Journal of Pragmatics 21 (1994) 37-65 37

North-Holland

Verbal indirection in Akan informal discourse*

Samuel Gyasi Obeng

Received January 1992; revised version April 1993

Interactants employ various forms of verbal indirection to embellish their utterances, to draw
other interactants’ attention to relevant issues, to persuade them, to minimize social and/or
communicational tension, and to settle personal scores.
indirection plays a significant role in conversational management as well as in the maintenance
of face and in politeness. It finds expression in proverbs, circumlocution, innuendoes, metaphors,
euphemisms, etc.

1. Introduction

This paper examines verbal indirection in Akan informal conversations. Its

aims are to explore: the strategies through which indirectness finds expression
in conversations; the role it plays in ‘face-work’ (Goffman, 19554, and in
polite behavior (Brown and Levinson, 1978); and why interactants abstain
from directness. Where relevant, I mention the implications of some of the
communicative strategies for the conversational maxims put forward by Grice
(1975).
Saah (1986: 369) remarks that among the Akan of Ghana “a person who
uses plain or blunt language instead of euphemisms is regarded as not being
able to speak well”. Any interactant who uses plain language is said to be
communicatively incompetent. However, Saah (ibid. : 367) argues, “a person
who is able to decorate his speech with such embellishments as proverbs,
metaphors, and idioms is seen in the eyes of the elders as a wise or witty
person”.
The above assertions point to the fact that verbal artistry is highly cherished
among the Akan. However, use of proverbs, metaphors, and idioms is not
unrestrained. As Yankah (1991) argues, there are social maxims in Akan

Correspondence to: S.G. Obeng, Department of Linguistics, University of Ghana, Legon, Accra,
Ghana.
* This paper was first read at a Linguistics Association of Ghana Meeting on the 10th of April,
1991.

0022-2313/94/$07.00 0 1994 - Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved

SSDI 0378-2166(93)EOO60-D
38 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan

which call for openness and candor. The Akan proverb Twene anim da hn
a, yenyan nkyen, ‘When the drum is barefaced you don’t rattle the sides’
attests to this fact. Thus, although the Akan admires or values speech
embellished with poetic digression, candor and openness are also required
of interactants on certain occasions.
The above discussion points to the fact that (a) like Grice (1973, the
Akan take conversation as being governed by the maxim of manner, which
requires an interactant to be brief, orderly, and avoid ambiguity and
obscurity of expression. In fact, in any informal social interaction, anyone
who holds the floor for an unusually long period of time is met with such an
expression as Ntia ntia mu (Brevity! Brevity!); (b) unlike Grice, the Akan
place a high value on speech suffused with obscurities and semantically
dense words. Anyone who skillfully uses such words is said to be eloquent,
wise or akwakora ha ‘A child of an old man’ - it is the old who are skillful
users of Akan.

2. Akan

Akan belongs to the Kwa group of languages. It is spoken by the most

populous ethnic group in Ghana. Akan is the Ll for most people in the
Ashanti, Brong Ahafo, Central, Eastern, and Western regions of Ghana. It
is also spoken by some people in the Volta region as their Ll. Quite a
number of people in the other regions of Ghana: Northern, Upper East,
Upper West, and Greater Accra speak Akan as an L2.l
Akan has over ten dialects, some of which are: Akyem-Twi, Asante-Twi,
Akuapem-Twi, Fante, Agona, Gomua, Wasa, Bono, and Kwawu. Out of
these dialects, three - Akuapem-Twi, Asante-Twi and Fante - have achieved
literary status.

1 In the Larteh (spoken in the Eastern Region), Afutu-Awutu (spoken in the Central
Region), and Bono (spoken in the Brong Ahafo Region) speech communities, we have two
levels of diglossia (Ferguson (1959)). The languages involved are: the local languages (either
Larteh, Afutu-Awutu, or Bono); Akuapem-Twi, Asante-Twi or Fante; and English. In
Larteh, for example, the varieties involved are: Larteh, Akuapem-Twi and English. Larteh
always functions as the L variety. Akuapem-Twi sometimes functions as an H variety or L
variety depending on the communicative context. In church, Akuapem-Twi functions as the H
variety and Larteh as the L variety. In the civil court, however, Akuapem-Twi functions as the
L variety and English as the H variety. The above situation is sometimes described as
‘triglossia’.
 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan 39

3. Data

My data consists of interactional data collected from naturally occurring

conversational settings by means of a tape recorder. I must point out that
this method of data collection contrasts markedly with methods of data
collection which are prominent in the social and behavioral sciences, where
the observer must necessarily manipulate, direct, or intervene in the subject’s
behavior.
The interactants from whom I collected my data were unaware of the
recording and I neither manipulated, intervened in, nor directed their
behavior. Neither did I add or delete any words from the interlocutors’
utterances. No grammatical constructions have therefore been corrected.
The data itself is made up of transcripts of eleven natural conversations,
each of about twenty minutes’ duration.

4. Methodology

This study is basically descriptive. It combines aspects of the Conversational

Analysis (CA) research strategy (the inductive approach) with the ethno-
graphy of speaking strategy. The study is empirical and the author’s native
speaker intuitions are not part of the analytic base. I address issues such as
why and how verbal indirections are produced and responded to by inter-
locutors.
Such issues in the ethnography of speaking as who is involved in the
encounter, and the purpose for which the conversational participants have
convened, are taken into consideration, since they will yield valuable insights
into the type of communicative strategies in which indirectness finds ex-
pression. Thus, cultural knowledge yields insight into the speech behavior of
interlocutors.
Following the CA research approach, I have placed transcribed excerpts
of conversation along with my analytical claims. This practice will help
readers to follow through the logic of the claims made, as well as help
prevent idiosyncratic judgments.
In attempting to justify my analytic claims, I present participants’ orienta-
tions to the various communicative strategies in which indirectness finds
expression. This helps in the analysis, since it shows how the interactants
themselves analyze or interpret each other’s utterances. The excerpts given in
the core sections of this paper are extracts taken from my entire data, so any
analytical claims or general statements refer to my entire data and not just the
excerpts cited.
40 S. G. Oheng 1 Verbal indirection in Akatz

5. Face

Face, according to Brown and Levinson (1978: 66), is the “public self-image
that every member wants to claim for himself”. It involves more than
demeanor, that is, how one appears. It in fact involves what one projects
about, and claims for, oneself (Wardhaugh, 1991: 287).
Interactants judge each other’s words against the faces they present during
conversation. This, by implication, suggests that the spoken word is extremely
powerful in any face-work.
Commenting on the ritual dangers of the spoken word, Goffman (198 1: 37)
writes: “once the exchange of words has brought individuals into a jointly
sustained and ratified focus of attention, once, that is, a fire has been built,
any visible thing (just as any spoken referent) can be burnt in it”. This notion
about the ritual dangers of the spoken word is bolstered by McDowell (1985 :
1 IS), who argues that “Everyday talk is replete with ritual dangers and
uncertainties”.
An Akan adage says:

As&m te SE ekutwa, wopepa a, cnk3

speech be like scar you-wipe if it-not-go
(Speech is like a scar: it never disappears even when wiped or cleaned.)

So powerful and ‘deadly’ is the spoken word that conversational participants

adopt various strategies in order not to step on one another’s toes or threaten
each other’s faces. Face can thus not be maintained by ego only. Its main-
tenance depends on mutual co-operation between ego and alter, each main-
taining the other’s face (Wardhaugh, 1991).
Various forms of verbal indirections as linguistic strategy are deployed, and
oriented to, for the maintenance and preservation of face. Lakoff (1973)
Wootton (1978) Pomerantz (1977) Good (1978) Owen (198 l), and Brown
and Levinson (1978 : 41 ff.) have all touched on the use of various communica-
tive formulae to signal face-threatening moves. Wootton and Pomerantz, for
instance, remark that conversational participants use, singly or conjointly,
such effective communicative strategies as displaying reluctance, hesitation, or
delay with ‘well’, to signal that a forthcoming move is face-threatening.
Saah (1986) and Yankah (1991) argue that among the Akans, the use of
such an apologetic expression as S&be ‘please, excuse me’ signals that a face
threat is about to occur. Specifically, they argue that such an expression
reduces the subsequent threat. The Akans have several social maxims on the
concept of anim ‘face’, and animka (‘face-say’, i.e. insulting one or embarras-
sing one in the presence of others) is almost always avoided. The desire for
face-maintenance and more especially, the abhorrence of face-threatening
behavior is attested to by the Akan popular proverb:
 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan 41

Anumguase mfata skaniba

disgrace not-befit Akan-child
(Disgrace does not befit the Akan-born.)

6. Politeness

Politeness plays a significant role in face-work. An expression or utterance

is said to be a polite expression if, in the words of Yankah (1991: 41) it is
“suffused with terms of politeness or courteous addressives”. Politeness is
socially prescribed and polite speech is used to express either solidarity or
deference. Among the Akan, Yankah notes that in formal speech, a stylistic
mark of politeness is for one’s speech to be suffused with apologetic formulae
like:

mepa wo kycw; meserc meka; s&be

I-with you beg I-beg I-say (excuse-me
(I beg you) (I beg to say) (excuse me, please)

and disclaimers. Such apologetic formulae, he argues, are used to warn other
interactants of an imminent (apparent or real) profanity, verbal taboo, or
proverb, as well as to disclaim “any possible impression of irrelevant or
offensive intent in the use of language” (cf. Yankah, 1991: 56). Terms of
respect, he continues, may be suffixed to requests, to expressions of thanks or
gratitude, as well as to greetings, in order to signal politeness. Such polite
addressives soften the face-effect of a locution. Thus, in Yankah’s (ibid.: 56)
words, the expression Fa ma me, aberaw ‘Give it to me with due respect to
your social class’ is a polite request.
In this paper, I hope to demonstrate that interactants abstain from direct-
ness in marking politeness. Specifically, I will explore the role indirection
plays in polite behavior and in the maintenance of face in Akan. Before I do
that, I define verbal indirection.

7. Directness and indirection

The Akan recognize conversation as a cooperative venture governed by the

Gricean supermaxim : ‘be perspicuous’ (1975). More specifically, the Akan in
several speech situations expect interactants to be orderly and to avoid
obscurity, ambiguity, and prolixity. Thus, the Akan is concerned not only
about what is said, but also about how it is said. Whereas certain speech
situations demand candor and openness, others demand prolixity, ambiguity,
and obscurity of expression.
42 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan

By directness in communication, I am referring to those utterances not

prefaced by, or suffused with, apologetic expressions, honorifics or polite
terminal addressives, figurative expressions (e.g. metaphors, proverbs, etc.),
and any other face-saving or face-maintaining devices.
An utterance is thus said to be direct if it is plain, open, and candid. The
Akan aphorism:

AsEm de& &da ne kwan mu a, na woaka; yennyi nto

case as-for it-lays its path in if then you-say we-don’t-remove put
nkyen na y&nkyea no nso
sideways and we-don’t-bend it either
(If a case is lying on its path, you say it, we neither remove it and put it
sideways nor bend it. [i.e. where indirection may prove counter-productive
one ought to be candid])

points to the fact that candor is valued in certain communicative situations. In

both formal and informal discourses, if an interactant overengages in obscu-
rity and ambiguity, the audience, hearers or addressees may say:

ade asEm no aman tamman tam

he-with case the tie-to-several-objects
(S/he tied the case/utterance up in knots., i.e. s/he is not direct!)

In spite of the fact that directness is highly valued, the spoken word, as
earlier remarked, is perceived as being extremely powerful with the capacity to
make or break. Interlocutors, therefore, are very cautious in both public and
informal communicational situations. In Owen’s (1981) terms, Akan conver-
sationalists have at their disposal several strategies of communicating, or
conveying intentionally, that a forthcoming utterance is problematic for them.
Many a time, such difficult (Good and Butterworth, 1978) or problematic
utterances are performed indirectly.
Verbal indirection may thus be defined as that communicational strategy in
which the interactants abstain from directness in order to obviate crises or in
order to communicate ‘difficulty’, and thus make their utterances consistent
with face and politeness. Verbal indirection finds expression in such strategies as
proverbs, metaphors, innuendoes, euphemisms, circumlocution, and hyperboles.

8. Discussion

In this section, I look at the communicative strategies in which indirection

finds its expression, as well as at the role indirection plays in the maintenance
of face and in politeness. I begin by looking at proverbs as a strategy.
 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan 43

8.1. Proverbs

As far as my data are concerned, proverbs are by far the commonest

strategy in which indirectness finds expression. As Yankah (1986: 48) argues,
“the nature of the proverb as impersonal, ascribed to a third source and as a
cultural truism, makes it an appropriate rhetorical device in the negotiation of
a delicate discourse”. Proverbs are believed to be the language of the sages
and of the elders - nyansa kusa (wise language) or mpaninfos kusu (elders’
language, i.e. language of the elders). A user of a proverb can therefore claim
immunity from any social penalty or sanction that might otherwise have been
imposed. This is not to suggest that people can go about spilling proverbs in
inappropriate communicative situations (cf. the adage

Ano wutiri a Esen numsn

mouth slips if it’s-more-than foot
(If the lips slip, it’s more dangerous than when the foot slips.))

An important fact about proverbs among the Akan is their proper and/or
appropriate usage. An interactant who produces an effective proverb in the
right linguistic context or in a fitting rhetorical context is considered a good
speaker.
Quite recently, I overheard a graduate student talking to an undergraduate
student. The unusual forte loudness of their utterances attracted my attention.
The graduate student asked the undergraduate how life was, and he responded

Nunu ups mu de& anku &Ye

elder joints inside as-for would-have-been it-be-okay
(Elder, as far as health per se is concerned, it’s fine.)

His response points to the fact that there is a problem somewhere. Under
normal circumstances he could have responded EYE(It’s fine). His response
therefore conversationally implies that all is not well with him. The graduate
student then pursued the conversation, most probably to find out what the
problem was. The dialogue itself and the context in which it occurred are
quoted below.

Example I. (Context: Recorded in October, 1990 at Legon in the Linguistics

Department. The interactants are two male university students aged between
25 and 35. Both speak Akan as Ll. T (a graduate student) speaks the Akyem-
Twi dialect of Akan and K (an undergraduate) speaks Asante-Twi. AP, the
one on whom the discourse centers, was not present at the scene of the
discourse. Although T was sympathetic about K’s plight, he could not offer
any help (at least as far as can be seen from the conversation)).
44 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan

T: Koj na ete s&n

kofi and it-be how
(Kofi how’s life?)
K Nana apJ mu de& anka EYE
elder joints inside as-far-as would-have-been it-be-fine
(Elder, as far as health per se is concerned, it’s fine.)
T: Koji no no o na Edeen na Enye?
kofi it be o but what really it-not-be-good
(Kofi! What isn’t good?)
Oh adee a AP aye! Asem asi jie na
oh something which AP has-done problem happen home and
yEabEfrE no SE 2mra. Enam apereaperec nti 3ma me
we-summon him that he-should-come due-to hurry so he-let me
de me ten thousand a EW me ho maa no Ena Jmaa me
with my ten thousand which be my self give him and he-gave me
cheque. Mekx banke nso a, SEE 3ni hwee WJ hg.
cheque I-went bank but when well he-didn’t-have anything in there
(Oh what AP has done! There’s a problem at home and he’s been
summoned home. Due to the short notice and in his hurry to get home, he
asked me to lend him ten thousand cedis. The only money which I have
on me ~ and he gave me a check in return. When I went to the bank, he
had nothing there [the check bounced.])
T: Oh nepay mmae&
oh his salary not-come
(Oh! His pay hadn’t come? [Hadn’t he been paid?])
K : Oh Nana! Na n ‘adwen ye no SE ebia seisei deE aba
oh elder then his-mind make him that probably now by it-come
bank Waha me paa 00. Kwaku Ananse ntE yE S-En
bank he-trouble me very much Kwaku Ananse’s marbles be how-many
na 3de bi ak3 anwan?
for him-use some go careless-play
(Oh Elder. He thought by then this pay would have gone to the bank.
How many marbles nte does Kwaku Ananse [the Spider] have to put some
on anwan [careless play]? (Is the Spider that wealthy to put his money on
a not-so-viable venture? i.e. Is the Spider so wealthy as to gamble his
money away?))
T: Wei dee akoa yi aha wo paa
this as-for guy this he-trouble you very-much
(Oh dear, this guy has put you in an awkward position.)

There is something particularly interesting about two of K’s utterances,

namely :
 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan 45

(a) Nana up3 mu de& anka &YE

elder joints inside as-far-as would-have-been it-be fine
(Elder as far as health perse is concerned, I’m fine.)

and

(b) Kwaku Ananse nte ye s&n na sde bi aks anwar?

Kwaku Ananse marbles be how-many for him-use some
(Is the Spider so wealthy as to gamble his money away?)

In both utterances, the speaker (K) abstains from directness. With the first
utterance, the speaker could just have said:

Nana aps mu de& &YE na mmom menni sika

Elder joints inside as-for it-be-good but in fact I-don’t-have money
(Elder I’m fine but I don’t have money.)

K’s utterance, (a), conversationally implicates the fact that he is handicapped

in one way or the other (most probably financially). This fact is, however, not
explicitly stated. The use of the social deictic (Levinson, 1984), Nana (Elder),
is a marker of deference and politeness.
In the second utterance, (b), K combines metaphor and proverb to bring
out the fact that he is not so rich that he would have parted with ten thousand
cedis (around U.S. $25) if he had known that AP’s account was in the red.
Here, K likens himself to Kwaku Ananse. Money is likened to nts (marble)
and the act of lending to anwan (careless play, i.e. the act of putting one’s
money in a not-so-viable business). In the game of n&to (marbles), if one
engages in anwan (careless play), one is likely to lose one’s nte (marbles)
through ntreho (the marble going off the platform raised for the game). Here,
one must have knowledge of n&to and be communicatively competent in
Akan in order to understand K’s utterances, due to the absence of directness.
in the next extract, the interlocutors talk about a World Bank oil palm
project and compensation to those affected by the project.

Example 2. (Context: EF, DA, and AN converse about the improper handling
of the land of the people of Asuom by the World Bank and the Lands
Department. EF, who is about 50, is a clerk of the Lands Department. DA, a
former sub-chief is about 66 and AN is about 45. EF speaks Asante-Twi
whereas DA and AN speak Akyem-Twi. Prior to this extract, they had been
arguing about the Lands Department’s inefficiency. After this extract, they all
agreed that the Lands Department should be more responsible. The recording
was done in Asuom in 1984 in a palm-wine bar.)
46 S.G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan

EF: SE y&de sika no br& mo na mo SE mompz a

If we-with money the bring you and you say you-don’t-like if
SE na yeapc yen baabi atena
then and we-look our place sit.
(If we bring the money and you refuse it, we’ll just go back and forget
about it.)
DA: Woate bi da? SE wo ara wonim SE yentutu
You-hear any before. But you even you-know that we-don’t-remove
anomaa ho mfa no nbkyere 3panin. SE mompE SE
bird self not-take it not-go-show elder if you-not-like that
basabasa ba de& a moma ycnhu mu na SE ycpene so a
confusion come then if you-let us-see in and if we-agree on
y&n nyinaa atena ase adiano ansana mode sika no aba.
we all sit down bargain before you-with money the bring.
(Have you ever heard of such a thing before? You know very well we don’t
remove the feathers of a bird and then show it to an elder to name it. If you
don’t want any confusion, let’s see inside but us in the know] so that if we
agree, then we all sit down and negotiate; then you can bring the money.)
AN: Ahaa! Eh3 ne nbmm3 no! Nea zmo Efla no rekeka no
Absolutely! There be discourse the what he Effa he is-saying that
dec 3no onhuu hwee da nti a.
as-for he he-not-see nothing before that why.
(Absolutely! That it is (the discourse)! Effa ain’t seen nothin yet; that’s
why he’s making such [irresponsible] statements. [Effa hasn’t experienced
our anger before; that’s why he is making such statements.])

In the above extract, EF’s utterance could be said to be impolite and/or

rude in view of the fact that DA was once a subchief. That his utterance is
unacceptable to the other participants is seen in DA’s initial utterance “ Woate
bi da?’ ‘Have you ever heard of such a thing before?’ i.e. ‘What you’re saying
is improper’. AN also shows his dissatisfaction with EF’s utterance by saying
that he (i.e. EF) had not experienced their anger before; that is why he was
making such statements.
DA, being a subchief of the town, realizes he has his face to protect; so,
although what EF said may have angered him, we see a high degree of
linguistic sophistication associated with his utterance. DA intends to say that
the Lands Department, of which EF is a worker, must not stay in its office
and decide how much compensation should be paid to the people since that
might brew mistrust. His concern is expressed indirectly through the proverb:

YEntutu anomaa ho mfa no nbkyerE3panin.

‘We don’t remove the feathers of a bird and then show it to an elder to name
it.’
 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan 41

If the Lands Department wants to protect its face integrity, then the deal
ought to be made open. They must come to the negotiating table. Although
DA’s utterance is a delicate criticism of the Lands Department’s action, the
manner in which it is wrapped up in the proverb makes it acceptable to the
other participants.
Verbal indirection (expressed through the use of proverbs) may be em-
ployed to advise a conversational participant. Thus, it may have a moralizing
intent. In the extract which follows, a student advises his friend to study hard
in order not to fail a university examination.

Example 3. (Context: AM is a teacher on study leave, studying Russian and

Linguistics at the University of Ghana. KY is also studying Linguistics and
Political Science. AM is about 40 and KY is 24. They both come from my
village - Asuom - so does OS, KY’s friend. OS, although very clever, is
judged by both AM and KY as not being serious with his studies. He has
been referred in a university exam (i.e. asked to present himself for re-
examination upon fulfilling certain conditions), and AM takes this opportu-
nity to advise KY not to relent in his effort to study hard, since he is capable
of suffering the fate that has befallen OS. OS, the one about whom they
converse, was not present at the scene of the discourse. Both AM and KY
speak Akyem-Twi. The conversation was recorded in my home at Legon in
July, 1990.)

AM: &no nti na cyc a meka SE hw& wo ho yie no oo

that because why I-say that look yourself well it oo
Ebo3 na nsunsuan de no reks no enti apakyie
stone it-be flood with it is-going it so a-piece-of-broken-pot
na woada wo ho so.
then you-alert your self so.
then you-alert your self on.
(This is why I always say you need to be careful. The flood is carrying
the stone away so you, a piece of broken pot, ought to be alert or fore-
armed .)
KY: EnyE SE woreka yi. skwasea na 3se y&de me
it-not-be what you-say this! A-fool who he-says they-mean my
ysnko na yenne me. &SE SE mesa nsuo si
friend and they-don’t-mean me must like I-fetch water put
m’abDdwes& ho.
my-beard by
(What you’re saying is true. It’s a fool who says ‘they’re referring to my
friend, not me’. I must put water by my beard.)
AM: Aa na as&m SE be. Wei sei se wampaase PE a,
well then story like proverb this like if he-not-pass as-soon-as if
48 S.G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan

ESESE3repiiti
must he-repeat
(Well, that’s it. As it is, if he doesn’t pass, he must repeat.)

In the above extract, AM uses a proverb to advise KY to be forearmed,

since what has happened to KY’s friend could happen to KY himself. AM
could have been direct by telling KY to be careful; thus, he could have said:
HWE wo ho yie (Be careful). KY is much older than AM and advising him
(KY) directly could be taken as a sign of disrespect. The proverb thus
minimizes the possibility of offense being taken and may be said to be
consistent with the face-work the interlocutors are engaged in.
In the proverb itself, we see a skillful display of metaphor. &ho3 (stone)
stands for the addressee’s friend Osei, and n~un~ualt (flood) for failure in
examination. Apakyie (a piece of broken pot) stands for the addressee himself.
cbo3 is much heavier than apakyie, so, if nsunsuan carries Ebo3 away, then
apakyie will be no match for nsunsuan, hence the need for upakyie to be
combat-ready. The implication here is that Osei, KY’s friend, has a better
educational background than KY. (The personal knowledge I have about
Osei is that he went to one of the best secondary schools in Ghana.) If Osei,
who has a better educational background than KY, has been referred in a
university examination, then KY (who has a not-so-good educational back-
ground) ought to be forearmed.
KY’s response is also embellished with the proverb skwasea na LWJ_YE& me
yzzko na yenne me (It’s a fool who says: “They’re referring to my friend, not
me” i.e. It’s a fool who does not forearm himself or take precaution when a
friend is in danger). Here, too, we see an absence of directness. KY likens
himself to a fool who, even though he might see danger, refuses to take the
necessary precautions. The above discussion points to the fact that indirection
expressed by proverbs plays a significant role in politeness and in the
maintenance of face.
The final excerpt for this section is taken from a conversation between PE -
a 78-year-old man - and OW, a 45year-old-man. Oware, PE’s nephew, has
been making life difficult for him. He appears not to be satisfied with
whatever PE does for him and PE discusses this problem with OW.

Example 4. (Context: Recorded in Asuom in a palmwine bar in June, 1989.

PE, a 78-year-old man, talks to OW, who is 45, about Oware’s (PE’s nephew)
bad behavior. Oware was not present at the scene of the discourse. Both PE
and OW agree that Oware is riding for a fall.)

OW: Saa akoa yi koraa mentumi nhu adee a WOYE ma no a

that guy this even I-not-able not-see thing what you-do for him if
 S.G. Obeng 1 Verbal indirection in Akan 49

&bEy&no f&. sreha wo paa 00

it-be him nice. He-be-trouble you very much
(I don’t know what (on earth) will satisfy this guy. He’s giving you a lot
of trouble.)
PE: Meye dEn kska. wokska pc a, tw&deehy.z ntoma mu.
I-do what go-say. You-go-say as-soon-as if fist be cloth in
Nso mahu bi pen. Mmm, ahu-bi-pen nti nso na SE
But I-see some before. Yes, see-some-before why also and if
aserewa regye ne ba agor2 a na wayi nani at0
aserewa is-playing its child play if then it-remove its-eye put
nkyen. Na aserewa regye ne ba agor3 na n’ano W33

sideways. it-be aserewa is-playing its child play and its-beak pierce
nhni. cji saa da no SE xegye ne ba agor3 a na 3de
its-eye since that day it if it’s-playing its child play if then it-with
n’ani at0 nkyeen. Nea wahu nhu mprenu.
its-eye show sideways He-who he-see not-see twice.
(Dare I say it! If one dare say it, a fist will be ready hidden under cloth.
This is not the first time. It is due to experience that when aserewa [a
bird], is playing with its chick, it looks side-ways [i.e. it does not look
the chick in the face.] Aserewa was playing with its chick and its beak
pierced the chick’s eye. Since then, whenever it is playing with the chick
it does not look it in the face. Whoever has experienced a bad omen,
never wants to have that experience again.)
OW: Opanin PE dee wote Twi 00. Wo Twi YE me de. EYE
elder PE as-for you-know Twi 00. Your Twi be me tasty It-be
nokoix mmom. Woanhwc yie a sde animguase bEbrE wo. Gyae
true sure. You-not-see well if he-with face-fall bring you Stop
n hkyi die.
his-back follow
(Elder Pepperah you know Twi. Your Twi is tasty. It’s true that
whoever has experienced a bad omen, never wants to have that expe-
rience again. If you’re not careful, he’ll bring you disgrace. Ignore him.)
PE: snkg so E na EnnE wahyia aboa; Jkyena sbchyia
he-should-go on, right, and today he-meet beast tomorrow he’ll-meet
nipa. Woahu obi a wato bo3 atwa Firaw na
person You-see some-one who he-throws stone across Firaw and
da no ara mpafe asi no da?
day that very sideache attack him before?
(He can continue misbehaving. Today he’s met an animal. Tomorrow
he’ll meet a human being. Have you ever seen anyone who has thrown a
stone across the Firaw [Volta River] and suffered aching sides that very
day?)
50 S. G. Obeng 1 Verbal indirection in Akan

OW: Daabi di Ha ha ha ha.

Never (laughs)

A look at PE’s first utterance reveals a high degree of indirectness. This

indirectness finds expression in a proverb (quoted below) and an explanation,
as well as elaboration, of the proverb. In the turn itself, he first talks about
how troublesome Oware (his nephew) is. He produces the idiom twede& hye
ntoma mu (‘a fist is hidden beneath a cloth’; i.e. a serious confrontation
ensues). The idiom is then followed by the proverb Ahu-bi-pen nti na SE
aserewa regye ne ba agors a na wayin’ani ato nkyen (‘It is due to a previous
experience that when aserewa is playing with its chick, it does not look at it
directly’). He explains the proverb by elaborating on it with what can pass as
an etiological tale. He ends his turn with the aphorism - Nea wahu nhu nhu
mprenu (‘Whoever has experienced a bod omen, never wants to have that
experience again’).
The stretches (proverbs and aphorisms) in PE’s turn ward off any face-
threatening act. PE’s utterance implies that he is not a weakling, as it
might appear on the surface. Owing to circumstances beyond his control, as
well as to his previous experience, he is not taking any strong action against
Oware.
OW, the other interactant, acknowledges the linguistic sophistication of PE
by producing the complimentary comment spanin PE dee wote Twi 00. Wo
Twi YE me dE (‘Elder PE, you know Twi. Your Twi is tasty - You’re
eloquent’). His next stretch of utterance - EYE nokor& mmom (‘It’s true
anyway’) is a comment on the argument that whoever has experienced a bad
omen, never wants to have that experience again. The word gpanin (Elder),
like Nana (Elder or chief), is a social deictic which marks social deference and
politeness.
In PE’s last turn, he predicts that his nephew will never go unpunished,
since there is the possibility of his being confronted in the future by someone
who may be aggressive. PE, however, makes his prediction indirectly. He
produces the stretch EnnE wahyia aboa a, Jkyena gbehyia onipa. Woahu obi a
wato bos atwa Firaw na da no ara mpafe asi no da? (‘Today he’s met an
animal; tomorrow he’ll meet a human being. Have you ever seen anyone who
has thrown a stone across the Firaw (Volta River) and suffered aching sides
that very day?‘)
The stretch woahu obi a wato bog atwa Firaw na da no ara mpafe asi no da?
points to the fact that the consequences of Oware’s actions may be delayed or
may not be felt immediately. But that does not mean he would go Scot-free. A
look at PE’s utterance shows that he is very skillful at verbal indirection. He
will therefore be judged a good speaker by the ‘elders’, and it comes as no
surprise when OW, a younger person, acknowledges his (PE’s) linguistic
virtuosity.
 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan 51

8.2. Metaphor

Verbal indirection may be expressed through kasakoa (‘twisted speech’, i.e.

metaphor). Like proverb users, speakers who embellish their utterances with
metaphorical expressions are said to possess good speech. Two extracts are
drawn from my data to show how indirection finds expression in metaphor. I
will also show the role metaphor plays in face-work and its relevance for some
Gricean maxims.

Example 5. (Context: KY and BU converse about BU’s girl-friend. Both are

about the same age - 36. BUS girl-friend was not at the scene of the incident.
Both interactants agree that if the woman does not change her bad behavior,
she might not get a good husband. The conversation was recorded in Asuom
in 1989. Both interactants are natives of Asuom and speak Akyem-Twi.)

KY: Ad&n nti na cy-5 a wonkeka bi nkyer& no.

why don’t and it-be when you-not-say some show her
(Why don’t you reply [her] defiantly?)
BU: Buoo meyE Bn we aburoo? Mewo se a ycde ka a
Well, I-do what chew corn I-had teeth which we-with bite if
anka eni. Atentenhuo tua me to na meye den
would-have-been. this Cotton-wool struck my buttocks and I-do what
ksbs tra gyafurama Maye 3mampam nea amansan
go-jump over conflagration I-become monitor-lizard what people
bEka biara mente na mabua
will-say any I-not-hear for me-to-answer
(Well, who am I to chew [eat] corn? If I had teeth with which to bite,
will this have happened? [i.e. If I were not incapacitated, will this have
happened?] There is cotton wool attached to my buttocks so who am I
to jump over a conflagration? I have become a monitor lizard; I don’t
hear what the world says [about me] so I’m unable to respond [to any
accusations].)
KY: Aye dwe wae. Gyae n’akyi die
it-be difficult really stop her-back follow
(It’s terrible/hard! Well, don’t follow her. [i.e. ignore her])

Example 6. (Context: same as Example 5)

KY: Nso Dbaa no dee 3Y& f&
But woman the as-for she-be beautiful
(But the woman is beautiful.)
BU: Ne ho de& lzy.5 f&. Nso mpaninfog kae a w3mmoa Wok2
her self as-for it-be beautiful but elders said if they-not-lie you-go
52 S. G. Oheng f Verbul indirection in Akun

kuro bi mu na kyerenee hebree wows hJ a, Enka SE ch3fo.T

towna in and paths many be there if don’t-say that there-people
nnim ajidie sum; ebia ychhwe h3 nam 00, ne ho
don’t-know traps set propably we-not-eat there meat oo her self
de.? &YE fE. SE Ennec wohu no a, na woahu ,YE
as-for it-be beautiful. if even you-see her if then you-see that
Dbaa nie. Ne kxz, ne, kzz, wobeka SE knntoa. Jmaame
woman this her neck her neck you’ll-say like gourd her-mother
woo no mmom. Waat! Ne se ne se ne se; M>obeku
gave-birth her really what her teeth her teeth her teeth you’ll-say
SE hyire. Aka suban no 00. Eno b.zka o PE
like white-clay left character the oo it come-join self as-soon-as
a anka wawie
if then she-finish
(She is beautiful. The elders are always right when they say: If you go to
a town and there are several lanes/paths of animals, do not come to the
conclusion that the inhabitants of the town do not know how to set
traps to catch these animals. A probable explanation could be that those
animals are not fit for human consumption. Well, with regard to
beauty, she really is beautiful. If you see her, everything proves she’s
beautiful. What I admire about her is her neck. It’s like a gourd. Her
mother actually gave birth to her [i.e. she’s beautiful]. What! Her teeth,
her teeth, her teeth. They are like white clay. What she doesn’t have is
good character. If she gets it [good character] she’d be perfect!)
KY: Na Eno dee xekqfu no he? SE DSE ne
and that as-for she’s-going-to-take it where but she-resembles her
ni
mother.
(Where’s she going to get that [good character]? Like mother, like
daughter. [i.e. she takes after her mother])

In example (5) BU appears to be saying that it is not the case that he is

ineffective. His problem is challenging and he is incapacitated. He has no
option other than to keep mute.
The word Buoo (an interjection marking disappointment), as well as the
metaphors used here, communicate ‘difficulty’. Thus, they signal that the
forthcoming utterance is face-threatening. Buoo thus performs a similar
function as ‘well’ in English (Lakoff, 1973).
In Example 6, BU explains why men refuse to marry certain young women.
This is, however, not done directly. The indirection finds its expression in
metaphors and similes. Women are likened to animals in the forest. Men hunt
for (set traps to catch) such animals. If many of such animals exist in the bush
and men are refusing to catch them, then something is amiss. The most
 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan 53

probable explanation is that the animals are not ‘edible’, or that there is a
taboo which prevents such animals from being eaten. The indirection
employed by BU exploits the Gricean maxim of manner. BU could have been
brief and plain by saying something like Akosua ny.s (‘Akosua is bad’), but
that would have been improper on his part. After all, the person they are
talking about is his former girl friend, and there is the possibility that
someone would overhear the comment and report it to her. The expression
mpaninfo3 kae a w3mmoa (‘The elders are always right when they say’) is a
disclaimer of performance and a marker of politeness. BU uses this stretch to
show his own humility as well as the verbal wit and wisdom of the ‘elders’.

8.3. Innuendo

Among the Akan, if interactants want to talk about delicate issues or to

settle personal scores whithout engaging in direct verbal dueling, they resort
to akutia (innuendoes). An innuendo is goal-oriented and “its target is
expected to be aware of the subliminal frame of interpretation” (Yankah,
1991: 53).
The Akan adage:

Akutia nim ne wura

innuendo knows its owner
(An innuendo knows its target.)

supports the claim that an innuendo is goal-oriented.

One interesting feature of akutia is that the one at whom it is directed can
only respond indirectly. This is because no one’s name is mentioned when the
akutia is being cast; it will therefore be improper for anyone to respond
directly.
In the next two excerpts, indirection finds its expression in innuendo. In the
first excerpt, AN accuses a settler farmer who lives in AN’s mother’s house of
being a nuisance.

Example 7. (Context: Recorded in January, 1990 in my neighbor’s house in

Asuom. AW is between 65-70 and AN is about 36. AN is an ex-convict. Both
interactants are illiterate and the discourse is about some tenants who AN
wants to forcibly eject from his mother’s house. Otunor, the target of the
insinuation, was present at the scene of the discourse, but did not utter a
word; rather, it is the neighbor (AW) who answers. Otunor, however, left the
scene of the discourse after some time. Prior to AW joining in the discourse,
AN had been showering insults on his victims, but none answered. Later, AW
advised AN to be patient.)
54 S.G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan

AN: 3h3ho3 bi w3 hg a 3tan wo nso na 2te wo so.

stranger a be there who he-hates you but and he-stays you on
Mmm, 3tan-te-wo-so3
yes hatred-stay-you-on
(There is a stranger/an immigrant who may hate you but yet stays with
you [lives in your house]. Yes, hatred-stay-with-you [i.e. one who hates
you but stays with you].)
AW: Na Kwaku ad&n?
but Kwaku why
(But Kwaku why?)
AN: Wobenya obi a, mhni tua no. WJn sxe a w2naye
you’ll-get someone who my-eye hold him they wake-up when they-be
kyenkyenee scnea wcm ne ejie wura. Atoto-pono-mu-f02 a w3n
pompous as-if they be house owner closers-of-doors who they
ague Jie akcnten so3. Bae-ank3.
get house overlord on come-not-go
(It is someone who ‘my eyes are getting hold of’! They behave as
though they are the landlords. Closers-of-doors who behave as though
the house is theirs. [Immigrants] who have no desire to return home.)
AW: Hahaha. Kwaku no no oo
laughs Kwakuit be oo
([Laughs] Kwaku!)
AN: Awo ma menkeka bi nkyer& w3n aa. Akutia nim ne
Awo let me-say some show them aa innuendo knows its
wura 3~3 Jbarima a 3rn.csg so. W3n s3re a
owner he-be man if he-come-respond to-it they wake-up when
w3n abs nipa akutia saa ara. 3h3ho3 a
they inflict-on man innuendoes always always stranger who
3bu b.c.
he-use proverb
(Awo, permit me to give it straight to them. An innuendo knows its
owner [i.e. the one at whom it is directed]. If he’s a man, let him
respond. Everyday they cast insinuations. An immigrant [stranger] who
uses proverbs.)
AW: Akua Pa kakyere Anyan na gngyae wei nom akyi die.
Akua Pa tell Anyan to he-stop these people back follow
(Akua Pa, tell Anyan to ignore these people.)

In the above extract, in order to avoid direct verbal confrontation or

dueling, AN decides to settle a personal score with someone (Otunor, whose
name is mentioned later in the discourse) through verbal indirection
(innuendo).
 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan 55

In his first utterance, AN does not mention the person whom the insinua-
tion is directed at. The non-specificity of the determiner bi can make AN
claim immunity from the one at whom the insinuation is directed. In fact, the
entire stretch does not involve directness. When asked what the matter was,
AN still abstained from directness. His second utterance still contains a non-
specificic pronoun obi (someone). It is the landlord who closes the doors to his
house, not a stranger or a tenant. He refers to those at whom the innuendo is
directed as closers-of-doors. And although the following stretch Bae-Anks
‘immigrants who have no desire to return home’ may give an indication as to
whom the insinuation is directed at, there is still a high degree of indirectness.
No one’s name has as yet been mentioned; so it will be useless for anyone to
respond.
Although in the first sentence of the last turn, AN remarks that the victim
was in the vicinity, he neither mentions his name nor refers to him directly.
Like proverb users, users of insinuations can legitimately claim ‘immunity’,
provided they use the innuendo within acceptable limits. The acceptable limits
may be locally managed.
The last sentence of AN’s last turn is of considerable interest to us. He
refers to his target as a stranger or an immigrant who uses proverbs. An
immigrant is normally communicatively less competent than a native speaker
in the native language. An immigrant who uses proverbs in the language of
the community where he nows lives may have stayed for an unsually long time
and is likely to have incurred the displeasure of the local people. Such a
person may be seen by the locals as a nuisance.
From the above discussion, it is clear that AN exploits the Gricean maxim
of manner to settle a personal score. By using indirection he is able to prevent
a confrontation.
In the next excerpt, an interactant - AY - employs indirectness to spite her
son-in-law. She combines innuendo, euphemism, and metaphor.

Example 8. (Context: Recorded in the same house as Example 7, but on a

different date.
AK is a 70-year-old woman and KW is AK’s son-in-law; he was the target of
the insinuation, and was present at the scene of the discourse, but did not take
part in it.)

AK: Me de.? mempE onipa a m ‘an0 bcka no. Nea

me as-for I-don’t-like person who my-mouth will-touch him one
3ne no awo mpo na mereye no de&n na
she-with him bring-forth even even I’m-doing him what and
me-ne-ss nea ne s3s3 at3 Birim mu Tweaa.
how-much-more one whose hoe has-fallen Birim inside damn-it
(As for me, I don’t like one who comes close to my lips [one whom I
56 S.G. Obeng 1 Verbal indirection in Akan

have to insult]. I don’t even have regard for the one who has had a child
with her, let alone the one whose hoe has fallen into the Birim River [i.e.
one who is impotent] Damn it!)
KE: Wo nso &de&n ne hoohoo yia?
you also what be yelling this
(Why this shouting/yelling?)
AK: Wobcnya ahenhema bi a 3te me k3n so. Ma me men.
isn’t-it monkey a who it-sits my neck on let me pass
(Isn’t it that a monkey who is sitting on my shoulder? Leave me alone.)

In the above extract, AK spites her son-in-law indirectly through the use of
an innuendo, a euphemism, and a metaphor. The message that her son-in-law
is impotent is conversationally implied, but not explicitly stated. He is
described as someone whose hoe has fallen in the Birim River. His manhood
is likened to a hoe, and his impotence to the hoe falling in a river and being
carried away or getting lost in it, so that its owner cannot use it for its
purpose. The use of the euphemism lends a measure of refinement to AK’s
utterance.
The spiting is done indirectly to prevent any direct confrontation. Note that
the in-law’s name is not mentioned in the discourse. He is indirectly referred
to as a onipa (a person) and this is vague and unspecific. In fact, it would be
unwise for the son-in-law to respond, since his name is not mentioned. If he
did, the speaker could deny that he was her target.
AK abstains from directness, secondly, because not only would directness
affect or ruin her daughter’s marriage (if she cares about it), but she would be
defiling her own face!
Thus, the euphemism could be said to be acting as a “rhetorical filter that
aims at decorum and politeness” (Yankah, 1991: 45). Using the taboo word
k3tewui (impotence) would have marred AK’s face and depicted her as an
uncouth person.

8.4. Euphemism

The use of euphemism is another strategy through which indirectness finds

expression. Among the Akan and other peoples of Ghana (e.g. the Ewe,
Nzema, etc.), such delicate things as death, certain kinds of diseases,
menstruation, as well as acts related to the sexual organs are not usually
talked about directly. Thus, an improper verbalization of any of the above
mentioned acts attracts stern social rebuke. Such tabooed events may be
expressed through euphemistic expressions. When a chief dies, he is said to
have ‘gone to his village’ 3k3 n’akuraa. A woman in her menses is said to
have ‘broken her finger’ - wabu ne nsa, or to ‘have killed an elephant’ -
wakum sono. A leper is said to be ‘holding a stick’ - Dkuta dua mu: and an
 S. G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan 57

impotent main is said to have had ‘his gun seized by a powerful chief- shene
agye ne tuo.
One excerpt is drawn from my data to show how indirectness is achieved
through a euphemism.

Example 9. (Context: Recorded at Legon in June, 1990. Two interactants -

AS and OS - talk about the pregnancy of Agyei’s wife. Prior to this topic they
had been talking about other friends. Later in the discourse, they talk about
the hard time they are going through.)

AS: Na woahu Kwame Agyei nansa yi?

and you’ve-seen Kwame Agyei days these
(Have you seen Kwame Agyei recently?)
OS: Mehuu no akyc paara 00. The last time a mehuu no
I-saw him long-time very oo the last time which I-saw him
na skyer& SE nc yere no koraa ne ho adane nti SPE
then he-said that his wife the even her self change so he-wanted
SE 3ma no kg ne maame h3 koraa k3 wo.
to he-ask her go her mother there even go-give-birth
(It’s a long time since I saw him. The last time I saw him he told me his
wife’s physical structure had changed [i.e. she was pregnant], so he was
going to ask her to go to her mother to give birth.)
AS: Y&rebrE 00
we’re-suffering 00
(We’re suffering [i.e. life is hard].)
OS: 3bcy& no den
he’ll it what
(How will he do it? [i.e. There’s nothing he can do - he has no option])

A look at OS’s first turn reveals how skillful he is in controlling his words.
Instead of using such a plain, direct or blunt utterance as:

Ne yere no koraa nyem

his wife the even pregnant
(His wife is pregnant.)

he produces the euphemistic expression:

Ne yere no koraa ne ho adane

his wife the even her self change
(His wife’s physical structure has changed. [i.e. she is pregnant])
58 S. G. Obeng 1 Verbal indirection in Akan

OS would have been termed communicatively incompetent if he had said:

Ne yere no koraa nyem; so although the euphemistic expression flouts the
Gricean maxim of perspicuity, he will be seen in the eyes of the elders as witty
and eloquent. The euphemistic expression helps to maintain OS’s face.
Secondly, among the Akan it is a taboo to say: snyem ‘she’s pregnant’, since
the taboo expression carries with it a supernatural sanction (the possibility of
the pregnant woman having a still-birth or the foetus being inflicted with a
deformity or a dangerous disease).
Saying Ne yere no koraa ne ho adane is therefore not only consistent with
the face-work OS is engaged in; but also consistent with custom, since
expressing the pregnancy through the euphemism absorbs or prevents the
destructive potential of any evil forces.

8.5. Hyperbole

In this section, I look at how indirection finds expression in hyperbole or

exaggeration; at the role hyperbole plays in the maintenance of face in
informal conversation; and at the implication that hyperbole has for the
Gricean conversational maxims.
In the extract below, a speaker expresses his gratitude through a hyperbole.

Exampfe 10. (Context: KF - a lecturer - lent AB - a graduate student - some

money and AB is repaying the loan. KF refuses to accept the money back and
AB expresses his gratitude through a hyperbole. Both interactants speak
Akyem-Twi. KF is 32 and AB is 41. Prior to this extract, they talked about
life on the university campus. KF changed the topic of the conversation
immediately after AB’s last turn (of this extract)).

AB: Enti adee a mebcgyeee no na anka mederebeto nea Eda

thing which I-came-for the that was I-come-put where it-rests
Fio, it’s what I came for that I’m returning to its place of rest.)
KF: &ho nhia. Mu Enw3 hs.
it-be unnecessary let it-be there
(It’s unnecessary. Keep it.)
AB: Master SE Eba saa na daakye SE me ho hyehye me a, merentumi
master if it-come that and future if my self hot me if I-can’t
mma bio o
come again 0
(Master, when that happens, in future if I’m in need, I can’t come to
you for help.)
KF: Emma saa nye w‘adwen. Yei nye adeE kEse& biara
don’t-let that not-be your-mind this not-be thing big any
(Don’t think that way. This is nothing. [this is insignificant])
 S.G. Obeng 1 Verbal indirection in Akan 59

AB: Ketewa biara nsua

small any not-small
(Any small thing isn’t small. [It isn’t small/It’s big or significant])
KF: EnyE hwee
it-not-be anything
(It doesn’t matter.)
AB: Wei de& woama m’ani awu
this as-for you-let my-eyes die
(You’ve made me ashamed of myself. [i.e., I wish I hadn’t borrowed
anything from you])
KF: Nnye saa na yeka no. Emma cnnha wo.
not-be that how we-say it don’t-let it-trouble you
(Don’t worry.)
AB: Yoo &Y&. cnne.5 wote SE mawu a didi
okay it-be-good then you-hear that I’m-dead if eat
(All right, well, if you hear that I’m dead, eat. [Many thanks])

In the above extract, we see verbal indirection being used to exploit some
Gricean maxims, warding-off face-threatening acts and showing gratitude and
politeness. AB’s initial utterance Enti adec a mebcgyeee no na anka mederebsto
nea &da (‘So it’s what I came for that I’m returning to its place of rest’)
exploits the maxim of manner - by using obscurity. The item lent him by KF
(which is money) is not mentioned directly. The act of lending is likened to
taking an object from a place, and the act of repaying to bringing the object
back to its resting place. This same expression could be said to be used in the
maintenance of face.
The conversation took place in the corridor of a department - a place
used by over two hundred students. Saying something like Bosea a mebebJe
no na mereb&tua (‘It’s the loan I came for that I’m coming to repay’) would
therefore be inconsistent with the speaker’s face, since other students or
indeed lecturers might overhear him, or get to know of AB’s weak financial
standing. In KF’s response, no mention of money is made - an indication
that he is co-operating with and helping him in his face-work.
In AB’s second turn, we see another display of verbal artistry. Ohia
‘need’ is replaced by the metaphor ahohyehyee ‘feeling extremely hot,
uneasy and uncomfortable’. AB says “daakye SE me ho hyehye me a, . . . ”
(‘In future, if I’m feeling hot [if I’m in need] . ..‘). In fact, it could be said
that that utterance also wards off any face-threatening act(s). His second
utterance Ketewa biare nsua (‘Anything small isn’t small’ [it’s not small, it’s
significant]) shows how indirectness is used to mark politeness and gra-
titude.
60 S.G. Obeng 1 Verbal indirection in Akan

His final turn Ennee wote SE mawu a didi (‘then if you hear that I’m dead,
eat’ [i.e. many thanks]) involves a kind of exaggeration or hyperbole used to
show gratitude.2

8.6. Circumlocution

Like Grice, the Akan believe in brevity during conversation. In formal

speech, meta-communicative devices exist for ensuring brevity. If a speaker
makes an unusually lengthy speech or engages in circumlocution, the audience
may issue such a phrase as:

Ntia ntia mu!

short short inside
(Brevity! Brevity!)

When the audience becomes impatient it is not uncommon to hear someone

say :

W’asem ware na twa so.

your-story long so cut off
(Your story is long; be brief!)

In informal conversations, especially among equals, if an interactant en-

gages in too many circumlocutions, it is common to hear people say:

Akoa yi dee 3twe asEm.

guy this as-for he-drags story
(This guy engages in circumlocution.)

The Akan recognize the concept of face. They also recognize circumlocu-
tion as one of the communicative strategies for face maintenance. Thus,
circumlocution is recognized as a strategy for communicating difficulty. The
three aphorisms below help to explicate the ritual danger of conversation, the
concept of face, and the need to cultivate prolixity.

Onipa anim ascmka te SE worekasa akyerc kurotwiamansa

man face story-say be like you’re-talking show tiger
(Talking to a man is like talking to a tiger. [i.e. the spoken word can ‘break’])

2 Among the Akan, close relatives of a deceased do not eat any heavy meal until after burial. To
ask a close relative to eat when one dies thus implies that one is already grateful for what the close
relative has done for him in his lifetime, and therefore the relative need not fast when he dies.
 S. G. Obeng 1 Verbal indirection in Akan 61

EnyE YIS&f?l nyinaa na yska

it-not-be stories all that we-say
(Not all stories can be said. [i.e. some utterances are unspeakable])

AsEm a EY& den no yEka no mpemeampemea

story which it-be difficult that we-say it meander-meander
(A delicate story is told in a roundabout way.)

Cognizant of the fact that face-to-face interaction is as dangerous as talking

to a tiger, and in view of the fact that certain delicate issues cannot be talked
about freely, the Akan employ ‘meandering’ or circumlocution as a strategy
for verbalizing such unspeakable utterances.
Tarr (1979) and Yankah (1991) remark that, in addressing such delicate
topics as credit-soliciting and other requests for favors, speakers may employ
circumlocution as a communicative strategy. The two extracts below will be
referred to in the discussion which follows:

Example II. (Context: BO and AY are undergraduate students of the

University of Ghana, Legon. They both speak Asante-Twi. BO attempts to
convince AY that Jesus is the only way to heaven. AY is not convinced by
BO’s assertion, but no confrontation ensues. He (AY) rather asks BO to
change his mind about other religions. Recorded in January, 1990.)

BO: Enti seisei ara senea merekasa yi

so here-and-now now as I’m-talking this
(So then, as I speak.)
AY: Senea worekasa yi; Woreps akyere s&n?
you’re-talking this you-want to-show what
E s You speak; what do you intend to portray?. [i.e. what do you
mean?])
BO: 3no WLJ tumi zzo ankasa w3 tumi. Buda nye nipa a
he has power he particularly has power Buddha not-be man who
Jhyeeda tenaa ase dii dwuma titire biara. Nkramosom
he-intentionally sat down do work proper any Islam
nso sei SE wohws a wohu SE Mohammed nnye nipa a
also this if you-look if you-see that Mohammed not-be man who
nyankopsn hyeeda maa no nimdee biara. Confucius mpo
God intentionally gave him knowledge any Confucius even
koraa de& wote ne din no mpo a 3Y& confusionist.
as-for as-for you-hear his name it even that he-be confusionist
Woahu? &no nti na mereka SE Ekwan no dee eye
you-see that because why I’m-saying that road the as-for it-be
62 S.G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan

baako PE. Womeese p.5 a Eno ara no no. Egya mu

one only you-miss as-soon-as if it-be that be that fire inside
straight. Ekwan no dee En0 ara ne Yes.4
straight road the as-for it-be only be Jesus
(He is powerful. He in particular has power. Buddha isn’t someone who
did any major work. If you look at Islam, you see that Mohammed isn’t
someone who was given any knowledge by God. As for Confucius, his
name even suggests he is a ‘confusionist’. You see! This is why I’m
saying that there is only one way. If you miss it, that’s it! Straight into
hell. As far as the way is concerned, Jesus is the way.)
AY: Gyae nea worekeka no Religyinfog biara nim SE w3n
stop what you’re-saying that religious-groups every know that their
dee na EYE. Wei nyinaa ye ayi EYE ayi &YE
own which it-be-good these all be this-thing it-be this-thing it-be
k@iuhyin.
confusion
(Stop what you are saying. Followers of each and every religion think
of theirs as the best. All these things are; they are confusion. [i.e. they
bring confusion])

In the above extract, we see that BO, instead of saying straightaway that
Jesus is the only way to heaven, starts off by criticizing or discrediting
Buddha. He remarks that Buddha did not make any meaningful contribution
to humanity; something which AY rejects. He follows it with a stretch meant
to discredit Mohammed and Confucius, using word play on ‘confusion’. This
is then followed by a statement suggesting that there is only one way to
heaven and anyone who misses that way automatically ends up in hell. Only
after issuing all such utterances does he come to his main point.
Although AY’s utterance is a rejection of BO’s proposition, it could be
argued that BO was to some extent successful in using circumlocution as a
discourse strategy. He is able to make an extremely delicate statement without
attracting any major verbal ‘punishment’.
The stretch ‘5no w3 tumi . . . Egya mu straight” is used by BO to signal that
the face-threatening move Ekwan no deE Eno ara ne Yesu ‘Jesu is the only
way!‘, is forthcoming. He could therefore be said to be engaged in face-work
with AY.
In the next extract, AK pleads with his brother-in-law to accommodate
him. The plea is made through a circumlocution.

Example 12. (Context: AK is OW’s brother-in-law. AK is about 45 and OW is

about 50. AK had ejected his son from his (AK’s) rented home in spite of an
earlier plea by OW for AK to rescind his decision. A few months later, AK is
also faced with eviction by his landlord and he goes to his in-law (OW) to
 S.G. Obeng / Verbal indirection in Akan 63

seek shelter. Prior to this extract, they had been talking about their families
(asking how each other’s family is doing). After OW had asked AK to be
candid, AK clears his throat and appeals to OW to forgive him and forget
what had happened earlier and to accommodate him.)

AK: EYE me SE mebaa wo jie Enne ne nansa EYE ejie

it-be me that I-came your house today and three-days it-be house
wura no tuo a xetu me no ho. Nipa bxze
owner the ejection which he’s-ejecting me that concern people bad
amma ycanhu nipa pa. Seisei deE wo ara wo
haven’t-made we-didn’t-see people good now as-for you only your
adaworoma; abankuaa mu baabi koraa na mafa no saara.
lordship corner in where even then I-take it as-it-is
(It appears I came to your house two days ago; on the matter
concerning the landlord who wants to eject me. The evil ways of bad
people make it difficult for good people to make out. Now, your
lordship/kindness, any corner/corridor will be accepted or appreciated
by me.)
OW: Nea EWS hg no ka na menhu
what it-be there it say so I-see
(Say whatever is there to be said, so that I may hear. [i.e. be candid])

From the above stretch, we see that AK does not go straight to the point.
He combines circumlocution with the aphorism nipa bDne amma yeanhu nipa
pa (‘The evil ways of bad people make it difficult for good people to make
out’). Here, he is indirectly referring to the bad behavior of his son, which led
to the harsh decision AK took by ejecting him from his (AK’s) house. The
implication is that the evil ways of his son and the subsequent ejection may
make people think AK is callous or unkind; but he really is not that bad or
indifferent about human suffering.
In fact, AK does not directly ask his in-law to accommodate him, since
direct verbalization may mar his face. Instead of saying something like Ma
me baabi ntena (‘Accommodate me’), he says Abankuaa mu baabi koraa a na
mafa no saara. (‘Any corner/or corridor will be accepted or appreciated by
me’).
AK uses circumlocution to convey his humility to OW. It may therefore be
said that, although the circumlocution employed flouts the Gricean maxim of
manner (it is not brief), it is a marker of politeness.
An interesting observation about circumlocution is that unlike the other
communicative strategies which exploit a form of language used, circumlocu-
tion pertains to the rhetorical structure of the discourse. It involves extra-
vagance in the use of words with the aim of persuading the other inter-
locutor(s) in a discourse.
64 S. G. Obeng 1 Verbal indirection in Akan

9. Conclusions

In this paper, I have discussed the concepts of directness and indirectness in

Akan. I have explored the strategies by means of which indirectness finds
expression in natural conversations. Specifically, I have argued that in Akan,
indirectness is accomplished through such communicative strategies as pro-
verb, metaphor, innuendo, euphemism, circumlocution, and hyperbole.
I have demonstrated that indirectness plays a significant role in politeness
and in face-work. Thus, it has been explained that utterances which communi-
cate difficulty or whose verbalization can cause face-threat are verbalized
indirectly. Indirection, in effect, helps save and maintain face. I have also
shown how indirectness is used to settle personal scores, to show gratitude,
and to verbalize the unspeakable.
As regards directness, I have shown that there are situations where indirect-
ness is counter-productive, and in such situations directness or candor is
preferred to indirectness.3 Throughout this paper, it has been found necessary
to relate the words of the speakers to their cultural and interactional context.
Conversation is a vehicle for socialization, and this paper has attempted to
shed light on the close link between linguistics and the other social sciences,
such as ethnography, anthropology, and sociology, since language cannot be
divorced from the culture in which it is used.

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