Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Paper No. 2
Price: Tk 25.00
April, 2003
The present report on SACEPS Task Force Meeting on A Citizen’s Social Charter
for South Asia contains the highlights of the dialogue organized by SACEPS, in
collaboration with CPD, during December 12-13, 2002 at the BRAC Centre Inn,
Dhaka.
Report prepared by: Mr Mahtab Haider, Staff Reporter, The Weekly Holiday
Series Editor: Professor Rehman Sobhan, Executive Director, SACEPS and
Chairman, Centre for Policy Dialogue
SACEPS Paper 2
The Dialogue
The South Asia Centre for Policy Studies (SACEPS), in collaboration with the Centre
for Policy Dialogue (CPD), organised the SACEPS Task Force Meeting on the
Citizen’s Social Charter for South Asia during December 12 – 13, 2002 at the BRAC
Centre Inn, Dhaka. The meeting was inaugurated by the Chief Guest Justice
Muhammad Habibur Rahman, Chief Advisor to the Caretaker Government. Noble
Laureate Professor Amartya Sen and, former Minister and an eminent lawyer Dr
Kamal Hossain were the Special Guests. Convenors and members of the citizen’s
groups in the SAARC countries participated in the 2-day meeting. (see Annexure for
list of participants)
Inaugural Session
(i) Most of the participants from Dhaka had been exposed to the programmes of
the South Asia Centre for Policy Studies (SACEPS) because of the annual
conferences on South Asia cooperation held over the past two years, which
had been organised by SACEPS in tandem with its annual Board meetings.
The SACEPS programme is designed to mobilise civil society across the
region to promote issues of interconnectivity among the citizens of South Asia
as part of the process of promoting greater cooperation within the region. At
the same time, the end result of the SACEPS programme was to strengthen
official programmes for regional cooperation through encouraging cooperation
among civil society across the region.
(ii) The SACEPS initiative draws upon a group of well-known institutions from
across the region who have come together to build SACEPS as an regional
institution and to participate in its programmes.
(iii) The principle programme underway at SACEPS is the organisation of 6 Task
Forces made up of well known experts from the region to address key issues
likely to promote cooperation in South Asia. The Task Forces cover the
themes of macro-economic policy coordination, investment cooperation,
energy cooperation, cooperation in the approach to the World Trade
Organisation and building a South Asian Free Trade Area. The sixth Task
Force is committed to preparing a Citizen’s Social Charter, which provides the
basis for this current meeting organised by SACEPS on the issue of the Social
Charter.
(iv) The work of the 6 SACEPS Task Forces will contribute towards keeping the
SAARC process active. At a time when the postponement of yet another
Talking about the relationship between the law and the guarantee of rights, Prof Sen
quoted Bentham who denounced the concept of ‘human rights’ as ‘nonsense on stilts,’
based on the logic that rights are the child of the law and that from real laws come real
rights, while from imaginary laws come imaginary rights. Bentham believed that
fundamental rights were not the correct framework for looking at these issues and he
instead suggested the use of utility as the framework for assessment. Bentham
believed that you can’t have rights unless they have been legislated. Professor Sen
pointed out that there could be three possible approaches to human rights, namely,
legislation, an antecedent legal judgement or through the active monitoring and
nurturing of such rights in society. Explaining the alternative methods through which
these rights can be ensured, Prof. Sen pointed out that unlike the Indian Human Rights
Commission which is a legal, and essentially state entity, the Pakistani Human Rights
Commission is actually just an NGO – which however has not prevented it from being
effective.
Prof. Sen, in his investigation of the history and evolution of human rights, pointed
out two important prerequisites for the structure’s effectiveness. First of all, he said, it
is important to recognise that freedom is important and to express solidarity with the
idea that to not support such a standpoint is intrinsically a moral failure. Once one
recognises that freedom and solidarity are important, you reach a human rights
framework which is theoretically and philosophically robust. Arriving at the central
point of his presentation which could be relevant to the preparation of the Social
Charter, Prof. Sen reminded the audience that legislation is far from the only way to
ensure basic rights. He pointed out several examples where legislation would be
useless without the moral conscience that ensures the rights of an individual. In this
regard, he pointed out, social advocacy starts to make a significant contribution in
ensuring human rights. Consequently, he also pointed out, that the feasibility of an
authority to ensure rights did not have anything to do with their classification as
fundamental rights. The right to go to school for example, was an inalienable right
irrespective of whether the existing government education system encompassed all the
rural communities in the country. If feasibility of ensuring such rights were to become
the necessary condition, then, he pointed out that a multitude of rights would lose
cogency. Prof. Sen concluded by reiterating that the correct approach to the concept
of rights is to recognise freedom as a right itself.
PLENARY SESSION I
Background and Assumptions of the Meeting of the Task Force
(i) The SAARC Social Charter, which was in the works through the official
inter-governmental channels, inadequately reflects the issues and concerns
of civil society and citizen’s of the region.
(ii) The essential role at the SACEPS Task Force would be to gather inputs
and responses from civil society across South Asia, to contribute to the
preparation of a Citizen’s Social Charter.
(iii) Such a Charter should be designed so as to be instrumental in initiating a
form of social advocacy which could exert pressure on the relevant
SAARC governments to prepare a more credible official SAARC Charter
that could and would be implemented rather than take its place on the shelf
alongside a large number of official documents prepared at the national,
regional and global level. Such an official document as the Citizen’s
Charter should, therefore, be designed to be enforceable.
(iv) The contents of the SAARC document needs to be influenced by the inputs
provided by Citizen’s group in each of the member countries. This
consultative process has remained absent from the official SAARC process
for preparing a Social Charter. The SACEPS Task Force is designed to fill
this lacunae in the preparation of the Charter by activating such Citizen’s
group to work on their own National Citizen’s Charter.
(v) The document on the state of progress on the preparation of the Citizen’s
Charter, prepared for this Task Force meeting in Dhaka, would be the
point of departure for the discussions that would ensue in this meeting.
(Annexure A).
(vi) The emerging, and increasingly relevant influence of civil society, in
playing a custodial role in monitoring government initiatives in the social
sector, was emphasized.
(vii) The broad coalition of civil society forces that can be mobilized at the
national and regional levels indicates that the government is no longer the
exclusive player in efforts at both charting social charge at the national
level or in promoting regional cooperation. However in both cases
governments remain crucial but needed to interface with the efforts
underway in civil society.
(i) The preparation of the official document had induced the realisation that
the Charter’s raison d’etre was to address issues relevant to the most
deprived sections of the population of South Asia.
(ii) The response of the SAARC Ministerial Council to the preparation and the
results of the Citizen’s Charter had been positive.
(iii) One of the initial questions raised by the inter-governmental expert group
was regarding the standing of the Social Charter as far as international
treaties are concerned. They registered concern that it was not possible to
have a treaty in the SAARC region, which could be considered a binding
instrument.
(iv) A number of representatives, at the SAARC meeting had observed that in
terms of rights, citizens have no legal claim on the state.
(v) The strength of a Social Charter is that it sets out targets for the future, set
within a time-bound framework.
(vi) The difficulty in preparing such a Charter lies in the need for such a
Charter to incorporate sweeping structural changes which could address
the challenge of linking disadvantaged groups to the changes that are
transforming the more dynamic sectors of the economy.
(vii) To capture the role and need for structural change it was suggested that
each member country submit a text for a National Citizen’s Charter whose
contents might then be integrated into a Citizen’s Charter for South Asia.
Since structural injustices and social inequities take different forms in each
of the member countries, there could be difference in the respective
country texts which would then need to be recognized and assimilated into
the draft of a regional charter.
(viii) In terms of the standing of a Social Charter it was suggested that the
fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitutions of each of the member
states could be used as a platform or basis for ensuring the enforcement of
the rights and implementation of institutional changes mandated by the
Citizen’s Charter.
(ix) For the Citizen’s Charter to be credible it was essential to set realisable
targets.
(x) Civil society movements across the region had become restricted to broad
forms of action which failed to translate themselves into mobilizations
behind specific goals.
(xi) A credible Charter should specify that the government, in becoming a
signatory to the Social Charter, must be obligated to allocate resources
towards the realisation of the targets laid down in the Charter.
(xii) In the Sri Lankan experience, the process of informing people at the
village level, of the projects the government should be enforced in their
area to make them aware that their social upliftment, was at the heart of
any solution to make the government accountable for fulfilling its Charter
obligations.
(vii) As regards the Citizen’s Social Charter, attention was drawn to the need to
draw in Bhutan and Maldives in the work of the Task Force. It was
explained that a draft had been prepared by the Maldives group but their
representative on the Task Force, Ms. Aneesa Ahmed, has recently been
elevated to the status of Minister for Women’s Affairs and could not attend
the Dhaka Task Force meeting. Bhutan has only just been involved in the
work of the Task Force and will participate in the Colombo meeting to
review the final document.
(viii) It was agreed that the process of the preparation of the Citizen’s Charter
would have to be made consultative and transparent. The participants were
urged to look beyond the preparation of the document. Thus, the
ratification of the Charter could only be considered to be the beginning of
the SACEP’s efforts.
(ix) The need for a consensually defined terms of reference for the Charter
document was imperative. Words like “development” convey inherent
ambiguities. Only when we define development so that it can benefit and
include all segments of society, can we talk of a ‘right to development’.
Globalisation as a phenomenon will also have to be factored into the
Charter and its goals since this may impinge on the ‘right to development’,
particularly for the weaker segments of the population.
(x) Taking account of the comments and criticisms of the approach to
preparing an official Social Charter, it was agreed that the Task Force
should make the preparation of a Citizen’s Charter, a distinctive process,
based on consultation. It was therefore important for the Task Force to
spell out a concrete set of concerns and goals for the Charter which could
be put before the bigger gathering of Citizen’s meeting in Colombo in
February to discuss the Draft Citizen’s Charter. This document needs to
incorporate the doable measures for social action in the Charter so that it
could be used as an instrument of civic activism across the region.
(xi) In preparing the Citizen’s Charter the issue of whether the document to be
prepared was going to be class neutral and ideology neutral needed to be
addressed. It was pointed out, for example, that aid or international
assistance provided to South Asia, tended to be largely channelled to serve
an affluent elite. Given the present political context in South Asia it was
thus important to ensure that this Charter acts as an instrument to minimise
inequality and democratise access to resources. The Charter would have to
accordingly ensure the inclusion of communities that have traditionally
remained excluded from the development process due to the inadequacies
of public policy and the weakness of public institutions.
(xii) It was important for the Task Force to ask themselves who will be using
this Citizen’s Charter and how and whether there would be any way to
ensure that the constituencies who actually used the charter were involved
in its preparation.
(xiii) It was important at the very outset to define the terms of reference such as
eradication of poverty and to thereby define the poor in a meaningful way.
(xiv) It was emphasized that the Task Force needed to prepare an agreed
document if it was to serve as a strong advocacy instrument.
(xv) The Task Force should take a right’s based approach to the Charter and
leave it up to the government to drop whatever articles they felt were
unenforceable, instead of compensating for that at source, in its
preparation. There may, however, be some problems in binding the charter
to time frames but the document must not be disengaged from its political
context.
(xvi) The Task Force would need to address whether communities should be
targeted. Particular communities still remain excluded from the realm of
conventional social development wisdom. It is these very communities,
whose concerns should be highlighted by the Task Force.
(xvii) The Task Force would need to keep the respective governments across the
region under a certain degree of pressure in order to generate value
addition from the Citizen’s initiative on the SAARC process. The
complacency of the government was evident from the fact that other than
in Sri Lanka the governments of the SAARC member countries are yet to
form steering committees for the preparation of the social charter.
Plenary Session II
“This, however, does not mean that resources are not a constraint.
Resources are a fundamentally important part of the process of achieving
growth and additional resources are an imperative as a requirement for
progressively fulfilling the rights of the people. Therefore, it is important
for the Citizen’s Social Charter to not only specify how much growth is
expected to be achieved but also specify the nature of that growth as to its
capacity to serve and involve the deprived. But the conditionality of the
fulfilment of rights without a consideration of the resources that will
finance their actualisation may render the Charter dysfunctional.
(vi) In preparation the Social Charter, the Task Force should keep in mind
what is doable and achievable not just by the governments across the
region but though the autonomous action of civil society in each member
state.
(vii) One of the important purposes that this Charter could serve was to remind
the concerned governments of SAARC that they have earlier ratified
various International Charters. It was, thus, important to ask of them as to
how much progress has been achieved by them in meeting their
obligations under these various Charter commitments. The right to
information, for example, should be sanctified. Enforcement of such social
and political rights, are not resource intensive and can be relatively easily
ensured if the political will exists. It may become difficult to go beyond
such achievable targets in a document as general as the Social Charter.
Rehman Sobhan
Sobhan observed that the Charter could set absolute targets such as the elimination of
poverty and then set about stating the instrumental interventions necessary to achieve
those targets for each SAARC country. The Task Force can, accordingly, consider
action in three separate directions:
(i) The first direction could be to set targets based on best practice for serving
the goals of the Social Charter in the region, as far as civic activism is
concerned. This, he said, can then be used as a rationale for Citizen’s
groups in each country to demand action from their governments for
realising best practices achieved in the neighbouring countries
(ii) Another area of action could be through some forms of collective action by
civil society institutions. For example, an area of action which could lend
itself to autonomous civic action in the SAARC region was Micro-credit,
where the region was leading the world. The Social Charter could,
therefore, identify a Right to Credit for the deprived population of the
region. To realise this right, a Micro-Credit Network, involving micro-
credit institutions, throughout South Asia, could be established, which
could not only monitor the realisation of this right in each country but
could initiate a process of collective action to ensure widespread
enforcement of the Right to Credit.
(iii) The third direction could be to identify specific areas requiring political
action to implement the provisions of the Charter. To ensure the rights
indicated in the Charter are translated into political action the areas for the
involvement and participation of political constituencies in realising these
rights should be spelt out.
The session opened with a warning that the implementation of the charter, once it has
been formulated, will be as crucial as its formulation. The following issues were
addressed with regard to implementation:
(ii) The Task Force needs to address how the citizens of the region would
ensure that the document can be transformed into a set of measures that
will be implemented. This will need to resolve the specific issue of who is
going to implement the recommendations of the document. Setting time
bound targets may not be good idea because such targets are generally set
at a minimum level to ensure achievability, but then invariably become the
ceiling against which implementation is measured, thus offering an excuse
for particular governments to go no further. The SAARC Citizen’s Social
Charter should thus aim to become a visionary document. From the very
outset, we should not compensate for the feasibility of the targets we want
to achieve, by compromising them.
(iii) Such an initiative to draft a Charter taken at the regional level could have
some practical effect if it brings together some powerful civil society
forces to come together for action across the region.
(iv) Keeping the above discussion in mind it was pointed out that if the Charter
is to be prepared in the way that it has been envisioned, all the members of
the Task Force will have to take their responsibilities seriously and commit
more time and effort to the endeavour. Specific areas of responsibility for
enforcing the Charter have been spelt out in this document on
Implementation of the Work Programme for Advocacy, prepared by the
SACEPS, which needs more careful discussion.
(v) If the Charter is to be given high visibility across the region, as a prelude
to initiating an advocacy process, eminent persons from the region would
need to be mobilised to invest their support behind the Charter. However,
it will be important to select such a group of people carefully. The
selection should be on the consideration that such a group of eminent
persons would do more than just lend their faces and their image to the
cause of the Charter. In this regard, it was observed that the Task Force
should go through the natural selection process that is in place in each of
the member countries so as to make the pressure groups relevant at the
national level as well.
(vi) It was pointed out that the SAARC Social Charter has had too little
exposure and consultation at the national level. The Citizen’s Charter
should avoid this pitfall and make every effort to broaden its appeal if it
aspires to command legitimacy across the region. It was, thus, suggested
that the regional dialogue on the Charter should be followed by a broad
based process of consultations at the national level in each of the member
countries to reaffirm and add value to the Citizen’s Charter to be discussed
at Colombo. There was unanimous agreement on this suggestion,
following which, Dr Gunatilleke suggested a time frame for the
submission of the national Citizen’s Charters which will constitute the
building blocks for the regional document.
PLENARY SESSION IV
Organisation of the Regional Conference
(i) It was agreed that the summit will be held from 25-27 February 2003.
(ii) It was agreed that there would be a joint declaration at the end of the
Colombo summit.
(iii) Mr Basil Ilangakoon as Executive Governor, Marga Institute was invested
with the responsibility of organising the Summit.
(iv) Illangakoon informed the Task Force that an attempt would be made to
secure the presence of the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka as the Chief Guest
at the Colombo Summit. The Guest of Honour, would be the eminent jurist
Prof. G L Pieris, who was Minister for Constitutional Affairs.
(v) As far as the number of participants from each country was concerned, it
was agreed that 7/8 representatives would come in from each of the
member countries except the Maldives and Bhutan who would be entitled
to 3/4 participants each.
(vi) In the discussion of the invitees to the Summit, it was generally agreed that
the country team would aim to include some key people from across the
region, who have participated in citizens’ movements or are eminent
personalities in the civil domain.
(vii) There was a discussion over whether the final Citizen’s Social Charter
would be analysed article by article on the second day of the summit. It
was agreed that different components of the Charter would be discussed in
different groups. Thus would reduce the tedium and the necessity of
discussing the document at length in plenary session.
Annexure
List of Participant
(in alphabetical order)