatble with [the] merit
system and professionalism (p. 78). Additonally, community-driven planning may ignore
key implementaton necessites like funding, and can end in a situaton where, though the
community has a self-assigned soluton to their liking, funding remains infeasible (Arnstein,
1969).
The pitalls of these planning strategies imply that good planning necessitates a hybrid of
community organized and advocacy planning. In practce, planners can act in the role of actvist,
consultant, and designer. Planners can serve as mediators, discerning and conveying key points
of disparate visions, while not alienatng diferent perspectves. An ideal synthesized role would
see planners as translators of data and facilitators of community dialog (Arnstein, 1969).
Prescriptons for Revitalizaton
To feel incorporated and thus sustain positve community growth, neighborhoods must
functon as a healthy ecosystem (Jacobs, 1961). Jacobs prescribes sidewalk safety and a vibrant
street life, residental stability by people staying put, and community trust as the contributng
factors of neighborhood vitality. In order to achieve this, actve partcipaton and appropriatons
should be made to create place, and spaces should be designed primarily for this partcipaton
and engagement (Harris and Dourish, 1996). This needs to be a natural social process a sense
of place can and must be forged by the users; it cannot be inherent in the system itself (Harris
and Dourish, 1996, p. 70). Designs and inquiries into the urban environment must therefore
understand that space is merely an opportunity, that place is established and defned by a
neighborhoods inhabitants.
Markusens (2010) key insight is that successful creatve placemaking occurs when
projects adequately reach out to build relatonships and partner across sectors, missions, and
33
levels of government. Creatve placemakers also need the ability to piece together funding
from various sources (Markusen, 2010). Because creatve placemaking addresses the negatve
aspects of modern cites like unsetled communites, disinvestment, and abandonment, the
accompanying barriers and challenges include overcoming community skeptcism, fnancing,
regulatory hurdles and zoning, the maintenance and sustainability of a project, avoiding
gentrifcaton, and fnally, measuring the performance of the initatve (Markusen, 2010).
Markusen fnds that most successful placemaking projects have an incubaton period of 1-2
decades, and ofen must survive external challenges that may result from funding.
Suton (2010) calls out things to consider in addressing economic development including
an appropriate mix and locaton of retail establishments, the net benefts for localites and
municipalites, special interests directng the scope and magnitude of development, and the
efects of corporate-centered retail expansion for existng residents and businesses in regards to
preserving neighborhood character and social relatonships.
Short term strategies that serve as small business support services include technical
assistance, facilitaton of small business capital, beautfcaton, and marketng (Suton, 2010).
Loukaitou-Sideris (2000) got similar responses from merchants recommending economic
assistance, physical improvements, and safety enhancement, which could include low-interest
loans, rent subsidies, tax breaks, and business-planning assistance (p. 172).
On a macro/policy scale, local governments should work to bolster small business, which
can in turn provide employment opportunites for local residents, allowing for the local economy
to regenerate and feed itself. A common strategy for this is commercial rehabilitaton zones
(Loukaitou-Sideris, 2000). Longer term strategies include commercial lease opportunites, more
capital, considering the impact of projects on patronage, land-use and zoning decisions (eg.
rezoning for mixed use), and the municipal regulatory environment (Suton, 2010). These long-
term strategies however must consider the local structure and politcs, being sure to integrate
the larger context of citywide externalites (Suton, 2010). Loukaitou-Sideris (2000) fnally
suggests the formalizaton of merchant organizatons into a politcal or legal entty such as a BID,
34
which puts the community in a beter positon to negotate with politcians and municipalites
(p. 178).
Finally, McCann (2002) stresses the role of non-elite groups as an integral ingredient to
infuencing urban policy and changing the social politcs of the urban-spatal conversaton. To
do this, development and its adherent constructed economies must engage with the variety
of interests, discourses, and motvatons involved in peoples struggle to make a living a term
that connotes more than merely making a wage but also indicates a whole range of everyday
practces and meanings involved in making a life and making place (McCann, 2002, p. 396).
By taking care to consult the non-elite, all parts of a neighborhoods habitat can be preserved
spatally, culturally, and economically, within the structure of change.
Literature Related to Methodology and Research Design
The research reviewed in Previous Investgatons provides insight into the methods
appropriate to the kind of broad investgaton needed to explore the drivers of revitalizaton.
These include standard quanttatve approaches as well qualitatve research accompanied by
historical and narratve contextualizaton. The literature implies that the study at hand should
take a constructvist approach, atemptng to form meaning from interrelated behaviors and
contextual data (Silverman, 2011).
Contemporary theoretcal texts like Perrys (1995) Making Space: Planning as a Mode of
Thought, support taking an ethnographic approach to planning. Perry insists that, we cannot
depend upon [a] singularly lofy positon to get a clear sense of what is going on elsewhere
in order to reconcile spatal plans with the lived experience, one needs to see things from
many perspectves (p.143). Perry (1995) advises that planners should undertake a practce
of immersion, in order to obtain an everyday perspectve. Jacobs (1961) employs a similar
method for observing and understanding the behavior, relatonships, and drivers of change
in urban communites. Jacobs illustrates the subtle factors of everyday life that signifcantly
contribute to the health of a neighborhood and provides guidance in factors that can either
contribute or detract from a communitys ability to self-sustain.
35
Ethnographic observaton, including interviews, document collecton, and audio-visual
documentaton, provides insight into this fabric of everyday life (Silverman, 2011, p.113).
Ethnographic research requires feldwork and engagement, emphasizing the context and process
of behavior and the nature of [a] partcular social phenomena (Silverman, 2011, p. 128).
Silverman (2011) observes that qualitatve ethnographic methods like open-ended interviews
allow researchers to explore ignored, misrepresented, or suppressed voices and experiences
(p. 168). At the same tme, the truth of interview feedback can be obscured by the interviewees
relatonship to the world around them as well as the relatonship between the interviewer and
the interviewee (Silverman, 2011). Therefore, it is best to pursue a constructvist approach,
where interview data is used to form meaning interviews are treated as topics rather than a
resource. This approach uses the interview to establish the interviewee as part of the world
they describe, a means of providing a discourse that represents a culturally available way of
packaging experience (Silverman, 2011, 181). The experience gains context as a cultural story
for the researcher and can be combined with other quanttatve and qualitatve data (Silverman,
2011, p. 188).
Other forms of narratve such as leters and writng can provide story data as well, that
can then be used to construct meaning (Silverman, 2011). Markusen (2010) studies placemaking
via narratve, contextualizing the phenomenon with literature review, and then analyzing
hundreds of place-based case studies. Her study then provides an in-depth analysis of a handful
of diverse, but iconic placemaking eforts (Markusen, 2010).
Other investgators use a fusion of narratve and more concrete measures. By looking
at the cohesion of the neighborhood stakeholders, Suton (2010) claims a more sustainable
analysis of economic development. The study investgates the means of revitalizaton versus
what is produced in the end, which, refocus[es] on the politcal processes and socio-spatal
context underpinning retail development (Suton, 2010, p. 354). Both Suton (2010) and
Loukaitou-Sideris (2000), consider standard measures of economic and physical viability, such
as business growth, retail density, commercial occupancy, corridor beautfcaton, job creaton,
36
and tax revenue. These authors also incorporate additonal measures that address social and
politcal factors, such as merchant civic engagement, proper and equitable representaton in
neighborhood planning, and merchants expressed needs and concerns. In both studies, much of
this informaton is gleaned through interviews and surveys.
Sutons (2010) research design takes a mult-pronged approach, incorporatng
historicism and structural framing in an efort to expand beyond conventonal boundaries of
ethnography and observaton. This gains insight linking merchants norms, motvatons, and
organizatonal practces to ideologies, policies, and practces manifest within the city, the region,
and beyond (Suton, 2010, p. 257). As an analytc tool, Suton (2010) establishes merchant
archetypes by tme of occupancy, segmentng the populaton in order to derive similarites and
diferences in business owner characteristcs, retail compositon, neighborhood conditons, and
the broader historical politcal and economic context of the change. This mixed methodology
highlights individual experiences and insights, wisdom that would not otherwise be gained from
the more standard means of socio-economic analysis.
Conclusion
Reviewing the current literature illustrates a contnued need to study the more
ephemeral and esoteric aspects of community revitalizaton. It is clear that this is a largely
unexplored feld, ripe with opportunites to initate further research. The methods of research
undertaken by the authors gives clear guidance in regards to the mixed ethnographic approach
needed to truly measure hard-to-pin-down data. Much of what occurs in the dynamic and social
development of communites requires a fexible humanistc investgaton. The challenge seems
to be matching the thoroughness of investgaton with the delicate experiental nature of the
data.
37
CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
Statement of Methodology
The research design is based on an exploratory investgaton of the mechanisms and
processes of revitalizaton. Multple research methods were combined and synthesized to
include an analysis of existng data, framing, ethnographic observaton, and physical observaton
(see Figure 4.).
Existng data about York Boulevard was collected in order to assemble a data profle that
could be used to test research results and form a comprehensive factual step-by-step reference
for the neighborhoods change. The census data collected explores the socio-economic character
of the neighborhood by tract, comparing data from the 2000 to the 2010 census. Archival media
reports including newspaper artcles, online blogs, and newsleters were collected to observe
the societal percepton of change, as well as to document the change incrementally with social
commentary and feedback. Policy research was conducted by contactng the City of Los Angeles
departments of Planning, Transportaton, and the local Council Ofce, Council District 14, who
provided city records, community plans, and the insttutonal narratve of policies implemented
from their incepton to implementaton.
In order to frame the situaton and context of York Boulevard, this data was used to
shape a narratve of change in the neighborhood. Because there is no top-down approach
to the neighborhoods revitalizaton, it was important to collect possible factors contributng
to neighborhood shifs from many sources as well as from places of social commentary in
the media. The revitalizaton factors established in these informatonal resources serve to
contextualize and demystfy the next step of research: ethnographic observaton by means of
semi-structured interviews.
Ethnographic observaton was an important data source necessary to create a socially
and culturally informed vision of the factors at play in Yorks revitalizaton. Collected through
semi-structured interviews, the data collecton followed the California State University
38
Figure 4. Methodology diagram.
39
Human Subjects Protocol. In order to ensure the protecton of interview subjects rights, all
research was submited to and approved by the Universitys Insttutonal Review Board (for IRB
Approval leter, see Appendix B). Interviews included loosely structured questons based on
predetermined themes pulled from the literature review and factors that emerged in the earlier
collecton of existng data and framing (for questons, see Appendix C). During the interviews,
subjects were permited to evolve the conversaton towards their interests or role in the
community.
To conduct the interviews, business establishments, local residents, and key stakeholders
were contacted by email, telephone, or approached in person about partcipatng in the study.
Before the interview, subjects were informed that they were taking part in a study of local
stakeholder sentment about change happening on York Boulevard, and signed a consent form
describing the research (see Appendix D). The semi-structured interviews covered how they
came to the neighborhood, their role (as business owner, resident, other stakeholder), their
use habits, and how they perceive change and the drivers of change generally in Highland Park
and specifcally, on York Boulevard. Conversatons were 30 minutes to over an hour and audio
recorded (with consent) on an iPhone.
It was also important to monitor the physical situaton of the study area during
the course of research. By physically observing the neighborhood, performance of policy,
businesses, and users could be documented. On a weekly basis, the street was visited at
diferent tmes of day, photos taken, and notes made if important changes were observed (like
new businesses opening, murals painted, etc). The data collected from these observatons were
utlized as background to the research, to more richly inform the data collected from interviews
and to provide a living sense of place in the narratve.
Findings and conclusions from the analysis of this data were then compared to the
literature and formated to provide a framework of inquiry for future studies.
40
Descripton of Data Collecton
Data Collecton
Data about business actvity, tenure as resident of the neighborhood, neighborhood
history, community involvement, and local actvism was collected via semi-structured interviews
(for list of interviews see Appendix E). If consent was given at the tme of the interview, the
interviews were audio recorded. The interviews focused on the context and process of the
subjects entry into the neighborhood (their early perceptons of neighborhood character when
they arrived in the larger area of Highland Park, what contributed to their decision to locate or
use York Boulevard), as well as their feelings and intentons towards neighborhood partcipaton
and any opinions they had about the neighborhoods revitalizaton.
Audio recordings were uploaded as mp3s and stored on a password protected hard drive, used
solely for this study. Interviews were then writen up and themed, eventually to be aggregated
and coded as categorical aspects of York Boulevards revitalizaton. The fnal data (coded by
themes) is available in Appendix F to supplement the analysis and conclusions drawn in the
Interpretaton of Data and Discussion, and Conclusions chapters.
Interview Recruitment
Neighborhood businesses, community events, and local stakeholders were canvassed
and key stakeholder individuals were approached, requestng interviews. Key stakeholder
Table 1
Descripton of Subjects: Interview Typologies and Operatonal Defnitons
41
status was determined by an individuals role on the street. A broad range of key stakeholders
was sought, including diversity in residency tenure, business ownership, user actvity, and
demographic. Subjects recruited were local adult stakeholders, business owners, residents,
community actvists, local artsts, and city ofcials. There were no specifc gender, age, or
ethnicity requirements in subject recruitng, but all subjects were fuent in English and no
materials were translated to recruit non-English speaking community members. If subjects
agreed to be interviewed, an appointment was scheduled at their convenience.
Because the research was focused on a specifc area, the demographics of the interview
subjects were dictated by key stakeholder status. All subjects were over the age of 18 and able
to consent to partcipate as a human subject. Subjects were recruited during diferent tmes of
day to ensure a broad inclusion of users. Race, ethnicity, gender or other characteristcs were not
considered to determine recruitment.
Interview Subjects
Interviews were conducted with 25 stakeholders. Because this is a qualitatve study,
statstcal validity was not an issue. Subjects were all local adult stakeholders, including many
business owners, politcally actve citzens, and cultural producers (see Appendix E for chart of
stakeholder interviews).
Design of the Study
Qualitatve Case Studies
One of the only ways to understand the dynamic and complicated process of
community-driven neighborhood change is an investgaton through a qualitatve case study.
Neighborhood change that is not driven by one top-down element can be infuenced by many
factors, including social dynamics, economic conditons, and local politcs. Because there is no
one perfect prescripton that has been proven and can be observed in the case of Highland Park,
the subject necessitates an exploratory approach that pays close atenton to the partcularites
of place. By taking an approach that engages the subject from many perspectves, the study
will form meaning from and relatonships between potentally disparate factors. This type
42
of informaton and data can only be obtained through qualitatve investgaton, and, as the
literature explains, engagement for these purposes is best done through mixed methods and
semi-structured interviews.
In additon to the answering the queston, what is driving change? undertaking a
case study suits Los Angeles as a subject, because the city is by nature hard to pin down it is
sprawling, complex, and diverse. Physical diferences in housing stock, age of neighborhoods,
and demographic makeup ensure Los Angeles exists as a pastche of character, but the city
retains thematc aspects of urban fabric that can be broadly relatable through a case study.
Highland Park in partcular is an excellent case, as it features many aspects recognized in the
literature as drivers of community vitality, and also possesses a social and physical historic
character than can be seen in other parts of Los Angeles. By performing a case study of a
historic, but fltered neighborhood with certain demographic and physical contexts, fndings
can be informatve or applicable in similar instances.
Design
The study is designed to explore physical, historical, and sociological infuences to
community revitalizaton. The research design sought to address the qualitatve study through
many mechanisms, not just via a typical usage of interview data or the even more crude usage of
questonnaires. Mixed research methods were incorporated into the research design in order to
address as much esoteric and narratve knowledge as possible, in order to fully understand the
dynamics of the community ecosystem.
Existng data was collected from the census, news outlets, and social media in order
to create a factual backdrop and framing context. This data informed the general health of
the community and any socio-economic consideratons that were weighed in the analysis of
revitalizaton mechanisms. Framing methods were used to form a contextual narratve for the
case study, looking at local history, especially that of the past 30 years, establishing Highland Park
in the way it exists today. Additonally, examining the structural context through city policy was
important to understand the qualitatve feedback, especially regarding the citys behavior and
43
reactons to various community-led stmuli. Contextualizing the citys eforts was important to
demystfy their planning philosophy. The descriptve narratve established from this data roots
the current change and creates a comparatve sounding board for the stakeholder interviews.
Physical and ethnographic observaton was undertaken as the bulk of the data collecton
and collected through various means of passive and actve observaton practces. The study area
and adjacent neighborhood was visited for more than a year and documented through photos
and writen observatons. The streetscape, business actvity, constructon, and renovatons were
all closely monitored and noted in order to best access informaton gained in future interviews.
Community meetngs and events were atended as a means to absorb the neighborhoods
landscape. These events introduced key players in the neighborhoods revitalizaton as well
as interestng paths of inquiry for interviews. The observaton contnued more richly through
a series of semi-structured interviews, which presented opportunites to learn the history of
change in the community, as well as its initators. The feedback from these interviews further
informed future interviews, where proposed ideas of revitalizaton could be introduced,
supported, and refuted.
Areas of Interest
Areas of interest established by the literature include small business vitality, the
economic impact of street confguratons, housing and displacement issues (gentrifcaton), and
arts-driven revitalizaton. Additonally discovered in the context and framing process of the
research, crime and street environmental quality should be considered.
The study focuses on the businesses and users in the study area that refect the most
visible changes on York. The study area contains many businesses in additon to the new
businesses that represent the broader character of York a mix of small business storefronts
that sell a variety of products in the same place (for example: car insurance, gif baskets, TV
repair all in one business), pawn shops, auto repair shops. For the purpose of focusing on the
boulevards change, these businesses were not deeply observed or studied and have not been
noted in the study area map (Figure 2.).
44
Analysis and Measurement
The data collected from the physical and ethnographic observaton underwent a
thorough thematc analysis, utlizing the literature to interpret recurring themes from the
stakeholder interviews. The existng data collected informed and bolstered ideas identfed in
the generated data. The contextual frame and social context established in the research was
then synthesized and narratvized in order to illustrate stakeholder norms, motvatons, and
practces. These were combined with the established context of existng policies and practces of
the city in order to understand the current climate of perspectves and perceptons.
The codifcaton and organizaton of these themes provide an analytc basis through
which to understand revitalizaton mechanisms and archetypes. By establishing connectons
between revitalizaton factors and actors, the study distlls the primary factors that have shaped
the neighborhoods change.

45
CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
Existng Data
Socio-economic Character
Socio-economic data from the 2000 and 2010 Census was collected for the census tracts
encompassing the project study area, Tracts 1833 and 1834. In 2010, Tract 1834 was split and
expanded into 1834.01 and 1834.02 and tracts 1833 was curtailed (see Figure 5.). Data for
those tracts was combined for an equitable comparison. For a full comparison of census data
demographic character, see Appendix G.
The census data described signifcant socio-economic shif over the decade with a
Figure 5. Census tracts and changes for project area, 2000-2010.
46
general depopulaton of the area. The populaton aged, with the median age in 2000 at 30
years old, rising all the way to 34 in 2010. The most populous age ranges in 2000 were 25-34,
35-44, and 45-54. In 2010 these categorical populaton shares decreased, with only the 45-54
share increasing about 2%. In the 2010 census, median income for the study area ranged from
$45,000-55,000.
Racially, both the white and Asian populatons made small gains of 2%, with whites
making up 43%, and Asians making up 23% of the populaton in 2010. Of the 23% Asian
populaton, 17% were Filipino, up 4.3% from the 2000 count. The Hispanic/Latno populaton,
originally representng 66% of residents, decreased about 5% to 61% in 2010. The Latno/
Figure 6. Household and family characteristcs, 2000-2010.
47
Hispanic populaton was predominantly Mexican, with Mexican ethnicity holding steady at
around 43-44% of the whole throughout the decade.
Between 2000 and 2010, households along York Boulevard were shrinking (see Figure
6.). There are now fewer families, fewer children, and more singles than in the previous decade.
Overall, the volume of households increased, but family households decreased by 6%, indicatng
more single householders living in the area. In additon, family households with children
decreased sharply, by nearly 12%. This could be due to the aging populaton, with children
growing up and leaving their parents household, but could also be due to a lack of afordability
for younger families. Married-couple/Husband-Wife family households also lost a signifcant
Figure 7. Housing occupancy and ownership, 2000-2010.
48
share of the populaton, decreasing almost 8%. Households with seniors (65+) refected a small
increase.
The census data refects many social and regional shifs since the housing crisis of
2007-2008. Total housing units increased by 6%, but housing occupancy was increasingly renter
occupied, refected in equal losses from owner occupied housing units (see Figure 7.). The
balance in the shif of around 7% illustrates the trend of the natonal housing fnance crisis, with
many homeowners loosing their homes and rentng instead. Overall there was a small decrease
in household size, but litle change in the occupancy rate, the majority of housing units occupied
with a vacancy rate of 4-5%.
Throughout the decade the owner-occupied household size held steady at around 3.5
persons per household. Rental housing increased by 4% and the household size of the renter-
occupied units shrunk almost 9% from 3.3 to 3. Though there was an increase in volume of
householders living alone, as a share of non-family households, this demographic actually
refected a decrease, indicatng that more households featured persons living with unrelated
roommates in 2010.
Media Archives
The revival of Highland Park has been covered and commented on in a variety of news
and media sources, especially the Los Angeles Times, the LA Weekly, and local blogs like Patch.
com and The Eastsider. Newspapers ranging from local (Los Angeles Times) to natonal (New
York Times) to internatonal (The Guardian) have observed the dynamism of York Boulevard.
Gangs are covered ofen in the broader context of Northeast LA and Highland Park, providing
many sensatonal and dramatc stories about the various sagas of the Avenues chapters. Some
artcles cite the jaded perspectves of locals who have been waitng decades for change, but
mostly, recent artcles focus on the vibrant energy of the neighborhood, a neighborhood
portrayed as dripping with creatvity, bespoke goods, trendiness, and superior taste.
Recurring themes from media include small business and neighborhood revitalizaton,
parklets, gentrifcaton, neighborhood history, the Artwalk, and the general hipness of York
49
Boulevard. The media celebrates the innovatve happenings on York Boulevard and has hyped
up the image to the status of destnaton (Marsky, 2012). In early 2012, the LA Times home
secton was covering the indie, DIY nature of the new hip establishments. These artcles
imbue idiosyncratc details like Cafe de Leches chartreuse green signage (see Figure 9.) with
meaning the fash of color, a sign of modern life in an old L.A. neighborhood (LA at Home,
2012). Upscale establishments like French restaurants and wine bars are seen both as symbols
of neighborhood renewal and as gentrifcaton (LA at Home, 2012), but generally noted as
inevitable steps towards change.
Many artcles describe the atracton of Highland Parks historic character and California
Figure 8. New businesses on York feature boldly designed exteriors and handcrafed goods. Shopclass
recently opened in 2013, features hand picked vintage furniture, Platorm ofers a carefully curated
selecton of artsan goods.
architecture (see example of Crafsman
house in Figure 10.). An artcle in Patch
describes the business angle of a new local
furnishing store, envisioning its presence
as an architectural design business that
specializes in the California bungalow. The
business owners seek to provide the tools
to renovate [California Bungalows] on a
Figure 9. Cafe de Leche signage modernizes an old
building on York and Aveue 50.
50
budget, so [new homeowners] dont have to just buy of the rack stuf that might take away from
the character and history of the houses (Mansky, 2012). These renovatons are of course fueled
by the infux of new home buyers in the area, repeatedly cited as being priced out of [adjacent
neighborhoods] like Silver Lake and Eagle Rock (Mansky, 2012; LA Now, 2012).
Gentrifcaton is atributed to the housing foreclosure crisis, and the irresistble lure of
house fipping presented by cheap and abundant distressed but historic housing (LA Now,
2012). The general sentment is that these propertes are diamonds in the rough, with bones
that will bring a good price once gussied up with horizontal fencing and modern street numbers
(see Figure 10.). The basis of the change is atributed to these house fippers reselling [fipped
propertes] to young professionals who are fnding Highland Parks bike lanes, Metro Gold Line
stop and sidewalk culture a welcome respite from the automobile (LA Now, 2012). According
to the news commentary, the new buyers and upwardly mobile are choosing locaton based on
their taste for walkability and localism.
The LA Times (2012) notes the opportunity for varying perceptons of the changing
neighborhood and describes fipped propertes as either charming gems or too-trendy
showpieces. There seems to be an equal mix of optmism and cynicism about the change
and methods of change, as well as a desire to make simple but impactul modifcatons to the
Figure 10. Historic homes in Highland Park are being rehabbed rapidly by house fippers. On the lef: a
typical California Crafsman. On the right: the tell-tale horizontal fencing with modern street numbers
indicate a fipped property.
51
physical street environment.
Likewise, there are vastly diferent opinions about the directon York should take in
the future with opinions as diverse as seeking to emulate the highly corporate and dense
development of Old Town Pasadena or staying an insular community that doesnt just cater to...
the Westside ideal of a Destnaton (Mansky, 2012). During the York Visioning process, online
Figure 11. Comment on Highland Park Patch artcle about York Vision Plan.
Figure 12. Comment on Highland Park Patch artcle about new businesses on York.
blog commentary points to a divided perspecive of community needs and social relevence of
future amenites (see Figures 11. and 12.).
City Documents
Land use. The study area lies in a low-moderate density area with mixed commercial
and residental propertes. Last updated in 2010, the Northeast Los Angeles Community Plan
zones all frontage on York Boulevard, Neighborhood Commercial (see Figure 13.). The side
streets are all zoned Low Density Residental (RE9, RS, R1, RU, RD6, RD5). The eastern porton
of York (outside the study area) is zoned General Commercial, surrounded by Low-Medium
II Multfamily Residental (RD1.5, RD2, RW2, RZ2.5). The corner that hosts the highest trafc
development, including a gas staton, Starbucks, and CVS, is zoned for Limited Industrial (CM,
M1, MR1, P) use.
52
Figure 13. York area land use (source: City of LA General Plan, Northeast Los Angeles
Community Plan, City of Los Angeles, 1999).
Figure 14. Other areas in Northeast Los Angeles can refer to specifc plans. Reprinted from City of LA
General Plan, Northeast Los Angeles Community Plan, City of Los Angeles, 1999.
53
While many neighborhoods in
Northeast Los Angeles have Specifc Plans
for their development, there is none for
York Boulevard (see Figure 14.). Therefore,
the directon of the streets development is
unregulated by a veted vision or plan for
the future.
Circulaton and collision data. York
Boulevard is designated as a Class II Highway
and has major intersectons with Eagle Rock
Boulevard and Figueroa Street, other Class
II Highways in Northeast LA (see Figure 15.).
Figure 15. Street designatons and circulaton.
Reprinted from City of LA General Plan, Northeast
Los Angeles Community Plan, City of Los Angeles,
1999.
York also intersects with many Secondary and Collector Streets, the most notable in the study
area being Avenue 50, Avenue 51, and Avenue 56 (see Figure 16.). The intersecton of Avenue
56 marks the narrowing of the street to two travel lanes, where the eastern porton of York
widens and retains four lanes (see Table 2).
In an analysis of LADOT collision data, Northeast Los Angeles experiences conficts when
Figure 16. Vehicular/Pedestrian collisions at Avenue 50 and Avenue 56, 2001-2011 (source: LADOT
Crossroads Database).
54
streets designated as Class II Highway intersect with Secondary streets designed for more local
usage. Collision data places York & Avenue 50 in the top 3 intersectons in Northeast Los Angeles
with the highest vehicular collision factors (a measure of collisions over the period of 10 years
per recorded trafc count). In the same data, York & Avenue 56, and York & Figueroa exhibited
some of the highest rates of pedestrian collisions in the sub-region.
At these intersectons, pedestrian collisions were primarily caused by Pedestrian Right
of Way Violatons (see Table 3), where a vehicle has violated the pedestrians legal right of way,
indicatng cars lack of awareness of or disregard for pedestrians in the streetscape. In the
case of Pedestrian Violatons, pedestrians are also at fault, not following trafc rules and going
against the alloted vehicular right-of-way. Ofen this type of disregard for trafc law is a result
of a low level of service for pedestrians, like long signal cycles at crosswalks (Heinonen and Eck,
Table 2
Inventory of Arterial Streets Intersectng with York Boulevard (sources: City of LA General Plan,
Transportaton Element, Google Maps, on-site survey)
Table 3
Pedestrian Collisions in Study Areas Worst Pedestrian Intersectons (source: LADOT Crossroads
Database)
55
2007). Some collisions also seemed to result when the street alignment was not straight, or lane
confguratons changed from one side of the intersecton to the other.
Context and Framing
History of Highland Park
Highland Parks history provides fascinatng insight into the current climate of culture
and change on York. Highland Park was originally part of Rancho San Rafael, later Rancho
Verdugo (see Figure 17.), catle grazing land holdings extending into the Spanish then Mexican
era of California (KCET Online, 2011). The Santa Fe Railway stop at York and Figueroa prescribed
the subdivision of the area by county rules, creatng the community of Garvanza, the oldest area
of Highland Park (KCET Online, 2011) and apparently the oldest transit-oriented development.
According to KCET Departures (2012), the railroad imported many new inhabitants into the area
Figure 17. Historical map of Rancho Verdugo, excerpt from The Old Spanish and Mexican Ranchos of Los
Angeles County (source: Gerald A. Eddy. Published by: Title Insurance and Trust Company, Los Angeles; c.
1937).
56
and, the town became atractve to bohemians eager to take advantage of the Arroyos unique
natural setng, close proximity to Los Angeles, and inexpensive propertes, eventually leading
to the development of the frst artst colony in Los Angeles.
Annexed by the city of Los Angeles in 1895 with the intenton of cleaning up the brothels
and roadhouses along the Arroyo Seco (KCET Online, 2011), Highland Park/Garvanza became LAs
original suburb, and connected the two most populated regions of the era: Pasadena and Los
Angeles (Departures, 2012).
Historic crafsman style houses are abundant in this diverse neighborhood that has
seen its share of economic ups and downs. Home of the Southwest Museum, one of the largest
collectons of Natve American artfacts in the country, as well as Occidental College, Los Angeles
only liberal arts campus, the neighborhood has experienced socio-economic fux throughout the
20th century. White fight occurred as other suburbs emerged in the region, leaving the area
mostly Latno (primarily Mexican) by the 1960s (KCET Online, 2011).
Around that tme, Los Angeles also ceased operaton of its trolley system that moved
throughout arterial streets in Northeast Los Angeles, connectng the area to the larger region. In
1986, the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway (which connected Highland Park to the greater
region, primarily for goods transportaton) was abandoned, eventually repurposed in 2003 for
the METRO Gold Line light rail, part of the regional public transit system.
Another infuence throughout the later porton of the 20th century, was the presence
of organized crime and gangs throughout Northeast LA. Highland Park, especially, has been
plagued by gang violence, primarily due to the Avenues gang claiming the area as its home turf.
The Avenues, under the greater dominion of the Mexican Mafa, specialize in narcotcs, human
trafcking (Arnold, 2011), and arms trafcking, and are known for hate crimes against African-
Americans (Pelisek, 2006). In September 2009, the LAPD and DEA conducted a massive raid that
put many of the gangs central fgures in jail (LA Times, 2009) at least for the tme being, a new-
found security was born.
57
The combinaton of regional factors of safety and accessibility, met with the proactve
Council ofce and an infusion of young business owners have created a climate for a new
chapter in Highland Park history. At the same tme, this climate remains signifcantly infuenced
by Highland Parks historical identty.
Relatonship to Greater Los Angeles
As the frst suburb of Los Angeles, Highland Parks corridors are built to a scale for earlier
uses especially in the case of pedestrian and street car infrastructure, which can be seen in
many other pre-war neighborhoods in Los Angeles. Highland Park is also strategically located in
close proximity to downtown Los Angeles a natural nodal ofshoot of city-center development
and provides examples of archetypal economic corridors like York Boulevard and Figueroa.
Beyond serving as an example for corridor vitality in Los Angeles, Highland Park retains highly
valued characteristcs intrinsic to the broader region of Los Angeles, like hills and wide streets.
Highland Park provides examples of economic and sociological phenomena that can be
seen throughout the region. The neighborhood faces challenges common to Los Angeles such as
blighted and disconnected communites, but illustrates revitalizaton success like street-oriented
economic development. In relatonship to city planning and mobility, the City of Los Angeles is
increasingly looking at streets as central spaces for social vitality and economic development.
The Complete Streets movement aims to create street environments where business and
pedestrian actvity can fourish (County of Los Angeles, 2011). York Boulevard has been utlized
by Los Angeles as a test case to demonstrates many Complete Streets components (see Policy
on York Boulevard and Existng Conditons), providing a model that can potentally be applied
throughout the LA region to improve quality of life.
Finally, Highland Park provides a case study for demographic shif and gentrifcaton,
an issue that has arisen natonally in major metropolitan areas and provides a signifcant
challenge to revitalizaton in Los Angeles. Highland Park has experienced the social-physical
phenomenon of housing fltering that has defned many Los Angeles neighborhoods. Housing
fltering in Highland Park and the greater Los Angeles region was prompted during the 1960s
58
by the process of suburbanizaton, the fltering evident in the locatonal choice of lower income
minorites follow[ing] the aging housing stock (Arvidson, 1999, p. 65) as higher income families
relocated to the suburbs. Today many older neighborhoods are being bought up by a younger
generaton of householders, in essence, fltering up. The low priced housing stock on the
market, fueled by the foreclosures of the housing crisis, has provided bargains for the upwardly-
mobile. Today, Highland Park provides a dramatc example of a wholesale restructuring of a low-
income neighborhood (LA Now, 2012).
Figure 18. Historical route map: Los Angeles Railway Electric Car and Bus Routes in Northeast Los
Angeles, c. 1938 (source: Los Angeles Public Library).
59
Physical and Structural Context
Highland Park is rich in examples of remnant road structures like the wide arterials that
hosted electric street cars, vehicular infrastructures that dramatcally shape the neighborhoods
social identty and economic potental. York Boulevard and its adjacent arterials of Eagle Rock
Boulevard and Figueroa all served as signifcant passages through the city, connectng Northeast
Los Angeles to the extensive regional network of street cars via the Los Angeles Railway and its
adherent coach service (see Figure 18.). The remnants of these lines lie in todays extra wide
streets, some of which have been modifed with medians.
Specifcally, York Boulevard hosted the Los Angeles Railway W line, which ran from Eagle
Rock to Washington and Rimpau in Mid City (Electric Railway Historical Associaton of Southern
California, 2012). The W line terminus was located at York and Avenue 50, establishing a bustling
errand epicenter, densely populated with small storefronts. This end-line area is narrower than
the normal route arterials and therefore provides a more human scale to the study area.
Today, wide streets established by LAs street car system have created highway
conditons in many parts of the city, endangering pedestrians, bikers, and drivers with highspeed
collisions. York Boulevard, perhaps inspired by its narrow porton, has applied progressive
measures to fght trafc safety issues. Most recently, York has modifed the road confguraton by
removing lanes and implementng a network of bike lanes. These improvements are detailed in
the following secton, Policy on York Boulevard and Existng Conditons.
Policy on York Boulevard and Existng Conditons
Road diet. Road diets are a low-cost opton to reconfgure existng roadway, strategically
taking vehicular lanes and replacing them with permanent center turn lanes, medians, bike
lanes, parking, or extended sidewalks (McCormick, 2012). They also reapporton automobile
right-of-ways to other modes of transportaton like bicycles or pedestrians (McCormick, 2012).
Road diets serve many purposes, but specifc to safety, they slow trafc and ofen shorten
crossing distances for pedestrians. In 2006, the western porton of York Boulevard (from Eagle
Rock Boulevard to Avenue 55) was put on a road diet, where two permanent trafc lanes were
60
replaced with a permanent center turn lane.
Four years later, in 2010, bike lanes were
also installed, utlizing the 10 of extra space
lef by the removal of the original lanes (see
Figure 19.and Figure 20.).
In his study of York Boulevards road
diet, Cullen McCormick (2012) cites that,
while road diets have gained support in
many communites, they are also a source
of controversy among some merchants
and residents (p. ES1). Road diets ofen
increase trafc delay (LADOT, 2013) and
therefore are challenged by many in the
community who value their tme over the
proclaimed safety, economic, and quality of
life benefts associated with installing bike
lanes and slowing trafc. Trafc resultng
from the York Boulevard road diet is a
contentous issue and a consistent topic at
public hearings and community meetngs
in Northeast Los Angeles. Complaints are
well documented on online blogs (Fonseca,
2013), through public hearings, and
community discussions about future street
reconfguratons.
At the same tme, York Boulevard
has changed signifcantly for the beter
Figure 20. Photograph illustratng right of way
confguraton for bikes, cars, and turn lane.
Figure 19. Typical road diet confguraton: before
and afer. Reprinted with permission from
York Boulevard: The Economics of a Road Diet,
McCormick, 2012.
61
since the implementaton of the road diet, experiencing its revitalizaton exclusively afer
the reconfguraton of the street. Trafc has slowed, resultng in both congeston and safer
conditons for cyclists and pedestrians (Fonseca, 2013). Dozens of new businesses have also
opened since the road diets implementaton (LA at Home, 2012). McCormicks (2012) study of
property values and business revenues, refutes oppositon to road diets based on deleterious
economic efects, but does not go so far as to claim a road diets causaton for economic
revitalizaton. The studys key economic fnding cites that road diets have litle efect on
surrounding businesses, property values, and customer shopping paterns (McCormick, 2012, p.
ES5).
Bikes. The LA Department of City Planning adopted the 2010 Bicycle Plan on March
Figure 21. Bike lanes implemented since 2010. Reprinted from LADOT Bike Blog, 2013.
62
Figure 22. Los Angeles Bicycle Master Plan: Northeast Los Angeles porton of Citywide Bikeway System.
1, 2011. This plan exists as a component of the City of Los Angeles Transportaton Element
whose goal is to foster Complete Streets, moving away from LAs car dominated past towards a
sustainable system of transportaton that incorporates cars, bikes, walking, public transit, and
engages the streets for other uses such as commerce and public gathering (2010 Bicycle Plan,
2011).
Cycling has a huge beneft to public heath and this plan outlines a comprehensive
and mult-pronged strategy for a bikeway system, bike policies, and programs. The plan also
introduces Bicycle Friendly Streets (BFS), which prescribes a holistc street engineering approach
to incorporate signage, pavement markings, and physical changes such as bulb outs to enhance
cyclist safety and comfort (2010 Bicycle Plan, 2011).
The plan includes an aggressive 5-year implementaton strategy with proposed bike
miles that far exceed any previous bicycle plans (see Figure 21.), providing arterial bikeway
networks for the city as a whole (LADOT, 2013). The city has already begun the implementaton
of bike miles and bike lanes have begun to reshape many of the citys streets.
In the plan, York Boulevard is designated as part of the Backbone Bikeway Network (see
Figure 22.), connectng to the rest of the network at Eagle Rock Boulevard and Figueroa via bike
63
lanes (2010 Bicycle Plan, 2011). Yorks existng bike lane, completed in 2010 extends 1.3 miles
from Eagle Rock Bl. to Avenue 55 (LADOT Bike Blog, 2011). The .9 mile extension from Avenue
55 to Figueroa was completed in late 2012. Bicycle lanes are in the hearing process for Figueroa
and Colorado Boulevard, installatons that would complete the Backbone Bikeway Network in
Northeast LA (see Figure 23.).
A count of bicycle trips on York post-
road diet (taken September 2011) totaled
168 during peak hours (McCormick, 2012).
This count does not indicate the potental
increase in bicycle trips likely resultng from
the extension of the bike lanes to Figueroa.
Bike corral. In February 2011, with
the collaboraton of CD 14, Council Member
Huizar, LADOT, Cafe de Leche owner Mat
Schodorf, LA County Bicycle Coaliton,
Figure 24. Los Angeles frst bike corral: York
Boulevard in front of Caf de Leche.
Figure 23. Current bike lanes in Northeast Los Angeles.
64
C.I.C.L.E., and the Historic Highland Park Neighborhood Council, LADOT installed LAs frst bike
corral in front of Caf de Leche (see Figure 24.). The corral serves as a pilot for on-street bike
parking. In the pilot, a local business, Caf de Leche has pledged to maintain the corral while
the city has paid for its purchase and installaton (Pewsawang, 2011). With the success of the
York pilot bike corral, today, communites across the city can apply for bike corrals with a similar
arrangement.
York Boulevard Improvement Vision and Acton Plan. In 2010, CD 14 was awarded a
sum of money to create a new plan for York Boulevard. The Council Ofce considered its context
and believed the community was open to improvement and development (Z. Loera, personal
communicaton, November 29, 2012). The project was slated as boulevard improvement
and not a major redevelopment project the Council Ofce was interested in an aesthetc
enhancement and greening project that [would] be designed to encourage more foot trafc than
car trafc (90042, 2010).
Initally, the Council Ofce considered hiring a New Urbanist frm to complete a master
plan for York (R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013). A veteran advisor
warned that a typical master plan would sit on a shelf and instead, suggested the Council Ofce
fnd someone to do immediate projects that would inspire people and upgrade the area (S.
Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013). Rather than pursuing the status quo of
the past to create a restrictve specifc plan the Council Ofce used a diferent strategy for the
corridor. CD 14 enlisted a community engagement team Cancians Shared Spaces, Green LA
Coaliton, and Living Streets LA and set to work creatng a document to facilitate community
empowerment.
Instead of creatng a set vision for the future as would have been prescribed in a
specifc plan, the public workshops produced the York Boulevard Improvement Vision and
Acton Plan, which serves as a users manual for future improvements (for full plan, visit htp://
www.livingstreetsla.org/resources-2/york-blvd-huntngton-drive-vision-and-acton-plans/)
The document could be considered a demystfcaton of the citys ofen difcult-to-navigate
65
City Council approved four pilot parklet projects in Los Angeles, one of which is located on York
Boulevard (Duchon, 2012). Led by City Council members Jose Huizar (CD14), Jan Perry (CD9),
and Ed Reyes (CD1), the City Council voted to direct the Planning, Transportaton, and Public
Works departments to support the design created by Shared Spaces and Living Streets LA (the
design frms hired by CD14) and to facilitate the parklet process (Fonseca, 2012). The parklet
council moton (11-1604) established a formal top-down directve for the cooperaton of many
city agencies, much like the efort undertaken in San Franciscos Pavement to Parks (LoGrande,
2012).
These parklets serve as demonstraton projects that reclaim space for pedestrians and
engage the public on a human scale. Many parklets introduce greenspace in areas that have
none (see Figure 25.) They extend the width of the sidewalk (6 feet) into an existng parking
space or red zone, creatng additonal public space (20-38 feet long) for seatng, gardens,
exercise, and more (Duchon, 2012). Parklets are seen as part of the pedestrian recipe popular
in todays conversaton of Complete Streets, along with plazas, conventonal parks, art walks,
and food trucks. The parklets are intended to enhance pedestrian trafc that will support local
business and increase public safety. In Long Beach, local restaurants reported a 20% increase in
business with the installaton of parklets (Duchon, 2012), with the caveat that those restaurants
provided food service in the parklets, which Los Angeles parklets do not permit. These parklets
bureaucracy. Included is a step by step
guide on how to transform your Main
Street detailed instructons in how to go
about achieving the physical improvements
sought by the community. Also included is a
resource list for assistance, funding, and all
the applicatons & forms needed to pursue
the improvements.
Parklets. On August 24, 2012,
Figure 25. Parklets introduce green space into an
environment dominated by cars.
66
cost between $5,000-50,000 and will be reviewed afer six months and then replicated based on
their success (Shortcuts Blog, 2012).
The pilot parklets have been described by CD14 as community driven, funded by local
businesses and private donatons. Huizar says community members desire more spaces to feel a
part of their neighborhood, and if the parklets are deemed efectve, there are 91 million feet of
curbs in the city that could be utlized over the next 5 years (Duchon, 2012).
The York Boulevard parklet Los Angeles frst parklet opened to the public on
February 2, 2013 (see Figure 26.). The parklet is a successful example of an improvement
envisioned in the York Boulevard planning process, and its existence will help guide city policy
for future parklets. As part of the long-term goals of expansion, the Los Angeles City Council
has ordered a permitng process to be developed for future parklets, a program in the midst
of being formalized by the LADOTs Pedestrian Division. Afer the implementaton of these
Figure 26. York Boulevard Parklet at dusk.
67
Figure 27. Second Saturday NELA Artwalk. Clockwise: art at a clothing store called Mi Vida, a family eats
their taco truck dinner on outdoor furniture provided by the tatoo parlor, neon art, a child dressed as a
rabbit orders ice cream from Scoops, even dispensaries open for Artwalk, some local businesses just hang
out and have a party.
demonstraton projects, the LADOT now permits and expedites community-led eforts to
place plazas, parklets, and bike corrals in under-utlized roadway as a means of actvatng the
streetscape.
68
Artwalk. Voted Best New Art Walk in the LA Weekly (Jones, 2010), Second Saturday
Gallery Night is organized by the Northeast LA Arts organizaton (NELA Arts) in Highland Park,
along York Boulevard as well as other portons of Highland Park (see Figure 27. for Artwalk
scenes from York Boulevard). Historically, there have been many artst studios along York
Boulevard (T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013), but some older and more
established studios like Moryork do not partcipate in the Artwalk due to liability issues brought
up by the Council Ofce (C. Graham, personal communicaton, April 30, 2013). Many non-art
related stores do partcipate in the NELA Artwalk, hostng their own small art installatons and an
open house environment for shoppers.
Historical landmarks. The Highland Park Neighborhood Council hired Historian Charles
Fisher to do research and take a survey of more than 400 propertes on York Boulevard between
Eagle Rock Boulevard and Avenue 64. This survey will inform the Neighborhood Council when
making decisions about future development on York (The Eastsider, 2012). Highland Park and
Highland Park-Garvanza represent two of three Historic Preservaton Overlay Zone (HPOZ) in
Northeast Los Angeles, but these zones only encompass a small porton of York Boulevard at the
intersecton of Figueroa (Los Angeles Department of City Planning, 2010). Protectons under the
HPOZ ordinance include project review and oversight by the HPOZ Board. The study area has no
measures of historic preservaton; therefore future development is signifcantly infuenced by
the Council Ofce and the local Neighborhood Council.
Business Improvement District. A Business Improvement District has been proposed for
the York Boulevard corridor (City of Los Angeles, 2012), but local businesses are wary, as much
of the land is owned by absentee or corporate landlords and the BID structure would potentally
tax the business owners, while beneftng the landlords (J. Graham, personal communicaton,
January 29, 2013).
69
Ethnographic Observaton
Stakeholder Interviews
Over twenty stakeholder interviews were completed with users of York, local residents,
small business owners, public ofcials, and community actvists (interviewee profles can be
found in Appendix E). The interviews covered the general background of the stakeholder, their
introducton to Highland Park and Northeast Los Angeles as a neighborhood, and then expanded
on their relatonship to and perceptons of York Boulevard.
It was important to gather stakeholder backgrounds, especially tenure in the
neighborhood, in order to contextualize how they perceive change a new resident would not
perceive the change as dramatcally as a long term resident. Likewise, motvatons for moving to
the York Boulevard neighborhood or locatng a business on the street were important, as they
illustrate factors that atract new users and investment in the neighborhood.
Interviews revealed perceptons from local stakeholders as both local insiders and
outsiders. Early impressions of Highland Park (see Figure 28.) illustrated the outsider percepton
of the neighborhood and the possible roadblocks to revitalizaton as a larger neighborhood.
General Things About Los Angeles
0
1
2
Center of dynamic change in US Strong advocacy and community organizing
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews
Early Impressions of Highland Park
0
1
2
3
4
Far-flung Block by block safety Lacked social engagement Looked exactly like Park
Slope
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews
Figure 28. Early impressions of Highland Park reported in stakeholder interviews.
70
Introduction to York
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
Social Culture Travel Work
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews
Why Highland Park?
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Affordable Walkable/Bikeable Diversity Lack of amenities
for local population
Liked house Proximity to
Downtown
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews
Figure 29. Reasons for locatng in Highland Park reported in stakeholder interviews.
Figure 30. Methods of introducton to the York Boulevard corridor as reported in stakeholder interviews.
71
Before becoming familiar with the neighborhood, stakeholders perceived Highland Park as
far-fung, and socially lacking. Primary methods of introducton to the neighborhood (see
Figure 30.) were either cultural, through atending events like music shows or artst open
studios; social, visitng friends or family; or by travel: York Boulevard is one of the only cut-
throughs across Northeast Los Angeles. Many stakeholders noted their only interacton with the
neighborhood before moving there was to atend a house party.
Resident stakeholders, both renters and homeowners, cited afordability as a top
factor in neighborhood selecton (see Figure 29.). Other important factors were the proximity
to Downtown Los Angeles, the neighborhoods walkability, and the stylish, historic housing
available. Outsiders from other large cosmopolitan areas recognized the neighborhood as
similar to Park Slope, Brooklyns frst and most dramatcally gentrifed neighborhood. Cultural
and economic diversity was also perceived as a neighborhood asset.
All of these draws seemed to outweigh the general lack of amenites perceived by users.
Newer residents also perceived the neighborhood as having block by block safety, extending an
impression that the neighborhood was safe for destnaton-oriented visits, but did not foster an
environment for exploraton.
Why York?
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Zeitgeist
Local Anchors
Street configuration
Council office supported improvement
Process of community education/empowerment
Cute area / Visible possibilities for storefront business
Local ownership of buildings / Reasonable rent
Walking dream
Small businesses
Sense of culture
York corridor had nothing to do with moving to area
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews
Zeitgeist Local
Anchors
Street
Confguration
Council Offce
Supported
Improvement
Process of
Community
Education/
Engagement
Cute Area
/ Visible
Possibilities
for Storefront
Business
Local
Ownership
of Buildings /
Reasonable
Rent
Walking
Dream
Small
Business
Sense of
Culture
York
Corridor
Had
Nothing to
Do With
Moving to
the Area
Why Not York?
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Lack of amenities for local population
Secret happenings of York Bl
Inflexible land use or absent landlords
No high end audience / foot traffic
Parking
Criminal or drug addicted neighbors
Poorly maintained trees
Worried about hassle of commute
Religious interferences for new businesses
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews
Lack of
Amenities
for Local
Population
Secret
Happenings
of York
Boulevard
Infexible
Land Use or
Absentee
Landlords
No High End
Audience /
Foot Traffc
Parking Criminal
or Drug
Addicted
Neighbors
Poorly
Maintained
Trees
Worried
About
Hassle of
Commute
Religious
Interferences
for New
Businesses
Figure 31. Reasons for locatng on or patronizing the York Boulevard corridor as reported in stakeholder
interviews.
72
Stakeholder interviews then segued into a discussion of why or why not locate on or
use York (see Figure 31. and Figure 32.) what specifcally about the street either fostered or
obstructed the neighborhoods revival. Local anchors early businesses like Caf de Leche and
York Bar that established the current character of the street were recognized almost universally
as paving the way and setng the tone for future businesses. Small business stakeholders were
very specifc about their decision to locate on York and focused carefully on the boulevards
storefront character and street confguraton: the boulevards narrow right of way and pette
scale that in turn, fostered walkability. A number of small business owners brought up the fact
that walking or biking to work was a Los Angeles fantasy so few people ever have that opton
in such a commuter-dominated region. Local ownership of buildings and reasonable rent also
inspired business owners to locate on York, especially compared with Figueroa, the other local
corridor that has already been largely bought up by investors.
Why York?
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Zeitgeist
Local Anchors
Street configuration
Council office supported improvement
Process of community education/empowerment
Cute area / Visible possibilities for storefront business
Local ownership of buildings / Reasonable rent
Walking dream
Small businesses
Sense of culture
York corridor had nothing to do with moving to area
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews
Zeitgeist Local
Anchors
Street
Confguration
Council Offce
Supported
Improvement
Process of
Community
Education/
Engagement
Cute Area
/ Visible
Possibilities
for Storefront
Business
Local
Ownership
of Buildings /
Reasonable
Rent
Walking
Dream
Small
Business
Sense of
Culture
York
Corridor
Had
Nothing to
Do With
Moving to
the Area
Why Not York?
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Lack of amenities for local population
Secret happenings of York Bl
Inflexible land use or absent landlords
No high end audience / foot traffic
Parking
Criminal or drug addicted neighbors
Poorly maintained trees
Worried about hassle of commute
Religious interferences for new businesses
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews
Lack of
Amenities
for Local
Population
Secret
Happenings
of York
Boulevard
Infexible
Land Use or
Absentee
Landlords
No High End
Audience /
Foot Traffc
Parking Criminal
or Drug
Addicted
Neighbors
Poorly
Maintained
Trees
Worried
About
Hassle of
Commute
Religious
Interferences
for New
Businesses
Stakeholders recognized a sense of culture and support for the zeitgeist of localism and
community on York, especially through the support of the Council District Ofce. The welcoming
environment for small business and entrepreneurship provided by the Council Ofce in
combinaton with the Ofces efort to educate and collaborate with the community to improve
Figure 32. Reasons preventng or impeding York Boulevards success as reported in stakeholder interviews.
73
their neighborhood, provided the support needed to swifly afect change the neighborhood.
For longer term residents, York had nothing to do with moving to the area, giving clear
indicaton that this change is recent, purposeful, and catering to a new demographic. Some
of the reasons for the boulevards stagnancy included a general secrecy of the earlier artst
generaton on the boulevard. Many long-term residents commented on the insular nature of the
artst community in Northeast Los Angeles, and the fact that earlier residents and stakeholders
were primarily taking advantage of the cheap locaton, rather than trying to make a life in the
neighborhood. This was supported by the percepton of lack of local amenites, as this lack
discouraged studio users to venture into the neighborhood.
Other roadblocks to the neighborhoods revitalizaton were the hassle of the commute
as York is less convenient to freeways than other neighborhoods, the inconvenience of infexible
or absent landlords, and the lack of parking. Some of these factors go hand in hand with
another problem that new businesses are stll trying to come to terms with: the fact that there
is not a steady or high volume of foot trafc and that the users are not the high-end populaton
that would spend their disposable income on the luxury goods provided by the newer stores.
There is an unresolved challenge in the neighborhood, where the new is at odds with the old,
and this plays out in various conficts of neighborhood ownership and gentrifcaton.
York Today
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Gentrification
Dedication to character
Improvement conversation is artist dominated
Difficult for older businesses to adapt to culture of new
Eyes on the street
Purposeful Destination
Northside vs. Southside Needs more mixed uses
New businesses encourage friends to open new busine...
Politics/ Special Interests
Stewardship of older businesses
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews Gentrifcation Dedication
to
Character
Improvement
Conversation
is Artist
Dominated
Diffcult
for Older
Businesses
to Adapt to
Culture of
New
Eyes on the
Street
Purposeful
Destination
Northside Vs.
Southside
Needs More
Mixed Uses
New
Businesses
Encourage
Friends to
Open New
Businesses
Politics /
Special
Interests
Stewardship
of Older
Businesses
The Future of York
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Displacement Volatile neighborhood Established shopping district
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews
Figure 33. How York Boulevard is preceived today as reported in stakeholder interviews.
74
In a survey of how York is perceived today (see Figure 33.), interview respondents
presented an upbeat vision of the community working together to preserve its character while
encouraging the trend of upscale and hip establishments. York is perceived by its users and
proprietors alike as a purposeful destnaton, featuring a carefully crafed mix of elite businesses
supported by one another. At the same tme, business owners felt stewardship by older business
owners: it is not a hostle environment where the new businesses are aggressively displacing the
old. In fact, many of the new businesses are simply inhabitng previously abandoned storefronts,
some that had sat vacant for years.
Gentrifcaton is a concern of all categories of stakeholders and was a main theme
throughout the interviews. The neighborhood north of the boulevard is generally perceived
as higher income and more gentrifed, where the south side retains its demographic character
and remains primarily Latno. Religious and community priorites have been in confict with
new developments on York and the discussion of the vision for the boulevards improvement
is perceived by some as artst dominated and culturally elite. For example, a church recently
organized oppositon to the opening of a French Restaurant that served wine, citng the confict
between a late night bar and the residental neighborhood.
It is notably difcult for some older businesses to adapt and compete in the new
York Boulevard environment, and ultmately, there is great potental for displacement of both
businesses and residents. The neighborhood is perceived as volatle, with the potental to go in
an upscale commercial directon or alternately contnue as the funky neighborhood catering to
locals (see Figure 34.).
For a complete thematc collecton of interview statements, see Appendix F. These
themes will be discussed in detail in the Interpretaton of Data and Discussion chapter.
Events
A variety of events were observed during the study including community celebratons,
art openings, artwalks, music shows, plays, and small business open houses. Events that happen
on York cater to a broad community, the largest event being the Artwalk. Though it is slated
75
as an Artwalk, which in any other context would imply the presence of art galleries, this event
is primarily for the businesses on York to culturally engage their patrons with an open house.
Some businesses feature a small exhibiton of local art, but many simply open for the foot trafc,
that is abundant. Snacks and wine or beer are served and many diferent demographics of users
wander throughout the neighborhood.
In earlier years, there were arts organizatons and galleries on York, notably Outpost for
Contemporary Art, an internatonal artst residency program, Sea and Space Gallery, and the
Krist Engle Gallery, all shutered in the last two years. One gallery that is stll present produces a
cultural program beyond any other: Moryork Gallery is Clare Grahams studio and gallery space,
but it also hosts an alternatve folk music series called Secret Songs and occasionally plays.
Moryork does not partcipate in the Artwalk, but sometmes ofers competng events at the
same tme.
Community events to celebrate the neighborhood are ofen organized by Councilman
Jose Huizar. Many of these celebrate his achievements with the community and have included
a celebraton for the award of $2.25 million to build a pocket park on the corner of Avenue 50
York Today
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Gentrification
Dedication to character
Improvement conversation is artist dominated
Difficult for older businesses to adapt to culture of new
Eyes on the street
Purposeful Destination
Northside vs. Southside Needs more mixed uses
New businesses encourage friends to open new busine...
Politics/ Special Interests
Stewardship of older businesses
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews Gentrifcation Dedication
to
Character
Improvement
Conversation
is Artist
Dominated
Diffcult
for Older
Businesses
to Adapt to
Culture of
New
Eyes on the
Street
Purposeful
Destination
Northside Vs.
Southside
Needs More
Mixed Uses
New
Businesses
Encourage
Friends to
Open New
Businesses
Politics /
Special
Interests
Stewardship
of Older
Businesses
The Future of York
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Displacement Volatile neighborhood Established shopping district
Occurances in Stakeholder Interviews
Figure 34. How stakehoolders see York Boulevard in the future as reported in stakeholder interviews.
76
(see Figure 35.), the completon of the York Boulevard Improvement Vision and Acton Plan, and
the opening of the York Boulevard Parklet. These events are well atended and are normally
bilingual.
Art openings at studios and music events atended were more private than the Artwalks
and catered to very specifc populatons, some events primarily comprised of atendees who
were otherwise unfamiliar with the neighborhood. This traditonal cultural inroad to York
Boulevard seems to remain a primary introducton for those from other parts of Los Angles, or
even internatonal visitors.
Figure 35. Celebratory community events put on by CD 14 feature mexican sweet bread and bilingual
translaton.
Physical Observaton
Street Usage
York Boulevard is used for a mixture of errands, leisure and transit. During evening
peak trafc hours (4-6pm), there is trafc heading both east- and west-bound that causes some
back-up and delay. Westbound trafc normally begins at Avenue 56, a botleneck actually
caused by the narrowing of the street from two lanes to one. Eastbound trafc begins at Eagle
Rock Boulevard, a three lane arterial street that feeds onto York at an intersecton that hosts
high trafc businesses (the cheapest gas staton in the area, a CVS drugstore, a drive through
Starbucks) on its corner. Trafc is not gridlocked though, and passage from one side of town to
the other does not take signifcantly longer than without trafc. This trafc also centers around
77
the concentraton of businesses between Avenue 50 and Avenue 56, this studys project area.
This is likely a result of the combinaton of local users who are running errands and patronizing
Yorks businesses with non-locals, who are utlizing the street as a cut-through for their transit
through Northeast Los Angeles.
Generally, trafc on York is slow. Many drivers were observed driving without the
obstructon of trafc, well below the 35mph speed limit, at speeds as low as 20 mph. These
slow drivers can be observed searching for parking spaces, but just as ofen are simply taking
a leisurely pace; many were observed to be elderly. Due to this slow pace, people on the street
were seen periodically interactng with and talking to people in cars, asking for directons or
saying hello. Drivers were even observed yelling into buisinesses to talk to business owners from
their car.
Bikers use York, but many bikers stll cycle on the sidewalks, despite the presence of bike
lanes. York is very popular with pedestrians day and night, there are normally people walking
or hanging out on the street. A half dozen taco trucks are located on York, and patrons hover
around their sporadic locatons.
At various tmes, the street takes on diferent character. For instance, during the
weekend afernoon and evenings or during the Artwalk, the street can become lively and
even carnival-like, with large groups of pedestrians passing and interactng with each other.
Sometmes, portons of York and some of its side streets are closed for civic or community
events. These events are well atended and give the community a sense of the street as a space
for things other than transit.
At other tmes, especially early week evenings or early weekend mornings, York can
seem almost deserted. For instance, the parklet will sit empty, but during peak business hours
it is packed. Parents take their children to eat ice cream at the parklet and ofen locals will sit,
killing tme at the locaton.
Generally though, the street is consistently populated (see Figure 36.) and many users
commented on the increase in on-street actvity like food trucks and outdoor businesses that
78
have served to make the street environment feel safer by populatng it during more diverse
hours of the day.
Figure 37. York businesses are packed on the weekends. Lef: Highland Cafe provides sidewalk seatng,
Right: York Bar is consistently busy throughout the weekend.
Figure 36. On-street culture on York Boulevard. Lef: Awesome Playground congregates children of both
long term and recently relocated residents. Right: Party stores exist in abundance.
Local Business Usage
The most consistently populated business on York is Caf de Leche, located at Avenue
50. Ofen at capacity or with few empty seats, Caf de Leche, an upscale cofee shop serving $4
specialty cofees and a paltry selecton of baked goods, even stopped ofering WIFI during the
weekends in an efort to clear out patrons in a tmely fashion. At tmes, there is a line out the
door. The newer Highland Caf has picked up much of the overfow cofee shop business and is
ofen as packed as Caf de Leche (see Figure 37.).
79
The local stores foot trafc and observable business is more difcult to quantfy by
physical observaton. During weekday business hours, most boutques visited whether they
were comic book stores, vintage stores, furniture shops, or record stores only had one other
patron at the tme of observaton. During weekends, nights, and events, however, businesses
are packed some maybe even over capacity. At these peak tmes, people wander from business
to business, ofen patronizing multple if not many food and shopping establishments along
the boulevard in the same trip. One stakeholder noted that many of these businesses pay their
monthly rent in profts made during the Artwalk.
Food establishments are popular and populated at diferent tmes of day, especially the
bars and cofee shops. Some food establishments ofer alternatve programming like live music
events, plays, or art openings. York Bar is extraordinarily popular with long waits to be served
and a steady clientele of all ages lastng from Thursday night through Sunday night. Many of
the new restaurants atempt to take advantage of the brunch segue to afernoon drinking, and
during weekend afernoons, crowds meander between these establishments. Many of these
establishments straddle an identty between bar and restaurant, providing enough food for
whole families to patronize, while ofering enough alcohol to capture adult-oriented socializing.
It is not unusual to see elderly patrons or children of all ages at the York Bar (see Figure 37.),
which despite its name and appearance, has a restaurant license.
Ofen large groups of bikers will patronize establishments on York, with many organized
bicycle rides oriented around the boulevard. The bike corral is a popular place for organized
bike rides to meet up, situated between two bars, Johnnys and the York Bar. It is not unusual
for patrons of York establishments to arrive in full spandex biking gear, and the corridor could be
considered LAs frst bicycle friendly business district.
Constructon and Renovaton
The constructon and renovaton on York was difcult to assess due to the common
blackout window treatment featured on many windows. There are many artst studios on
York that cover their windows with newspaper and it can be unclear if a storefront is under
80
constructon or if the space is just trying to maintain its privacy.
Dozens of businesses built out their spaces and opened during the period of this study,
some completely gut-renovatng, others like Fusion Burger, retaining a majority of the old
furnishings and simply doing minor adjustments. Ba, a French restaurant established from the
division of an old bakery, was under constructon for more than a year due to permitng and
build out issues (J. Graham, personal communicaton, February 16, 2012). Other restaurants like
Highland Park Kitchen (HPK) renovated, opened, and then closed within a year and a half, during
the course of this study.
Many of the renovated spaces retain old signage and portons of the buildings that
imbue a sense of reclamaton. The Hermosillo bar removed the carpetng and ceiling panels
to reveal a polished concrete foor and exposed beam roof. These renovatons represent
a contemporary take on the spaces, one that enjoys functonal forms and authentcity.
Additonally, many of the renovatons feature a street-oriented frontage. At the Hermosillo, the
windows were replaced with removable panels, providing high visibility and opportunites for
people watching (see Figure 38.). Most newer establishments like the York Bar, Highland Caf,
Ba, and Caf de Leche have large pane windows that allow an unobstructed view of street life.
Figure 38. New businesses on York clean up and modernize blighted commercial frontage. Hermosillo Bar
opened window panels to the street. A new comic book business next to a closed of storefront.
81
The most talked about space on York is the vacant Verdugo Pet Shop. The 3,000 sqf
family-owned property, centrally featured in Yorks primary drag, was sold in January 2012 to
Westside real estate investors for $600,000. The new owners are seeking a monthly rent of
$8,000 for the property (M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013), a rent
that prescribes that a tenant generate a certain level of revenue per square foot. Thus far, the
site remains vacant, and there are rumors of subdivision, but its new tenants and renovaton will
be key to the neighborhoods future character.
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CHAPTER 5
INTERPRETATION OF DATA AND DISCUSSION
Stakeholder Norms, Motvatons and Practces
To understand why York Boulevard has become the revitalizaton case it has in the past
three years, it is important to engage a conversaton about why stakeholders have chosen to
locate in the area, what specifcally about York has atracted them, and how they connect with
the idea that they are part of the change. Taking a macro lens, York can be an important case
study in larger regional and even natonal trends.
Los Angeles is an Epicenter of Dynamic Change in US
Two stakeholders mentoned the uniquely complicated nature of Los Angeles as
a sprawling quasi-urban landscape, and why it is an excitng case study for neighborhood
revitalizaton and urban planning. The issue of revitalizaton and its adherent threat of
gentrifcaton is relevant across Los Angeles neighborhoods, especially in the California housing
market, where home values notoriously cycle through boom and bust. Recently three Northeast
Los Angeles neighborhoods placed in the top 10 Up and Coming neighborhoods in a natonal
list released by the real estate website Redfn (see Figure 39.). Of this list, Highland Park was
Figure 39. Redfns top 10 up and coming neighborhoods (source: Redfn).
83
number one, beatng out the rest of the naton in on-market listngs, sales volume, median
price per square foot, and sale-to-list rato (Ellis, 2013). The up and coming neighborhoods
were all observed as exhibitng shrinking selecton, increasing sales, and increasing prices--ofen
at rates far above the metro areas that contain them (Ellis, 2013).
Cancian of Shared Spaces says that Los Angeles, more than most [cites in the
country] is a place where the issue of how do you create beter neighborhoods for the same
neighbors is actvely playing out (S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013).
How a neighborhood revitalizes dictates whether an inclusive future is in the cards for current
residents. Los Angeles neighborhood revitalizaton is signifcantly infuenced by planners and
their plans, and a plans ability to retain and sustain residents. How the process plays out then
becomes an issue of values, goals, and ethics.
Los Angeles Has a Strong History of Advocacy and Community Organizing
Cancian observes that Los Angeles has partcularly well organized community bases
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013) that can advocate for and represent
local residents. Cancian recalls that Los Angeles has a rich history of organizing in immigrant
communites, against Propositon187 (in 1994); Mark Ridley Thomas organizing in South LA;
of tenant organizing (S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013); and most
recently through Neighborhood Councils. This history colors todays ability to work in these
communites, providing an existng infrastructure that can be partnered with to support change
and urban actvism in the built environment.
Los Angeles is Far-Flung and Highland Park is at its Edge
Cancian describes the emergence of Los Angeles advocacy groups as endemic of the
landscape: Los Angeles is far-fung. Many stakeholders menton their inital impression that
Highland Park is far away, which likely comes from the percepton that Northeast Los Angeles is
a border at the edge of the city, additonally cordoned of by the LA River. This geography can
serve as a beneft Cancian says that, the challenges of the landscape in LA- that it is so spread
out and comparatvely dense, make organizatons more conscious of geography in the landscape
84
because they need to fnd ways to build community space or build gathering space to nurture
[their organizaton] (S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013).
Cancians is a fairly optmistc take on how percepton of distance has afected Highland
Parks development. Others have observed that a central issue to Highland Park and especially
York Boulevard is that it serves primarily as a pass-through community. One stakeholder
observed that Highland Park has a quality of edge cites because of its lack of grounding
and sense of collectve (T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013). A common
complaint about Los Angeles is the citys lack of legibility. A community development consultant,
Ryan Lehman notes this frustraton LA is a hidden city You kind of have to know where to
go, its like 400 square miles and theres all kinds of interestng stuf spread out over those 400
square miles, but its not necessarily cohesively located in a way that youd ever know about it
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013). Because of this confusion, Angelinos
are pre-disposed to stay close and not venture far into unknown or unmark(et)ed territory.
Untl recently, Highland Park was considered among the unknown, far away from
everything social and cultural. One stakeholder went so far as to say that, it just felt like the
end of the universe. Even today, when Highland Park is considered an internatonal destnaton,
this perceived remoteness remains a challenge. Marshall atributes his business success to
dragging people over here and promotng a lot of events (I. Marshall, personal communicaton,
January 27, 2013).
Highland Park Lacked Social Engagement and Amenites for Local Populaton
Stakeholders Interviews ofen mentoned that Highland Park lacked engagement, both
through social isolaton and through a lack of amenites and services for its residents. Ironically,
most stakeholders interviewed atributed their introducton to the neighborhood to social and
cultural contexts, either through family or friends or by atending cultural events. NELA Art and
the Arroyo Arts Collectve have been bringing outsiders to the neighborhood for over a decade,
and many artsts were already setled in the neighborhood. Ward notes that placemaking has
been going on in various locatons in Highland Park for over 20 years. It seems though, that up
85
untl recently, businesses had not taken advantage of cultural in-roads into the area.
Today, businesses in Highland Park are taking advantage of this untapped market: the
populaton of users (especially cultural users) is already existng, presentng signifcant demand
for a wide variety of services. New businesses have seized upon this opportunity, providing
services for the up-market professional and late-night crowds that ofen can partcipate in more
luxurious amenites at higher price points. These services close some shopping, food, and
entertainment gaps in the neighborhood, but exacerbate others. Markedly, more basic services
desired by lower income residents like park space for children remain unmet (S. Cancian,
personal communicaton, February 14, 2013).
In part, the delayed business response to the seemingly natural cultural inroad may
be due to the perceived self-isolaton and exclusivity of the previous generaton of artsts and
cultural producers. Artst studios on York have always frosted or newspapered their windows
(see Figure 40.) and primarily created culture for the larger art worlds consumpton. A
local resident observed that she never got the feeling that there was much outreach to the
community even from [a] public gallery (Resident 2, personal communicaton, February 19,
2013). Tricia Ward, a local arts organizer, atributes this to the larger trend of social art practce
in Los Angeles. Ward says that social engagement has always been foreign to Los Angeles, with
isolaton and exclusivity as celebrated atributes of the artst identty. As with planning, Ward
observed integraton as the greatest
challenge for a cultural producer that
social art practce should be all about
community response and engagement (T.
Ward, personal communicaton, February
12, 2013).
Figure 40. Though Moryork Gallery provides a
multtude of cultural producton in the area, it is
unidentfable from its exterior.
86
Highland Parks Cultural Vibrance and Diversity
The perhaps latent cultural vibrance of Highland Parks artst communites combines
with the areas economic and cultural diversity to provide a rich backdrop to York Boulevards
everyday life. The vibrancy can be seen on the street through graft-inspired signage, artst
interventons like yarn bombing (see Figure 41.), or via simple hallmarks of Latno urbanism: taco
Theres lots of people who
are just like me and lots of
people who are way diferent
from me. Its a really nice
mix. I love the diversity
here. (Resident 3, personal
communication, March 29, 2013)
trucks and sidewalk sales (see Figure 80.).
The degree to which this diversity
infuences locaton choice of new residents
(see quote in Figure 42.) may be based in
the neighborhoods existng demographic
character: Cancian notes that a study by
the University of Michigan revealed that,
the patern of gentrifcaton is really
diferent if the surrounding neighborhood
is African American or if its Latno The
study found that whites were more willing
to move into Latno neighborhoods and at a
faster rate than neighborhoods studied that
were predominantly African American (S.
Cancian, personal communicaton, February
14, 2013).
The marked overlap between new
businesses, artsts street interventons,
Latno traditons of signage, and
actual graft blur and assimilate the
neighborhoods identty, and assuage the
potental cultural discomfort of new arrivals
Figure 42. Stakeholder quote about diversity.
Figure 41. Alexandra Grant, an LA artst, is on her
way to a party with a piata purchased from a local
party store. Grant stands amid a yarn bombed bike
corral and historically inspired mural outside Caf de
Leche.
87
to the community. Aesthetcally, there is enough common ground to normalize Yorks street
environment without having to reinvent it (see Figure 43.).
Economic and cultural diversity can also be seen as a source of contnued strife in the
neighborhood. Long tme resident Tricia Ward recalls a party she atended upon frst moving to
the area in the 1980s, where the divide between the afuent hillside residents and the lower
income residents of the fats was apparent. Ward refers to this relatonship as the stratfed
caste system of the fats to the mountains, where people in the hills have long desired to do
something about that down there, referring to Highland Park. To Ward though, the vibrancy
of the Latno community was half the magic of Highland Park, and the reason she has stayed in
the area for decades (T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013).
Highland Park was not Thought of as Safe, Safety was Determined Block by Block
Perhaps some of this social division
and disintegraton was based in the reality
that Highland Park was plagued by Latno
gangs throughout the 90s and much of
the 2000s (see Figure 44.). Highland Park
was perceived as having isolated pockets of
safety, with danger looming block by block
(see quote in Figure 45.). This key factor
Figure 43. Tatoo parlor signage bleeds into graft on the side of the building.
Figure 44. Tagging is stll prevalent in alleys and back
lots.
88
Figure 46. Redistrictng of 2011 York corridor consolidated into purview of CD 14 (source: LA Times).
was a clear impediment to the communitys
revitalizaton, and only difused as an issue
with the gang injunctons and neighborhood
watch eforts in the 2000s.
Today, Highland Park is perceived
as having lost its nity grity (C. Pia,
personal communicaton, February 15,
2013). York Boulevard, the historic dividing
point between Eagle Rock and Highland Park (T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12,
2013), and an indicator boundary of neighborhood safety, has been recast as a central gathering
space in Historic Highland Park.
This re-branding of space is nuanced and has emerged both through local percepton
(many stakeholders recall in the past thinking of York Boulevard as being part of the Eagle Rock
neighborhood, rather than Highland Park), and by the city, which has re-drawn Council District
lines to place the entre York corridor but not the area to the south in the same district (see
Figure 46.). A primary reason for this re-branding is the disassociaton from the neighborhoods
undesirable gang history, replaced with a resurgence of the identty of York as an historic and
artst-friendly corridor.
It used to be a very, very
tough community in 80s and
early 90s. There were
multiple gangs in two block
areas people couldnt cross
the street because it belonged
to another gang. (C. Pia,
personal communication,
February 15, 2013)
Figure 45. Stakeholder quote about Highland Park
gangs.
Old Districts New Districts
89
[York is a place for]
creative professionals and
young people who want a more
urban environment, but dont
necessarily want to live
in a downtown environment.
They want to own a house
not a condominium or a
loft. (R. Lehman, personal
communication, February 21,
2013)
Figure 47. Stakeholder quote about Yorks
demographic draw.
are seeking a sense of culture (see quote in Figure 47.). Both business and resident stakeholders
cited Highland Parks afordability as the predominant factor in locatonal choice (see Figure
48. for a full diagram of why York works). Frances Garretson, who has lived in Highland Park
since the 90s observes that for Los Angeles creatve types, Highland Park provided a nexus of
desirable characteristcs. Garretson says that, between 2005-2010, Highland Park was mainly
atractve to artsts because, theres cheap real estate, its a beautful place to be because of all
the hills, [and] theres a lot of access to open space.
Besides being a sanctuary for artsts, Highland Park also existed as one of the only
afordable neighborhoods lef in central Los Angeles: adjacent neighborhoods had already
gentrifed, and many young families and potental homeowners were completely priced out.
Highland Park provided more bang for the buck: one stakeholder recalls that even though he
didnt get much of a beter price, the place that [he] got is like a mansion compared to what
[he] had in Silver Lake or Echo Park (I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013).
Afordability, though, is not a choice but a necessity. Many stakeholders confrmed that
they wouldnt live elsewhere because they could not aford to live elsewhere. Despite other
neighborhoods ofering similarly walkable circumstances, convenient to transit or employment,
residents stressed that any new constructon was unafordable to low income residents or
small businesses. Hector Huezo, Vice President of the Historic Highland Park Neighborhood
Highland Parks Nexus of Desirable
Atributes: Afordability, Historic Identty,
and Human Scale
Because Highland Park presents a
large stock of historic or small afordable
homes with character [and] at least some
design sensibility (S. Cancian, personal
communicaton, February 14, 2013) it is
an ideal place for young homeowners who
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Council, acknowledged that transit-oriented
developments along other parts of the Gold
Line light rail were nice, but exclusively
available to those who could pay more (H.
Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2,
2013).
Though Highland Park does not
provide fancy transit-oriented developments
(yet), it does provide transit access via light
rail, bike lanes along York, and a generally
walkable format. Highland Parks walk score
is high along York Boulevard (walkscore.
com), and many stakeholders choose to
locate in the area because they want to live
near public transit and walkable amenites
(see quotes in Figure 49.), making a car-free
existence more a part of regular life (H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013). The
human scale of the neighborhood is a mult-pronged beneft: with many businesses densely
situated within walking distance of a majority of residences, many stakeholders boast days
without needing to set foot in a car.
Alternatve and actve transit like walking and bicycling are commonly valued by local
stakeholders, both for convenience and their contributon to quality of life. Recreatonal
bicycling through the neighborhood to patronize businesses and restaurants was another
common introducton to York Boulevard. The social connectvity provided by these human scale
modes of mobility add to the communitys sense of culture and exist as predominant parts of
the neighborhoods zeitgeist.
Figure 49. Stakeholder quotes about walkability.
I wanted to be able to walk
down the street cause thats
the kind of lifestyle I [am]
looking for and I want my
child to be able to walk
places. (Resident 1, personal
communication, January 27,
2013)
I think [bikes and
pedestrianism] is more a
cultural and generational
shift that were all [a
part of] its a zeitgeist
that were all collectively
enjoying. You dont feel
like the freak when you ride
your bike like you used
to. (J. Graham, personal
communication, January 29,
2013)
92
Interview Themes in Relaton to Literature
The themes that emerged in the review of literature give a perspectve on revitalizaton
that is both confrmed and expanded upon in the study of York Boulevard. Themes that emerged
in the interviews illustrate that Yorks revitalizaton was based in its afordability, identty, physical
character, as well as outside infuences (see Figure 50.). The predominant theme discussed in
interviews was gentrifcaton and displacement, followed by zeitgeist, dedicaton to character,
Council Ofce supported improvement, local anchors, an artst dominated improvement
conversaton, lack of amenites for the local populaton, and the physical confguraton of the
street. Stakeholder sentments have been compared to and discussed with the key themes in
the literature, and then expanded on to reveal a model for York Boulevards revitalizaton.
Revitalizaton as a Dynamic, Systemic Phenomenon
Yorks revitalizaton is clearly a dynamic process brought about by local anchors who
established an early cache of creatvity in Highland Park. Through the atractve nexus of quality
of life atributes, York gathered artsts turned away from more expensive neighborhoods, and
through the inter-relaton of city policy and street-based interventon, the corridor has emerged
to be a thriving and expanding economic force.
The health of Yorks social ecosystem could be measured by local engagement. During
the tme of this study, engagement and community pride was high. Many stakeholders refer
to a zeitgeist that York embodies a sense of contemporary culture. The lifestyle that York
increasingly provides matches that of the tme, and in terms of local economic development,
Yorks businesses suit whats in vogue at the moment(C. Pia, personal communicaton,
February 15, 2013).
Beyond the zeitgeist of amenites ofered on York, culturally, the neighborhood
exemplifes a shif that can be observed across Los Angeles, away from car culture and sprawl,
towards localism (see quotes in Figure 51.). The desire to stay local around Highland Park
and Northeast Los Angeles is evident in NELA-centric events like the Artwalk or organized
neighborhood bike rides. Many stakeholders interviewed mentoned a generatonal shif, where
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the new generaton desires a close-knit
neighborhood, localism, and prefers walking
and biking over driving and parking.
The social connectvity imbued
by pedestrian or bicycle transportaton
seems to translate into a generally more
civically engaged populaton. Part pride
of place, part desire to improve everyday
transportaton circumstances, a longtme
planner observes that today in communites
like York, theres more of a desire to have
a civic involvement as well as an interest
in working collectvely rather than [in isolaton] (R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February
21, 2013). Compared with the artsts that have historically hidden their studios on York, it is
clear that something has changed and that this change is dynamic.
Retail Climate is Closely Linked to Social Climate: Re-circulatng Local Economies (Growth Led
by People, Trust, and Quality of Life)
Interviews described the role of key local anchor businesses that established the
character of the street and provided an in for new businesses and users. The two businesses
consistently mentoned were Caf de Leche, the local cofee shop, and Pets with Fez, a weaving
and craf store that is now closed. These establishments were described as setng the social
scene for York, providing a comfortable home base for those new to the neighborhood. Caf de
Leche is described as having a small town feel, where everyone is friendly (Business Owner 1,
personal communicaton, April 20, 2013). Confrming its appeal, Lehman says that businesses
like these are integral to the process of corridor revitalizaton, that getng the Caf de Leche
cofee shop- just getng certain businesses that appeal to a certain demographic (R. Lehman,
personal communicaton, February 21, 2013) establishes the draw for new users (see quote in
[In the past] while people
would live here, they
wouldnt necessarily shop
here. There just wasnt the
variety, quality, pertinence
of materials available to
them. (C. Graham, personal
communication, April 30, 2013)
Because I work from home,
there are lots of days where
I have no reason to use my
car, which is really a bonus
for me. (Resident 2, personal
communication, March 29, 2013)
Figure 51. Stakeholder quotes about localism and
walkability.
95
Figure 52.).
Today, businesses owners who
work on York live in the neighborhood.
Marshall, a resident and local store owner,
celebrates the fact that he can walk out
to a couple of bars and restaurants that
[he] actually like[s] (I. Marshall, personal
communicaton, January 27, 2013). A representatve from the council ofce has observed
that people want to walk or bike to work and see locatng in these storefronts as live-work
investments (Z. Loera, personal communicaton, November 29, 2012).
This is all great for those who have fgured out the live-work socio-economic beneft to
York Boulevard, but for those who have not, or choose not to adopt the new localism, modifying
the business model can prove difcult. Some stakeholders observe that older businesses are not
focusing on economic developments aesthetc issues which are proving to be some of the most
dynamic factors of York Boulevards success. Such proprietors are too focused on the business
and numbers side, when businesses, especially those in need of rejuvenaton, should really be
focusing on marketng (M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013).
Maryam Housseinzadeh, who recently did a community project partnering businesses
on York with sign painters for a neighborhood beautfcaton project (see example in Figure 53.),
says that older businesses do not have the natural intuiton towards contemporary branding
and marketng strategies that new businesses possess. She cites that advisement for business
promoton includes instructons that are too general or vague, like advertse, do social media,
but older businesses do not understand how social media works and unsuccessfully atempt
to partcipate in a very diferent economic and social economy than they are accustomed to.
Besides the method of business outreach and promoton, Housseinzadeh notes the reality of
supply and demand: that no real marketng strategy works unless you already are presentng
something somebody desires (M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013).
I remember thinking, this
place is really cool. And I
was having a hard time fguring
out what the neighborhood was
about it felt interesting,
familiar. (M. Housseinzadeh,
personal communication,
February 7, 2013)
Figure 52. Stakeholder quote upon discovering Pets
with Fez at a NELA Art event.
96
The nature of small business success on York and fulflling the desires of the
contemporary market has much to do with the social connectedness and aesthetc savvy of
the new generaton. One new bar on York has done zero advertsing since opening, yet has
reaped commendable success. This bar has mastered the new formula, opening to the street
through removable window panels, engaging its neighborhood by selling local craf beer, socially
connectng through friendly bartenders and community events, and creatng the aesthetc of the
tmes, renovatng its space to reveal the authentc bones of constructon: concrete foors and
wooden rafers. The bars sole promoton has been foot trafc and word of mouth (Business
Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Street-based Revitalizaton
There are many features of York as a physical street that factor into its revitalizaton
success. In the most basic terms, York Boulevard features a comparatvely narrow right of way,
slower vehicular trafc, small and densely spaced storefronts, and pockets of vibrant and street-
oriented businesses (see quotes in Figure 54.). York also provides a Complete Streets case study
including a road diet, bike corral, bike lanes, and parklet. Yorks accessibility to many modes of
mobility atracts and supports diverse users, actvatng the streetscape with vitality, core tenants
of Jacobs (1961) theories of eyes on the street and street-based revitalizaton.
Figure 53. New businesses versus the old. Lef: Mural on Cafe de Leche building for Full Dollar sign
project. Right: A new French restaurant inhabits half of a subdivided bakery.
97
The success of Yorks human scale
is not a surprise: all users understand
that scale is important to York. Multple
stakeholders recognized the potental
for the streets success as a business
district, even equatng Yorks appearance
to gentrifed New York neighborhoods.
A former Brooklyn resident saw that
Yorks storefronts looked very similar to
the frumpy mom and pop stores, party
stores, and the occasional artst studio (see
Figure 55. for a typical cross secton of York
businesses) that could be found in Park
Slope prior to gentrifcaton (J. Graham,
personal communicaton, January 29, 2013),
and thereby identfed the locaton as an
ideal place to open an upscale restaurant.
The narrow scale featured on the
studys strip shapes the human experience
You could have predicted
that York would have its
boom with business and cofee
shops and nightlife because
of the design of the streets
Streets that are like rooms
are attractive to businesses
and nightlife and the type of
development thats happened
on York. (H. Huezo, personal
communication, March 2, 2013)
You could envision the
pedestrian future of the
street You had this little
gorgeous pedestrian downtown
strip where everything was
boarded up. (I. Marshall,
personal communication,
January 27, 2013)
I dont think you can
underestimate the impact of
that character of the brick
storefronts being along the
street edge like that. It
dramatically improves the
ambiance in a subtle way.
Its more of an unconscious
thing. It can provide shade
that makes it more pleasant to
walk. Just the fact that the
storefronts are right along
the sidewalk. (R. Lehman,
personal communication,
February 21, 2013)
Figure 54. Stakeholder quotes about Yorks physical
character and scale.
Figure 55. Typical older business storefronts on
York.
98
of physicality in space this porton of
York feels safer because the distance is
short enough that you can hear someone
from across the street and read their facial
expression. These basic human qualites
are absent on similarly historic business
strips like Highland Parks other corridor,
Figueroa. Chris Pia observes that, York
has always felt a lot more safe than
Figueroa. The width of the street isnt very
wide and theres no parking lots on York.
All the businesses abut the street directly
so there isnt a bufer (C. Pia, personal
communicaton, February 15, 2013).
This small scale allows York to
develop the neighborhood feeling
that everyone is so enchanted with (see
Figure 56.). Huezo observes the social
connectedness this creates, where on
York, [if] you run into people- its easy to
talk across the street (H. Huezo, personal
communicaton, March 2, 2013). When
Im happy its shaped this
way... The action of changing
the roadway will contribute to
[Yorks] commercial success
The city made the right
moves towards this being a
healthy merchant community.
(J. Graham, personal
communication, January 29,
2013)
Figure 57. Stakeholder quote about street
confguraton.
compared with any other street, you might not say hello, whereas on York, it might be rude to
not do so. Pia contnues in praise of the road diet: People cant speed and they can actually
see whats going on in the street (C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013). Many
stakeholders agree that the road diet has made York safer for pedestrians in additon to sparking
the curiosity and exploraton of the neighborhood (see quote in Figure 57.). York provides
Figure 56. Sidewalk culture on York.
99
strong evidence that narrow streets raise peoples consciousness, awareness, and sense of
connectedness to their community.
Yorks accessibility is also very ted to the street confguraton. The street provides
lanes for cyclists, prioritzed space for pedestrians, and of-street parking for those driving. A
long term resident says that, As a former cyclist I really like the bike lanes I love public
space infrastructure. Its nice to be able to go for a stroll down the block, which we always did
[stroll] but theres more stuf now (F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013),
indicatng that with improved infrastructure and its adherent trafc calming efects, the street
has increased reasons for pedestrian uses of the corridor.
Back to scale, planning stakeholders acknowledge Yorks embodiment of a classic
human scale historic main street (S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013).
Like traditonal main streets, York conveys a certain sense of place through contguous
storefronts and narrow right of way (R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013).
Cancian argues that the density and human scale of the street has also contributed to the
percepton of Yorks revitalizaton, creatng a dramatc sense of change that may not actually
be as severe when viewing the corridor as a whole.
In contrast, York widens past Avenue 56 and the sweet spot of human scale is lost.
Lehman points out that beyond Avenue 53 even, the street remains less actvated. He atributes
this failure to diferent building types, not as many storefronts right up against the street
more parking lots, [and] newer buildings that have less character (R. Lehman, personal
communicaton, February 21, 2013). Single family homes and bungalow communites also
interfere with Yorks contguous character beyond the study area.
Parking, hidden behind most of Yorks businesses or all together absent, is observed
as a primary criteria to a corridors success. Large parking lots located on York, for instance,
at the grocery store, are unpleasant to traverse and alienatng, extnguishing any aspect of
community conveyed through the smaller scale porton of the boulevard. These lots mark end
points of community vibrancy and present a substantal challenge to extending the corridors
100
revitalizaton. The most sucessful porton of
York has ample of-street parking.
Clustering and Agglomeraton
As discussed in the context of
neighborhood zeitgeist, the improvement
on York is in part a result of a synthesis
of likeminded people (T. Blackman,
personal communicaton, November 8,
2012), but there is a physical aspect of this
accumulaton of revitalizing businesses
as well (see quote in Figure 59.). Born
of a basic geographical reality that many
storefront propertes on York had long-term
vacancies, the commercial strip was thereby
prime for inhabitaton. As noted in many
interviews, most of the new businesses on
York simply inhabit previously abandoned
storefronts. The appearance of businesses
clustering may therefore be a spurious
result of the concentraton of available space.
The density of small storefronts and businesses is noted through numerous interviews
as important to Yorks success. This concentraton is a draw for businesses and patrons alike,
with some new proprietors recruitng friends to the strip or occupying multple locatons with
diferent sister businesses. Tanner Blackman, Planning Director at CD 14, says the change
in businesses on York is organic, describing the change in the neighborhoods character as
slow and atributng change to shifing demographics (T. Blackman, personal communicaton,
November 8, 2012). Though the clustering formula seems to work for some, it is not a
Figure 58. A packed night at Ba.
Connections are being made
for the frst time in the
neighborhood, we all knew this
was a cool neighborhood, but
we didnt have anything in
common. Now we have in common
that we like this kind of
food, or we like this record
store, or we like this clothes
store. We have all these
things in common now, were
meeting people.(J. Graham,
personal communication,
January 29, 2013)
Figure 59. Stakeholder quote about social
connectedness through agglomeraton.
101
guarantee for a business success. One business owner says that, the idea that it was some
golden tcket to open in a spot over here, I would debate that stll (I. Marshall, personal
communicaton, January 27, 2013).
Prior to the corridors economic revitalizaton, York Boulevard experienced a clustering
of artst studios, a density also induced by the physical-economic circumstance of large spaces
at low costs, ideal workspace for artsts. The artst studios begin an important discussion of the
role of art and culture in placemaking.
Art and Culture as Catalyst for Redevelopment
Already evident in the historical context of Highland Park, art and culture has been a
factor in the communitys character for over 100 years. The vibe of culture is part of Highland
Park history, and as Cancian puts it, Highland Park has a recognizable cultural-artstc traditon
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013). Lifetme residents of Highland Park
know this well, and the cultural cache of the neighborhood is mixed with an identty of social
and politcal liberalism (see quote in Figure 60.).
Since before the establishment of the Arroyo Arts Collectve, a local afliaton of artsts
in Northeast LA, residents have organized through artstc events that were a great catalyst
to community building and engagement (T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12,
2013). Specifcally in the study area, York has housed the studios of internatonally renowned
artsts including Sharon Lockhart, Mike Kelley, and Tim Hawkinson. To the detriment of Yorks
revitalizaton however, many stakeholders remarked that this generaton of artsts worked in
isolaton of the neighborhood (see quote in
Figure 61.). Frosted artst studio windows
and studios with blighted street fronts have
limited the interacton of artsts with the
community, as well as deterred lending
from banks sought by small businesses (J.
Graham, personal communicaton, January
There are a lot of pretty
liberal people who live here
if not outright radicals
its a little hidden hot
bed. (F. Garretson, personal
communication, February 19,
2013)
Figure 60. Stakeholder quote about Highland Parks
liberal nature.
102
says that due to this, there was no reason for them to put down roots in the neighborhood
other than to utlize studio space.
Others atribute the isolaton of the art community to a sense of superiority. Tricia Ward,
a longtme member of the Highland Park art community remarks that Mike Kelleys studio was
always a scene, but never spilled out into the neighborhood He wasnt there to be part of the
community, he was there to create his own community (T. Ward, personal communicaton,
February 12, 2013). In this way, this generaton of artsts approach to community art and
creatvity was the applicaton of interventon versus integraton.
Since the establishment of NELA Art eight years ago, the artst community on York
has gone public, primarily through the Second Saturday NELA Artwalk. NELA Art can be seen as
a re-branding of the artstc community in Highland Park, one that seeks to engage the greater
community and build economic vitality through creatve events along the York corridor (see
Figure 62.). Many stakeholders expressed distrust, doubt, and a sense that the NELA Artwalk
did not accurately represent the art community (see quotes in Figure 63.). Generally, the
role of artsts in Yorks revitalizaton process is contentous, a percepton likely born out of the
isolatonist practces of artsts and the perceived misrepresentaton of the NELA Artwalk as a
The people in the studios
keep to themselves, they
arent really interested
in having relationships or
establishing a community of
artists, a lot of them travel
a lot and do shows in other
cities and countries, they
just see the studio as an
inexpensive way to have a
workspace in the city that
they live in. (Resident
2, personal communication,
February 19, 2013)
Figure 61. Stakeholder quote about artst in the
community.
29, 2013).
Clare Graham, the proprietor
of Moryork Gallery remarks that this
phenomenon was not based in malevolent
or destructve intentons towards the
community, rather atributng this to the
artsts already broad notoriety, which
eliminated the need to piggyback on
Highland Parks cultural cache as a means to
increase their visibility (C. Graham, personal
communicaton, April 30, 2013). Graham
103
vehicle for artsts rather than businesses.
One stakeholder described the
perspectve of Brian Mallman, the founder
to NELA Art, as a colonialist mindset,
atemptng to control the visual artstc
culture of the area (see Figure 64. for an
example of local graft). The stakeholder
recalled a meetng with him where his
neighborhood improvement plans consisted
of getng the graft removed from the
railroad bridges and overpasses on the 110
[freeway] because thats what you see when
you come into our community and its just
a really bad representaton for people who
are coming in and wantng to see a nice
community. I felt like it was a statement
that didnt acknowledge the communites
that actually live in the neighborhood and
the kinds of visual dynamics that go on
(Resident 2, personal communicaton,
February 19, 2013).
In additon to potentally
disenfranchising the existng communitys
culture, resident stakeholders may not
have as much desire for the creatve
revitalizaton of York Boulevard as has
been promoted by the arts organizaton.
Artwalk? Even when it
started I was like, why are
you calling it the Artwalk?
Youre giving credit to
artists who arent there. The
studios are all boarded up
theyre not open so its not
their Artwalk Two galleries
does not quite an Artwalk
make. Whos calling it the
Artwalk? (J. Graham, personal
communication, January 29,
2013)
Control of public visual
space is a real source of
power. Tagging and grafiti
is an attempt to control to
public visual space by people
who are really disenfranchised
and dont have the means to
have access to other spaces
where they can put some
visual thing up. (Resident
2, personal communication,
February 19, 2013)
Figure 63. Stakeholder quotes about artsts
infuence on Yorks revitalizaton.
Figure 62. NELA Art has recently started distributng
a newspaper.
104
Referring to an early conversaton in the York planning process, one stakeholder says that, Ive
come to feel that artsts can have a very narrow point of view. A lot of the ideas that came out
were about art programming. How is art programming going to help our neighborhood? Thats
not what our problem is its not that we dont have enough art programming Im concerned
about safety sidewalks, lightng (Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013).
By the same token, longtme stakeholders and residents understand that the artst voice
and role in Highland Park and York is not foreign, but endemic to the community: in all this talk
about gentrifcaton, people always forget that Highland Park has always been a prety diverse
community. Its always been very artstc since before it was annexed by the city of LA. Its very
bohemian and people forget that (C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013).
Figure 64. Graft and dirt driveways could be considered blight, but are integral parts of Highland Parks
aesthetc character.
105
This authentcity, though, appears at risk of being exploited. Cancian observes that
historic arts organizatons like the Arroyo Arts Collectve provide a latent cache of culture
that a similar neighboring community wouldnt have to fuel gentrifcaton (S. Cancian, personal
communicaton, February 14, 2013). Cancian cites a whole body of theoretcal work on the role
of artsts in gentrifcaton, and mentons that in other places (Venice, in Los Angeles), real estate
interests have sponsored art walks in an efort to boost property values and bring higher-income
users into a neighborhood. If this were true on York Boulevard, the strategy seems to have
worked.
In terms of facilitatng a more holistc cultural revitalizaton in Highland Park, Cathy
Gallegos of Avenue 50 Studio (not located on York) was mentoned by many as a stalwart public
fgure producing regeneratve culture in the area. In her work at Avenue 50 Studio, Gallegos
succeeds in bridging the generatonal gap between artsts, where York seems to have failed.
The key to maintaining the cultural narratve lies in Gallegos approach through Latno
art, which is recognized as the identty that describes the people in the neighborhood. Its a
Latno neighborhood. Because she has the specifc mission of showing Latno art and supportng
Latno artsts, that draws younger generaton who are interested in partcipatng in that
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013).
Clare Graham, the owner of Moryork Gallery, which exists as a combinaton artst studio,
community gallery, performance venue, and event space, inhabits a similar role on York and has
Figure 65. Happenings at Moryork Gallery. Lef: A producton of Miss Julien. Right: Secret Songs.
106
provided extensive community programming for the neighborhood (see Figure 65.). Though
he no longer partcipates in the NELA Artwalk due to disputes with the Council Ofce over
liability and the public or private nature of events (C. Graham, personal communicaton, April
30, 2013), Grahams contributon as a cultural producer and community steward has a profound
and dynamic efect on the street. Most recently, Graham has allowed a community member
into his space, free of charge, to incubate a project called Secret Songs. Originally approached
with a kernal of an idea to have a music show in the space Graham suggested and supported
expanding the show into a monthly music series. The series is now in its second year, and
though scantly promoted, draws a full house.
Grahams dedicaton to the neighborhoods cultural producton is rooted in his identty
as a property owner, but as a property owner, he feels a social connecton to the community, and
seeks to facilitate its improvement as a unique and special place. In this way, Graham represents
the authentc character of Highland Park: the liberal and community-dedicated artst who is in it
for the long haul.
Public Figures: Small Business, Merchants, and Entrepreneurs as Instgators of Revitalizaton
Public fgures, like cultural producers and local anchor businesses, hold a key to holistc
revitalizaton: they have the ability to shape and preserve the community identty. In the
literature, much atenton is paid to small business owners as primary drivers of revitalizaton.
On York, small business owners are described as stewards of corridor improvement, people
who are engaged civically and understand that the business corridors of the community are
important assets to the city and to the neighborhood. York is a great example of how the
businesses work together to bring improvements to their community. And they do it without a
Business Improvement District (H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013).
Interestngly, on York, the real producers of cultural vitality seem to be unrelated
to business, proft or economy. Events that build community character are free. Though
businesses support creatve interventons on York, it seems evident that they are piggybacking
on cultural producton and social connectvity created by others.
107
Which is not to negate their
contributon or role to neighborhood
vitality the support from small businesses
is integral to the stewardship of the street
environment, and York is lucky to have a
number of actvist businesses (see quote in
Figure 66.). These businesses accomplish
Jacobs (1961) theory of eyes on the street
and the increased businesses and actvity on
York makes people feel safe (J. Graham,
personal communicaton, January 29, 2013).
Small businesses also act as identty sign posts, providing community gathering spaces
(for those who can aford to patronize them). As the proprietor of Ba, an upscale French
Restaurant observes, there are people who have lived in the neighborhood that didnt have a
sense of community, and now every night people come in here for dinner and they introduce
themselves with their address (J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013).
Gentrifcaton and Displacement
Gentrifcaton and displacement was the predominant theme in stakeholder interviews,
adhering to its prevalence in the literature review. Everyone is very concerned about Highland
Park being bought up by young professionals, and generally, of the demographic shif implied by
these new home purchases. As noted in previous sectons, Highland Park and the neighborhood
surrounding York is ripe for the picking. Cancian notes that Highland Parks relatve proximity to
downtown and other neighborhoods that have already been gentrifed establishes it as a prime
entry point for growth (S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013). Growth is
generally perceived as synonymous with gentrifcaton, but gentrifcaton is a loaded term and
ofen, a misunderstood issue that should be addressed in any discussion of revitalizaton.
[Small business owners on
York] are all happy and
supportive of things like [the
parklet]. They talk to each
other, they work together,
they know each other, theyre
active with the Chamber of
Commerce. And rightly so-
thats where that interest
should be. (H. Huezo,
personal communication, March
2, 2013)
Figure 66. Stakeholder quote about small business
owners.
108
The general outcry against
revitalizaton-initated gentrifcaton is based
in the inequity of beneft: the noton that
lower income residents are not being served
by the improvement (see quote in Figure
67.). Services for low-income residents
are distnct and large-scale social issues,
many of which are primarily dealt with in
American society on a federal or state level,
rather than a local neighborhood level. One
could argue that federal and state policy
and funding are the sources of inequity
in social services not new residents or
businesses experienced in the process of
neighborhood revitalizaton or growth.
Services that beneft low income residents for example, afordable housing, educaton, or job
training are all social services that can be incorporated into a neighborhoods revitalizaton
plan, but the study suggests that these have litle to do with the physical revitalizaton of a
neighborhood business corridor. Revitalizaton eforts that make neighborhoods safer like eyes
on the street, or preter like improved streetscaping, have litle to do with the large social
mechanisms of housing, educaton, and employment.
Displacement and Americas afordable housing crisis. Displacement was one of the
biggest concerns of interviewed stakeholders. It seems eminent with some residents already
priced out of purchasing a home in the area. (Additonally, an interview subject who had been
rentng in the area for over 5 years was evicted during the course of the study due to the sale
of the property she lived in.) This is an issue that is generally perceived as the gentrifcaton
process where a neighborhood becomes safer, people from a higher income bracket move
I feel very apprehensive
because I see a lot of high
end businesses coming in
more expensive restaurants,
high end design boutiques
that really cater to people
who are solidly middle class
or above who own homes and
have families and have
disposable income Theres
also a lot of empty spaces
for lease and Im really
apprehensive about what is
going to go into those spaces.
I see that trend of York
Boulevard becoming a place
that caters to people who are
just from a higher economic
bracket. (F. Garretson,
personal communication,
February 19, 2013)
Figure 67. Stakeholder quote about the threat of
gentrifcaton.
109
in, and residents who do not own their
homes or businesses who do not own their
buildings, are inevitably priced out (see
quotes in Figure 68. and Figure 69.). This
seems like a simple and obvious process,
but it is actually a much more complicated
issue that is not unique in any way to
Highland Park or York Boulevard.
Displacement is actually a result
of an afordable housing crisis, not
gentrifcaton. Afordable housing has
always been a challenge in America, as
it is expensive and requires contnued
investment over tme. Afer many atempts
to secure home ownership for large
segments of the populaton through various
mortgage fnancing mechanisms, we have
seen with the housing crash and foreclosure
crisis of the late 2000s, that universal
housing accessibility is an unresolved
natonal issue. Much of the foreclosure
[During] the great recession,
you saw a lot of exodus of
businesses and vacancies, so
it was a ripe opportunity,
once the market started
getting better, for people
to move in. The only people
that were able to access
any sort of commercial or
traditional loans were people
that were probably not from
the community. [These were]
people who were able to take
advantage of really good
housing stock- people who
werent as efected by the
downturn in the economy,
which is why a majority of
the people who opened the
businesses arent from the
immediate area. (C. Pia,
personal communication,
February 15, 2013)
Figure 68. Stakeholder quote about the economic
causes of displacement.
crisis that has led to house fipping in Highland Park is due to this natonal housing fnance
structure. The circumstances of home ownership and housing security, therefore should be the
frst place to look for solutons addressing displacement.
In the American system, homeowners are already at a huge beneft over renters, as
they receive the home mortgage income tax deducton alongside other tax benefts. This is
an across-the-board disadvantage to renters in the United States (see quote in Figure 70.).
Rents go up, people who are
renting get screwed, thats
what happens (J. Graham,
personal communication,
January 29, 2013)
Figure 69. Stakeholder quote about renters.
110
government in terms of funding, how it is spent, and the resultng housing stock built (Schwartz,
2010). Ofen local governments have the insights to more efectvely administer housing funds,
but are at risk of being swayed from the social justce mission of subsidized housing to use
funds to serve their majority populatons (Rosenthal, 2008). Alternately, local governments face
pressures of local consttuents who ofen oppose the constructon of low-income housing units
(see quotes in Social dimensions of the afordable housing crisis).
The contemporary soluton to the afordable rental housing issue is the federal
administraton of Community Development Block Grants (CDBGs) to state and then local housing
authorites, Tax-Exempt Bond Financing, as well as HOPE VI and Low Income Housing Tax Credit
(LIHTC) funding to private developers in order build and manage afordable propertes (Schwartz,
2010). Unfortunately due to the current fnancial crisis, the housing fnance agencies have been
essentally frozen out of the bond market, and thus, lending has been suspended (Schwartz,
2010) and additon to the afordable housing stock remains unatainable for many American
communites.
Then, apart from missed benefts of home
ownership, mult-family rental housing
is very expensive when compared with
single-family owner-occupied housing,
and thus, the capital required to fnance
its constructon and to expand its housing
stock is much greater and more difcult to
assemble (Schwartz, 2010).
One of the primary challenges for
afordable rental and subsidized housing is
the politcal context regarding the extent
of interventon appropriate. There is also a
constant batle between federal and local
[Displacement of the renter
population] worries me
because the majority of the
most economically vulnerable
residents of Highland Park
are renters and they have
families- its not just yups
like myself that are going to
be displaced and priced out
of the neighborhood Its not
single occupancy residents
who are going to get pushed
out, its families that wont
have the means to stay in the
neighborhood.
(H. Huezo, personal
communication, March 2, 2013)
Figure 70. Stakeholder quote about displacement.
111
Social dimensions of the afordable housing crisis. Technical atainability though, is at
odds with social feasibility. The federal infuences on housing only inform the capital resources
aspect of the displacement issue. The social capital issue that would support afordable
housing is signifcantly impacted by local stakeholders. Neighborhood groups and advocacy
organizatons can lobby for low-income housing development, projects that would be supported
by the Council Ofce and housing developers.
One challenge to afordable housing is NIMBYism, where few market rate residents
welcome low income neighbors in mass. Beyond that social justce challenge, there remains the
physical challenge. In order to build new afordable units, Highland Park would need to embrace
new development of afordable housing and density. Highland Parks dedicaton to character
lies in direct oppositon to this. Huezo notes that the historic preservaton groups in Highland
Park are some of the most vocal critcs of new developments, that, the people that really
care about the historical preservaton of the community are very much against any type of new
housing development. (H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013).
The constant challenge with afordable housing, both owned and rented, is the
American noton that housing is a human right. Reconciling this socio-ethical prerogatve with
the free market of capitalism provides ample opportunites for exploitaton, failure, and politcal
frustraton. Though the federal government has atempted to solve this problem by putng the
onus of housing producton on private developers, the objectve fails because the free market
has such severe difculty producing afordable housing units at a proft.
Misdirected frustraton with inequality and neighborhood improvement. On York,
the people who will ultmately experience displacement are renters, already at a massive
disadvantage in our society because they do not reap any of the same subsidies or benefts as
homeowners. Homeowners on the other hand, will beneft from neighborhood revitalizaton.
One stakeholder recounted a situaton where a friends parents, longtme Highland Park
homeowners, could retre, now that their home had increased so much in value. These residents
are obviously in a beter place due to the communitys revitalizaton. As the stakeholder refects,
112
its cool because they stuck with their neighborhood they didnt leave when it got rough and
as it improved theyre reaping the benefts (Resident 2, personal communicaton, March 29,
2013). Many interviewees acknowledged the double standard of social justce perceived in the
revitalizaton process, where the benefts to low-income or middle-income homeowners were
both celebrated and blamed for displacement.
There are lots of people who sufer from bad neighborhoods in the Los Angeles area. In
Northeast LA, chances are there are more low-income residents beneftng from neighborhood
improvement than there would be if Yorks revitalizaton had never happened. Perhaps not
everyone can beneft, but we do not live in a perfect (or perfectly just) world. The end result
of York is a positve result, but the issue of inequity contnues to afect locatonal security, as it
does in most other low-income neighborhoods of Los Angeles. Ultmately, there will be people
from the York neighborhood who will be forced to move to another blighted (but afordable)
neighborhood, primarily due to their lot as low-income renters.
Against Monolithic or City-instgated (re)Development
The citys neglect in planning on York has lef stakeholders with a sense of uncertainty,
and the boulevard with a sense of volatlity. Though the literature atests that stakeholders
are weary of development or revitalizaton that is city-initated or guided, this appears to be a
double standard, as the same people that are suspicious of city interventon decry the citys lack
of protecton from gentrifcaton or lack of street beautfcaton services. This sentment echoes
the common ant-governmental standpoint against too much government interventon, but
lamentng the insufciencies of social services. Ultmately, there should be an exchange of city
interventon and community leadership, a relatonship that Los Angeles is stll trying to hammer
out.
The opinions refected in this case study imply that it would be beter for the city
to intervene with ant-gentrifcaton, afordable housing, and small business development
measures in the neighborhood, stabilizing a situaton which up untl this point has been dictated
by market forces.
113
In looking at the broader structure
of neighborhood representaton we can
observe strategies that work to engage local
populatons, and those that need work.
For much of Los Angeles neighborhood
issues, the local communites are frst dealt
with through the Neighborhood Council,
which then works closely with the Council
Ofce to move projects forward or resolve
Its challenging to do
because not everyone on the
Neighborhood Council speaks
Spanish. We have very limited
resources- its not like its
very simple to translate
everything we do... I can
see why people are turned of
to it. (H. Huezo, personal
communication, March 2, 2013)
Figure 71. Stakeholder quote about the challenges of
community outreach.
issues. The Neighborhood Council is volunteer run, though, and lacks a robust structure to
truly do a thorough job of community outreach and representaton. The Historic Highland Park
Neighborhood Council has been working on how to make meetngs and events more appealing
to monolingual Spanish speakers, but Vice President Huezo acknowledges their limitatons of
outreach (see quote in Figure 71.).
The next roadblock in community initated revitalizaton is the resistance of the
older community to city partnership. Most revitalizaton eforts will at some point require a
partnership with the municipality, and the general lack of trust among neighborhood old tmers
tends to end the conversaton before it begins. One resident notes this frustraton at a planning
meetng for the York Plan, saying that it was interestng to see that some of the people that
had been in the neighborhood longer were kind of resentul, but it seemed like they didnt
understand the community process the councilman his staf members are there to help us,
so if theres a street light that is out, theyre not going to magically know it, they need someone
to call them (Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013). This basic concept, that
City Council representatves are there to help the community achieve their vision seems lost on
many stakeholders, and perhaps this is the fault of the Council Ofce. Changing this percepton
lies in [the Councilmans] ability to educate the community, and to keep that discussion in the
community (Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013).
114
It is also clear with various pilot policies on York, that the city can be manipulated by
its consttuents and the physical environment of a neighborhood can be shaped by community
will. The partnership between the city therefore should increasingly be seen as an asset in
revitalizaton schemes, rather than something to avoid.
Discussion of Yorks Primary Themes
An analysis of Yorks primary themes resulted in a model for Yorks revitalizaton (see
Figure 72.). The themes are discussed in detail in the following sectons.
City Interventon and Support
The theories observed in the literature primarily focused on the top-down nature of city-
led revitalizaton and the general lack of neighborhood and community agency in the process.
Yorks case provides a diferent approach to municipal interventon.
As with all neighborhoods located in a designated Enterprise Zone, the City of Los
Angeles ofers incentves to businesses including waiving site plan reviews and discountng
electricity and water. These, combined with state income tax credits, make areas like Highland
Park more afordable for business development. In additon, the city receives Community
Development Block Grant (CDBG) funding for economic development in Northeast LA (C.
Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013). These citywide eforts refect the general
governmental perspectve towards revitalizaton a hands-of subsidy and permit-based
approach with litle understanding of a neighborhoods uniqueness, community character, or
business context.
Yorks applicaton of city resources. York has two primary aspects of city interventon in
additon to the standard approach: policy applicatons, and community outreach and educaton.
York has served as a street policy test case, applying new policies that regulate the physical
space of the roadway, changing street confguraton, implementng dedicated lanes for other
modes of transportaton, and repurposing curb space for uses other than automobile parking.
Community vision planning on York has also utlized an alternatve approach, taking the tme
to educate stakeholders in the processes of city bureaucracy and by proxy, empower them to
115
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116
actually implement their own eforts to improve the streetscape. These approaches require
Council Ofce support and buy-in, but beyond that, are driven by the innovatve research of city
agencies like the LADOT, or by community members themselves (with the assistance of the York
Boulevard Improvement Vision and Acton Plan).
This presents a complicated and dependant relatonship for urban transformaton:
without Council Ofce support, city departments would not be at liberty to break with status
quo policies or procedures. Changing basic ways of doing things in the city bureaucratc
structure is long, drawn out, and easily defeated. City agencies must rely on Council Motons
to adopt innovaton. On the other hand, neither the Council members, nor the community can
create any lastng efects without the complete dedicaton of the executng city departments.
Many potental improvement projects require the collaboraton of multple city departments
in their executon, which prescribes inter-departmental dialog. City departments that may be
unfamiliar with innovaton may present challenges or roadblocks to the process, and hence the
need for the leadership of Council members, or beter, the Mayor. The implied cooperaton
between elected ofcials and city employees is at the core of urban innovaton, all ted together
in their applicaton with the will and social capital of a neighborhoods consttuents.
The Council Ofce has made public gestures to support community-led revitalizaton,
which can be seen as an efort to avoid liability or maintenance for improvements, or alternately
as a new directon for neighborhood transformaton, primarily led by stakeholder organizing and
then rubber-stamped by the city authorites. A resident recalls that initally, when the Council
Ofce atempted to engage the community, there was a whole group of people showing up
who had been actve in the community before and had grown really disenchanted with the
process. They were really negatve (Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013). As
discussed in the literature theory, disillusionment with city support is a common challenge to
outreach eforts.
Rather than make false promises, the city appears to be taking a new path,
acknowledging its inability to achieve and more clearly statng its limitatons (and thereby
117
establishing realistc expectatons). In the case of Yorks parklet, the community partner is
required to take on all costs and burdens including constructon, liability, and maintenance
the primary functon of the city was stewardship and the permitng. This could be perceived
as being unfair to the community partner, but provides an important soluton to the citys
fnancial and stafng reductons. Overburdened city staf have litle tme to spearhead
community improvement projects with the eliminaton of redevelopment, it seems like this
community-led strategy may emerge as the new means to revitalizaton. Cancian notes that,
Theres a natural community of interest between urban guerilla immediate design and elected
ofcials,(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013) where the swif and low cost
implementaton of projects like the parklet appear as immediate accomplishments for those
elected (accomplishments that come at minimal cost to the city, council district, or the general
pot of taxpayer dollars).
The fact that Councilman Huizar listened to the planner who advised him to make a
non-traditonal guide to improvement instead of a master plan, solidifes the positon that
the Council Ofce desires to defer to the community, whether out of budgetary necessity or
ideals of community agency. In a way, the Councilman has provided a longer term soluton for
revitalizaton planning when there is a change of the Districts administraton or representaton,
it will be more important for the community to have a how-to guide, rather than a plan that
could be easily pushed aside (Z. Loera, personal communicaton, November 29, 2012).
How city interventon shapes community. Minimal eforts from the city however
can have dynamic impacts on a neighborhood. In Yorks case, small things like the bike corral,
parklet, or bike lanes have contributed signifcantly to the streets identty as an alternatve
transit-friendly corridor (see quote in Figure 73.).
The Council Ofce can also set the precedent for outreach and community engagement,
which greatly infuences the end product of revitalizaton eforts. The revitalizaton eforts on
York have consciously made eforts to include the diverse voices of businesses, residents, and
the Neighborhood Council, making sure that bilingual outreach was taking place (R. Lehman,
118
Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013).
Physical Determinism Versus Cultural Determinism
A key fnding in the research is that the physical and the cultural are closely linked and
interdependent, with physical aspects of York actng as the largest infuence on the boulevards
success. But does this physical space determine the ends of York? Physical space on York has
been competed over through transportaton modes, business types, income brackets, public
space amenites, housing tenure, age, ethnicity, and more. The physical porton on York that is
under dramatc transformaton is very small in comparison to the larger corridor, and therefore
can only speak to the site-specifc phenomena. At the same tme, it is evident that these
site-specifc phenomena have infuenced larger cultural shifs, through a zeitgeist of actve
transportaton and citywide policy shifs towards open space and public rights of way (see quote
Figure 73. Stakeholder quotes about the bike corral
and parklet.
Getting a bike corral does
really count, those things are
very encouraging(J. Graham,
personal communication,
January 29, 2013)
The parklet is a good example
of [community outreach]
Before the opening when they
announced that the city was
going to commit to building
it. There was an event here
with a proposal and artist
rendering of what it would
look like all the people that
were part of the planning
process spoke, and there was
Latino representation there,
even monolingual Spanish
speaking representation. (H.
Huezo, personal communication,
March 2, 2013)]
personal communicaton, February 21,
2013) (see quote in Figure 73.). Multple
stakeholders cited the productve
relatonship between the Neighborhood
Council and Council Ofce, a partnership
between community steward and city
implementaton.
Among all the impacts that the
city could make in neighborhoods, one
that presents considerable challenge is
the invigoraton of old or failing small
businesses. It became clear in the research
that the Council Ofce can ofer support
to businesses, but cannot necessarily
bridge the cultural divide between new
businesses and older establishments (M.
119
Theres a lot of stuf in the
air. People are realizing
that changing public space
and reducing our dependence
on cars has so many benefts
for the community and our
health on so many levels
It was a really good time
to experiment. (Resident
1, personal communication,
January 27, 2013)
The key to maintaining a
sweet spot is in places like
the parklet, that open up
and welcome many diferent
kinds of people, and you
dont necessarily have to buy
things. The key is also doing
something to ensure that local
businesses are still able to
open here. (M. Housseinzadeh,
personal communication,
February 7, 2013)
Figure 74. Stakeholder quotes about Yorks zeitgeist.
in Figure 74.).
The physical-cultural balance of
York is in the process of being sorted, but
much of its outcome will be based in the
values and practces of its users. It is clear
when analyzing interview themes that
broadly, the physicality and afordability
of the neighborhood is directly ted to its
sense of identty (see quote in Figure 74.).
Without the nexus of physical aspects
and afordability, York will quickly loose
its identty, character, and uniqueness.
Therefore, the stewardship of users
completes a social contract that dictates
the culture of the space. This forms the
community trust and enculturaton that
Harrison and Dourish (1996) refer to when
they talk about place and the nature of placemaking: the stronger the community contract of
the occupants, the safer a place is from loosing its identty.
Identty and Placemaking Mechanisms
York embodies many esoteric or disparate aspects of the contemporary Los Angeles
identty and serves as a great model for the placemaking that can result from recent cultural
shifs. York provides a unique environment that fosters creatve endeavors, actve transport,
localism, and quality of life. These are all important values that factor into how we should shape
our city for the future. By allowing York to express itself through the implementaton of bike
lanes, the allowance of the art walk, through a parklet, the city has scratched the surface of a
rich strategy for placemaking and community identty formaton.
120
Since York embodies many drivers of revitalizaton, it captures the interacton of
factors required to understand why a community revives. At the center of the Model for Yorks
Revitalizaton (see Figure 72.) is engagement and support for diverse socio-economic groups
through physical or social services. Translated to everday life, this means free public events
and services, which include bike lanes, public open space like parklets, art walks and other
sanctoned public cultural events like festvals, and community educaton and empowerment as
seen in Neighborhood Councils.
The most poignant account of this dynamism was relayed in a descripton of a
community bike ride: There was something called the Art Ride they would get a group of
people together who wanted to go on a nightme ride, and they would stop at galleries in
succession along Figueroa, [York], Colorado Boulevard, Eagle Rock Boulevard, and at tmes, on a
good summer night when the weather was great, there could be a hundred people on a bicycle
ride. They would end up here all at one tme. To me it was very dynamic, cause theyd park
their bicycles out front, theyd march into the building, theyd suck up every piece of liquid that
was available, theyd use the restroom. It was great it was just one of those fushes that came
through that was a litle excitement [They were] not necessarily a trafc interrupton but
people would have to go slow, because this corner happened to be a nucleus for a lot of people
moving back and forth. There started to be some food trucks that showed up, so that was that
situaton. (C. Graham, personal communicaton, April 30, 2013)
This trafc calming, cultural, actve transit moment of community engagement is
precisely the type of dynamic phenomena what has revived York Boulevard, and clearly, it has
litle to do with the standard methods utlized in urban planning to efect neighborhood change.
Events like this necessitated the city-sanctoned infrastructures of support. Yorks resultng
revitalizaton and sense of place therefore comes directly from the energy of people, the
zeitgeist of everyday users.
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CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSIONS
Summary
York Boulevard provides valuable and widely applicable lessons for community and
economic vitality in Los Angeles corridors, especially in the current urban planning environment
where the Community Redevelopment Agencies have been disbanded. This study sought to
distll the key features that have infuenced York to become a vibrant corridor over the last four
years whether it was the creatve cultural infuence, afordability prescribed by the economic
downturn, a transportaton restructuring of the street, or the boulevards physical scale and
context.
Afer much research into the mechanisms that drive neighborhood and corridor
revitalizaton, the study of York Boulevard has confrmed and expanded on the theories ofered
in previous literature. Street-oriented revitalizaton and the physicality of a space have emerged
as predominant themes, closely followed by cultural zeitgeist and the adherent support from
those regulatng the built environment: the city. The theories outlined in Jacobs (1961) text,
The Death and Life of Great American Cites, have emerged as the most confrmed mechanisms
of neighborhood vitality found in the study. Other theories that were confrmed were those
of placemaking (Harrison and Dourish, 1996; Markusen, 2010) and cultural-politcal hegemony
(McCann, 2002; Lepofsky and Fraser, 2003).
The study of York provided rich data on the mechanisms of change, something that was
only available through an oral history of place. The qualitatve approach of the semi-structured
interviews combined with contextualizing research to provide insight into issues that are rarely
captured or analyzed in planning research. The desire in any discipline to simplify and condense
concepts may be ideal for branding strategies, but for understanding why things work the way
they do, and understanding why a strategy is necessary, requires this slow and subtle method.
As discussed in the previous chapter, the mechanisms that infuence revitalizaton
exist in a delicate balance, that when tpped, can result in unwanted efects. Understanding
122
the components that create stability and perpetuate vitality into the future, then, should be a
major focus of revitalizaton research. The study of York Boulevard found that cultural producers
who provide public engagement through free events are the best stewards of neighborhood
placemaking and identty formaton. These stakeholders hold some of the greatest power to
shape the future of a neighborhood. In this, cultural producers should acknowledge their role in
neighborhood change and engage thoughtully in their endeavors in a community.
The volatlity perceived on York points out a dissonance in the revitalizaton process.
Issues associated with Yorks improvement like gentrifcaton and displacement provide thorough
evidence that stability in revitalizaton is at odds with the desire to revitalize. Many stakeholders
voice concern that improving quality of life and space ofen precedes displacement, and this,
labeled by stakeholders under the broad term, gentrifcaton, is an issue that is unresolved
in the study. Cancian, who made the York Boulevard Improvement Vision and Acton Plan,
points out that, its very countercultural to atempt to intentonally lower value of property
in this country, but that is what this is about. You dont catch a lot of elected ofcials saying I
guarantee that I will lower the value of your property (S. Cancian, personal communicaton,
February 14, 2013). However, making a neighborhood afordable and keeping the value of
property low are synonymous, and those concerned about gentrifcaton should think hard
about the resolvable aspects of this relatonship.
The most valuable porton of this research was establishing aspects necessary for the
neighborhood revitalizaton process to retain residents. At the tme this study was completed,
York remains in the sweet spot on the edge of displacement, and therefore provides
insight into strategies to keep the improvements available for those that currently live in the
neighborhood and frequent the corridor.
Conclusion
Refectng on the long-form history of Highland Park, it seems like people are choosing
to locate in the area for much the same reasons they were over a hundred years ago the
natural setng among open green space, the close proximity to central Los Angeles, the liberal
123
and artstc traditons, and inexpensive
property and housing stock. To put it simply:
Highland Park embodies a high quality of
life at an afordable price (see quote in
Figure 75.).
Harrison and Dourish (1996)
illustrate that the dynamic between
[living in Highland Park]
felt like you could live in
the country and yet there it
was, the metropolis, 5 minutes
away. (T. Ward, personal
communication, February 12,
2013)
space and place is dictated by culture, but this studys fndings suggest that if there is not
an appropriate space that cultvates the development of culture, placemaking may be a lost
batle (see Figure 50. Model for Yorks Revitalizaton). Yorks ability to develop a sense of place,
especially in terms of its physical character and the social and cultural environments it fosters, is
a wonderful additon to the academic discussion of placemaking.
One aspect of Yorks physicality that cannot be ignored is its historic physical build out
and identty as the end of the trolley line. The porton of York that has revitalized with the
mechanisms described in this study is built in its current form based on its historic use as a
pedestrian-scale shopping area where people would run their errands and then, re-board the
train. Essentally, York provides a case study of an historical transit-oriented development.
This is a signifcant fnding because it provides evidence that corridor vitality is
embedded in accessibility and mobility, partcularly mobility at the human scale. Shopping,
especially the act of capturing local dollars, is an actvity that drives economic development, and
this is a phenomenon that cannot be accomplished from a car. The idea that someone would go
Figure 75. Quote about Highland Parks duality of
place.
Theres a very pedestrian and
bicycle conscious movement
which Im very happy about
Its the LA dream, to walk to
work. (J. Graham, personal
communication, January 29,
2013)
Figure 76. Quote about LA walking.
shopping at multple businesses a concept
at the basis of an economic corridor
can only be achieved if that person has
the ability to wander by foot or bicycle.
In the 80s and 90s, shopping at the
pedestrian scale occurred in malls. Todays
124
generatonal zeitgeist requires a more savvy cultural engagement from destnatons (see quote
in Figure 76.), and York is exactly the kind of place that provides this mixed cultural-recreatonal
experience.
York Boulevard provides visual legibility, low speed vehicles, short blocks, small
storefronts, cross-street verbal proximity, and accessibility through mult-modal amenites, as
well as a variety of new uses that ensure its populaton day and night. The quality of Yorks
environment the basic aspect of on-street safety is hugely infuental on users. The street feels
safe and is selected by new users precisely for these factors (see Figure 77.).
On York, recently relocated small business owners and residents alike act as both
consumers and investors, agglomeratng around an existng cultural cache. The city has acted
as a facilitator for change, fostering a street environment more conducive to pedestrians,
bikers, and families. All are taking advantage of social connectvity established by the winning
built environment: one where visual and aural communicaton is assured by the scale of the
street. Without this street environment-established connectvity, it would be impossible for the
Figure 77. An early comment on a local blog touches on the auspicious pedestrian scale of York.
125
neighborhood to achieve such swif and dynamic change.
The only caveat to Yorks dream revitalizaton scenario is the necessity of afordability.
Evident in the Model for Yorks Revitalizaton (see Figure 50.), without afordability the nexus
of revitalizaton falls apart. The preservaton of afordability should therefore be seriously
considered as a tenant in all revitalizaton policy and eforts.
Limitatons of the Study
A basic limitaton of the study was that it was conducted entrely in English. Though
community representatves that engage the local monolingual Spanish-speaking populaton
were interviewed, a further study that primarily targets the Latno populaton would be well
warranted. Because the study only interviewed the English speaking populaton, the cultural
practces emphasized are those of that populaton. For instance, though there are bike lanes
provided for bicycle users, many Latno residents were observed stll bicycling on the sidewalks,
indicatng a failure to bridge the cultural gap among cyclists. Understanding why this has
happened could only be discovered through further qualitatve research.
Other limitatons include the tme scale of change. Due to data availability, economic,
demographic, and transportaton data accessible for York is only available through 2010-2011.
Because the changes on York are so recent, it is hard to quantfy this data with such a short
period of observaton. Especially in the case of street safety and collision data, an ideal data
set would consist of 7-10 years of implementaton of bike lanes or road diet, not the 1-2 years
available. Likewise with shifing demographics and the local economy, it is too early to observe
real change in the period of tme available.
Both a limitaton and an asset, Yorks context as a site that has been targeted by the
city as a test for progressive projects (including many Complete Streets applicatons), makes
it a special case, one that may be privileged in terms of ease or support of revitalizaton
mechanisms. The study however does indicate cultural producers as primary initators of
change, and these fgures can be found in a wide variety of contexts. The noton that the city
and businesses piggyback on culture illustrates that the special case of this site selecton may
126
not be as big a factor in the overall dynamic of revitalizaton.
York may also be a special case because it is in Northeast LA, a very unique and isolated
neighborhood of Los Angeles. Northeast LA exists as a small valley isolated by two neighboring
cites (Pasadena and Glendale), a mountain range, and the LA River. This may serve as a privilege
in regards to neighborhood incubaton, but also prevents accessibility. This physical situaton in
the region may skew results, limitng a wider applicaton of the fndings.
Policy Implicatons
The three realms of policy identfed as establishing the basis for Yorks revitalizaton (see
Figure 48. Why York Boulevard Works diagram) are:
Afordability
Cultural vibrance and diversity
Social connectvity
The diagram illustratng Yorks mechanisms has been synthesized to create a policy
model that feshes out these aspects and their relatonships in real world applicatons (see
Figure 78.). The studys fndings imply that the dialog about revitalizaton should be guided by
these tenants: to create and sustain revitalizaton, support for cultural vibrance and diversity
should be maintained through social connectvity, and this connectvity needs to be accessible to
all via afordability.
As discussed in the Conclusion, social connectvity is very related to both cultural
producers and the physical environment of the street. Policy should support cultural producton
and engagement, which can be accomplished both through support of cultural insttutons, as
well as through supportng free public events and amenites.
Hugely successful events that exemplify todays cultural landscape have been borne
out of previously unaccepted and criminalized cultural-street practces one example being
Ciclavia, where a route of the citys streets is closed to vehicles and opened exclusively to cyclists
and pedestrians for a limited amount of tme. Though Ciclavia has been introduced in popular
memory as a copy of an event in South America, Ciclavias American roots lie in Critcal Mass
127
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128
rides, a natonally practced monthly bicycle ride, where cyclists shut down a street route from
vehicle usage due to their critcal mass. Critcal Mass rides have been notoriously persecuted
by the police, with many rides ending in the arrest of bicyclists for obstructng trafc. If only
authorites had realized the policy benefts of allowing such cultural events to occur
Case in point, the benefts of supportng alternatve culture can have huge impacts on
economic development and revitalizaton. Cites should seek out partnerships with cultural
producers when looking to create revitalizaton: theres no need to reinvent the wheel as
evidenced in the study of York, businesses and elected ofcials are merely piggybacking on
existng cultural capital. In the case of York, by providing bike lanes and corrals for bicycle
parking, York facilitates a natural cultural phenomenon, sanctoning existng cultural practces in
the physical environment through policy regulaton (see quote in Figure 79.). This study confrms
that on the street, the same strategies that accomplish Complete Streets beneft pedestrian/
public safety and initate and bolster economic development (Loukaitou-Sideris, 2000;
McCormick, 2012; Sadik-Khan, 2013).
Moving on to the physical street environment, one way to address corridor revitalizaton
introduced by the study is to look at remnant physical structures and identfy historical transit- or
mobility-oriented spaces. Many of the remnant street confguratons that dominate Los Angeles
streets are inefcient and dangerous and can serve as opportunites for safety modifcatons or
roadway re-purposing.
Policy approaches to corridor revitalizaton should include a broad reassessment of the
The bigger picture is that
this is a representation
of the value system of the
community, where were not
going to prioritize concrete
over a place to sit and gather
with your kids. (H. Huezo,
personal communication, March
2, 2013)
Figure 79. Stakeholder quote about community
values.
mobility landscape in Los Angeles as well as
prescriptve physical strategies to change
street confguratons that provide increased
accessibility and safety to human-scale
forms of transit, like walking and bicycling.
By undertaking a Complete Streets Master
Plan, cites can ensure a future suited to
129
contemporary economic, social, and safety needs.
Complete Streets are celebrated as an economic and cultural development engine. Their
implementaton across Los Angeles would tap into the contemporary zeitgeist of sustainability,
localism, public space, and alternate modes of transportaton. The social elements of road
confguratons are well documented in planning literature, and any Master Plan or physical
design oriented towards pedestrians has the potental to infuence neighborhood revitalizaton
with reverberatng efects (Currid, 2009; Jacobs, 1961; Markusen, 2010; Sadik-Khan, 2013;
Suton, 2010).
Low cost Complete Streets strategies include road diets, crosswalk striping, tactcal
reclamaton of streets for public space like parklets or plazas, and low water streetscape
improvements. Tactcal improvements can create a progressive culture in local residents and
businesses, showcasing immediate environmental transformaton. The relatvely low cost and
temporary nature of these interventons guarantee that they are easily reversible.
One approach to a Complete Streets Master Plan is a detailed and overlapping
analysis of under-utlized roadway, identfying streets most in need of safety modifcatons and
establishing a phased plan for implementaton that works cooperatvely with the Safe Routes to
School Master Plan, the Bicycle Master Plan, and mass-transit road prioritzaton for busses.
For permanence, all revitalizaton eforts require support from the top: a leadership-
driven approach is the most efectve means of undertaking city-wide policy-scale change in the
physical environment. By adoptng a Master Plan for Complete Streets and overhauling the citys
policies and procedures, city agencies will have the directve, incentve, and approval to move
ahead with policies that may otherwise be impossible to implement.
Beyond the leadership vision of Complete Streets, community organizing is a key
driver for the implementaton of streetscape modifcatons. An additonal efort to organize
neighborhood plans can discover the community vision while gathering the social capital
necessary to make signifcant changes to entre neighborhoods.
130
Follow-up Research and Suggestons for Future Investgaton
Follow-up Research
As mentoned in the Limitatons of the Study, further research needs to be done into
the quanttatve economic data of Yorks businesses and demographic shif. That study should
be undertaken no sooner than fve years from the implementaton of Yorks bike lanes in 2010,
which also marks the onset of the rapid pace of neighborhood change.
Further Investgaton
As a case study, York provides many aspects that warrant further investgaton. The
following are topics that could be pursued in future studies.
A study of York from the perspectve of Latno Urbanism would be a fascinatng
comparison to Yorks revitalizaton, especially looking into the transitonal relatonship between
aesthetcs of graft, signage, and neighborhood character (see Figure 80.).
Research into the mechanisms of cultural vitality of Highland Park by exploring the
persistence of artsts in the area over the span of the last century.
An exploraton of economic development tools that could be used to bridge
generatonal gaps in local business.
A survey of cultural producton tools that could inform a revitalizaton toolkit.
More research into the economic development benefts of pedestrian- and bicycle-
friendly business districts.
Figure 80. Highland Park would be a wonderful candidate for a study about Latno Urbanism.
131
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place-making, and the urban policy process. Geoforum, 33, 385-398. PII: S0016-
7185(02)00007-6
McCormick, C. (2012). York Boulevard: The Economics of a Road Diet (Masters Capstone Project).
UCLA: Los Angeles, CA.
Pelisek, C. (2006, August 2). Avenues gang members meet the end of the road. Los Angeles
Weekly. Retrieved from htp://www.laweekly.com/2006-08-03/news/avenues-gang-
members-meet-the-end-of-the-road/
Perry, D. (1995). Making Space: Planning as a Mode of Thought. In Ligget and Perry, eds.
Spatal Practces: Critcal Exploratons in Social/Spatal Theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Publishing.
Pewsawang, J. (2011, December 21). Bike corral pilot expansion. LADOT Bike Blog. Retreived
from htp://www.ladotbikeblog.wordpress.com
Putnam, R. (2000). Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. NY: Simon
and Schuster.
Quigley, J. (2000). A Decent Home: Housing Policy in Perspectve. In Brookings-Wharton Papers
on Urban Afairs: 2000. University of California at Berkeley.
Richardson, E. (2011, August 3). Stadium Talk Returns to City Hall. Blogdowntown. Retrieved
from htp://blogdowntown.com/2011/08/6340-stadium-talk-returns-to-city-hall
136
Rosenthal, S. (2008). Where Poor Renters Live In Our Cites. In Retsinas and Belsky, eds.
Revisitng Rental Housing. Washington DC: Brookings Insttute.
Sadik-Khan, J. (2013, March). Redesigning the Streets of New York in Real Time. UCLA Complete
Streets Conference. Lecture Conducted from the Doubletree Hilton, Los Angeles.
Schwartz, A. (2010). Housing Policy in the United States, 2nd Ed. New York: Routledge.
Shared Spaces. (2012). York Boulevard Improvement Vision and Acton Plan. Retrieved from
htp://www.livingstreetsla.org/resources-2/york-blvd-huntngton-drive-vision-and-
acton-plans/
Sharp, J., Pollock, V. & Paddison, R. (2005). Just Art for a Just City: Public Art and
Social Inclusion in Urban Regeneraton. Urban Studies, 42. 1001-1023. DOI:
10.1080/00420980500106963
Shortcuts Blog. (2012, September 23). The mini parks that could transform Los Angeles. The
Guardian. Retrieved from htp://www.theguardian.co.uk
Silverman, D. (2011). Interpretng Qualitatve Data. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publishing.
State of California. (2013). Department of Housing and Community Development: Redevelopment
Law Contained in California Health and Safety Code. Retrieved from htp://www.hcd.
ca.gov/hpd/rda/rdalaw.html
Suton, S. (2010). Rethinking Commercial Revitalizaton: A Neighborhood Small
Business Perspectve. Economic Development Quarterly, 24, 352-372. DOI:
10.1177/0891242410370679
Talen, E. (2006). Design That Enables Diversity: The Complicatons of a Planning Ideal. Journal of
Planning Literature, 20, 233-249. DOI: 10.1177/0885412205283104
The Eastsider (2012, March 26). Highland Park studies the past of York Boulevard to guide its
future. The Eastsider. Retrieved from htp://www.theeastsiderla.com
Tumlin, J. (2012). Sustainable Transportaton Planning. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
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U. S. Census Bureau. (2000). Profle of general populaton and housing characteristcs: Census
Tract 1833, Los Angeles County, California. Retrieved March 20, 2013, from htp://
factinder2.census.gov/
U. S. Census Bureau. (2000). Profle of general populaton and housing characteristcs: Census
Tract 1834, Los Angeles County, California. Retrieved March 20, 2013, from htp://
factinder2.census.gov/
U. S. Census Bureau. (2010). Profle of general populaton and housing characteristcs: Census
Tract 1833, Los Angeles County, California. Retrieved March 20, 2013, from htp://
factinder2.census.gov/
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Tract 1834.01, Los Angeles County, California. Retrieved March 20, 2013, from htp://
factinder2.census.gov/
U. S. Census Bureau. (2010). Profle of general populaton and housing characteristcs: Census
Tract 1834.02, Los Angeles County, California. Retrieved March 20, 2013, from htp://
factinder2.census.gov/
Wallace, D. M. (2009). An Investgaton of Individual Perceptons, Neighborhoods, and Disorder
(Doctoral Dissertaton). University of Chicago. Available from ProQuest Dissertatons &
Theses database. (UMI No. 3369417)
York, A. (2012, January 1). California cites seek restoraton of some redevelopment spending.
Los Angeles Times. Retrieved from htp://artcles.latmes.com/2012/jan/01/local/la-me-
redevelopment-20120101
138
APPENDIX A
Defnitons of Terms
Creatve Placemaking: a situaton where partners from public, private, non-proft, and
community sectors strategically shape the physical and social character of a neighborhood,
town, city, or region around arts and cultural actvites. Creatve placemaking animates public
and private spaces, rejuvenates structures and streetscapes, improves local business viability
and public safety, and brings diverse people together to celebrate, inspire, and be inspired
(Markusen, 2010).
Artwalk: normally held at a regular tme, sometmes monthly, sometmes semi-annually, artwalks
are community organized events where galleries, artst studios, and businesses open late and
welcome the public into their space in an unstructured walking tour of the area.
Complete Streets and Living Streets: Complete Streets are designed and operated to enable
safe, and comfortable access and travel for users of all ages and abilites, including pedestrians,
bicyclists, motorists and public transport (County of Los Angeles, 2011). Living Streets include all
complete streets criteria, but also connote the additon of green infrastructure features, tactcal
interventons, cultural vitality, etc.
Parklet: a repurposing of parking roadway or red curb for a temporary sidewalk extension that
provides amenites like seatng, landscaping, bike parking, art, or exercise equipment (LADOT,
2013).
139
APPENDIX A
Defnitons of Terms
Social Capital: the expected collectve or economic benefts derived from the preferental
treatment and cooperaton between individuals and groups. Social contracts afect the
producton of individuals and groups and therefore, social capital embodies the idea that social
networks have value (Putnam, 2000).
Creatve Class: a socio-economic class coined by the economist Richard Florida made up of the
super creatve core: innovatve creators of commercial products and consumer goods including
occupatons ranging from science to educaton, and creatve professionals: knowledge-based
workers who draw on complex bodies of knowledge to solve specifc problems using higher
degrees of educaton to do so (Florida, 2002).
140
APPENDIX B
IRB Approval Leter
141
APPENDIX C
Sample Interview Questons
Residents/Users
Are you a local resident?
- (if yes) For how long?
Did you grow up in LA?
- (if yes) Where?
Why did you locate your home here? Do you own?
- If you do not live here, why do you come here? Would you consider moving here?
Can you tell me the story of how you discovered this neighborhood?
Do you feel camaraderie in the neighborhood?
- What do you perceive as the alliances and interest groups in your neighborhood?
- Do you see these groups as sharing the same values?
Do you support the citys eforts on York Bl? (Street Porch, Bike lanes)
- What about the art walk?
Do you know the neighborhoods history?
- Do you consider that history important?
- Do you feel diferently today about this neighborhood than you did a few years ago?
What are the factors you perceive as revitalizing the neighborhood?
- What directon do you think this street is headed in?
- What does Highland Park look like in the future?
142
APPENDIX C
Sample Interview Questons
Business Owners
How long have you had your business on York Bl?
Are you a local resident?
- (if yes) For how long?
Did you grow up in LA?
- (if yes) Where?
Why did you locate your business here?
Can you tell me the story of your choice to live/establish your self or business in this
neighborhood?
Do you feel camaraderie in the neighborhood?
- What do you perceive as the alliances and interest groups in your neighborhood?
- Do you see these groups as sharing the same values?
Have you considered establishing a merchant associaton? If it existed would you join? Do you
know about the proposed BID on York Bl. Would you support establishing a BID?
- How does your business ft in with the other businesses on York?
- Do you perceive camaraderie with older businesses?
What other factors on York do you perceive as efectng the success or vitality of your business?
Do you know the neighborhoods history?
- Do you consider that history important?
What are the factors you perceive as revitalizing the neighborhood?
- What directon do you think this street is headed in?
- What does Highland Park look like in the future?
143
APPENDIX D
Consent Form

California State Polytechnic University, Pomona
Informed Consent Form for Research Involving Human Subjects

You are being invited to participate in a research study, which the Cal Poly Pomona
Institutional Review Board (IRB) has reviewed and approved for conduct by the
investigators named here. This form is designed to provide you - as a human subject -
with information about this study. The Investigator or his/her representative will describe
this study to you and answer any of your questions. You are entitled to an Experimental
Research Subjects Bill of Rights and a copy of this form. If you have any questions
about your rights as a subject, complaints about the informed consent process of this
research study, or experience an adverse event (something goes wrong), please
contact the Compliance Office within Cal Poly Pomonas Office of Research at (909)
869-4215. More information is available at the IRB website,
www.csupomona.edu/research/irb.

Project Title: Highland Park Next Generation: Reviving Street Culture in Northeast LA
Principal Investigator: Elizabeth Gallardo
Advisor: Dr. Gwendolyn Urey
IRP Protocol Number: #12-115

Description of the Research Project & its Use:
This study involves research into the factors that influence street revitalization and the
motivators that encourage community-driven place-making. In order to understand
this process, interviews are being conducted with local stakeholders (including small
business owners, residents, politicians, and other stakeholders engaged in the
community) in order to create a descriptive narrative of Highland Parks history through
the voice of the community. The interviews will help to identify those factors that most
positively affected the streets development. The interviews will provide insight of the
first hand experience and perceptions of the community.

Your participation in this study will help to provide a valuable case study for
neighborhood revitalization. This year the state of California made all community
redevelopment agencies illegal. The future of redevelopment remains to be seen, but
we can deduce that the system of community revitalization will need to fundamentally
change. In looking at a neighborhood that has largely revitalized and reorganized
motivated by community and stakeholder will, we can begin to see useful factors in
community improvement that can lead future efforts to make neighborhoods better.
Your statements might serve as the basis for developing recommendations to revise
and improve community revitalization tactics.

Interview Questions & Research Procedures:
You will be asked open-ended questions regarding your experience of the
neighborhood and how it has changed. Questions might also involve the specific
aspects of your business or use of Highland Park or your personal involvement in
community organizing. You might also be asked to recommend other local
stakeholders who you think would have useful insight into Highland Parks revitalization.
The interview will take less than an hour. Your participation in this study is completely
voluntary. While I do not anticipate that you will have any discomfort or other negative
144

feelings during the interview, such sentiments are possible. If this should happen (or for
any other reason) you are free to decline to answer any question. In addition, you are
free to withdraw from the entire research study at any time.

If you consent, your response will be audio-recorded. Upon completion of the interview
you will be asked to sign a release that will give you options instructing how you would
like your interview to be used in this study. These options will provide you with different
levels of confidentiality and the ways in which you authorize your interview to be used.
The interview mp3 files and computer transcriptions will be kept in a locked safe in the
researchers office. The computer files will be password protected and the computer
will be only used in a secured location. Upon the conclusion of the research project,
the tapes and transcriptions will be destroyed, unless you have authorized otherwise.

This research would be submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
Masters Degree in Urban and Regional Planning. Upon completion of the research, the
researcher will publish the findings of this research in the thesis document, which will be
available in the Cal Poly Pomona library. In addition, articles or summaries of the
findings could be published in journals or newsletters concerning neighborhood
revitalization and case studies. Your responses to the questions may provide insights in
their original, non-aggregated form. Therefore, the researcher may seek your permission
to include quotes in the report's narrative that are directly attributable to you from
portions of the transcript. You will authorize this usage in the release form you will fill out
upon completion of this interview.

The consent and release form will be kept in a locked safe in researchers office
separate from subject data for a period of five years.

Confidentiality & Risks:
This study will entail conducting interviews with a small sample (i.e., 30-50) of local
stakeholders regarding the revitalization of Highland Park. As your comments are likely
to be related to your business or role in the community, individuals outside of the study
may be able to attribute your comments to you even if you are not named as the
source in any comments. Hence, you should be aware that the confidentiality of your
comments cannot be assured, unless you opt for an off the record interview. There
might be a risk of reprisal and criticism from community members, fellow business
owners, or other stakeholders for opinions expressed in the interview.

The study might involve interpreting the meanings of what is being seen and heard,
reflection and integration of the information which would provide a basis for evaluation
of the revitalization of Highland Park from various standpoints. It is your right to disclose
or not disclose any obstacles or challenges perceived in the revitalization process. In
framing your answers, please consider that your statements might be attributed to
yourself.

Should you have any further questions, please feel free to contact the studys principle
investigator, Elizabeth Gallardo, a graduate student in Urban and Regional Planning.
Her phone number is (323) 202-3701, and her e-mail address is
elizabethannegallardo@gmail.com. You may also contact her thesis committee chair,
APPENDIX D
Consent Form
145

Dr. Gwendolyn Urey, a professor in the Urban and Regional Planning Department. Her
office phone number is (909) 869-2725, and her e-mail address is
gurey@csupomona.edu

CONSENT STATEMENT:
I, ________________, hereby give my consent to participate in the research study entitled
Highland Park Next Generation: Reviving Street Culture in Northeast LA. I have read
the above information and am aware of the potential risks and complications.
Considering that audio-recording the interview would help the researcher examine the
data more closely,

_______ I give my permission to be audio-recorded.
_______ I do not give my permission to be audio-recorded.

In addition, I understand that upon completion of the interview I will have the option to
limit the usage of my interview with a release form. I fully understand that I may
withdraw from this research project at any time without prejudice or effect on my
standing with California State Polytechnic University, Pomona. I also understand that I
am free to ask questions about techniques or procedures that will be undertaken. I will
sign and return this consent form and receive a copy in case I need to refer back to it.

Finally, I understand that information obtained from me about Cal Poly Pomonas
carbon mitigation actions are not confidential and might be attributed to me, which
could bring risk of reprisal and criticisms from community members, fellow business
owners, or other stakeholders.

_________________________________ ________________
Participants signature (18+ years of age) Date

I hereby certify that I have given an explanation to the above individual of the
contemplated study and its risks and potential complications.

__________________________________ ________________
Principal Investigator Date

APPENDIX D
Consent Form
146
Project Title: Highland Park Next Generation: Reviving Street Culture in Northeast LA
Principal Investigator: Elizabeth Gallardo
Advisor: Dr. Gwendolyn Urey
IRP Protocol Number: #12-115

RELEASE STATEMENT
Please read through all options before selecting your choice.

I, ___________________________(full name) consent to allow the following usage of my
interview conducted on ________________, 2012.

This interview is:


______ Option 1 of 3: On the record (can use all information provided in this interview for
my thesis and quote you as you have requested below)
______ I prefer my quotes to be attributed to my
______ full name
______ first name
______ other (please specify) _________________________________
______ I prefer my quotes not be attributed to my name. Instead, I consent to
being referred to as (check all that apply)
______ business owner
______ resident
______ other stakeholder


______ Option 2 of 3: Background (meaning the information from the interview can be
used in the thesis, but not directly as quotes)


______ Option 3 of 3: Off the record (meaning the information from this interview is just to
inform the investigation generally, and will not be used in any form in the report)


If you selected either background or off the record can you state your reason?
_____________________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________________


_________________________________ ________________
Participants signature (18+ years of age) Date
APPENDIX D
Consent Form
147
APPENDIX E
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148
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
General Things About Los Angeles
Center of dynamic change in US
[Los Angeles] more than most [cites in the country] is a place where the issue of how do you
create beter neighborhoods for the same neighbors is actvely playing out.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
I saw the complexity of the problems [unique to the city of Los Angeles] and it seemed like
urban planning was a way to try to address things on a larger scale.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
General Things About Los Angeles
Strong advocacy and community organizing
Los Angeles has well organized community bases, and in order to accomplish the physical
aspect of community building, there need to be community organizatons to partner with for
outreach.
Los Angeles has a rich history of organizing in immigrant communites against Propositon187,
Mark Ridley Thomas organizing in South LA and of tenant organizing. This history colors todays
ability to work in these communites.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
Early Impressions of Highland Park
Far-fung
Northeast LA was far away from everything social and cultural - it just felt like the end of the
universe
[our business was] doing ok, cause we were dragging people over here and promotng a lot of
events, but generally, the idea that it was some golden tcket to open in a spot over here, I would
debate that stll.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
The challenges of the landscape in LA- that it is so spread out and comparatvely dense, make
organizatons more conscious of geography in the landscape because they need to fnd ways to
build community space or build gathering space to nurture [their organizaton].
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
Highland Park has always been more transitory a pass-through community
[Highland Park] had a quality of edge cites because of its lack of grounding and sense of
collectve. I think it stll struggles with that.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
LA is a hidden city You kind of have to know where to go, its like 400 square miles and theres
all kinds of interestng stuf spread out over those 400 square miles, but its not necessarily
cohesively located in a way that youd ever know about it.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
149
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
Early Impressions of Highland Park
Block by block safety
Highland Park has lost its nity grity it used to be a very, very tough community in 80s and
early 90s. There were multple gangs in 2 block areas people couldnt cross the street because
it belonged to another gang.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Danger varied block to block.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
In terms of geographic safety, York was always seen as the dividing point between Eagle Rock
and Highland Park, the safer neighborhood to the north.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
Early Impressions of Highland Park
Lacked social engagement
[I] never got the feeling that there was much outreach to the community even from Sea and
Space, which was a public gallery
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
A methodology of social practce has always been foreign to Los Angeles
The greatest challenge for a cultural producer is integraton its all about community response
and engagementif you have this set plan you arent being terribly responsive
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
How we create access and a sense of belonging for [undocumented] Latnos has its own
challenges.
The Historic Highland Park Neighborhood Council has broached the conversaton of how to
make meetngs/events more appealing to monolingual Spanish speakers. Its challenging to do
because not everyone on the Neighborhood Council, not everyone who is actve, speaks Spanish.
We have very limited resources- its not like its very simple to translate everything we do... I can
see why people are turned of to it.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
Early Impressions of Highland Park
Looked exactly like Park Slope
Yorks storefronts looked very similar to the frumpy mom and pop stores, party stores, and the
occasional artst studio that could be found in Park Slope before gentrifcaton.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
Why Highland Park
Afordable
150
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
The city of Los Angeles receives Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) funding for
economic development and the city contracts Barrio Planners to do economic development in
Northeast LA.
City also ofers amenites to businesses located in Enterprise Zones theyll waive site plan
reviews, electricity and water are discounted and the state ofers higher income tax credits,
which makes areas like Highland Park afordable for business development.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Especially between 2005-2010, Highland Park was mainly atractve to artsts because it was
cheap. Theres cheap real estate, its a beautful place to be because of all the hills, theres a lot
of access to open space.
Locaton choice was primarily motvated by afordability Garretsons partner was paying $650
for apartment rentng a room in a house in a nearby (but higher priced neighborhood) cost
$500. When Garretson moved in, the landlord raised the rent $100, but since 2006, rent has
only increased $25.
Its always been a mater of price. We knew we couldnt fnd [a new place that was as good a
deal]- Wed looked intermitently and understood [that]. Especially as tme went on- I didnt get
a job that paid enough for us to potentally move untl 2008, and by then prices had started to go
up around the neighborhood.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Marshall had been turned of to adjacent neighborhoods like Silverlake and Echo Park Highland
Park provided more bang for your buck.
I didnt get much of a beter price, but the place that we got here is like a mansion compared to
what we had in Silver Lake or Echo Park.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Could not aford to buy a home in the adjacent neighborhood of Eagle Rock, and was therefore
looking in less popular neighborhoods of Mount Washington and Highland Park.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Cheap room and fateful- had always love the area, wanted to live in LA
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
There is a large stock of historic or small afordable homes with character [and] at least some
design sensibility.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
I wouldnt be able to live in a huge development like [those] along the Gold Line [light rail
transit] in Pasadena because I wouldnt be able to aford that. Newly constructed housing is not
generally afordable to low income residents.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
I had wanted to buy real estate and Highland Park was the most afordable opton.
(Resident 3, personal communicaton, March 29, 2013)
151
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
Why Highland Park
Walkable/Bikeable
At the tme of moving to Highland Park, Garretson was without car and primarily using a bicycle
for transport. This necessitated that she live in a bikeable locaton.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
When choosing Highland Park, Resident 1 liked the openness of neighborhood and that she
could walk to Eagle Rock and Occidental. Years later, now she can also walk to York.
I wanted to be able to walk down the street cause thats the kind of lifestyle I was looking for
and I want my child to be able to walk down the street, be able to walk places.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
I wanted to live closer to beter public transit, I wanted to make transit more a part of my
regular life
Its a combinaton of both [values and fnances] part of my values system is that I want to
make beter use of public transit and alternatve methods of transportaton
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
I love how walkable [Highland Park] is.
(Resident 3, personal communicaton, March 29, 2013)
There was something called the art ride they would get a group of people together who
wanted to go on a nightme ride, and they would stop at galleries in succession along Figueroa,
[York], Colorado Boulevard, Eagle Rock Boulevard, and at tmes, on a good summer night when
the weather was great, there could be a hundred people on a bicycle ride. They would end
up here all at one tme, to me it was very dynamic, cause theyd park their bicycles out front,
theyd march into the building, theyd suck up every piece of liquid that was available, theyd use
the restroom. It was great it was just one of those fushes that came through that was a litle
excitement They would park their bicycles on the sidewalk, there would be not necessarily
a trafc interrupton but people would have to go slow, because this corner happened to be
a nucleus for a lot of people moving back and forth. There started to be some food trucks that
showed up, so that was that situaton.
(C. Graham, personal communicaton, April 30, 2013)
Why Highland Park
Diversity
The patern of gentrifcaton is really diferent if the surrounding neighborhood is African
American or if its Latno [The University of Michigan] studied the degree to which whites are
willing to move into African American or Latno neighborhoods and they show the diferentals.
If the surrounding neighborhood was African American the pace [of gentrifcaton was] slower.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
I remember going to a party and I was thrilled with my new place of residence with its full
spectrum of life- it had everything I was unaware at the tme of the stratfed caste system of
the fats to the mountains People at the party indicated to me that yes in fact it was wonderful
152
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
but why couldnt they do something about that down there- With their hands gesturing down
to Highland Park. Which of course was half the magic as far as I was concerned.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
[Meetngs for the planning process were] very diverse- we had the neighborhood council
people and business owners, but then we also had residents.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
Theres lots of people who are just like me and lots of people who are way diferent from me.
Its a really nice mix. I love the diversity here.
The neighborhood the resident bought in is comprised of families, young couples, some kids,
and some rentals with roommates.
(Resident 3, personal communicaton, March 29, 2013)
Why Highland Park
Lack of amenites for local populaton
There is a signifcant demand for culture on the east side, especially for a record store because
bands and artsts are already present.
Everybody I knew who was making art or in a band at least 50% of them were living in
Highland Park, Glassell Park, Mount Washington, or Eagle Rock
At the same tme with this populaton, there were no restaurants and nothing to do.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Graham wanted to create a business for a more mature/older audience, more professional,
educated, later at night, higher price points, with an emphasis on French wine.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
Why Highland Park
Liked house
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
I was prety exclusively looking in Highland Park... I really love this neighborhood.
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, March 29, 2013)
153
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
Why Highland Park
Proximity to Downtown
Highland Parks relatve proximity to downtown and other neighborhoods that have already
been gentrifed establishes it as a prime entry point for growth.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
[Living in Highland Park] felt like you could live in the country and yet there it was, the
metropolis, 5 minutes away.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)

Introducton to York
Social
Introduced through growing up in the neighborhood and atending a nearby school.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Garretsons boyfriend already lived on York.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Marshalls wifes family had been in Highland Park since the 1930s. When they were looking for
a place to live, they saw many of their family-oriented friends moving to Highland Park, where
they could get an afordable home as a young family.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Friends in Eagle Rock were talking up Highland Park, encouraging their friends to move there.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Housseinzadeh was friends with small business owners on York, which reintroduced her to the
neighborhood as an adult.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
I was in a band with some people who lived in Glassell Park, the frst tme I was coming to the
neighborhood other than going to a bar and thought it was nice.
(Resident 3, personal communicaton, March 29, 2013)
Introducton to York
Culture
Originally came to York for the Artwalk and galleries.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Arroyo Arts Collectve hosted event Business Improvisaton District, where artsts collaborated
with business owners. The resident built a comfy chair art project in front of Pets with Fez that
remained on York for three years.
In 2007-08, the resident was selected to partcipate in a show for Fellows of Contemporary Art.
154
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
The resident again chose York as a project site, plantng guerilla poppies along the corridor that
contnued to resow years afer the project.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Housseinzadeh remembers coming to York in 2002 for a holiday open house put on by NELA Art
and thinking that it was cool.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
Placemaking in Highland Park has been going on in various locatons for 20 years
Creatve Placemaking has gone through many labels and approaches. During Phase 1, it
was considered low art, folk practce, outsider art; Phase 2 elevated it to public art,
community based public art; Phase 3 implied a fancy interventon the act of supposing you
know beter and can ofer an interventon to their [problems]. This has all been abandoned
in last 5 years (though it is stll used by architects), for what Ward suggests is the most recent
incarnaton: Phase 4, social practce
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
Introducton to York
Travel
Pia recalls biking on Yorks sidewalks as a child.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Marshall used to ride his bike along York for recreaton.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Housseinzadeh recalls driving along York as a pass-through when she was a child. She especially
remembers looking at the distnctve signs.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
Would bike around to go to nearby bars.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Introducton to York
Work
Lehman worked as a project manager with Shared Spaces, the consultant subcontracted by LA
Conservaton Corp to make the York vision plan. Worked as project manager on York vision plan.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
Was introduced to York through work with the Historic Highland Park Neighborhood Council.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
Moved to the neighborhood and began patronizing York to do buildout and start the business.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)

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Why York
Zeitgeist
Regarding a Yoga studio that Pia helped located on York, he says that, all the energy that was
occurring on the street all the new businesses could cater to people who could aford yoga
Its a mater of whats in vogue at the moment
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Garretson remarks that community rides are where its at, because its fun to have a big gang of
cyclists
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Connectons are being made for the frst tme in the neighborhood, we all knew this was a cool
neighborhood, but we didnt have anything in common. Now we have in common that we like
this kind of food, or we like this record store, or we like this clothes store. We have all these
things in common now, were meetng people.
I think [bikes and pedestrianism] is more a cultural and generatonal shif that were all [a part
of] its a zeitgeist that were all collectvely enjoying. You dont feel like the freak when you ride
your bike like you used to.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
Theres a lot of stuf in the air. People are realizing that changing public space and reducing
our dependence on cars has so many benefts for the community and our health on so many
levels It was a really good tme to experiment.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Were seeing a whole changing of a lot of generatons right now. Were seeing a real split.
Young locals are opening businesses like Highland Park Caf and Fusion Burger
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
Its the diference between Eric Garcet 15 years ago when he was a professor here: Eric and
Amy then and now live in Silverlake. So now if Eric and Amy were 15 years younger and Eric was
at Occidental now, they would live here. Then, Oxy might be a good place to teach for the young
professor with politcal background, but he wasnt going to live here.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
York is a place for creatve professionals and young people who want a more urban
environment, but dont necessarily want to live in a downtown environment. They want to own
a house not a condominium or a lof.
Theres more of a desire to have a civic involvement theres more of an interest in working
collectvely rather than [in isolaton].
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
The bigger picture is that this is a representaton of the value system of the community, where
were not going to prioritze concrete over a place to sit and gather with your kids.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
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The improvement on York is a result of a synthesis of likeminded people.
(T. Blackman, personal communicaton, November 8, 2012)
Everyone on York is super friendly it kind of has a small town feel and people want to live where
everyone is friendly.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Why York
Local Anchors
Caf de Leche family:
Theyve been around for a long tme, I think theyre just trying to do nice things I would
defnitely not refer to them as outsiders, theyre defnitely locals.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Would go to Caf de Leche prior to residency for cofee.
Liked hippy aesthetc of Pets with Fez.
[Pets with Fez Weaving Studio] was very eccentric and had a cool look- it looked like you were
in Haight Ashbury in the 60s. They werent at all yuppies, they were cool weirdos. I said, Thats
such a cool place to be next door to. I want to go there, I dont want to be next to Starbucks.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Restaurants provide community anchors: there are people who have lived in the neighborhood
that didnt have a sense of community, and now every night people come in here for dinner and
they introduce themselves with their address.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
Woman from Pets with Fez would maintain street furniture.
The man from the video store put soil in plot, prior to poppy installaton
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
I go in businesses [like Glacos] because I know what they have.
Went to Pets with Fez at NELA Art event:
I remember thinking, this place is really cool. And I was having a hard tme fguring out what the
neighborhood was about, because I was already familiar with the paterns of Silverlake it felt
interestng, familiar
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
The part of York that has changed dramatcally is extremely small - only 2 blocks. While its very
intense, were really just talking about Avenue 50-52.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
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Rumbling of art community being artculated by the Arroyo Arts Collectve, which was founded
1-2 yrs before Ward arrived long tme residents that were organizing through artstc events
were a great catalyst
Of all the newer businesses on York, Caf de Leche is the only one that hasnt changed hands a
million tmes.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
Getng the Caf de Leche cofee shop- just getng certain businesses that appeal to a certain
demographic.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
Cafe de Leche makes me feel like Im part of a neighborhood.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Why York
Council ofce supported improvement
The Council Ofce helped with permitng, as well as dealing with community protest.
The Council Ofce wanted retail and healthy food in the neighborhood.
Getng a bike corral does really count, those things are very encouraging
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
The Council Ofce had received limited funds for a specifc project, and needed to educate the
community about the process.
The challenge was that you have this whole group of people showing up who had been actve
in the community before and had grown really disenchanted with the process. They were really
negatve.
But in this case, Huizar was coming to us.
Council ofce then expanded their scope and applied for much more funding for the pocket park
on Avenue 50.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Council ofce can ofer support but does not gap the cultural divide between new businesses
and older establishments.
Councilman Huizar restored the Judy Baca mural illustratng the history of Highland Park.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
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Sam Hall Kaplan, an urban planner with the MTA and a behind the scenes advisor to the
Councilman, knew they had secured funding for improvements for York and Huntngton Drive,
and suggested that master plans are really a huge waste of money rather than do another
plan, why not do short term to medium term improvement projects? He could say that as
someone who has been doing master plans for 50 years. It was Sams original idea and he is the
one who suggested Green LA.
The Council Ofce decided to start an initatve of community-based, partcipatory planning
eforts out of that came both the porch and also the park.
One of the good things about immediate improvement projects is that they really work for
politcal representatves youre not going to have an event for a master plan- nobody wants to
come and be handed a copy of a master plan.
You cant meet the next morning and sit on the master plan.
Theres a natural community of interest between urban guerilla immediate design and elected
ofcials.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
To contract with the city, it is easier to subcontract for a contractor who is already on the list of
approved contractors. In the case of the York Street Porch, LA Conservaton Corp was already on
the citys list and they subcontracted Shared Spaces to do the vision plan and the project. But
Shared Spaces arranged the whole thing, with the Council Ofces blessing.
If you want to go in and do a stand alone contract, it would take two years to do it that way. It
was intended to be a fast project- the idea was to build it in six months.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
The Neighborhood Council was also instrumental in bringing bike lanes to York.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
There is a strong history of the Neighborhood Councils stewardship of improvement and
collaboraton with the Council Ofce.
(T. Blackman, personal communicaton, November 8, 2012)
The Council Ofce wrote a grant for the pocket park on Avenue 50 with the Los Angeles
Neighborhood Initatve (LANI)
The councilman thought the Implementaton and Acton Plan was beter for community in the
long term when there is a change of administraton, plans tend to go away so it was more
important for the community to have a how-to guide.
(Z. Loera, personal communicaton, November 29, 2012)
Why York
Street confguraton
York has always felt a lot more safe than Figueroa. The width of the street isnt very wide and
theres no parking lots on York. All the businesses abut the street directly so there isnt a bufer.
York doesnt feel as much as a commercial boulevard compared to Figueroa.
People cant speed and they can actually see whats going on in the street. They might notce a
shop thats never been there before.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
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As a former cyclist I really like the bike lanes, I dont know how aware I am of the road diet
stuf, but I love public space infrastructure. Its nice to be able to go for a stroll down the block,
which we always did [stroll] but theres more stuf now. We walk down the street all the tme to
get a cup of cofee, or to just walk down the street.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
York is slower going for the drivers now, but its safer for the pedestrians.
Pedestrians win, haha.
Im happy its shaped this way... The acton of changing the roadway will contribute to the
commercial success of [the business corridor] The city made the right moves towards this
being a healthy merchant community.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
York is easy to access, easy to park. If you dont mind walking, you can stll park on side streets
for free.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
York is a Human scale historic main street.
The density and human scale of street has created a dramatc sense of change.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
Narrower streets raise peoples consciousness that there is change and possibly an ofering that
they otherwise they might just pass by because theyre on their way to another destnaton. I
imagine [narrow streets], in any community, would bring a certain awareness its probably a
really healthy idea.
Narrowing the street puts the whole idea of parking and driving and walking in a whole new
way of relatng to urban living.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
Combined with the fact thats its a relatvely narrow street with the storefronts fairly
contnuous against the street gives it a kind of an interestng scale to it. It has a certain sense of
place that way.
The road diet and bike lanes help dramatcally for these small commercial districts to be
successful.
I know other neighborhoods that aspire to be these types of districts but they have 2 lanes in
each directon with fast moving trafc- I think that works against the goal. The road diet slows
down the cars, the people driving can then see whats there and maybe theyre more entced to
stop and it also creates a beter pedestrian environment in terms of less trafc noise, if you have
parked cars at the sides.
Past [Avenue] 52 and 53, its stll not very actvated. I think you have a diferent building type
not as many storefronts right up against the street, theres more parking lots, theres more
newer buildings that have less character or [are] poorly constructed buildings.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
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The efect is maybe not direct to families, but its important for communites to have public
space and maybe thats not an idea at the forefront of working class families, but it adds to the
quality of life. And yeah, there is defnitely a beneft to the businesses in the area with having
things like a parklet.
You could have predicted that York would have its boom with business and cofee shops and
nightlife because of the design of the streets. The concept is that streets that are like rooms are
atractve to businesses and nightlife and the type of development thats happened on York.
It has more to do with proximity of streets Colorado is much wider, if you see someone across
the street, youre not going to be able to yell at them and get their atenton, whereas on York,
you run into people- its easy to talk to people across the street. Thats whats special about York
and thats whats atracted businesses that you would associate with a gentrifed neighborhood
like cofeeshops [and] yoga studios.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
Scale is important to York it has main street feel to it, whereas Figueroa is more of a wider
transit corridor.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Why York
Process of community educaton/empowerment
The citys Community Development Department sends out an outreach leter, Barrio Planners
does the same, educatng about services ofered.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
It was interestng to see that some of the people that had been in the neighborhood for longer
were kind of resentul, but it seemed like they didnt understand the community process- the
councilman- his staf members- are there to help us, so if theres a street light that is out, theyre
not going to magically know it, they need someone to call them.
Community outreach aimed to get more partcipaton and more of the real needs of residents
came up.
[Huizars] ability to educate the community, and to keep that discussion in the community,
thats maybe what will carry the project forward.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
No one is focusing on economic developments aesthetc issues or the environment in which
they are trying to do the development. People are too focused on the business side, not the
marketng side.
They say something really general like advertse, do social media, but what do you mean by do
social media? The fact is that no real marketng strategy works unless you already are presentng
something somebody desires.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
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Ignorance people just havent had the opportunity to be exposed to economic and urban
planning and theyve also lived in a capitalist world their whole life so they dont get that thats
not the only opton.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
Their idea was to get everyone who wants to work on this to come together each tme, to try
to have a consistent group of people We wanted it to be the same people throughout the
process... if you go to 8 diferent groups to have separate conversatons, its very difcult to pull
it all into a consensus.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
The parklet is a good example of [community outreach] Before the opening when they
announced that the city was going to commit to building it. There was an event here with a
proposal and artst rendering of what it would look like all the people that were part of the
planning process spoke, and there was latno representaton there, even monolingual Spanish
speaking representaton.
As a younger newer generaton of Latnos when we host big events that are milestones for our
NC, when theres a very low monolingual Spanish speaking Latno turnout I feel like were failing
the community.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
Why York
Cute area / Visible possibilites for storefront business
You could envision the pedestrian future of the street.
You had this litle gorgeous pedestrian downtown strip where everything was boarded up.
Many of the propertes had had long term vacancies.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
The wheels had been set in moton and I knew exactly which way this neighborhood was going-
I grew up in Park Slope and Ive seen this movie before and I decided I was going to star in it this
tme
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
I remember walking down to the corner of Avenue 50 and York [in 2002] peeking in the
beauty salon and thinking, I want this neighborhood to be really cool- its really cool, but I
cant fgure out whats cool about it because I dont know what I would get here other than this
random scarf from Pets with Fez.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
I dont think you can underestmate the impact of that character of the brick storefronts being
along the street edge like that. It dramatcally improves the ambiance in a subtle way. Its more
of an unconscious thing. It can provide shade that makes it more pleasant to walk. Just the fact
that the storefronts are right along the sidewalk.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
Its a sweet corridor and I see similar corridors in other parts of Highland Park it feels
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comfortable. I think its more physical.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
The concentraton of businesses and storefront density is a draw for businesses and patrons
alike.
The business owner opened his bar because it was an opportunity spot (its very difcult to open
a bar from scratch). The owner was working as a Conditonal Use Permit expeditor, where he got
to know the business of opening bars prety well. The bar opened with a grandfathered beer &
wine license.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Why York
Local ownership of buildings / Reasonable rent
Garretsons landlord is not absent, actually, hes around quite a bit taking care of the grounds.
He grew up in the neighborhood and lives locally. Their landlord preserves rent because they
are early comers; Garretson says we have a relatonship that goes back. The bungalow complex
has lots of long-term residents the neighbor who got them into the complex has lived there for
20 years.
We knew we couldnt aford to move. We would be paying at least $1200 for just a litle more
space The rental price for the apartment was always very low.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
I knew from looking for places to rent in Silverlake that anything that had a 310 number on the
sign I just didnt even want to talk to those people.
Word of mouth through neighbors secured tenancy.
Rent remained same as previous tenant.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Precedent food business in locaton, owners stll maintain bakery business on a smaller scale
next door.
I picked this space because the landlords are really cool, because it is owner occupied.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
Either by good luck or by the intent of landlords, a good number of businesses got sustainably
low rent and they wont survive the next increase unless they happen to be people with lots of
money.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
A collecton of small buildings that have been owned for a while can be rented at reasonable
rates (as opposed to new constructon that needs high rent to cover capital constructon costs).
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
The Hermosillo bought the property from the bank and the beer and wine license from the
owner of the previous bar.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
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Why York
Walking dream
I drove by [the parklet] the other day and it was full of people. Every seat was full of a body. I
was like what is going on in the parklet? Is it an organized sit-in or something?
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
I can walk out to a couple of bars and restaurants that I actually like
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Theres a very pedestrian and bicycle conscious movement which Im very happy about.
Primary reason for locatng on York is that it is close to home, Graham could walk to work.
Its the LA dream, to walk to work.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
Because I work from home, there are lots of days where I have no reason to use my car, which
is really a bonus for me.
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, March 29, 2013)
Businesses owners who work on York live in the neighborhood and people want to walk to work,
people want to bike people see these storefronts as live-work investments.
(Z. Loera, personal communicaton, November 29, 2012)
Theres a good amount of foot trafc, especially in the two blocks between Avenue 50 and 52.
Theres lots of people who patronize the local businesses who live in walking distance.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Why York
Small businesses
Small businesses patronized include: Bicycle Doctor, Hair Zone (barber for 10 years), Galcos, El
Arco Iris, My Taco, Antojitos Guerrero
Opened a client on York Namaste Yoga.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
I like supportng small businesses.
Knows business owners on York and wants to support them.
Sign paintng project as economic development tool for small businesses to draw atenton to
the corridor.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
Business owners are the biggest drivers of revitalizaton. People who are engaged civically and
understand that the business corridors of the community are important assets to the city and
to the neighborhood. York is a great example of how the businesses work together to bring
improvements to their community. And they do it without a Business Improvement District.
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[Small business owners on York] are all happy and supportve of things like this. They talk
to each other, they work together, they know each other, theyre actve with the Chamber of
Commerce. And rightly so- thats where that interest should be.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
Patronizes Marios Liquor Store for craf beer, Galcos, Do It Best Hardware store, Maximilliano
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Figueroa spaces too large for a small business
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Why York
Sense of Culture
In all this talk about gentrifcaton, people always forget that Highland Park has always been a
prety diverse community. Its always been very artstc since before it was annexed by the city
of LA. Its very bohemian and people forget that.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
There is a strong cultural history, it has been historically a place where artsts live it has that
vibe.
There are a lot of prety liberal people who live here if not outright radicals its a litle hidden
hot bed.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Highland Park has a recognizable cultural/artstc traditon.
Historic arts organizatons like the Arroyo Arts Collectve provide a latent cache of culture that
a similar neighboring community wouldnt have to fuel the gentrifcaton.
Certainly having Oxy doesnt hurt its not sufcient or causal, but it helps.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
[NELA artwalk] shows diferent face of highland park and northeast in general
NELA Arts is able to show that it is rich, with an artstc culture. Its a contnuance of what is
a history of artsty in the Northeast in general. Highland Park has always been a neighborhood
that housed and atracted a lot of artsts since the 60s and 70s.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
Why York
York corridor had nothing to do with moving to area
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)

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Why Not York
Lack of amenites for local populaton
I dont think people should be intmidated to go to these new businesses, but I dont think
theres a lot of outreach from the new businesses to include older residents that have been
here.
Ive seen seoras early in the morning going to get their cofee at Highland Park Caf.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Local residents are happy that they fnally have access to fresh healthy food.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
York wasnt on my radar at all. It wasnt something that I was aware of there being any kind
of community or anything happening there That I would actually go there, I would have never
thought of it.
If you said I would be going down to York regularly, I would have just laughed, and said probably
not, cause theres not the kind of stuf that you would normally get there
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
The folks who were against the liquor license- they would also never in their life go to that
restaurant.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
York has a sense of obligaton to ofer what its populaton requires.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
The majority of Latno inhabitants in the Northeast, in Highland Park this group that Im
talking about of long tme Latno residents I guess is a small porton of the Latno populaton
overall. The greater Latno populaton in the area feels like, the types of things that exist in this
community- that are tools and resources that exist in this community arent for them, arent
geared towards them, are not accessible to them
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
Street could use a litle more cleaning and security services. Owner likes the model of the BID in
the Downtown Arts District and would like to see something like that on York.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Why Not York
Secret happenings of York Bl
The [art] studios were also just really private spaces.
The people in the studios keep to themselves, they arent really interested in having
relatonships or establishing a community of artsts, a lot of them travel a lot and do shows in
other cites and countries, they just see the studio as an inexpensive way to have a workspace in
the city that they live in.
People in studios frost their windows, which further limits their interacton with the outside
world.
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
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From the outside, nothing was going on. Artst studios were only visible during the Artwalk.
All of the businesses without windows are only accessible to locals the lack of windows on
businesses obfuscate use
Everything was boarded up- it wasnt really boarded up, it was just that they were all artst
workspaces and studios... Occasionally there would be an Artwalk and everything would be
open. Youd be like oh wow, that isnt actually a derelict building, theres actually cute stuf
going on in there.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
No one knew who owned or maintained certain propertes.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Mike Kelley, a renouned California artst who passed away last year, had his studio on York it
was always a scene [at the studio] but never spilled out into the neighborhood.
He wasnt there to be part of the community, he was there to create his own community.
Their approach to community art and creatvity was the applicaton of interventon versus
integraton they knew beter.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
Previously there was not much spillover with Occidental College colleges are very insular
communites. The presence of college campus doesnt mean anything unless they make
deliberate eforts to reach out to the community.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
Before they renovated the bar, it was a scary place. You couldnt see in at all from the street
there was no way to tell what was going on inside.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Why Not York
Infexible land use or absent landlords
Owner of Namaste building lives overseas in Asia.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Studio on York has absentee landlord who lives in Orange County. The landlord did grow up in
neighborhood, went to Franklin High. Wouldnt fx anything.
The studio neighbor owns her building she has a totally diferent stake in the whole afair- she
takes really good care of her building. She has maintained it has improved it, and she has always
been really concerned about the liability of the buildings next to her cause our landlord really
doesnt maintain them.
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Previous (lack of) permitng causes potental hassle for landlords to update uses.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
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Most of the commercial buildings on York Boulevard are owned by speculators who bought
it up during the white fight and all live other places. And they dont give a shit about our
neighborhood. It could all burn down for all they care. They will rent to anybody who will give
them a long lease, be it a porn store, another dispensary and thats what our neighborhoods
been struggling with is this absentee landlordism.
BIDS tend to favor absentee landlords over tenants.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
The people that really care about the historical preservaton of the community are very much
against any type of new housing development.
There needs to be more compromise from those residents, because Los Angeles is expected to
contnue to have populaton increases and people are coming here whether we like it or not...
We need to prepare for that and at the same tme, we need to ensure that were not displacing
people. So we need more density and more afordable housing.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)

Owner of the previous business did not own the building. In the end there was a dispute over
the property and it ended up in foreclosure. Eventually a 3rd party ended up with it, which is
who the business purchased it from.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Why Not York
No high end audience / foot trafc
At a former failed cofee shop business One of the owners would make comments in front of
customers like I hate Highland Park, the people here dont spend enough money They were
just so clearly not about the community. They really just thought it was a good investment. It
was right when Highland Park was just startng to possibly be considered a destnaton. They
were like, Oh, were going to get in and build this neighborhood and cash out on it
But I think that kind of outright disparagement is a turnof for a lot of people the kind of
people who are invested in the neighborhood are invested in celebratng the fact that they live in
this great place.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Marshalls friends expensive vintage shop has not drawn its audience east yet.
His place is a litle more expensive. They go and sell dresses for $100 on Melrose. Hes open
here all week and that audience doesnt come here yet.
Hes staying there because hes got too much stuf, not because the business is great around
here.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Art galleries werent working with the community, and therefore didnt last.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
Those against liquor license against Ba because they would never go there themselves.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
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Higher end businesses will be sustainable if people keep buying houses.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
Why Not York
Parking
I wonder if parking is a big issue in terms of having larger stores because theres not a lot: the
parking stock is limited.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
The city recently changed the two hour street parking to one hour, which prevents people from
doing two things in one trip.
Nobody can come here and do more than one thing you cant go to a restaurant and a store.
The priority that the city took is the parking meters, along with the new meters came vigilant
enforcement Customers have lef here despondent because of that and dont want to come
back.
If theyre serious about people coming to York, parking should be free.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
The people that are here have already found a place to park.
If enough businesses open and theres not enough parking, it will just be like a real city, youll
have to drive around and look for a space. You should ride your bike here. If youre driving
around, then you owe it to everyone to go look for a space blocks away. Im not going to enable
that kind of nonsense. Take the friggin bus.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
Parking detracts from the character of a street Theres a market thats got a huge parking lot
for a whole block its not very interestng to walk along.
People want to park as close as possible to the entrance even though its just a short walk- its
so unpleasant to walk through a parking lot that people actually make an efort to park near the
door. Thats how bad surface parking is, so if a whole block is surface parking, thats not a fun
block to walk along. It has a huge impact.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
Old Town Pasadena is successful because it hides parking back of the street, keeping the
pedestrian area nice.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
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Why Not York
Criminal or drug addicted neighbors
Historic Highland Park Gangs:
Dogtown
Highland Park The Jalapenos
57 Avenues
43 Avenues
Anela Trese
BSK Back Street Kings
OCK O____ Commitng Crime
Monte Vista
Garvanza Gang
Local Highland Park gangs were mult-generatonal and family run partaking in actvites
including graft, fghts, robbing people, beer runs.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Crackhead neighbor moved away 2009 due to her mental health She would ofer [us drugs]-
she would tell us that she had goten a rock her husband would stand out front and polish his
guns, it was really scary, she stole our mail once, she would make ofers of sexual services to my
husband and to our other neighbor she was totally crazy. She would come late at night when
she was high and be raving in the middle courtyard and knock on peoples doors She would
ofen be standing blocking the [complex] entrance and kind of harass you when you came in.
The Police never did anything except to tell her to setle down.
There was a creepy guy living in the apartments across the street, who was obviously drunk and
high, and he and wife were doing weekly yard sale thing on the street in front of liquor store on
corner for a prety long tme.
There were a number of shady characters. Before Garretson moved in, their house had been
broken into and 2-3 nice guitars got stolen, cameras got stolen, cash, a big break in.
Another neighbor in the complex commited suicide (hung himself) in 2009-10.
The guy who moved in afer that is maybe a crackhead or a methhead.
He would be playing really loud electronic music really late at night.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
The general percepton of HP is that its kind of dangerous neighborhood with low income,
working families, and theres gang issues here.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
The original bar was considered a Paisa bar the police called it a B girl bar.
B girls would work bar and men would buy them drinks in order to get dances with them. The
drinks for the girls cost three tmes as much as regular drinks (you were buying their tme), and
then the bar would give girls a cut of the drink profts.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
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Why Not York
Poorly maintained trees
The street view of the business is blocked by poorly maintained trees.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Existng trees are ruining the sidewalks. The trees should be treated as part of the infrastructure
and individuals should not be in charge of maintaining them because they are not maintained
individuals take it upon themselves to deal with them and then they are mispruned, and as a
result not growing to full size.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Why Not York
Worried about hassle of commute
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Why Not York
Religious interferences for new businesses
The southside church members made it very difcult for Ba to open they started a petton for
non-residents to sign, and described Ba (a restaurant) as a late night bar.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)

York Today
Gentrifcaton
I dont think you can prevent gentrifcaton, but you defnitely want to help people who are
getng displaced by it.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
It always kind of seemed like an outsider infuence.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
The founder of NELA Arts attude about [graft] is basically a colonial mindset lets come
in and make this space something that I want to see because this is what I think of when I think
of an urban neighborhood that I want to see, and I want to atract the people who I want to live
here with. I dont want to think about the people who are here and what their problems are
and what their dynamics are. I just want to kick them out so that I can bring in my friends. And
thats basically the same thing that I heard from the woman who started the [pre-Sea & Space]
gallery who just wanted to bring her friends in and didnt really want to deal with what was
going on in the neighborhood because it was foreign to her...
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
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APPENDIX F
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Eventually nice businesses displace grit, which is part of the neighborhoods history and identty.
Im sensitve about this issue of gentrifcaton because Ive lived in the East Village in NY in the
90s.
Theres a golden period when the entrepreneurs frst show up- the small businesses- where its
like wow great, theres a place to eat or get delicious cofee or see a band right on our corner,
and a frst its a really positve thing. Whenever something nice would open up the heroin
addicts would move a couple blocks away, a litle further east. But even that was a litle part of
the charm there because it was always a streetwise neighborhood since the 60s.
Marshall was sensitve to opening something that looked fancy, I knew there was going to be a
backlash, so I came in with a litle of a defensive attude.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Graham is hyper-aware of gentrifcaton and could recognize signs that York was progressing in
that directon.
Growing up in New York you get a graduate degree in gentrifcaton and change of
neighborhoods.
Graham describes the frst wave, where artsts taking over empty storefronts and make the
neighborhood look bad, the second wave, where adventurous hobby businesses open like
furniture stores, boutques, retro clothing shops, and then the tpping point, when the dialog
changes.
Upper middle class young people decry gentrifcaton, but the older conservatve populaton,
hipsters, yuppy populaton are all happy.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
Not all patrons of new businesses are new to the neighborhood- long term residents patronize
Awesome Playground, younger long-term residents patronize Caf de Leche.
York somewhere along the way of the [Full Dollar] project reached its tpping point.
Were in a sweet spot where there can be some fusion, where local Franklin High School
graduates can stll access rentng a building on York and startng a business and having an impact
on their community and serving multple people who might be here.
The key to maintaining a sweet spot is in places like the parklet, that open up and welcome
many diferent kinds of people, and you dont necessarily have to buy things. The key is also
doing something to ensure that local businesses are stll able to open here.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
There are no ant-gentrifcaton measures in place.
The improvements on York are not revitalizaton because revitalizaton is a euphemism for
gentrifcaton.
I wouldnt take the porch project now because of the diference of where were sitng now
and what this was three years ago.
None of these people would have been in here Their presence is mutually exclusive of the
presence of the folks who were here before
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For 2nd generaton gentrifers the appearance of less gang actvity here is important.
The noton that the 1st generaton are people who are artsts, hipsters, the gay and lesbian
community, punk rockers who actually like the neighborhood as it is- not just cause its cheap
but because they actually want to live in that neighborhood. So theyre not moving in with
any hope that it will change, theyre moving in hoping that it doesnt. The second generaton
are folks who are moving in because they hope that it does change and they actually want to
stay themselves, but theyre not buying the current neighborhood, theyre buying the future
neighborhood.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
In a wild kind of way those people kind of goten their hope- its now a hip, cool spot, flled
with yuppies and the full spectrum of life. So it did get fxed according to them. But I do think
that York struggled so because of a similar mentality. They were imports, transplants into the
hood and felt they came with vision and perspectve that was far beyond the locals capacity
to understand its value. And thats a fairly pretentous positon to take when you move into a
neighborhood I wonder if that in itself wasnt part of the challenge why it didnt really fy as
rapidly.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
We didnt want to just promote gentrifcaton, we wanted to be sensitve to the needs of the
existng low income Latno residents in the area. Which are actually in a diferent Council District
because the boundary shifs on the next street south of York. We were very deliberate about
involving not just the businesses but the surrounding residents.
If you maintain it well, [afordable housing] actually could lead to gentrifcaton.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
Recounts from a community meetng someones theory that, There are four horseman of the
gentrifcaton apocalypse A high end cofee shop, a used record store, a comic book store, and
a gastro pub.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
I got a good deal on my house because it was already rehabbed [by the house fippers] its
been interestng being in a fipped place cause you kind of want to make it your own, but I just
knew that realistcally I was going to be spending my money on the property and I wasnt going
to have a lot to be the one putng in new foors, knocking out the walls
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, March 29, 2013)
York Today
Dedicaton to character
Theres a lot of people who really care about Highland Park. It will probably take afer the
model of Eagle Rock which has really fought having any sort of chain restaurant.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Its stll a key to a businesses success to really know Highland Park.
There are enough people here who are really invested in the community or the place that they
173
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
live in, that they call their home. They like new stuf its nice to have a cofee shop in youre
neighborhood, its nice to have a parklet, its nice to have a place to go out to eat, a new place
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
We wanted it to be tny like a hole in the wall in EuropeIts more about selling that feel, selling
a litle more of an experience rather than just heres another dark bar.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Frightened people should stay home where they cant do any damage. I do not want them
here Im not going to waste a second of my tme trying to comfort frightened people. If youre
afraid of the pizzeria and the party goods store, then you dont belong here. I cant help you.
Restored the neighbor bakerys old neon sign.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
York represents the old and the new blended together.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
York is culturally specifc in its ofering, which is primarily Latno.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
We were very deliberate about involving not just the businesses, but the surrounding
residents.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
Whats huge in Highland Park is people who want to preserve the historical character of the
neighborhood.
Highland Park is home to the largest historic preservaton overlay zone and it has the highest
concentraton of pre-World War I homes in Los Angeles.
The Garvanza Improvement Associaton work with the Highland Park Heritage Trust to educate
homeowners on preserving their property not changing the character of the homes to make it
look more modern- to keep the character of the neighborhood. They are some of the most vocal
critcs of new developments that dont ft into the character of the neighborhood.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
Council Ofce is commited to historic preservaton, but for areas outside the Historic
Preservaton Overlay Zone, people generally respect the historic nature of the neighborhood and
are not changing facades.
(Z. Loera, personal communicaton, November 29, 2012)
York Today
Improvement conversaton is artst dominated
Artsts have always been the pathfnders for gentrifcaton. Creatve types have always made
it easier for others to follow. I dont have any negatve opinions about the new creatve
infrastructure thats been brought into York Boulevard. Its a welcome change.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
174
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
I found Brian Mullman to be really ofensive- hes the guy who started NELA Art, originally
from Midwest. I was in this meetng with him we were talking about the neighborhood and
doing projects and he said that he really wanted to focus on getng the graft removed from
the railroad bridges and overpasses on the 110 [freeway] because thats what you see when you
come into our community and its just a really bad representaton for people who are coming in
and wantng to see a nice community.
I felt like it was a statement that didnt acknowledge the communites that actually live in the
neighborhood and the kinds of visual dynamics that go on... Control of public visual space is a
real source of power. Tagging and graft is an atempt to control to public visual space by people
who are really disenfranchised and dont have the means to have access to other spaces where
they can put some visual thing up.
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Artwalk? Even when it started I was like, why are you calling it the artwalk? Youre giving credit
to artsts who arent there. The studios are all boarded up, theyre not open- so its not their
artwalk Two galleries does not quite an artwalk make.
Whos calling it the artwalk?
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
Agenda of new York Plan dominated by artst types
Being the resident of exactly the area where theyre doing this, I have diferent interests. Im
not approaching it as an artst Ive come to feel that artsts can have a very narrow point of
view. A lot of the ideas that came out were about art programming. How is art programming
going to help our neighborhood? Thats not what our problem is its not that we dont have
enough art programming- Im concerned about safety Sidewalks, lightng.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Organized the Full Dollar Collecton of Contemporary Art (a sign paintng residency project by
Outpost for Contemporary Art formerly on York, now closed)
York has many diferent artst traditons in its history:
1. sign painters
2. graft artsts
3. chicano art scene from the 1970s on (Ave 50 Studio)
4. NELA Art (long tme residents) Cathy Gallegos
5. In past 8-10 years, the current art scene which includes:
- Artst studios- including internatonal art world fgures (Mike Kelley, Sharon Lockehart)
have their own enclave, but didnt really interact with the community
- cheap studios meant art school students live here
- galleries (Christe Engels, Outpost for Contemporary Art) that were not working with a
community
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
Theres a whole range of work on the role of artsts- both conscious and unconscious- and
partcularly real estate interests in sponsoring artsts, consciously knowing that if I rent my space
to an artst its a long term investment in the rent going up in the future.
In Venice real estate brokers sponsor the artwalks, which is a way of getng upper middle class
and upper class folks to visit neighborhoods that they would not otherwise visit.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
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APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
I dont know who is involved in NELA Arts, how many are real estate folks, but its not a
coincidence.
(Stakeholder 1, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
Most of the Highland Park populaton in general [including monolingual Spanish speakers]
are defnitely less concerned with revitalizaton of York. They have regular concerns like any
other resident: schools, educaton, and public safety.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
York Today
Difcult for older businesses to adapt to culture of new
To atract the newer clientele that has more disposable income, everything is so web-based
and a lot of tme to atract the older clienteles you have to go to where people already are, you
know ofer services for Parent Teacher Associatons, donate to the local Chamber of Commerce,
donate to the school rafe.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
There wasnt a natural transiton between the generatons of art people to the people in todays
art community.
Establishing any kind of mult-generatonal art community has been a real challenge in the
neighborhood.
The person whos been the most successful at doing it is Cathy Gallegos at Aveue 50 Studio
because shes doing it along the lines of Latno art which is recognized as the identty that
describes the people in the neighborhood. Its a Latno neighborhood. Because she has
the specifc mission of showing Latno art and supportng Latno artsts, that draws younger
generaton who are interested in partcipatng in that They have a specifc politcal mission.
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Businesses were having problems anyway. They were having business problems generally
because they kept changing their name. Ive seen older business owners try to engage in the
revitalizaton, but they dont have the aesthetc cues They dont have the language or branding
of the new. People make valiant atempts, trying to update their interior, their menus.
In small business marketng, especially on a street like York, it becomes a physical marketng
issue. The branding is physical, your marketng is all in your physical structure, the environment
that people can enter into
You can give people all the money or all the support you want in helping them to redecorate
or renovate their business, but theres only so much you can do, you cant tell them to take out
their foors and put in polished concrete.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
Daughter at Elsa Bakery had foot in both worlds. There was an informal community that was
almost entrely Latna that was thinking about this and there was also a broader community. The
role of an organized community is to give people like that good optons [for the future].
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
176
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
Certain longtme family businesses were challenged by that evoluton and change and I dont
know if it became an economic [issue] because the next generaton had a diferent value set
than the older.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
Change in businesses is happening organically the neighborhoods character is slowly changing
due to shifing demographics.
(T. Blackman, personal communicaton, November 8, 2012)
Older businesses are sufering in this economy.
(Z. Loera, personal communicaton, November 29, 2012)
York Today
Eyes on the street
Partcularly on York Boulevard theres a lot more economic life that occurs afer regular closing
hours, so you have more people on the street.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
They think its going to be beter for everybody if there is more people day and night. Its true
since the Hermosillo club opened and theres been taco trucks in this block that it feels safer and
nicer and warmer. Its lively and generally a positve vibe out there on the streets, in a way that
it was maybe nothing before now its a litle diferent
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
People are happy that people are out shopping, that they feel safe.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
The idea of community policing [the most recent strategy of the Northeast Police Division],
has had a big impact [on the gang presence] The Northeast Division is commited to building
relatonships with community so people arent afraid to call police when they see something
illegal or wrong.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
I felt very safe in Santa Monica but it was very lifeless. I feel safe here but its not because
theres no one around.
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, March 29, 2013)
LAPD has used a new approach locals used to be more afraid of dealing with the cops, now
they have done a lot of community outreach to change that. Also, people are more invested.
(Z. Loera, personal communicaton, November 29, 2012)
Hopefully were just contributng by being a safe, responsible business on the block.
Owner feels very safe around York, regularly walking home alone at 3 am when the street is
deserted, but considers other areas of Highland Park a lot more dangerous.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
177
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
York Today
Purposeful Destnaton
When Caf de Leche opened that was a major turning point, because that established a very
visible public space that was because of the aesthetcs of it, prety well defned to be exclusive
to the creatve class. Its not set up so that people can get together and talk, its set up so that
people can have a work staton for their laptop and have a cup of cofee, with that long layout.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
This isnt really a foot-trafcy kind of place, its more like a destnaton for people who are set
on getng some records.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
People become aware of or curious about the restaurant by foot trafc, and then they look up
restaurant on the internet, or on Yelp.
We get a lot of people from all over LA who are foodies.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
When I used to live of of York I patronized a lot more businesses on York. Right now I dont as
much- none of them are really on my track that much, so if I do come up here, I am coming to
search out a partcular thing like a huarache.
Patronizes businesses because I know what they have.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
Worked with a lot of people who were against additonal liquor licenses.
From their perspectve its: Is this a neighborhood or is this a destnaton? If its a
neighborhood where people live objectvely you would be hard pressed to not admit that there
is a drastc over-concentraton of licenses. If youre a business person who makes money of [of
alcohol] either directly or indirectly [or] people who come to drink here, its diferent.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
York Today
Northside vs. Southside
It was the southside Neighborhood Watch that fghts bars like York and Ba
People can come out of the woodwork and make your life hell.
The northside is pro-business, pro-nightlife.
Theres a tug of war between people who want this to be safer and nicer and things going on,
for there to be money in the neighborhood, but I dont think people want it to be Sunset Strip.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Origin of the dog park idea for the Avenue 50 pocket park site was with Caf de Leche crowd
the Latna moms were ofended by the proposal. If were going to get a park, we want a park
for our kids, cause theres not a single park here for kids.
In the end its a queston of who do you serve?
City Council members cant claim ignorance that they dont know what will and wont serve
current residents.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
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APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
[The Latno residents] are actually in a diferent Council District- the boundary shifs on the next
street south of York.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
While the neighborhood is rich in longtme Latno residents that have a rich sense of the
history of the neighborhood and how its changed over tme they exist, theyre around but I
dont see them at the same types of events that I see people from all of these other groups.
I expect the interest of working class Latno families to be diferent from slightly more well to do
business owners.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
York Today
Needs more mixed uses
People come here with their kids or wives or girlfriends or boyfriends and the other person is
bored, [a caf next door] would have been a soluton to that.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
The parklet solved a lot of problems at once, so in the context of the community discussion, it
was successful.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
It would be interestng if people would go in and build higher density residental on York to
really make it a mixture of businesses and people living there There should be a variety of
housing choices, not just single family homes.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
York Today
New businesses encourage friends to open new businesses
Sea and Space gallery opened in 2006 or 2007. It was a graduate from Cal Arts from suburbs of
Cleveland, its speculated that her parents had money.
The resident artst approached the gallery saying, were artsts, maybe we can work on
something together, and the reply was that she was only interested in showing [her] friends
work here.
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Encouraged and convinced his friend to open vintage shop on York.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
When an area becomes popular now, it can really turn fast like the arts district Its fairly easy
to research whats a hot neighborhood. [Access to that informaton] draws people in who want
to take advantage of that, who are compatble.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
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APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
York Today
Politcs/ Special Interests
One agenda is families pushing for greenspace.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
A lot of people that have been actve in the community for a long tme, theyve seen the Council
Districts staf change. When theres another electon somebody else comes in, the whole staf
changes, or one key person leaves and the whole history is gone.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Afnity groups in Highland Park:
Historic Highland Park Neighborhood Council
North East Democratc Club
Saving Southwest Museum
Preserving Arroyo Seco
Business Improvement District on Figueroa (business owner)
Ant-710 Freeway Extension Actvists
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
York Today
Stewardship of older businesses
Caf de Leche family has been actve in area for many decades. The building was home to
the fathers insurance business, the son (Michael Nogera), is the president of Chamber of
Commerce, manages the Eagle Rock Farmers Market, and runs a party rental company in Eagle
Rock.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Older residents keep watch on the street.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)

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Interview Themes
The Future of York
Displacement
Its really important to acknowledge the current residents and the current businesses that have
been here before. [And say] were not looking to get rid of all the party supply stores in Highland
Park.
I think theres room for everyone to change. Cites and policy need to make sure that [people
dont get displaced]. They say a rising tde lifs all, but not in the case of economics, so when
we do see changes occur we need to be sure those people who are vulnerable are protected.
Its hard for communites to come up with community plans that advocate not against
gentrifcaton, but to protect those who are vulnerable.
Learning how to stay put is overall an economic issue because people need to fnd the
resources and job opportunites to stay put.
[Highland Park] has been loosing a lot of working class residents.
The decrease in crime also has to do with people being priced out of their communites- you
had a lot of people that were displaced a lot of people that lef were probably gang members or
families that had gang members in them.
The great recession, you saw a lot of exodus of businesses and vacancies, so it was a ripe
opportunity, once the market started getng beter, for people to move in. The only people that
were able to access any sort of commercial or traditonal loans were people that were probably
not from the community. [These were] people who were able to take advantage of really good
housing stock- people who werent as efected by the downturn in the economy, which is why a
majority of the people who opened the businesses arent from the immediate area.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
I feel very apprehensive because I see a lot of high end businesses coming in more
expensive restaurants, high end design boutques that really cater to people who are solidly
middle class or above who own homes and have families and have disposable income Theres
also a lot of empty spaces for lease and Im really apprehensive about what is going to go into
those spaces. I see that trend of York Boulevard becoming a place that caters to people who are
just from a higher economic bracket.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Afer years of disputes about a leaky roof, the artst was evicted from her studio afer
complaining about a leaking toilet. The absentee landlord sought a signifcantly higher rent from
the new inhabitants.
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
Rents go up, people who are rentng get screwed, thats what happens
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
181
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
The city should encourage local building ownership.
When youre having property ownership outside the community it creates a bad
environment for local business owners.
Cites should create an environment in which a suitable business and a suitable lease amount is
negotated with landlord in order to maintain the sweet spot.
You get places like the pet shop that was bought by an upscale Westside Los Angeles frm and
is now charging 8,000/month rent. You have to ask yourself, well what is that going to bring
here?
Im concerned about the directon the street is headed in.
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
Either by good luck or by intent of landlords, businesses got sustainably low rent, but will get
priced out in next phase.
The City should protect small businesses with overlay zone for commercial rent control.
A limited equity housing trust would protect the property for the community.
Theres community interest between the 1st generaton gentrifers and those being gentrifed
because theyre both going to be displaced by the 2nd and 3rd generaton.
The City should consider a commercial rent control overlay zone with the specifc intent of
sustaining neighborhood-serving retail.
Theres a range of other tools that mostly end up being initated by a combinaton of long
tme community residents and newer actvists because its very countercultural to atempt to
intentonally lower value of property in this country, but that is what this is about. You dont
catch a lot of elected ofcials saying I guarantee that I will lower the value of your property.
If your goal was a beter neighborhood for the same neighbors, gentrifcaton doesnt create a
beter neighborhood, it creates a diferent neighborhood. Unless regulated, market forces will
displace people.
You can consciously improve a neighborhood in a way that appeals to current residents but
doesnt appeal to gentrifers. [For instance, provide] more social services that serve the local
neighborhood.
(S. Cancian, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
The displacement of the older generaton of merchants was a challenge. That started
happening about 10+ years ago.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
There is organizing going on in Latno community the longer term renters maybe homeowners
felt like businesses were getng pushed out and didnt like the gentrifcaton aspects. They
complained a lot about the bars and people being loud at night and parking on their street,
getng drunk. There was some organizing, trying to not allow more bars to open... they didnt
want it to become a bar row.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
[A smaller part of the gentrifcaton phenomenon is] atracton: there are elements to
neighborhoods that drive outsiders wantng to come in. When that creates a demand, people
who typically would be able to fnd housing at a reasonable price in the neighborhood suddenly
fnd themselves unable to.
182
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
[Displacement of the renter populaton] worries me because the majority of the most
economically vulnerable residents of Highland Park are renters and they have families- its not
just like yups like myself that are going to be displaced and priced out of the neighborhood
Its not single occupancy residents who are going to get pushed out, its families that wont have
the means to stay in the neighborhood.
(H. Huezo, personal communicaton, March 2, 2013)
Its nice that a lot of the businesses that are coming in are kind of flling in space, rather than
supplantng businesses that were here before.
A friend of mine from college grew up in Highland Park and his parents own their house and
another house Theyre so happy [about the neighborhood changing] because [their home] has
so much more value Now his parents are retring and rentng these places out which I dont
think was an opton before.
Its cool because they stuck with their neighborhood they didnt leave when it got rough and
as it improved theyre reaping the benefts.
(Resident 2, personal communicaton, March 29, 2013)
The Future of York
Volatle neighborhood
Things are cyclical and communites go through peaks and troughs.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Too fancy too fast.
Im worried that its skipping its going from slightly derelict cheapo businesses and skipping
to really fancy without serving the casual purposes of younger people.
(I. Marshall, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
it could go either way
Theres no protecton right now against a 7-11 or a Hooters or a BJs opening up and it could
become like Old Town Pasadena. We dont have that kind of money, so it will never become like
Old Town Pasadena, but we could end up getng the same crappy chains and stuf. Chains just
bleed the money out of a neighborhood and send it to the corporate headquarters.
It would be nice if we could avoid that pitall and just be a nice groovy neighborhood.
(J. Graham, personal communicaton, January 29, 2013)
Its such a small area that just a couple involved people can make such a big diference and if
one of those people leaves or they whole dynamic will change depending on that chemistry of
who is involved.
(Resident 1, personal communicaton, January 27, 2013)
Its almost surreal to be sitng here now
(M. Housseinzadeh, personal communicaton, February 7, 2013)
183
APPENDIX F
Interview Themes
Its the fippers who are the ones [who have caused instability in the neighborhood]. Those
guys have nothing at stake in the community they could give a shit about the community.
Theyre looking for the fast turnaround Here the fipping has started again.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
The Future of York
Established shopping district
It was already in the New York Times magazine as a place to visit.
(C. Pia, personal communicaton, February 15, 2013)
Im really apprehensive about chain stores opening up we havent had any chain [retail] stores
open up on York but theres a lot of potental for that to happen.
(F. Garretson, personal communicaton, February 19, 2013)
The councilman- hell say things like he wants this to be next Colorado Boulevard. But who
wants to live next to Colorado Boulevard in Pasadena? Its a place you go shopping, but unless
youre an young urban professional, you wouldnt really want to live there.
(Stakeholder 1, personal communicaton, February 14, 2013)
It will take another 10 years for it to truly integrate and for there to be a broad enough
appreciaton from the collectve mix- rather than the hip-ness only appealing to oxy or to the
new professionals that are moving in.
(T. Ward, personal communicaton, February 12, 2013)
It could go in diferent directons, it could become a thriving business district I know some
people that envision that it becomes an Old Town Pasadena, where it all looks really slick and
has brand retailers fancy.
(R. Lehman, personal communicaton, February 21, 2013)
Business owner thinks York will keep getng busier and busier theres stll a lot of vacant store
fronts to fll, but hopes it stays small business and doesnt get corporate.
(Business Owner 1, personal communicaton, April 20, 2013)
184
APPENDIX G
Demographic Characteristcs 2000-2010
YORK BL CENSUS DATA
2000
Combined
Tracts
2000
Combined
Percent
2010
Combined
Tracts
2010
Combined
Percent
Percent
Change
Total population 9,024 8843 -2.0%
Male 4,454 49.4% 4397 49.7% 0.4%
Female 4,570 50.6% 4446 50.3% -0.4%
25 to 34 years 1,468 16.3% 1344 15.2% -1.1%
35 to 44 years 1,351 15.0% 1289 14.6% -0.4%
45 to 54 years 1,051 11.6% 1194 13.5% 1.9%
Median age (years) 30 34.275 13.3%
White 3,709 41.1% 3793 42.9% 1.8%
Asian 1,818 20.1% 2022 22.9% 2.7%
Filipino 1,125 12.5% 1483 16.8% 4.3%
White 4,108 45.5% 4145 46.9% 1.4%
Asian 1,912 21.2% 2180 24.7% 3.5%
Hispanic or Latino (of any race) 5,922 65.6% 5395 61.0% -4.6%
Mexican 4,031 44.7% 3835 43.4% -1.3%
Householder 2,579 28.6% 2716 30.7% 2.1%
Own child under 18 years 2,263 25.1% 1631 18.4% -6.6%
Other relatives 1,246 13.8% 1262 14.3% 0.5%
Total households 2,579 2716 5.3%
Family households (families) 1,995 77.4% 1933 71.2% -6.2%
With own children under 18 years 1,147 44.5% 893 32.9% -11.6%
Married-couple/Husband-Wife family 1,374 53.3% 1241 45.7% -7.6%
With own children under 18 years 839 32.5% 604 22.2% -10.3%
Female householder, no husband present 427 16.6% 465 17.1% 0.6%
Nonfamily households 584 22.6% 783 28.8% 6.2%
Householder living alone 455 77.9% 533 68.1% -9.8%
Households with individuals under 18 years 1,297 50.3% 1083 39.9% -10.4%
Households with individuals 65 years and
over
623 24.2% 679 25.0%
0.8%
Total housing units 2,720 2885 6.1%
Occupied housing units 2,579 94.8% 2716 94.1% -0.7%
Vacant housing units 141 5.2% 169 5.9% 0.7%
Occupied housing units 2,579 2716 5.3%
Owner-occupied housing units 1,329 51.5% 1216 44.8% -6.8%
Renter-occupied housing units 1,250 48.5% 1500 55.2% 6.8%
Average household size of owner-occupied
unit
3.635 3.535
-2.8%
Average household size of renter-occupied
unit
3.385 3.09
-8.7%
RELATIONSHIP
HISPANIC OR LATINO AND RACE
RACE
SEX AND AGE
HOUSING OCCUPANCY
HOUSING TENURE
HOUSEHOLDS BY TYPE