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DOI: 10.1177/110330880901700204
2009 17: 167 Young
Nicolle Pfaff
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Youth culture as a context of political learning: How young people politicize amongst each
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Pfaff Youth culture as a context of political learning 177
Young 17:2 (2009): 167189
participation than do other teenagers or even adults from these social back-
grounds (see, for example, Bhm-Kasper and Krappidel, 2006; Heitmeyer, 2002).
Additional path and regression analyses on the youth survey data show a
clear effect of belonging to right- and left-wing youth cultures as regards certain
political attitudes, namely interference with the impact of other contexts of
political socialization, such as the educational level of parents or their interest
in politics. This analysis also shows that regarding the two protest cultures,
effects of afliation with right- or left-wing cultures appear in experiences with
unconventional political behavior and in actions that include or are related to
violence (see Pfaff, 2006: 172ff; Pfaff and Krger, 2006).
Even if these results have to be proved in additional longitudinal studies,
they highlight the impact of certain youth cultural styles in the process of pol-
itical socialization. Moreover, they raise the question of how this inuence is
developed in concrete styles and groups. To answer this question by example,
the next section draws upon selected results from the qualitative case study of
a left-wing youth culture in an East German city.
POLITICAL CODES AS YOUTH CULTURAL BORDERS
The following section is based on results from case studies using the example
of two groups of friends that belong to a left-wing goth and punk scene in an
East German city that is characterized by high unemployment rates, a low por-
tion of immigrants and a relatively high number of right-wing youth groups in
the neighbouring countryside.
During the group discussions, both groups independently spoke about
their political afliations at the beginning of their discourses and described
themselves as leftists when asked for their attitudes and opinions in relation
to politics. Results of the youth survey show that this is true for most of the re-
spondents who have been allocated to left-wing youth cultures, whereas overall
only about 17 per cent of all respondents locate themselves at both ends of the
political continuum.
The rst group gave themselves the name alternative 4, parodying a German
hiphop band called The Fantastic Four, which suggests that borders between
different youth cultures are of special importance for the self-representation of
all styles. In the group, the question regarding their position in terms of polit-
ics led to a discourse on politics and radicalism (group Alternative Four: section
radicalism):
Interviewer: If you are talking about politics already, how would you describe
yourself in these terms? Is there any allocation (...)
Boy 1: Well of course leftists or (laughing)
Boy 2: So politically extreme left or left, how you dene it, the one more the
other less (4 seconds silence) leftist actually, so to speak that we
deny many things the state presents to us: certain laws, programs,
178 Young 17:2 (2009): 167189
taxes, democracy, and ght against this, and not like other people go
to elections and say: well, the Christian Democratic Union, they want
to increase taxes.
1
This group of 16 and 17 year old males dene themselves as leftists and the
following description of their political attitudes is mainly related to their re-
fusal of state expectations on its citizens. Therefore, their understanding of
democracy and of the current form of government in Germany is based on a
critique of the responsibility that goes along with citizenship. As in other parts
of the discourse, the boys use the term we to describe political attitudes and
actions, which indicates two things. First, the boys have a clear understanding
of shared political opinions, which indicates that political discussions in this
group are pretty common. Second, the young people see themselves as a part
of a larger political movement: a unied Left that also includes smaller political
parties who ght against social inequality and for more transparency in political
processes and decisions. Thus, the groups denial of democracy as reected in
their discourse seems to be ambivalent. It is related to the current system of
established parties where new political organizations and smaller parties face
serious difculties in reaching governmental power on local, but even more
on county and national levels. They distance themselves from citizens who,
in elections, vote for the party that makes the most hopeful promises for their
own use and advantage.
Later on in the discussion, the young people addressed the topic of extremism
and radicalization once more (group Alternative Four: section radicalism):
Boy 3: For example radicalism I cant understand at all because left-wing
extremism for me is just like right-wing extremism. Both result in obtrusions
and this I dont like so much. Everybody is supposed to do what he wants
and nobody should be forced into anything.
Boy 2: But this is somehow wrong because right-wing extremism thats only
idiots aiming a dictatorship, wanting one idiot who kicks out all the
immigrants and left-wing extremism, thats people wanting anarchy, not
giving a damn about politics any more. Thats how I see it.
One member of this group distances himself from radicalism in any form, de-
scribing it as political obtrusion. This section of the discourse indicates disunity
amongst the group members concerning the question of how far left they
localize themselves on the leftright continuum. It can be seen that the young
people negotiate group positions and collective opinions by addressing pol-
itical questions in group discourses. While dealing with prevalent attitudes and
positions in an interactive manner, they learn to carry on political arguments
and establish interest in the political discourse of their country. This group ad-
dresses major problems of society such as the integration of immigrants, pol-
itical disenchantment and the depreciation of democracy.
Another group, consisting of girls and boys age 14 to 20, also addressed pol-
itics at the beginning of the discussion when one boy told how he was red
Pfaff Youth culture as a context of political learning 179
Young 17:2 (2009): 167189
from his job because of his leftist political opinions and the punk style he wore
while working. When asked for their political position as a group, they also
located themselves on the left side of the continuum yet not as clearly as the
other group did (group PParque: section work and politics).
Interviewer: And how is this going in this group?
Boy 4: Mainly leftists.
Girl 1: Actually more likely leftist.
Boy 2: Yes.
Boy 1: In the proper sense yes.
Boy 4: There are some who dont show that they have a right opinion but
I think they dont have any chance to be accepted here. Not that we
would organize entry tests, but if someone expresses something
right-wing
Girl 1: They will not be accepted.
In this group the self-localization as leftists is related to the defeat of right-wing
opinions and attitudes and the immediate exclusion from the group. Political
attitudes tend to be constitutive for the group and have to be negotiated in a
political discourse with new members. This indicates that political topics and
positions have a substantial impact within the group whose members search
for mutuality in relation to a common understanding and position vis vis major
societal lines of conict. Nevertheless there are indications of a restriction in
the identication with the leftists, which has not been addressed in the dis-
course directly. In the following sections of the discussion, the opposition to
right-wing attitudes is generalized. Instead of describing their own opinions in
form and content, an even stronger opposition to the rightists is expressed.
Right-wing positions have been criminalized, Right wing is no opinion, its
criminal and antagonized among punks this is always very dangerous. The
following section from the focus group explains the restrictions against the
leftist opinions and reveals that the common attitudes within the group appear
to be precarious concerning the question of a general tolerance against others,
which does not only exclude rightists but also groups of foreigners (group
PParque: section violence):
Boy 2: There are always some nations one can say I dont like them very
much. Not everybody can tell he likes everybody.
Boy 3: Because you dont know everybody.
Boy 2: But in the end nevertheless one can tell one is a leftist. Sure, as
said before, one cant like everybody. Especially related to, lets say
immigrants, if I am in another country then I belong to the unpopular
foreigners. Thats why you arent a rightist. I dont know how to
address (3 seconds silence) yes, one doesnt like everybody, thats
impossible.
Boy 3: But again this is a difcult topic. I would say there are Germans who
are assholes and there are foreigners who are assholes, even if there
are immigrants who are just like we are.
Boy 2: Thats what I wanted to say more or less.
180 Young 17:2 (2009): 167189
Despite their description as leftists, one member of the group is legitimizing
negative opinions about other nations. This also explains the restrictions of
the identication with left-wing positions in the group. The boy points out that
there are nations he doesnt like. He doesnt express stereotypes against other
cultures in general but prejudices against certain ethnic groups. His opinion
is generally rather more xenophobic than racist. This attitude is contentious
within the group, but there is no argument emerging from the boys views.
Instead, his opinion is corrected by other group members: a developmental
model is placed against his racist argumentation indicating that knowledge and
understanding of other cultures leads to more tolerance in dealing with them.
Furthermore the boys prejudices against immigrants in general have been re-
placed by an argumentation that emphasizes personal attributes rather than
ethnic characteristics.
Similarities between these two groups mainly exist in how they address pol-
itical issues. First of all, politics are important for the representation of their
style and for their understanding of themselves as groups. Political attitudes and
interests are constitutional for being a member of the group and the discussion
about political issues and major societal problems belongs to their understanding
of themselves as sympathizers of a special style. Or, as one of the boys in the rst
groups put it: I never saw a goth with right-wing attitudes. Even if the truth of
this statement remains open to discussion and other experiences are reported,
the expression targets why these young people localize themselves at one end
of the left-right continuum and consequently argue about their position and
about political issues: identication with a style is concomitant with holding
a certain political position. The opinions and attitudes related to this position
have to be negotiated within the group and with the political opponent. Oliver
Bhm-Kasper (2006) highlighted the importance of peer communication about
politics for the political engagements of adolescents using a multi-level approach
for the quantitative youth survey presented in this paper. He pointed out that
the impact of peers discussing political issues on their civic competencies was
even higher than the measured family inuences. The quotations and their inter-
pretations in this section suggest why this is so: political debates belong to the
central practices within the investigated left-wing youth groups. At the same
time the argumentations and discussions about current political issues must
be understood as important interactions in the process of political socialization.
Even if a certain political opinion seems crucial for membership in a particular
style-related youth group, the specic arrangement of these attitudes is a matter
of the style-specic practice of political debate.
STYLES AS SPACES OF PARTICIPATION
Chances of political participation for youth in Germany are limited even if pub-
lic institutions make massive efforts to create settings for young people to learn
how to act politically. With some local exceptions, people under 18 are not
Pfaff Youth culture as a context of political learning 181
Young 17:2 (2009): 167189
permitted to vote in elections, and political parties youth organizations rarely
are allowed to participate in political decision-making. Two institutions that
provide opportunities for participation and political engagement for young
people will be presented in the following section. It will be shown how youth
cultures apply to them and how young people use the political structures pro-
vided there for their critical actions.
As has been stated already (Oesterreich, 2002 for the German educational
system; Torney-Purta et al., 2001), school is undertaking measures to provide
chances for participation and political action for their students in terms of
student councils and participative decision-making structures. In the case
studies of the groups from left-wing youth cultures, the young people from
the rst group discussed an instance from their own school where the school
leadership, teachers and student council have not been able to solve a problem.
During a school reform in the system of higher education of the county, the
following problem had arisen: for the students of grade 11 and their teachers,
it was unclear how to calculate the nal results of the rst term. For those
students of this comprehensive school (which was the only one in the county
at this time) who wanted to leave school and apply for further education or
vocational training, this turned out to be a serious problem. In spite of diverse
efforts by teachers and student council, the school leadership still didnt tackle
the problem. Some students from the group opted for another unconventional
way (group Alternative Four: section engagement):
Boy 2: //Him and me, Im the class representative and he is my deputy, went
to an event where we could talk directly to supervisors from the school
administration, without dealing with the school leadership again. We
went directly to the school administration to tell them about the problem
and to make a suggestion. And they turned out to be quite tolerant and
understanding.
The young people use their knowledge about political structures and institu-
tions to address the next higher level of decision-making when efforts within
the hierarchies of their own institution failed. Their interest in politics and their
critical understanding of political processes provided them with the knowledge
of whom to address and also with the necessary cheekiness to ignore the hier-
archies within the school system to seek a fast solution in their own interest.
Experienced in political discussions and in their roles as representatives of
other students, they took the problem to representatives of an institution that
actually could solve it directly. Even if both did not participate in the student
council themselves, the implicitness of their political action seems to be an
indicator for a very clear understanding of democratic processes and success-
ful political action. It must be assumed that their general political interest,
which is mediated and supported by their youth cultural style, encourages
such processes of learning about political structures. At the same time, their ex-
perience with political action outside of school in the context of their style,
182 Young 17:2 (2009): 167189
as is presented below, equips them with the necessary self-awareness to act as
political representatives beyond the political structures of their own school.
Another example from the same group explains how youth cultures use
participation in social movements for both political action for a clear purpose
on the one hand and protest and provocative conict in form of actions on the
other. Even if youth culture research states a decline in young peoples sym-
pathy for social movements in Germany, and especially in East Germany during
the 1990s (see Pfaff and Krger, 2004), the movement against right-wing attacks
and politics in the East still tries to elicit the support of many young people,
in particular sympathizers with left-wing and alternative styles. In a section of
the focus group where the young people talked about their experiences with
political action, two boys explained how the demonstrations they took part in
proceeded (group Alternative Four: section engagement):
Boy 1: Well, one moves around mostly in a group that depends and then one
delivers ones message.
Boy 4: With speakers in a car or screaming.
Boy 1: Posters.
Boy 4: Posters.
Boy 1: There are battles about and there are these other entirely right-wing
people who have something against it, well this might become quite rude
sometimes [...]
Boy 3: Is this fun or what?
Boy 4: Well its connected to fun (laughing), you look forward to it, and you go
there and deliver your message, what you like to, what you stand for in life.
You tell that to the rest of the citizens.
First, in this example the two boys describe the political practice of demonstra-
tions in a highly interactive manner and with precision, which indicates rich
experiences with several demonstrations against the right-wing actions in their
city. Second, it can be seen that this experience leads to a further understand-
ing of the process of gaining publicity for political aims and positions while
demonstrating in public. These boys understand the mechanisms of deliver-
ing messages to the public and of addressing issues to a broader population.
They are also used to dealing with their political and, at the same time, youth
cultural opponents not only through battles but also through discussions.
Third, the quotes in this section underline that demonstrating for these youth
is not only a form of political action but also a way to have fun and achieve a
feeling of community in the practice of participation: demonstrations for them
work as an actionism (see Bohnsack and Nohl, 2003). Ralf Bohnsack et al.
(1995) developed the concept of actionism from a large qualitative study indi-
cating that groups of young people use shared performances and rituals to pro-
duce community and common orientations. In the focus group example, the
actionism of demonstration for the young is a way to perform and develop
their understanding of political participation and to make sure of and deepen
Pfaff Youth culture as a context of political learning 183
Young 17:2 (2009): 167189
their political attitudes and civic competencies. In that sense for these young
people, youth cultural styles and their embedded peer groups work as agents
of political socialization.
CONCLUSIONS
The ndings presented in this article demonstrate that the identication with
certain youth cultural styles and the afliation with peer groups, which are part
of subcultures has an impact on the political culture of adolescents. Thereby,
youth cultures serve as agencies of socialization concerning the political attitudes
and civic competences of young people. As shown above, the outcomes of these
processes include greater competence concerning participation in political de-
bates and discussions, more knowledge about politics and political structures,
a better understanding of current lines of conict and political processes and
more condence in the expression of ones own political goals and opinions.
This article aimed to highlight the impact of political learning in a youth cultural
environment and the results indicate that it would be worth taking into account
youth cultures as agents of political socialization, to investigate these cultures
in longitudinal and cross-cultural perspectives, and last but not least, to support
them, take them seriously and involve them in decision-making in school and
other places.
Acknowledgements
The research on which this article is based was funded by the Hans-Boeckler-Foundation
and the Federal Ministry of Education and Research of Germany. Furthermore I wish
to thank the members of the Center of School and Education Research (ZSB) at the
University of Halle (Germany) where I conducted and discussed this investigation many
times, colleagues at the Stanford Center on Adolescence (USA) as well as the reviewers
of Young who offered helpful suggestions on this article.
Note
1 The quotes used in this paper are translated from German.
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NICOLLE PFAFF is a research scholar at the German Research Foundation
on a cross-cultural project that explores the performance of gender in pre-
adolescent peer groups within different social classes and races in Brazil and
Germany. She holds a PhD in Educational Science from the Martin-Luther-
University Halle-Wittenberg and was a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Center of
Qualitative Research in Education, Counseling and Social Science (ZBBS).
Her research interests include identity development, especially political
socialization and gender identity, mixed method designs in educational
science as well as research at the juncture of school research and studies on
childhood and youth. [email: pfaff@paedagogik.uni-halle.de]